---
title: "History · Res gestae"
author: "Ammianus Marcellinus"
translator: "John C. Rolfe"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 10 of 52
url: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/10/
cite: "Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe, History · Res gestae, section 10. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/10/"
---

# History · Res gestae

*Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe*

The last great Latin history of Rome, by a Greek soldier: the emperor Julian, the Persian wars and the Goths’ victory at Adrianople in AD 378.

> Latin: ed. John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, stoa0023.stoa001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 10. Book XVII · chapters 1–5

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/10/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. After this conclusion of the variety of events which I have now summarised the young warrior, with mind at ease, since the Rhine flowed on peacefully after the battle of Strasburg, took care to keep birds of prey from devouring the bodies of the slain; and he gave orders that they should all be buried without distinction. Then, having dismissed the envoys, who (as we have related) had brought some insolent messages before the battle, he returned to Savernes.

> Latin: 1.1. Hac rerum varietate, quam iam digessimus, ita conclusa, Martius iuvenis, Rheno post Argentoratensem pugnam otiose fluente, securus, sollicitusque idem ne dirae volucres consumerent corpora peremptorum, sine discretione cunctos humari mandavit, absolutisque legatis, quos ante certamen superba quaedam portasse praediximus, ad Tres Tabernas revertit.

[¶1] 1.2. From there he ordered the booty, with all the captives, to be taken to Metz and kept there until his return; he was himself planning to go to Mayence with the purpose of building a bridge, crossing the Rhine, and searching out the savages on their own ground, since he had left none of them in our territory; but he was opposed by the protests of the army. However, by his eloquence and the charm of his language he won them over and converted them to his will. For their affection, warmer after their experiences with him, prompted them to follow willingly one who was a fellow-soldier in every task, a leader brilliant in his prestige, and accustomed to prescribe more drudgery for himself than for a common soldier, as was clearly evident. And as soon as they came to the place above mentioned, crossing the river on the bridges which they made, they possessed themselves of the enemy’s country.

> Latin: 1.2. Unde cum captivis omnibus praedam Mediomatricos servandam ad reditum usque suum duci praecipit, et petiturus ipse Mogontiacum, ut ponte compacto transgressus, in suis regionibus requireret barbaros, cum nullum reliquisset in nostris, refragante vetabatur exercitu; verum facundia iucunditateque sermonum allectum, in voluntatem traduxerat suam. Amor enim post documenta flagrantior, sequi libenter hortatus est omnis operae conturmalem, auctoritate magnificum ducem, plus laboris indicere sibi quam militi, sicut perspicue contigit, assuetum. Moxque ad locum praedictum est ventum, flumine pontibus constratis transmisso, occupavere terras hostiles.

[¶2] 1.3. But the savages, thunderstruck at the vastness of the feat, since they little expected that they could be molested, settled as they were amid undisturbed peace, gave anxious thought to what might threaten their own fortunes, in view of the destruction of the others; and so under pretence of a prayer for peace, with the purpose of avoiding the brunt of the first onslaught, they sent envoys with set speeches, to declare the harmonious validity of the treaties with them; but for some unknown design that they suddenly formed they changed their minds, and by other messengers whom they forced to come post haste, they threatened our men with most bitter warfare, unless they should withdraw from their territory.

> Latin: 1.3. At barbari perstricti negotii magnitudine, qui se in tranquillo positos otio, tunc tune parum inquietari posse sperabant, aliorum exitio quid fortunis suis immineret anxie cogitantes, simulata pacis petitione, ut primae vertiginis impetum declinarent, misere legatos cum verbis compositis, quae denuntiarent concordem foederum firmitatem; incertumque quo consilio statim instituto, mutata voluntate, per alios cursu celeri venire compulsos, acerrimum nostris minati sunt bellum, ni eorum regionibus excessissent.

[¶3] 1.4. On learning this from a sure source, Caesar at the first quiet of nightfall embarked eight hundred soldiers on small, swift boats, so that they might go up the Rhine for a distance of twenty stadia, disembark, and with fire and sword lay waste whatever they could find.

> Latin: 1.4. Quibus clara fide compertis, Caesar noctis prima quiete, navigiis modicis et velocibus octingentos imposuit milites, ut spatio stadiorum xx sursum versum decurso egressi, quicquid invenire potuerint, ferro violarent et flammis.

[¶4] 1.5. This arrangement thus made, at the very break of day the savages were seen drawn up along the hill-tops, and the soldiers in high spirits were led up to the higher ground; but they found no one there (since the enemy, suspecting this, had hastily decamped), and then great columns of smoke were seen at a distance, revealing that our men had burst in and were devastating the enemy’s territory.

> Latin: 1.5. Quo ita disposito, solis primo exortu, visis per montium vertices barbaris, ad celsiora ducebatur alacrior miles, nulloque invento (hoc si quidem opinati discessere confestim) eminus ingentia fumi volumina visebantur, indicantia nostros perruptas populari terras hostiles.

[¶5] 1.6. This action broke the Germans’ spirit, and abandoning the ambuscades which they had laid for our men in narrow and dangerous places, they fled across the river, Menus by name, to bear aid to their kinsfolk.

> Latin: 1.6. Quae res Germanorum perculit animos, atque desertis insidiis, quas per arta loca et latebrosa struxerant nostris, trans Menum nomine fluvium ad opitulandum suis necessitudinibus avolarunt.

[¶6] 1.7. For, as is apt to happen in times of doubt and confusion, they were panic-stricken by the raid of our cavalry on the one side, and on the other by the sudden onset of our infantry, who had rowed up the river in their boats; and with their knowledge of the ground they had quick recourse to flight. Upon their departure our soldiers marched on undisturbed and plundered farms rich in cattle and crops, sparing none; and having dragged out the captives, they set fire to and burned down all the houses, which were built quite carefully in Roman fashion.

> Latin: 1.7. Ut enim in rebus amat fieri dubiis et turbatis, hinc equitum nostrorum accursu, inde navigiis vectorum militum impetu repentino perterrefacti, evadendi subsidium velox locorum invenere prudentes, quorum digressu miles libere gradiens, opulentas pecore villas et frugibus rapiebat, nulli parcendo, extractisque captivis, domicilia cuncta, curatius ritu Romano constructa, flammis subditis exurebat.

[¶7] 1.8. After having advanced approximately ten miles, they came to a forest formidable with its forbidding shade and their general stood in hesitation for some time, being informed by the report of a deserter that large forces were lurking in some hidden underground passages and wide-branching trenches, ready to burst forth when they saw an opportunity.

> Latin: 1.8. Emensaque aestimatione decimi lapidis, cum prope silvam venisset squalore tenebrarum horrendam, stetit dux diu cunctando, indicio perfugae doctus per subterranea quaedam occulta, fossasque multifidas, latere hostium plurimos, ubi habile visum fuerit erupturos.

[¶8] 1.9. Yet they all ventured to draw near with the greatest confidence, but found the paths heaped with felled oak and ash-trees and a great quantity of fir. And so they warily retreated, their minds hardly containing their indignation, as they realised that they could not advance farther except by long and difficult detours.

> Latin: 1.9. Ausi tamen omnes accedere fidentissime, ilicibus incisis et fraxinis, roboreque abietum magno, semitas invenere constratas. Ideoque gradientes cautius retro, non nisi per anfractus longos et asperos ultra progredi posse, vix indignationem capientibus animis, advertebant.

[¶9] 1.10. And since the rigorous climate was trying to them and they struggled in vain with extreme difficulties (for the autumnal equinox had passed, and in those regions the fallen snows covered mountains and plains alike) they took in hand a memorable piece of work.

> Latin: 1.10. Et quoniam aeris urente saevitia cum discriminibus ultimis laboratur in cassum (aequinoctio quippe autumnali exacto, per eos tractus superfusae nives opplevere montes simul et campos) opus arreptum est memorabile.

[¶10] 1.11. And while there was no one to withstand them, with eager haste they repaired a fortress which Trajan had built in the territory of the Alamanni and wished to be called by his name, and which had of late been very forcibly assaulted. There a temporary garrison was established and provisions were brought thither from the heart of the savages’ country.

> Latin: 1.11. Et dum nullus obsisteret, munimentum quod in Alamannorum solo conditum Traianus suo nomine voluit appellari, dudum violentius oppugnatum, tumultuario studio reparatum est; locatisque ibi pro tempore defensoribus, ex barbarorum visceribus alimenta congesta sunt.

[¶11] 1.12. When the enemy saw these preparations rapidly made for their destruction, they quickly assembled, dreading the completion of the work, and with prayers and extreme abasement sent envoys and sued for peace. And Caesar granted this for the space of ten months, since it was recommended by every kind of consideration, and he could allege very many plausible reasons for it; for doubtless he appreciated with his keen mind that the stronghold which, beyond any possible hope, he had seized without opposition, ought to be fortified with artillery on the walls and powerful appliances of war.

> Latin: 1.12. Quae illi maturata ad suam perniciem contemplantes, metuque rei peractae volucriter congregati, precibus et humilitate suprema, petiere missis oratoribus pacem; quam Caesar omni consiliorum via firmatam, causatus veri similia plurima, per decem mensium tribuit intervallum; id nimirum sollerti colligens mente, quod castra supra quam optari potuit occupata sine obstaculo, tormentis muralibus et apparatu deberent valido communiri.

[¶12] 1.13. Confiding in this peace, three very savage kings finally appeared, though still somewhat apprehensive since they were of the number of those who had sent aid to the vanquished at Strasburg; and they took oath in words formally drawn up after the native manner that they would not disturb the peace, but would keep the agreement up to the appointed day, since that was our pleasure, and leave the fortress untouched; and they would even bring grain in on their shoulders, in case the defenders would let them know that they needed any; both of which things they did, since fear curbed their treacherous disposition.

> Latin: 1.13. Hac fiducia tres immanissimi reges venerunt tandem aliquando iam trepidi, ex his qui misere victis apud Argentoratum auxilia, iurantes conceptis ritu patrio verbis nihil inquietum acturos, sed foedera ad praestitutum usque diem, quia id nostris placuerat, cum munimento servaturos intacto, frugesque portaturos humeris suis, si defuisse sibi docuerint defensores. Quod utrumque, metu perfidiam frenante, fecerunt.

[¶13] 1.14. In this memorable war, which in fact deserves to be compared with those against the Carthaginians and the Teutons, but was achieved with very slight losses to the Roman commonwealth, Caesar took pride as a fortunate and successful general. And one might well believe his detractors, who pretended that he had acted so courageously on all occasions because he chose rather to perish fighting gloriously than to be put to death like a condemned criminal (as he expected), after the manner of his brother Gallus-had he not with equal resolution, even after Constantius’ death, increased his renown by marvellous exploits.

> Latin: 1.14. Hoc memorabili bello, comparando quidem Punicis et Teutonicis, sed dispendiis rei Romanae peracto levissimis, ut faustus Caesar exultabat et felix; credique obtrectatoribus potuit, ideo fortiter eum ubique fecisse fingentibus, quod oppetere dimicando gloriose magis optabat, quam damnatorum sorte (sicut sperabat,) ut frater Gallus occidi, ni pari proposito post excessum quoque Constanti actibus mirandis inclaruisset.

[¶14] 2.1. Matters thus being firmly settled, so far as circumstances would permit, he returned to winter quarters and found the following sequel to his exertions. Severus, master of the horse, while on his way to Rheims by way of Cologne and Juliers, fell in with some very strong companies of Franks, to the number (as appeared later) of six hundred light-armed skirmishers, who were plundering the districts unprotected by garrisons; the favourable opportunity that had roused their boldness to the point of action was this, that they thought that while Caesar was busily employed among the retreats of the Alamanni, and there was no one to prevent them, they could load themselves with a wealth of booty. But in fear of the army, which had now returned, they possessed themselves of two strongholds, which had long since been left empty, and there defended themselves as well as they could.

> Latin: 2.1. Quibus ut in tali re compositis firmiter, ad sedes revertens hibernas, sudorum reliquias repperit tales. Remos Severus magister equitum per Agrippinam petens et Iuliacum, Francorum validissimos cuneos, in sexcentis velitibus (ut postea claruit,) vacua praesidiis loca vastantes, offendit; hac opportunitate in scelus audaciam erigente, quod Caesare in Alamannorum secessibus occupato, nulloque vetante, expleri se posse praedarum opimitate sunt arbitrati. Sed metu iam reversi exercitus, munimentis duobus, quae olim exinanita sunt, occupatis, se quoad fieri poterat, tuebantur.

[¶15] 2.2. Julian, disturbed by the novelty of the act, and guessing what might come of it if he passed by leaving them unmolested, halted his army and made his plans to surround the strongholds, which the river Meuse flows past; and for fifty-four days (namely in the months of December and January) the delays of the siege were dragged out, while the savages with stout hearts and incredible resolution withstood him.

> Latin: 2.2. Hac Iulianus rei novitate perculsus, et coniciens quorsum erumperet, si eisdem transisset intactis, retento milite circumvallare disposuit castella munita, quae Mosa fluvius praeterlambit, et ad usque quartum et quinquagesimum diem, Decembri scilicet et Ianuario mense, obsidionales tractae sunt morae, destinatis barbarorum animis incredibili pertinacia reluctantibus.

[¶16] 2.3. Then Caesar, being very shrewd and fearing that the savages might take advantage of some moonless night and cross the frozen river, gave orders that every day, from near sunset to the break of dawn, soldiers should row up and down stream in scouting vessels, so as to break up the cakes of ice and let no one get an opportunity of easy escape. And because of this device, since they were worn out by hunger, sleeplessness, and extreme desperation, they surrendered of their own accord and were sent at once to Augustus’ court.

> Latin: 2.3. tunc Tune pertimescens sollertissimus Caesar, ne observata nocte inluni, barbari gelu vinctum amnem pervaderent, cotidie a sole in vesperam flexo, ad usque lucis principium, lusoriis navibus discurrere flumen ultro citroque milites ordinavit, ut crustis pruinarum diffractis, nullus ad erumpendi copiam facile perveniret. Hocque commento, inedia et vigiliis et desperatione postrema lassati, sponte se propria dederunt, statimque ad comitatum Augusti sunt missi.

[¶17] 2.4. A large troop of Franks had set out to rescue them from their danger; but on learning that they had been captured and carried off, without venturing on anything further they retired to their strongholds. And Caesar after these successes returned to Paris to pass the winter.

> Latin: 2.4. Ad quos eximendos periculo, multitudo multitude Francorum egressa, cum captos comperisset et asportatos, nihil amplius ausa, repedavit ad sua, hisque perfectis, acturus hiemem revertit Parisios Caesar.

[¶18] 3.1. Now since it was expected that a great number of tribes with greater forces would make head together, our cautious commander, weighing the doubtful issue of wars, was perplexed with great burdens of anxiety. So, thinking that during the truce, short though it was and full of business, some remedy might be found for the calamitous losses incurred by the land-holders, he set in order the system of taxation.

> Latin: 3.1. Quia igitur plurimae gentes vi maiore collaturae capita sperabantur, dubia bellorum coniectans, sobrius rector magnis curarum molibus stringebatur. Dumque per indutias, licet negotiosas et breves, aerumnosis possessorum damnis mederi posse credebat, tributi ratiocinia dispensavit.

[¶19] 3.2. And whereas Florentius, the praetorian prefect, after having reviewed the whole matter (as he asserted) stated that whatever was lacking in the poll-tax and land-tax accounts he supplied out of special levies, Julian, knowing about such measures, declared that he would rather lose his life than allow it to be done.

> Latin: 3.2. Cumque Florentius praefectus praetorio, cuncta permensus (ut contendebat,) quicquid in capitatione deesset, ex conquisitis se supplere firmaret, talium gnarus, animam prius amittere quam hoc sinere fieri memorabat.

[¶20] 3.3. For he knew that the incurable wounds of such arrangements, or rather derangements (to speak more truly) had often driven provinces to extreme poverty—a thing which (as will be shown later) was the complete ruin of Illyricum.

> Latin: 3.3. Norat enim huius modi provisionum, immo eversionum, ut verius dixerim, insanabilia vulnera, saepe ad ultimam egestatem provincias contrusisse, quae res (ut docebitur postea,) penitus evertit Illyricum.

[¶21] 3.4. For this reason, though the praetorian prefect exclaimed that it was unbearable that he should suddenly become distrusted, when Augustus had conferred upon him the supreme charge of the state; Julian calmed him by his quiet manner, and by an exact and accurate computation proved that the amount of the poll-tax and land-tax was not only sufficient, but actually in excess of the inevitable requirements for government provisions.

> Latin: 3.4. Ob quae praefecto praetorio ferri non posse clamante, se repente factum infidum, cui Augustus summam commiserit rerum, Iulianus eum sedatius leniens, scrupulose computando et vere, docuit non sufficere solum, verum etiam exuberare capitationis calculum ad commeatuum necessarios apparatus.

[¶22] 3.5. But when long afterwards an increase of taxation was nevertheless proposed to him, he could not bring himself to read it or sign it, but threw it on the ground. And when he was advised by a letter of Augustus, after the prefect’s report, not to act so meticulously as to seem to discredit Florentius, he wrote back that it would be a cause for rejoicing if the provincials, harried as they were on every side, might at least have to furnish only the prescribed taxes, not the additional amounts, which no tortures could wring from the poverty-stricken. And so it came to pass then and thereafter, that through the resolution of one courageous spirit no one tried to extort from the Gauls anything beyond the normal tax.

> Latin: 3.5. Nihilo minus tamen, diu postea indictionale augmentum oblatum sibi nec recitare nec subnotare perpessus, humi proiecit. Litterisque Augusti monitus ex relatione praefecti, non agere ita perplexe, ut videretur parum Florentio credi, rescripsit, gratandum esse si provincialis, hinc inde vastatus, saltem sollemnia praebeat nedum incrementa quae nulla supplicia egenis possent hominibus extorquere. Factumque est tunc tune et deinde, unius animi firmitate, ut praeter solita nemo Gallis quicquam exprimere conaretur.

[¶23] 3.6. Finally, contrary to precedent, Caesar by entreaty had obtained this favour from the prefect, that he should be entrusted with the administration of the province of Second Belgium, which was overwhelmed by many kinds of calamities, and indeed with the proviso that no agent either of the prefect or of the governor should force anyone to pay the tax. So every one whom he had taken under his charge was relieved by this comforting news, and without being dunned they brought in their dues before the appointed date.

> Latin: 3.6. Denique, inusitato exemplo, id petendo Caesar impetraverat a praefecto, ut secundae Belgicae multiformibus malis oppressae, dispositio sibi committeretur, ea videlicet lege, ut nec praefectianus nec praesidialis apparitor ad solvendum quemquam urgeret. Quo levati solatio cuncti, quos in curam susceperat suam, nec interpellati, ante praestitutum tempus debita contulerunt.

[¶24] 4.1. During these first steps towards the rehabilitation of Gaul, and while Orfitus was still conducting his second praefecture, an obelisk was set up at Rome in the Circus Maximus; and of it, since this is a suitable place, I shall give a brief account.

> Latin: 4.1. Inter haec recreandarum exordia Galliarum, administrante secundam adhuc Orfito praefecturam, obeliscus Romae in circo erectus est maximo. Super quo nunc (quia tempestivum est) pauca discurram.

[¶25] 4.2. The city of Thebes, founded in primitive times and once famous for the stately structure of its walls and for the hundred approaches formed by its gates, was called by its builders from that feature Hecatompylos, or Hundred-gated Thebes; and from this name the province is to this day called the Thebaid.

> Latin: 4.2. Urbem priscis saeculis conditam, ambitiosa moenium strue et portarum centum quondam aditibus celebrem, hecatompylos Thebas, institutores ex facto cognominarunt, cuius vocabulo provincia nunc usque Thebais appellatur.

[¶26] 4.3. When Carthage was in its early career of wide expansion, Punic generals destroyed Thebes by an unexpected attack; and when it was afterwards rebuilt, Cambyses, that renowned king of Persia, all his life covetous of others’ possessions, and cruel, overran Egypt and attacked Thebes, in the hope of carrying off therefrom its enviable wealth, since he did not spare even gifts made to the gods.

> Latin: 4.3. Hanc inter exordia pandentis se late Carthaginis, improviso excursu duces oppressere Poenorum, posteaque reparatam, Persarum rex ille Cambyses, quoad vixerat alieni cupidus et immanis, Aegypto perrupta aggressus est, ut opes exinde raperet invidendas, ne deorum quidem donariis parcens.

[¶27] 4.4. But while he was excitedly running about among the plundering troops, tripped by the looseness of his garments he fell headlong; and his own dagger, which he wore fastened to his right thigh, was unsheathed by the sudden force of the fall and wounded him almost mortally.

> Latin: 4.4. Qui dum inter praedatores turbulente concursat, laxitate praepeditus indumentorum, concidit pronus, ac suomet pugione, quem aptatum femori dextro gestabat, subita vi ruinae nudato, vulneratus paene letaliter interisset.

[¶28] 4.5. Again, long afterwards, when Octavian was ruling Rome, Cornelius Gallus, procurator of Egypt, drained the city by extensive embezzlements; and when on his return he was accused of peculation and the robbery of the province, in his fear of the bitterly exasperated nobility, to whom the emperor had committed the investigation of the case, he drew his sword and fell upon it. He was (if I am right in so thinking) the poet Gallus, whom Vergil laments in a way in the latter part of the Bucolics and celebrates in gentle verse.

> Latin: 4.5. Longe autem postea Cornelius Gallus Octaviano res tenente Romanas, Aegypti procurator, exhausit civitatem plurimis interceptis, reversusque cum furtorum arcesseretur, et populatae provinciae, metu nobilitatis acriter indignatae, cui negotium spectandum dederat imperator, stricto incubuit ferro. Is est (si recte existimo) Gallus poeta, quem flens quodam modo in postrema Bucolicorum parte Vergilius carmine leni decantat.

[¶29] 4.6. In this city, amid mighty shrines and colossal works of various kinds, which depict the likenesses of the Egyptian deities, we have seen many obelisks, and others prostrate and broken, which kings of long ago, when they had subdued foreign nations in war or were proud of the prosperous condition of their realms, hewed out of the veins of the mountains which they sought for even among the remotest dwellers on the globe, set up, and in their religious devotion dedicated to the gods of heaven.

> Latin: 4.6. In hac urbe inter delubra ingentia, diversasque moles, figmenta Aegyptiorum numinum exprimentes, obeliscos vidimus plures, aliosque iacentes et comminutos, quos antiqui reges bello domitis gentibus, aut prosperitatibus summarum rerum elati, montium venis vel apud extremos orbis incolas perscrutatis excisos excises, et erectos dis superis in religione dicarunt.

[¶30] 4.7. Now an obelisk is a very hard stone, rising gradually somewhat in the form of a turning-post to a lofty height; little by little it grows slenderer, to imitate a sunbeam; it is four-sided, tapers to a narrow point, and is polished by the workman’s hand.

> Latin: 4.7. Est autem obeliscus asperrimus lapis, in figuram metae cuiusdam sensim ad proceritatem consurgens excelsam, utque radium imitetur, gracilescens paulatim, specie quadrata in verticem productus angustum, manu levigatus artifici.

[¶31] 4.8. Now the infinite carvings of characters called hieroglyphics, which we see cut into it on every side, have been made known by an ancient authority of primeval wisdom.

> Latin: 4.8. Formarum autem innumeras notas, hieroglyphicas appellatas, quas ei undique videmus incisas, initialis sapientiae vetus insignivit auctoritas.

[¶32] 4.9. For by engraving many kinds of birds and beasts, even of another world, in order that the memory of their achievements might the more widely reach generations of a subsequent age, they registered the vows of kings, either promised or performed.

> Latin: 4.9. Volucrum enim ferarumque etiam alieni mundi genera multa sculpentes, ut ad aevi quoque sequentis aetates, impetratorum vulgatius perveniret memoria, promissa vel soluta regum vota monstrabant.

[¶33] 4.10. For not as nowadays, when a fixed and easy series of letters expresses whatever the mind of man may conceive, did the ancient Egyptians also write; but individual characters stood for individual nouns and verbs; and sometimes they meant whole phrases.

> Latin: 4.10. Non enim ut nunc litterarum numerus praestitutus et facilis exprimit, quicquid humana mens concipere potest, ita prisci quoque scriptitarunt Aegyptii, sed singulae litterae singulis nominibus serviebant et verbis; non numquam significabant integros sensus.

[¶34] 4.11. The principle of this thing for the time it will suffice to illustrate with these two examples: by a vulture they represent the word “nature,” because, as natural history records, no males can be found among these birds; and under the figure of a bee making honey they designate “a king,” showing by this imagery that in a ruler sweetness should be combined with a sting as well; and there are many similar instances.

> Latin: 4.11. Cuius rei scientiam his interim duobus exemplis monstrari sufficiet: per vulturem naturae vocabulum pandunt, quia mares nullos posse inter has alites inveniri, rationes memorant physicae, perque speciem apis mella conficientis, indicant regem, moderatori cum iucunditate aculeos quoque innasci debere his rerum insignibus ostendentes. Et similia plurima.

[¶35] 4.12. And because sycophants, after their fashion, kept puffing up Constantius and endlessly dinning it into his ears that, whereas Octavianus Augustus had brought over two obelisks from the city of Heliopolis in Egypt, one of which was set up in the Circus Maximus, the other in the Campus Martius, as for this one recently brought in, he neither ventured to meddle with it nor move it, overawed by the difficulties caused by its size-let me inform those who do not know it that that early emperor, after bringing over several obelisks, passed by this one and left it untouched because it was consecrated as a special gift to the Sun God, and because being placed in the sacred part of his sumptuous temple, which might not be profaned, there it towered aloft like the peak of the world.

> Latin: 4.12. Et quia sufflantes adulatores ex more Constantium id sine modo strepebant, quod cum Octavianus Augustus obeliscos duos ab Heliopolitana Heliupolitana civitate transtulisset Aegyptia, quorum unus in Circo Maximo alter in Campo locatus est Martio, hunc recens advectum, difficultate magnitudinis territus, nec contrectare ausus est nec movere, discant qui ignorant, veterem principem translatis aliquibus hunc intactum ideo praeterisse, quod Deo Soli speciali munere dedicatus, fixusque intra ambitiosi templi delubra, quae contingi non poterant, tamquam apex omnium eminebat.

[¶36] 4.13. But Constantine, making little account of that, tore the huge mass from its foundations; and since he rightly thought that he was committing no sacrilege if he took this marvel from one temple and consecrated it at Rome, that is to say, in the temple of the whole world, he let it lie for a long time, while the things necessary for its transfer were being provided. And when it had been conveyed down the channel of the Nile and landed at Alexandria, a ship of a size hitherto unknown was constructed, to be rowed by three hundred oarsmen.

> Latin: 4.13. Verum Constantinus id parvi ducens, avulsam hanc molem sedibus suis, nihilque committere in religionem recte existimans, si ablatum uno templo miraculum Romae sacraret, id est in templo mundi totius, iacere diu perpessus est, dum translationi pararentur utilia. Quo convecto per alveum Nili, proiectoque Alexandriae, navis amplitudinis antehac inusitatae aedificata est, sub trecentis remigibus agitanda.

[¶37] 4.14. After these provisions, the aforesaid emperor departed this life and the urgency of the enterprise waned, but at last the obelisk was loaded on the ship, after long delay, and brought over the sea and up the channel of the Tiber, which seemed to fear that it could hardly forward over the difficulties of its outward course to the walls of its foster-child the gift which the almost unknown Nile had sent. But it was brought to the vicus Alexandri distant three miles from the city. There it was put on cradles and carefully drawn through the Ostian Gate and by the Piscina Publica and brought into the Circus Maximus.

> Latin: 4.14. Quibus ita provisis, digressoque vita principe memorato, urgens effectus intepuit, tandemque sero impositus navi, per maria fluentaque Tibridis, velut paventis, ne quod paene ignotus miserat Nilus, ipse parum sub emeatus sui discrimine moenibus alumnis inferret, defertur in vicum Alexandri, tertio lapide ab urbe seiunctum. Unde chamulcis impositus, tractusque lenius per Ostiensem portam piscinamque publicam, Circo illatus est Maximo.

[¶38] 4.15. After this there remained only the raising, which it was thought could be accomplished only with great difficulty, perhaps not at all. But it was done in the following manner: to tall beams which were brought and raised on end (so that you would see a very grove of derricks) were fastened long and heavy ropes in the likeness of a manifold web hiding the sky with their excessive numbers. To these was attached that veritable mountain engraved over with written characters, and it was gradually drawn up on high through the empty air, and after hanging for a long time, while many thousand men turned wheels resembling millstones, it was finally placed in the middle of the circus and capped by a bronze globe gleaming with gold-leaf; this was immediately struck by a bolt of the divine fire and therefore removed and replaced by a bronze figure of a torch, likewise overlaid with gold-foil and glowing like a mass of flame.

> Latin: 4.15. Sola post haec restabat erectio, quae vix aut ne vix quidem sperabatur posse compleri. At ea ita est facta: aggestis erectisque digestisque ad perpendiculum altis trabibus (ut machinarum cerneres nemus) innectuntur vasti funes et longi, ad speciem multiplicium liciorum, caelum densitate nimia subtexentes. Quibus colligatus mons ipse effigiatus scriptilibus elementis, paulatimque in arduum per inane protentus, diu pensilis, hominum milibus multis tamquam molendinarias rotantibus metas, cavea locatur in media, eique sphaera superponitur ahenea, aureis lamminis nitens, qua confestim vi ignis divini contacta, ideoque sublata, facis imitamentum infigitur aereum, itidem auro imbracteatum, velut abundanti flamma candentis.

[¶39] 4.16. And subsequent generations have brought over other obelisks, of which one was set up on the Vatican, another in the gardens of Sallust, and two at the mausoleum of Augustus.

> Latin: 4.16. Secutaeque aetates alios transtulerunt, quorum unus in Vaticano, alter in hortis Sallusti, duo in Augusti monumento erecti sunt.

[¶40] 4.17. Now the text of the characters cut upon the ancient obelisk which we see in the Circus I add below in its Greek translation, following the work of Hermapion. The translation of the first line, beginning on the South side, reads as follows:

> Latin: 4.17. Qui autem notarum textus obelisco incisus est veteri, quem videmus in Circo, Hermapionis librum secuti interpretatum litteris subiecimus Graecis. ΑΡΧΗΝ ΑΠΟ ΤΟΥ ΝΟΤΙΟΥ ΔΙΕΡΜΗΝΕΥΜΕΝΑ ΕΧΕΙ ΣΤΙΧΟΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΣ ΤΑΔΕ ΛΕΓΕΙ Ἥλιος βασιλεῖ Ῥαμέστῃ·

[¶41] 4.18. “The Sun speaks to King Ramestes. I have granted to thee that thou shouldst with joy rule over the whole earth, thou whom the Sun loveth—and powerful Apollo, lover of truth, son of Heron, god-born, creator of the world, whom the Sun hath chosen, the doughty son of Mars, King Ramestes. Unto him the whole earth is made subject through his valour and boldness. King Ramestes, eternal child of the Sun.” SECOND LINE.

> Latin: 4.18. δεδώρημαί σοι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν οἰκουμένην μετὰ χαρᾶς βασιλεύειν, ὃν Ἥλιος φιλεῖ.— [καὶ] Ἀπόλλων κρατερὸς φιλαλήθης υἱὸς Ἥρωνος, θεογέννητος κτιστὴς τῆς οἰκουμένης, ὃν Ἥλιος προέκρινεν, ἄλκιμος Ἄρεως βασιλεὺς Ῥαμέστης. ᾧ πᾶσα ὑποτέτακται ἡ γῆ μετὰ ἀλκῆς καὶ θάρσους. βασιλεὺς Ῥαμέστης Ἡλίου παῖς αἰωνόβιος. ΣΤΙΧΟΣ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΣ Ἀπόλλων κρατερός, ὁ ἑστὼς ἐπ’ ἀληθείας, δεσπότης διαδήματος, τὴν Αἴγυπτον δοξάσας κεκτημένος, ὁ ἀγλαοποιήσας Ἡλίου πόλιν, καὶ κτίσας τὴν λοιπὴν οἰκουμένην, καὶ πολυτιμήσας τοὺς ἐν Ἡλίου πόλει θεοὺς ἀνιδρυμένους, ὃν Ἥλιος φιλεῖ.

[¶42] 4.19. “Mighty Apollo, seated upon truth, Lord of the Diadem, who hath gloriously honoured Egypt as his peculiar possession, who hath beautified Heliopolis, created the rest of the world, and adorned with manifold honours the Gods erected in Heliopolis—he whom the Sun loveth.” THIRD LINE.

> Latin: 4.19. ΤΡΙΤΟΣ ΣΤΙΧΟΣ Ἀπόλλων κρατερὸς Ἡλίου παῖς παμφεγγὴς, ὃν Ἥλιος προέκρινεν καὶ Ἄρης ἄλκιμος ἐδωρήσατο.

[¶43] 4.20. “Mighty Apollo, child of the Sun, all-radiant, whom the Sun hath chosen and valiant Mars endowed; whose blessings shall endure forever; whom Ammon loveth, as having filled his temple with the good fruits of the date palm; unto whom the Gods have given length of life.” “Apollo, mighty son of Heron, Ramestes, king of the world, who hath preserved Egypt by conquering other nations; whom the Sun loveth; to whom the Gods have granted length of life; Lord of the world, Ramestes ever-living. WEST SIDE, SECOND LINE.”

> Latin: 4.20. οὗ τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἐν παντὶ διαμένει καιρῷ. ὃν Ἄμμων ἀγαπᾷ, πληρώσας τὸν νέων τοῦ φοίνικος ἀγαθῶν. ᾧ οἱ θεοὶ ζωῆς χρόνον ἐδωρήσαντο. Ἀπόλλων κρατερὸς υἱὸς Ἥρωνος βασιλεὺς οἰκουμένης Ῥαμέστης, ὃς ἐφύλαξεν Αἴγυπτον τοὺς ἀλλοεθνεῖς νικήσας, ὃν Ἥλιος φιλεῖ, ᾧ πολὺν χρόνον ζωῆς ἐδωρήσαντο θεοὶ. δεσπότης οἰκουμένης Ῥαμέστης αἰωνόβιος. ΛΙΒΟΣ ΣΤΙΧΟΣ ΔΕΓΤΕΡΟΣ Ἥλιος φεὸς μέγας δεσπότης οὐρανοῦ.

[¶44] 4.21. “The Sun, great God, Lord of Heaven; I have granted to thee life hitherto unforeseen. Apollo the mighty, Lord incomparable of the Diadem, who hath set up statues of the Gods in this kingdom, ruler of Egypt, and he adorned Heliopolis just as he did the Sun himself, Ruler of Heaven; he finished a good work, child of the Sun, the king ever-living.” THIRD LINE.

> Latin: 4.21. δεδώρημαί σοι βίον ἀπρόσκοπον. Ἀπόλλων κρατερὸς κύριος διαδήματος ἀνείκαστος, ὃς τῶν φεῶν ἀνδριάντας ἀνέθηκεν ἐν τῇδε τῇ βασιλείᾳ, δεσπότης Αἰγύπτου, καὶ ἐκόσμησεν Ἡλίου πόλιν ὁμοίως καὶ αυτὸν Ἥλιον δεσπότην οὐρανοῦ. συνετελεύτησεν ἔργον ἀγαθὸν Ἡλίου παῖς βασιλεὺς αἰωνόβιος. ΤΡΙΤΟΣ ΣΤΙΧΟΣ Ἥλιος θεὸς δεσπότης οὐρανοῦ Ῥαμέστῃ βασιλεῖ.

[¶45] 4.22. “The God Sun, Lord of Heaven, to Ramestes the king. I have granted to thee the rule and the authority over all men; whom Apollo, lover of truth, Lord of seasons, and Vulcan, father of the Gods, hath chosen for Mars. King all-gladdening, child of the Sun and beloved of the Sun.” EAST SIDE, FIRST LINE.

> Latin: 4.22. δεδώρημαι τὸ κράτος καὶ τὴν κατὰ πάντων ἐξουσίαν. ὃν Ἀπόλλων φιλαλήθης δεσπότης χρόνων καὶ Ἥφαιστος ὁ τῶν φεῶν πατὴρ προέκρινεν διὰ τὸν Ἄρεα. βασιλεὺς παγχαρὴς Ἡλίου παῖς, καὶ ὑπὸ Ἡλίου φιλούμενος. ΑΦΗΛΙΩΤΗΣ. ΠΡΩΤΟΣ ΣΤΙΧΟΣ Ὁ ἀφ’ Ἡλίου πόλεως μέγας θεὸς ἐνουράνιος Ἀπόλλων κρατερός, Ἥρωνος υἱὸς, ὃν Ἥλιος ἠγάπησεν, ὃν οἱ θεοὶ ἐτιμησαν, ὁ πάσης γῆς βασιλεύων, ὃν Ἥλιος προέκρινεν, ὁ ἄλκιμος διὰ τὸν Ἀρεα βασιλεύς, ὅν Ἄμμων φιλεῖ.

[¶46] 4.23. “The great God of Heliopolis, heavenly, mighty Apollo, son of Heron, whom the Sun hath loved, whom the Gods hath honoured, the ruler over all the earth, whom the Sun hath chosen, a king valiant for Mars, whom Ammon loveth, and he that is all-radiant, having set apart the king eternal”; and so on. In the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, while all provisions in Gaul were being made with very careful endeavour, and dismay due to past losses halted the raids of the savages, the king of Persia was still encamped in the confines of the frontier tribes; and having now made a treaty of alliance with the Chionitae and Gelani, the fiercest warriors of all, he was on the point of returning to his own territories, when he received Tamsapor’s letter, stating that the Roman emperor begged and entreated for peace.

> Latin: 4.23. καὶ ὁ παμφεγγὴς συγκρίνας αἰώνιον βασιλέα et reliqua. Datiano et Cereali consulibus, cum universa per Gallias studio cautiore disponerentur, formidoque praeteritorum barbaricos hebetaret excursus, rex Persarum in confiniis agens adhuc gentium extimarum, iamque cum Chionitis et Gelanis, omnium acerrimis bellatoribus, pignore icto societatis, rediturus ad sua, Tamsaporis scripta suscepit, pacem Romanum principem nuntiantis poscere precativam.

[¶47] 5.2. Therefore, imagining that such a step would not be attempted unless the fabric of the empire were weakened, he swelled with still greater pride, embraced the name of peace, and proposed hard conditions; and dispatching one Narseus with gifts as his envoy, he sent a letter to Constantius, in no wise deviating from his native haughtiness, the tenor of which, as we have learned, was as follows:— “I Sapor, King of Kings, partner with the Stars, brother of the Sun and Moon, to my brother Constantius Caesar offer most ample greeting.

> Latin: 5.2. Ideoque non nisi infirmato imperii robore temptari talia suspicatus, latius semet extentans, pacis amplectitur nomen, et condiciones proposuit graves, missoque cum muneribus Narseo quodam legato, litteras ad Constantium dedit nusquam a genuino fastu declinans, quarum hunc fuisse accepimus sensum:

[¶48] 5.3. I rejoice and at last take pleasure that you have returned to the best course and acknowledged the inviolable sanction of justice, having learned from actual experience what havoc has been caused at various times by obstinate covetousness of what belongs to others.”

> Latin: 5.3. “Rex regum Sapor, particeps siderum, frater Solis et Lunae, Constantio Caesari fratri meo salutem plurimam dico. Gaudeo tandemque mihi placet, ad optimam viam te revertisse, et incorruptum aequitatis agnovisse suffragium, rebus ipsis expertum pertinax alieni cupiditas quas aliquotiens ediderit strages.

[¶49] 5.4. “Since therefore the consideration of truth ought to be free and untrammelled, and it befits those in high station to speak as they feel, I shall state my proposal in brief terms, recalling that what I am about to say I have often repeated.”

> Latin: 5.4. Quia igitur veritatis ratio soluta esse debet et libera, et celsiores fortunas idem loqui decet atque sentire, propositum meum in pauca conferam reminiscens, haec quae dicturus sum me saepius replicasse.

[¶50] 5.5. “That my forefathers’ empire reached as far as the river Strymon and the boundaries of Macedonia even your own ancient records bear witness; these lands it is fitting that I should demand, since (and may what I say not seem arrogant) I surpass the kings of old in magnificence and array of conspicuous virtues. But at all times right reason is dear to me, and trained in it from my earliest youth, I have never allowed myself to do anything for which I had cause to repent.”

> Latin: 5.5. Ad usque Strymona flumen et Macedonicos fines tenuisse maiores imperium meos, antiquitates antiqnitates quoque vestrae testantur; haec me convenit flagitare (ne sit arrogans quod affirmo) splendore virtutumque insignium serie, vetustis regibus antistantem. Sed ubique mihi cordi est recta ratio, cui coalitus ab adulescentia prima, nihil umquam paenitendum admisi.

[¶51] 5.6. “And therefore it is my duty to recover Armenia with Mesopotamia, which double-dealing wrested from my grandfather. That principle shall never be brought to acceptance among us which you exultantly maintain, that without any distinction between virtue and deceit all successful events of war should be approved.”

> Latin: 5.6. Ideoque Armeniam recuperare cum Mesopotamia debeo, avo meo composita fraude praereptam. Illud apud nos numquam in acceptum feretur, quod asseritis vos exsultantes, nullo discrimine virtutis ac doli, prosperos omnes laudari debere bellorum eventus.

[¶52] 5.7. “Finally, if you wish to follow my sound advice, disregard this small tract, always a source of woe and bloodshed, so that you may rule the rest in security, wisely recalling that even expert physicians sometimes cauterize, lance, and even cut away some parts of the body, in order to save the rest sound for use; and that even wild beasts do this: for when they observe for what possession they are being relentlessly hunted, they give that up of their own accord, so as afterwards to live free from fear.”

> Latin: 5.7. Postremo si morem gerere suadenti volueris recte, contemne partem exiguam, semper luctificam et cruentam, ut cetera regas securus, prudenter reputans medellarum quoque artifices urere non numquam et secare et partes corporum amputare, ut reliquis uti liceat integris, hocque bestias factitare: quae cum advertant cur maximo opere capiantur, illud propria sponte amittunt, ut vivere deinde possint impavidae.

[¶53] 5.8. “This assuredly I declare, that if this embassy of mine returns unsuccessful, after the time of the winter reat is past I shall gird myself with all my strength and with fortune and the justice of my terms upholding my hope of a successful issue, I shall hasten to come on, so far as reason permits.”

> Latin: 5.8. Id sane pronuntio, quod si haec mea legatio redierit irrita, post tempus hiemalis quietis exemptum, viribus totis accinctus, fortuna condicionumque aequitate spem successus secundi fundante, venire, quoad ratio siverit, festinabo.”

[¶54] 5.9. After this letter had long been pondered, answer was made with upright heart, as they say, and circumspectly, as follows:— “I, Constantius, victor by land and sea, perpetual Augustus, to my brother King Sapor, offer most ample greeting.

> Latin: 5.9. His litteris diu libratis, recto pectore (quod dicitur) considerateque responsum est, hoc modo:

[¶55] 5.10. I rejoice in your health, and if you will, I shall be your friend hereafter; but this covetousness of yours, always unbending and more widely encroaching, I vehemently reprobate.”

> Latin: 5.10. “Victor terra marique Constantius, semper Augustus, fratri meo Sapori regi salutem plurimam dico.” “Sospitati quidem tuae gratulor ut futurus (si velis,) amicus, cupiditatem vero semper indeflexam fusiusque vagantem, vehementer insimulo.”

[¶56] 5.11. “You demand Mesopotamia as your own and likewise Armenia, and you recommend lopping off some members of a sound body, so that its health may afterwards be put upon a firm footing—advice which is rather to be refuted than to be confirmed by any agreement. Therefore listen to the truth, not obscured by any juggling, but transparent and not to be intimidated by any empty threats.”

> Latin: 5.11. “Mesopotamiam poscis ut tuam, perindeque Armeniam, et suades integro corpori adimere membra quaedam, ut salus eius deinceps locetur in solido, quod infindendum est potius quam ulla consensione firmandum. Accipe igitur veritatem, non obtectam praestigiis, sed perspicuam, nullisque minis inanibus perterrendam.”