---
title: "History · Res gestae"
author: "Ammianus Marcellinus"
translator: "John C. Rolfe"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 19 of 52
url: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/19/
cite: "Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe, History · Res gestae, section 19. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/19/"
---

# History · Res gestae

*Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe*

The last great Latin history of Rome, by a Greek soldier: the emperor Julian, the Persian wars and the Goths’ victory at Adrianople in AD 378.

> Latin: ed. John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, stoa0023.stoa001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 19. Book XX · chapters 8–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/19/#p-N

[¶0] 8.21. Then, on hearing that Julian had been raised to the eminence of an Augustus, having small hope or none at all for his life, he became afraid and tried by distance to avoid the dangers that he suspected. So, abandoning all his family, he left and came by slow stages to Constantius, and to show his guiltlessness of any fault, he assailed Julian with many charges as a traitor.

> Latin: 8.21. Dein cum comperisset eum ad Augustum culmen evectum, exigua ac prope nulla vivendi spe versus in metum, ut longe disiunctus, malis se quae suspicabatur, exemit, et necessitudine omni relicta, digressus venit ad Constantium itineribus lentis, utque se nulli obnoxium culpae monstraret, Iulianum ut perduellem multis criminibus appetebat.

[¶1] 8.22. After his departure, Julian, considering the matter well and wisely, and wishing it to be known that he would have spared him even if he had been present, left his dear ones and his property unmolested, gave them the use of the public courier-service, and bade them ride in safety to the Orient.

> Latin: 8.22. Cuius post abitum, bene Iulianus cogitans et prudenter, scirique volens quod praesenti quoque pepercisset, caritates eius cum re familiari intacta, publico cursu usu permisso, ad Orientem vehi tutius imperavit.

[¶2] 9.1. The envoys followed with no less diligence, bearing with them the messages which I have mentioned and intent upon their journey; when, however, they fell in with higher officials they were covertly detained, but after suffering continual and serious delays as they passed through Italy and Illyricum, they at last crossed the Bosporus, and proceeding by slow stages found Constantius still tarrying in Cappadocia at Caesarea. This was a well-situated and populous city, formerly called Mazaca, situated at the foot of Mount Argaeus.

> Latin: 9.1. Nec minore studio secuti legati, haec secum ferentes, quae praediximus, intentique ad viandum, cum venirent ad iudices celsiores, oblique tenebantur, morasque per Italiam et Illyricum perpessi diuturnas et graves, tandem transfretati per Bosporum, itineribusque lentis progressi, apud Caesaream Cappadociae etiam tum degentem invenere Constantium, Mazacam antehac nominatam, opportunam urbem et celebrem, sub Argaei montis pedibus sitam.

[¶3] 9.2. When the envoys were given audience, they presented their letters, but no sooner were they read than the emperor burst out in an immoderate blaze of anger, and looking at them askance in such a way that they feared for their lives, he ordered them to get out, asking no further questions and refusing to listen to anything.

> Latin: 9.2. Qui intromissi data potestate offerunt scripta, hisque recitatis, ultra modum solitae indignationis excanduit imperator, limibusque oculis eos ad usque metum contuens mortis, egredi iussit, nihil post haec percontatus, vel audire perpessus.

[¶4] 9.3. Yet, though burning with anger, he was tormented by uncertainty whether it were better to order those troops in which he had confidence to march against the Persians or against Julian. After hesitating long and weighing the counsel given him, he yielded to the advice of some who persuaded him to his advantage, and ordered a march towards the Orient.

> Latin: 9.3. Perculsus tamen ardenter, cunctatione stringebatur ambigua, utrum in Persas an contra Iulianum moveri iuberet acies quibus fidebat, haesitansque diu perpensis consiliis, flexus est quorundam sententia utilium suasorum, et iter orientem versus edixit.

[¶5] 9.4. The envoys, however, he dismissed at once, and only ordered his quaestor Leonas to proceed at rapid pace to Gaul with a letter which he had given him for Julian, in which he declared that he accepted none of the changes, but charged him, if he had any regard for his own life and that of his friends, to drop his swelling pride and keep within the bounds of a Caesar’s power.

> Latin: 9.4. Statim tamen et legatos absolvit, et Leonam quaestorem suum in Gallias cum litteris datis ad Iulianum pergere celeri statuit gradu, nihil aovatorum se asserens suscepisse, sed eum si saluti suae proximorumque consulit, tumenti flatu deposito, intra Caesaris se potestatem continere praecipiens.

[¶6] 9.5. And to the end that fear of his threats might bring this about the more easily, as an indication of confidence in his great strength in place of Florentius he promoted Nebridius, who was then quaestor of the aforesaid Caesar, to the rank of praetorian prefect, and the secretary Felix to that of master of the officies, besides making some other appointments. And indeed Gomoarius had been advanced to the rank of commander-in-chief, as successor to Lupicinus, before Constantius knew anything of this kind.

> Latin: 9.5. Utque id facile formido intentatorum efficeret, velut magnis viribus fretus, in locum Florentii praefectum praetorio, Nebridium tum quaestorem eiusdem Caesaris promoverat, et Felicem notarium, officiorum magistrum, et quosdam alios. gumoarium Gomoarium enim successorem Lupicini, antequam sciretur huius modi quicquam, magistrum provexit armorum.

[¶7] 9.6. Accordingly, Leonas, having entered Paris, was received as an honoured and discreet person, and on the following day, when the prince had come to the field with a great number of soldiers and townsmen, whom he had purposely summoned, and was standing aloft on a tribunal in order to be more conspicuous from a high position, he ordered the letter to be handed to him. And after unrolling the scroll of the edict which had been sent, he began to read it from the beginning. And when he had come to the place where Constantius, rejecting all that had been done, declared that the power of a Caesar was enough for Julian, on all sides terrifying shouts arose:

> Latin: 9.6. Ingressus itaque Parisios, Leonas susceptus ut honoratus et prudens, postridie principi progresso in campum, cum multitudine armata pariter et plebeia, quam de industria convocarat, e tribunali (ut emineret altius) superstanti, scripta iubetur offerre. Replicatoque volumine edicti quod missum est, et legi ab exordio coepto, cum ventum fuisset ad locum id continentem, quod gesta omnia Constantius improbans Caesaris potestatem sufficere Iuliano censebat, exclamabatur undique vocum terribilium sonu:

[¶8] 9.7. “Julianus Augustus,” as was decreed by authority of the province, the soldiers, and the state—a state restored indeed, but still fearful of renewed raids of the savages.

> Latin: 9.7. “Auguste Iuliane,” ut provincialis et miles, et rei publicae decrevit auctoritas recreatae quidem, sed adhuc metuentis redivivos barbarorum excursus.

[¶9] 9.8. On hearing this, Leonas returned in safety, with a letter of Julian to the same purport, and Nebridius alone was admitted to the prefecture; for Caesar in his letter had openly said that such an appointment would be in accordance with his wishes. As to the master of the offices, he had long before chosen for that office Anatolius, who previously had answered petitions, and some others, in accordance with what seemed to him expedient and safe.

> Latin: 9.8. Quibus auditis, Leonas cum Iuliani litteris haec eadem indicantibus, revertit incolumis, solusque admissus est ad praefecturam Nebridius; id enim Caesar quoque scribens, ex sententia sua fore aperte praedixit. Magistrum enim officiorum iam pridem ipse Anatolium ordinavit, libellis antea respondentem, et quosdam alios ut sibi utile videbatur et tutum.

[¶10] 9.9. But while matters were thus proceeding, Lupicinus was to be feared, although he was absent and even then in Britain, for he was a man of haughty and arrogant spirit and it was suspected that if he should learn of these things while across the sea, he would stir up material for a revolution; accordingly, a secretary was sent to Boulogne, to watch carefully and prevent anyone from crossing the strait. Because of this prohibition Lupicinus returned before hearing of anything that had happened, and so could cause no disturbance.

> Latin: 9.9. Et quoniam cum haec ita procederent, timebatur Lupicinus, licet absens agensque etiam tum apud Britannos, homo superbae mentis et turgidae, eratque suspicio quod (si haec trans mare didicisset) novarum rerum materias excitaret, notarius Bononiam mittitur, observaturus sollicite, ne quisquam fretum oceani transire permitteretur. Quo vetito, reversus Lupicinus, antequam horum quicquam sciret, nullas ciere potuit turbas.

[¶11] 10.1. Julian, however, being now happier in his lofty station and in the confidence which the soldiers felt in him, in order not to become lukewarm or be accused of negligence and sloth, after sending envoys to Constantius set out for the frontier of Second Germany, and, thoroughly equipped with all the material that the business in hand demanded, drew near to the city of Tricensima.

> Latin: 10.1. Iulianus tamen iam celsiore fortuna, militisque fiducia laetior, ne intepesceret, neve ut remissus argueretur et deses, legatis ad Constantium missis, in limitem Germaniae secundae egressus est, omnique apparatu, quem flagitavit instans negotium, communitus, Tricensimae oppido propinquabat.

[¶12] 10.2. Then crossing the Rhine, he suddenly invaded the territory of those Franks known as Atthuarii, a restless people, who even then were lawlessly overrunning the frontiers of Gaul. Having attacked them unexpectedly, when they feared no hostile demonstration and were quite off their guard, because they could remember no invasion of their land as yet by any emperor, protected as they were by rough and difficult roads, he defeated them with slight trouble; and after having captured or killed a great many, when the rest who survived begged for peace, he granted it on his own conditions, thinking this to be to the advantage of the neighbouring settlers.

> Latin: 10.2. Rheno exinde transmisso, regionem subito pervasit Francorum, quos Atthuarios vocant, inquietorum hominum licentius etiam tum percursantium extima Galliarum. Quos adortus subito nihil metuentes hostile, nimiumque securos, quod scruposa viarum difficultate arcente, nullum adhuc suos pagos introisse meminerant principem, superavit negotio levi: captisque plurimis et occisis, orantibus aliis qui superfuere, pacem ex arbitrio dedit, hoc prodesse possessoribus finitimis arbitratus.

[¶13] 10.3. From there he returned with equal speed by way of the river, and carefully examining and strengthening the defences of the frontier, he came as far as Augst; and there having recovered the places which the savages had formerly taken and were holding as their own, he fortified them with special care and went by way of Besançon to Vienne, to pass the winter.

> Latin: 10.3. Unde reversus pari celeritate per flumen, praesidiaque limitis explorans diligenter et corrigens, ad usque Rauracos venit, locisque recuperatis, quae olim barbari intercepta retinebant ut propria, eisdemque pleniore cura firmatis, per Besantionem Viennam hiematurus abscessit.

[¶14] 11.1. Such was the series of events in Gaul. While they were going on so successfully and so wisely, Constantius sent for Arsaces, king of Armenia, and after entertaining him with the greatest generosity forewarned and urged him to continue to be faithful and friendly to us.

> Latin: 11.1. Hic per Gallias erat ordo gestorum. Quae dum ita prospere succedunt et caute, Constantius accitum Arsacen Armeniae regem, summaque liberalitate susceptum, praemonebat et hortabatur, ut nobis amicus esse perseveraret et fidus.

[¶15] 11.2. For he heard that he had often been worked upon by the Persian king with deception, with threats, and with guile, to induce him to give up his alliance with the Romans and involve himself in the Persian’s designs.

> Latin: 11.2. Audiebat enim saepius eum temptatum a rege Persarum fallaciis et minis et dolis, ut Romanorum societate posthabita, suis rationibus stringeretur.

[¶16] 11.3. And the king, swearing with many an oath that he could sooner give up his life than his resolve, after receiving rewards returned to his kingdom with the retinue that he had brought with him; and after that he never dared to violate any of his promises, being bound to Constantius by many ties of gratitude, among which this was especially strong-that the emperor had given him to wife Olympias, daughter of Ablabius, a former praetorian prefect, and the betrothed of his brother Constans.

> Latin: 11.3. Qui crebro adiurans, animam prius posse amittere quam sententiam, muneratus cum comitibus quos duxerat redit ad regnum, nihil ausus temerare postea promissorum, obligatus gratiarum multiplici nexu Constantio, inter quas illud potius excellebat, quod Olympiada (Ablabi filiam), praefecti quondam praetorio, ei copulaverat coniugem sponsam fratris sui Constantis.

[¶17] 11.4. After the king had been sent off from Cappadocia, Constantius going by way of Melitena (a town of Lesser Armenia), Lacotena, and Samosata, crossed the Euphrates and came to Edessa. There he lingered for a long time, while he was waiting for the troops of soldiers that were assembling from all sides and for plentiful supplies of provisions; after the autumnal equinox he set out on his way to Amida.

> Latin: 11.4. Quo dimisso a Cappadocia ipse per Melitenam (minoris Armeniae oppidum), et Lacotena et Samosata, transito Euphrate Edessam venit, ibique dum agmina undique convenientium militum, et rei cibariae abundantes copias operitur, diu moratus, post aequinoctium egreditur autumnale Amidam petens.

[¶18] 11.5. When he came near the walls and surveyed only a heap of ashes, he wept and groaned aloud as he thought of the calamities the wretched city had endured. And Ursulus, the state-treasurer, who chanced to be there at the time, was filled with sorrow and cried: “Behold with what courage the cities are defended by our soldiers, for whose abundance of pay the wealth of the empire is already becoming insufficient.” And this bitter remark the throng of soldiers recalled later at Chalcedon and conspired for his destruction.

> Latin: 11.5. Cuius cum prope venisset moenia favillis oppleta, collustrans, flebat cum gemitu, reputans qualis miseranda civitas pertulerat clades. Ibi tunc tune forte Ursulus praesens, qui aerarium tuebatur, dolore percitus exclamavit: “En quibus animis urbes a milite defenduntur, cui ut abundare stipendium possit, imperii opes iam fatiscunt!” Quod dictum ita amarum militaris multitudo postea apud Chalcedona recordata, ad eius exitium consurrexit.

[¶19] 11.6. After this advancing in close order and coming to Bezabde, Constantius pitched his tents and encircled them with a palisade and with deep trenches. Then, riding about the circuit of the fort at a distance, he learned from many sources that the parts which before had been weakened by age and neglect had been restored to greater strength than ever.

> Latin: 11.6. Exinde cuneis confertis incedens, cum Bezabden adventaret, fixis tentoriis, vallo fossarumque altitudine circumsaeptis, obequitans castrorum ambitum longius, docebatur relatione multorum, instaurata esse firmius loca, quae antehac incuria corruperat vetustatis.

[¶20] 11.7. And not wishing to leave anything undone that must be done before the heat of battle, he sent men of judgement and offered alternative conditions, urging the defenders of the walls either to give up the possessions of others without bloodshed and return to their own people, or to submit to the sway of Rome and receive increase of honours and rewards. And when with their native resolution they rejected these offers, being men of good birth and inured to perils and hardships, all the preparations for a siege were made.

> Latin: 11.7. Et nequid omitteret, quod ante fervorem certaminum erat necessario praestruendum, viris prudentibus missis, condicione posita dupla, urgebat moenium defensores redire ad suos, alienis sine cruore concessis, aut in dicionem venire Romanam, dignitatibus augendos et praemiis. Atque cum illi destinatione nativa reniterentur, ut dare nati periculisque et laboribus indurati obsidioni congrua parabantur.

[¶21] 11.8. Then in close array and urged on by the trumpets the soldiers most vigorously attacked the town on every side, and with the legions gathered together into various tortoise-formations and so advancing slowly and safely, they tried to undermine the fortifications; but since every sort of weapon was showered upon them as they came up, the connection of the shields was broken and they gave way, while the trumpets sounded the recall.

> Latin: 11.8. Densis itaque ordinibus, cum tubarum incitamentis, latera oppidi cuncta adortus alacrius miles, legionibus in testudines varias conglobatis paulatim tuto progrediens, subruere moenia conabatur, et quia telorum omne genus in subeuntes effundebatur, nexu clypeorum soluto discessum est, in receptum canentibus signis.

[¶22] 11.9. Then, after a single day’s truce, on the third day, with the soldiers more carefully protected and amid loud outcries everywhere, they attempted from every quarter to scale the walls; but although the defenders were hidden within behind hair-cloth stretched before them, in order that the enemy might not see them, yet whenever necessity required they would fearlessly thrust out their right arms and attack the besiegers with stones and weapons.

> Latin: 11.9. Laxatis deinde ad diem unum indutiis, tertia luce milite curiosius tecto, elatis passim clamoribus, ascensus undique temptabatur. Et licet defensores sub obtentis ciliciis, ne conspicerentur ab hostibus, latebant intrinsecus, tamen quotiens flagitabat necessitas, lacertos fortiter exsertantes, lapidibus subiectos incessebant et telis.

[¶23] 11.10. But when the wicker mantlets went confidently on and were already close to the walls, great jars fell from above along with millstones and pieces of columns, by the excessive weight of which the assailants were overwhelmed; and since their devices for protection were rent asunder with great gaps, they made their escape with the greatest peril.

> Latin: 11.10. Et vimineae crates cum procederent confidenter, essentque parietibus iam contiguae, dolia desuper cadebant et molae, et columnarum fragmenta, quorum ponderibus nimiis obruebantur oppugnatores, hiatuque violento disiectis operimentis, cum periculis ultimis evadebant.

[¶24] 11.11. Therefore on the tenth day after the beginning of the siege, when the waning hope of our men was causing general dejection, it was decided to bring into action a ram of great size, which the Persians, after formerly using it to raze Antioch, had brought back and left at Carrae. The unlooked-for sight of this and the skilful manner in which it was put together would have daunted the besieged, who had already been almost reduced to seeking safety in surrender, had they not taken heart again and prepared defences against the menacing engine.

> Latin: 11.11. Decimo itaque postquam pugnari coeptum est die, cum spes nostrorum inferior cuncta maerore compleret, transferri placuerat molem arietis magnam, quam Persae quondam, Antiochia pulsibus eius excisa, relatam reliquerant apud Carras. Quae subito visa, aptataque faberrime, clausorum hebetaverat mentes, ad usque deditionis remedia paene prolapsas, ni resumptis viribus opponenda minaci machinae praeparassent.

[¶25] 11.12. And after this they lacked neither rash courage nor good judgement. For although the ram, which was old and had been taken apart for ready transportation, was being set up with all skill and with every exertion of power, and was protected by the besiegers with a mantlet of great strength, yet the artillery and the showers of stones and sling-shots continued none the less to destroy great numbers on both sides. The massive mounds too were rising with rapid additions, the siege grew hotter every day, and many of our men fell for the reason that, fighting as they were under the emperor’s eye, through the hope of rewards and wishing to be easily recognised they put off their helmets from their heads and so fell victims to the skill of the enemy’s archers.

> Latin: 11.12. Nec temeritas post haec cessaverat nec consilium; namque dum instrueretur aries vetustus et dissolutus, ut facile veheretur, omni arte omnique virium nisu, et oppugnatorum vineae firmitudine summa defensabatur, tormenta nihilo minus et lapidum crebritas atque fundarum ex utraque parte plurimos consumebant, et aggerum moles incrementis celeribus consurgebant, acriorque in dies adulescebat obsidio, multis nostrorum idcirco cadentibus, quod decernentes sub imperatoris conspectu, spe praemiorum, ut possint facile qui essent agnosci, nudantes galeis capita, sagittariorum hostilium peritia fundebantur.

[¶26] 11.13. After this, days and nights spent in wakefulness made both sides more cautious. The Persians, too, when the height of the mounds had already become great, stricken with horror of the huge ram, which other smaller ones followed, all strove with might and main to set fire to them, constantly hurling firebrands and blazing darts. But their efforts were vain, for the reason that the greater part of the timbers were covered with wetted hides and rags, while in other places they had been carefully coated with alum, so that the fire fell on them without effect.

> Latin: 11.13. Proin dies et noctes intentae vigiliis cautiores stantes utrubique faciebant. Et Persae aggerum altitudine iam in sublime porrecta, machinaeque ingentis horrore perculsi, quam minores quoque sequebantur, omnes exurere vi maxima nitebantur, et assidue malleolos atque incendiaria tela torquentes, laborabant in cassum, ea re quod umectis coriis et centonibus erant opertae materiae plures, aliae unctae alumine diligenter, ut ignis in eas laberetur innoxius.

[¶27] 11.14. But these rams the Romans pushed forward with great courage, and although they had difficulty in protecting them, yet through their eagerness to take the town, they were led to scorn even imminent dangers.

> Latin: 11.14. Verum has admoventes fortitudine magna, Romani licet difficile defensabant, tamen cupiditate potiundi oppidi ne prompta quidem pericula non contemnebant.

[¶28] 11.15. And on the other hand the defenders, when the huge ram was already drawing near to shake down a tower which stood in its way, by a subtle device entangled its projecting iron end (which in fact has the shape of a ram’s head) on both sides with very long ropes, and held it so that it might not move back and gather new strength, nor be able with good aim to batter the walls with repeated lunges; and in the meantime they poured down scalding-hot pitch. And the engines which had been brought up stood for a long time exposed to the huge stones and to the missiles.

> Latin: 11.15. Et contra propugnatores cum iam discussurus turrim oppositam aries maximus adventaret, prominentem eius ferream frontem, quae re vera formam effingit arietis, arte subtili illaqueatam altrinsecus, laciniis retinuere longissimis, ne retrogradiens resumeret vires, neve ferire muros assultibus densis contemplabiliter posset, fundentes quoque ferventissimam picem. Et diu promotae machinae stabant, muralia saxa perferentes et tela.

[¶29] 11.16. And now, when the mounds were raised still higher, the garrison, fearing that destruction would soon be upon them unless they should rouse themselves, resorted to utter recklessness. Making a sudden rush through the gates, they attacked the foremost of our men, with all their strength hurling upon the rams firebrands and baskets made of iron and filled with flames.

> Latin: 11.16. Iamque aggeribus cumulatius excitatis, defensores, ni vigilassent, exitium affore iam sperantes, in audaciam ruere praecipitem, et repentino decursu, portis effusi, primosque adorti nostrorum, faces sitellasque ferreas onustas ignibus in arietes magnis viribus iaciebant.

[¶30] 11.17. But after fighting with shifting fortune the greater number were driven back within the walls without effecting anything. Then those same Persians, when they had taken their place on the bulwarks were assailed from the mounds, which the Romans had raised, with arrows, sling-shots, and fiery darts, which, however, though they flew through the coverings of the towers, for the most part fell without effect, since there were men at hand to put out the fires.

> Latin: 11.17. Verum post ambiguam proelii varietatem, plurimi nullo impetrato intra moenia repelluntur: moxque ex aggeribus quos erexerunt Romani, idem Persae propugnaculis insistentes, sagittis incessebantur, et fundis telisque igniferis, quae per tegumenta turrium volitantia, paratis qui restinguerent, plerumque irrita labebantur.

[¶31] 11.18. And when the fighting men on both sides became fewer, and the Persians were driven to the last extremity unless some better plan should suggest itself, a carefully devised sally from the fortress was attempted. A vast throng made a sudden rush, with still greater numbers of men carrying material for setting fires drawn up among the armed soldiers; then iron baskets filled with flames were hurled upon the woodwork, as well as faggots and other things best suited for kindling fires.

> Latin: 11.18. Cumque pauciores utrubique fierent bellatores, et Persae truderentur ad ultima ni potior ratio succurrisset, impensiore opera procursus temptabatur ex castris, et eruptione subita multitudinis facta, inter armatos qui portabant ignes amplioribus ordinatis, iaciebantur corbes in materias ferreae, plenae flammarum, et sarmenta aliaque ad ignes concipiendos aptissima.

[¶32] 11.19. And because the pitch-black clouds of smoke made it impossible to see, the legions were roused to the fight by the clarion and in battle array advanced at rapid pace. Then, as their ardour for fighting gradually increased and they had come to hand-to-hand conflict, on a sudden all the siege-engines were destroyed by the spreading flames, except the greater ram; this, after the ropes which had been thrown from the walls and entangled it had been broken, the valiant efforts of some brave men barely rescued in a half-burned condition.

> Latin: 11.19. Et quia conspectum abstulerant fumi nigerrimae nubes, classico excitante in pugnam, legiones procinctae celeri gradu venerunt, et subcrescente paulatim ardore bellandi, cum ventum fuisset ad manus, repente machinae omnes effusis ignibus urebantur praeter maiorem, quam diruptis restibus quibus e muro iactis implicabatur, virorum fortium acrior nisus aegre semustam extraxit.

[¶33] 11.20. But when the darkness of night put an end to the fighting, the rest which was allowed the soldiers was not for long. For after being refreshed with a little food and sleep, they were aroused at the call of their officers and moved the siege-engines to a distance from the wall, preparing to fight with greater ease on the lofty earthworks, which were now finished and overtopped the walls. And in order that those who would defend the ramparts might the more readily be kept back, on the very highest part of each mound two ballistae were placed, through fear of which it was believed that no one of the enemy would be able even to put out his head.

> Latin: 11.20. At ubi nocturnae tenebrae finem proeliis attulerunt, non in longum militi quies data. Cibo enim exiguo refectus et somno, rectorum monitu excitus, munitiones a muro longe demovit, dimicare succinctius parans per sublimes aggestus, qui iam consummati muris altius imminebant. Utque facile defensuri moenia pellerentur, in ipsis aggerum summitatibus binae sunt locatae ballistae, quarum metu ne prospicere quidem posse hostium quisquam crederetur.

[¶34] 11.21. When these preparations had been sufficiently made, just before dawn our men were drawn up in three divisions and tried an assault upon the walls, the cones of their helmets nodding in threatening wise and many carrying scaling-ladders. And now, while arms clashed and trumpets brayed, both sides fought with equal ardour and courage. And as the Romans extended their forces more widely and saw that the Persians were in hiding through fear of the engines placed upon the mounds, they attacked a tower with the ram; and in addition to mattocks, pickaxes, and crowbars the scaling- ladders also drew near, while missiles flew thick and fast from both sides.

> Latin: 11.21. His satis provisis, prope ipsum crepusculum triplex acies nostrorum instructa, conisque galearum minacius nutans, scalas vehentibus multis, impetum conabatur in muros. Iamque resultantibus armis et tubis, uno parique ardore hinc indeque pugnabatur audaci conflictu, latiusque sese pandente manu Romana, cum Persas occultari viderent, pavore impositorum aggeribus tormentorum, pulsabant turrim ariete, et cum ligonibus et dolabris et vectibus scalae quoque propinquabant utrimque convolante missilium crebritate.

[¶35] 11.22. The Persians, however, were more sorely troubled by the various missiles sent from the ballistae, which as if along a tight rope rushed down the artificial slopes of the earthworks. Therefore, thinking that their fortunes were now at their lowest ebb, they rushed to meet certain death, and distributing the duties of their soldiers in the midst of their desperate crisis, they left some behind to hold the walls, while a strong force secretly opened a postern gate and rushed out, drawn sword in hand, followed by others who carried concealed fires.

> Latin: 11.22. Afflictabant tamen multo vehementius Persas ictus varii ballistarum, tamquam per transennam a clivis structilibus decurrentes. Unde fortunas suas sitas in extremo iam cogitantes, destinatam ruebant in mortem, et partiti munera dimicandi inter necessitatis articulos, relictis qui moenia tuerentur, reserata latenter postica, strictis gladiis valida manus erupit, pone sequentibus aliis, qui flammas occulte portabant.

[¶36] 11.23. And while the Romans now pressed hard on those who gave way, and now met those who ventured to charge, the men who carried the fire-pans, stooping low and creeping along, pushed live coals into the joints of one of the mounds, which was built of the boughs of various kinds of trees, of rushes, and of bundles of cane. These, as soon as the dry fuel caught fire, at once burst into flame, and our soldiers only with extreme peril got away with their engines uninjured.

> Latin: 11.23. Dumque Romani nunc instant cedentibus, nunc ultro incessentes excipiunt, qui vehebant foculos repentes incurvi, prunas unius aggesti inseruere iuncturis ramis arborum diversarum, et iunco et manipulis constructi cannarum: qui conceptis incendiorum aridis nutrimentis, iam cremabantur, militibus cum intactis tormentis exinde periculose digressis.

[¶37] 11.24. But when the coming of evening put an end to the fighting, and both sides withdrew for a brief rest, the emperor, divided between various plans and pondering them—since pressing reasons urged a longer attempt to destroy Phaenicha, a fortress opposed as an almost unsurmountable barrier to the enemy’s inroads; but the lateness of the season dissuaded him—finally decided to stay there, and to carry on light skirmishes, thinking that perhaps the Persians would yield through lack of supplies. But the result was not what he looked for.

> Latin: 11.24. Ut vero certaminibus finem vespera dedit incedens, partesque discesserunt ad otium breve, imperator in varia sese consilia diducens et versans, cum excidio Phaenichae diutius imminere, necessariae rationes urgerent, quod munimentum velut insolubile claustrum, hostium excursibus erat obiectum, et serum repelleret tempus: certaturus leviter ibi statuit immorari, alimentis destituendos forsitan cedere existimans Persas. Quod secus atque rebatur evenit.

[¶38] 11.25. For when the fighting slackened, wet weather followed, dripping clouds with menacing darkness appeared, and the ground was so drenched with continual rains, that soft and sticky mud caused general trouble in that region of rich turf. And, besides all this, thunder and lightning with repeated crashes terrified the timorous minds of men.

> Latin: 11.25. Cum enim remissius pugnaretur, umente caelo undantes nubes cum tenebris advenere minacibus, assiduisque imbribus ita immaduerat solum, ut luti glutinosa mollities, per eas regiones pinguissimi caespitis, omnia perturbaret. Et super his iugi fragore, tonitrua fulguraque mentes hominum pavidas perterrebant.

[¶39] 11.26. More than this, rainbows were constantly seen; and how that phenomenon is wont to occur, a brief explanation will show. The warmer exhalations of the earth and its moist vapours are condensed into clouds; these are then dissipated into a fine spray, which, made brilliant by the sun’s rays that fall upon it, rises swiftly and, coming opposite the fiery orb itself, forms the rainbow. And the bow is rounded into a great curve, because it extends over our world, which the science of natural philosophy tells us rests upon a hemisphere.

> Latin: 11.26. Accedebant arcus caelestis conspectus assidui. Quae species unde ita figurari est solita, expositio brevis ostendet. Halitus terrae calidiores et umoris spiramina conglobata in nubes, exindeque disiecta in aspergines parvas, ac radiorum fusione splendida facta, supinantur volubiliter contra ipsum igneum orbem, irimque conformant, ideo spatioso curvamine sinuosam, quod in nostro panditur mundo, quem sphaerae dimidiae parti rationes physicae superponunt.

[¶40] 11.27. Its first colour, so far as mortal eye can discern, is yellow, the second golden or tawny, the third red, the fourth violet, and the last blue verging upon green.

> Latin: 11.27. Cuius species quantum mortalis oculus contuetur, prima lutea visitur, secunda flavescens vel fulva, punicea tertia, quarta purpurea, postrema caerulo concreta et viridi.

[¶41] 11.28. It shows this combination of beautiful colours, as earthborn minds conceive, for the reason that its first part, corresponding in colour with the surrounding air, appears paler; the second is tawny, that is, somewhat more vivid than yellow; the third is red, because it is exposed to the brightness of the sun, and in proportion to alternation in the air absorbs its brilliance most purely, being just opposite; the fourth is violet, because receiving the brightness of the sun’s rays with a thick rain of spray glittering between, through which it rises, it shows an appearance more like fire; and that colour, the more it spreads, passes over into blue and green.

> Latin: 11.28. Hac autem mixta pulchritudine temperatur, ideo ut terrenae existimant mentes, quod prima eius pars dilutior cernitur, aeri concolor circumfuso, sequens fulva, id est paulo excitatior quam lutea, punicea tertia, quod solis obnoxia claritudini, pro reciprocatione spiritus fulgores eius purissime e regione deflorat, quarta ideo purpurat, quod intermicante asperginum densitate, per quas oritur, radiorum splendor concipiens ostendit aspectum flammeo propiorem, qui color quanto magis diffunditur, concedit in caerulum et virentem.

[¶42] 11.29. Others think that the form of the rainbow appears to earthly sight when the rays of the sun penetrate a thick and lofty cloud and fill it with clear light. Since this does not find an outlet, it forms itself into a mass and glows from the intense friction; and it takes the colours nearest to white from the sun higher up, but the greenish shades from resemblance to the cloud just above it. The same thing usually happens with the sea, where the waters that dash upon the shore are white, and those further out without any admixture are blue.

> Latin: 11.29. Arbitrantur alii tune iridis formam rebus apparere mundanis, cum altius delatae nubi crassae radii solis infusi, lucem iniecerint liquidam, quae non reperiens exitum, in se conglobata nimio splendescit attritu, et proximos quidem albo colores a sole sublimiore decerpit, subvirides vero a nubis similitudine superiectae, ut in mari solet usu venire, ubi candidae sunt undae quae litoribus illiduntur, interiores sine ulla concretione caerulae.

[¶43] 11.30. And since the rainbow is an indication of a change of weather (as I have said), from sunny skies bringing up masses of clouds, or on the contrary changing an overcast sky to one that is calm and pleasant, we often read in the poets that Iris is sent from heaven when it is necessary to change the present condition of affairs. There are many other different opinions, which it would be superfluous to enumerate at present, since my narrative is in haste to return to the point from which it digressed.

> Latin: 11.30. Et quoniam indicium est permutationis aurae (ut diximus), a sudo aere nubium concitans globos, aut contra ex concreto mutans in serenam laetitiam caelum, ideo apud poetas legimus saepe, Irim de caelo tunc mitti, cum praesentium rerum verti necesse sit status. Suppetunt aliae multae opiniones et variae, quas dinumerare nunc est supervacuum, narratione redire unde digressa est festinante.

[¶44] 11.31. For these and similar reasons the emperor wavered between hope and fear, since the severity of winter was drawing near and attacks were to be looked for in that trackless region, while also he feared mutiny of the exasperated soldiers. Besides this, his anxious mind was tormented by the thought that when, so to speak, the door of a rich house was open before him, he was returning without success.

> Latin: 11.31. His ac talibus imperator inter spem metumque iactabatur, ingravescente hiemis magnitudine, suspectisque per avios tractus insidiis, inter quae etiam tumultum exasperati militis verebatur. Super his urebat eius anxiam mentem, quod velut patefacta ianua divitis domus, irritus propositi reverteretur.

[¶45] 11.32. Therefore abandoning his fruitless attempt, he returned to Syria, purposing to winter in Antioch, having suffered severely and grievously; for the losses which the Persians had inflicted upon him were not slight but terrible and long to be lamented. For it had happened, as if some fateful constellation so controlled the several events, that when Constantius in person warred with the Persians, adverse fortune always attended him. Therefore he wished to conquer at least through his generals, which, as we recall, did sometimes happen.

> Latin: 11.32. Quas ob res omisso vano incepto, hiematurus Antiochiae redit in Syriam, aerumnosa perpessus et gravia; nec enim levia erant damna quae Persae intulerant, sed atrociora diuque deflenda. Evenerat enim hoc, quasi fatali constellatione ita regente diversos eventus, ut ipsum Constantium dimicantem cum Persis, fortuna semper sequeretur afflictior, unde vincere saltim per duces optabat, quod aliquotiens meminimus contigisse.