---
title: "History · Res gestae"
author: "Ammianus Marcellinus"
translator: "John C. Rolfe"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 24 of 52
url: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/24/
cite: "Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe, History · Res gestae, section 24. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/24/"
---

# History · Res gestae

*Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe*

The last great Latin history of Rome, by a Greek soldier: the emperor Julian, the Persian wars and the Goths’ victory at Adrianople in AD 378.

> Latin: ed. John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, stoa0023.stoa001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 24. Book XXII · chapters 8–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/24/#p-N

[¶0] 8.25. A short distance from these are the Achaei, who, after the end of an earlier war at Troy (not the one which was fought about Helen, as some writers have asserted), being carried out of their course by contrary winds to Pontus, and meeting enemies everywhere, were unable to find a place for a permanent home; and so they settled on the tops of mountains covered with perpetual snow, where, compelled by the rigorous climate, they became accustomed to make a dangerous living by robbery, and hence became later beyond all measure savage. About the Cercetae, who adjoin them, we have no information worth mentioning.

> Latin: 8.25. Paulum ab his secernuntur Achaei, qui bello anteriore quodam apud Troiam consummate, non cum super Helena certaretur (ut auctores prodidere non nulli), usque in Pontum reflantibus ventis errore delati, cunctisque hostilibus, stabilem domicilii sedem nusquam reperientes, verticibus montium insedere semper nivalium, et horrore caeli districti, victum sibi cum periculis raptu parare assuefacti sunt, atque eo ultra omnem deinde ferociam saevierunt. Super Cercetis, qui eisdem annexi sunt, nihil memoratu traditur dignum.

[¶1] 8.26. Behind these dwell the inhabitants of the Cimmercian Bosporus, where Milesian cities are, and Panticapaeum, the mother, so to speak, of all; this the river Hypanis washes, swollen with its own and tributary waters.

> Latin: 8.26. Quorum post terga Cimmerici agitant incolae Bospori, ubi Milesiae sunt civitates, harumque velut mater omnium Panticapaeum, quam perstringit Hypanis fluvius, genuinis intumescens aquis et externis.

[¶2] 8.27. Next, at a considerable distance, are the Amazons, who extend to the Caspian Sea and live about the Tanaïs, which rises among the crags of Caucasus, flows in a course with many windings, and after separating Europe from Asia vanishes in the standing pools of the Maeotis.

> Latin: 8.27. Itineribus hinc extensis, Amazones ad usque Caspium mare porrectae, circumcolunt Tanain, qui inter Caucasias oriens rupes per sinuosos labitur circumflexus, Asiamque disterminans ab Europa, in stagnis Maeoticis delitescit.

[¶3] 8.28. Near this is the river Ra, on whose banks grows a plant of the same name, the root of which is used for many medicinal purposes.

> Latin: 8.28. Huic Ra vicinus est amnis, in cuius superciliis quaedam vegetabilis eiusdem nominis gignitur radix, proficiens ad usus multiplicis medelarum.

[¶4] 8.29. Beyond the Tanais the Sauromatae have a territory of wide extent, through which flow the never - failing rivers Maraccus, Rombites, Theophanes and Totordanes. However, there is also another nation of the Sauromatae, an enormous distance away, extending along the shore which receives the river Corax and pours it far out into the Euxine Sea.

> Latin: 8.29. Ultra Tanain panduntur in latitudinem Sauromatae, per quos amnes fluunt perpetui Marabius Maraccus et Rombitus Rombites et Theophanes et Totordanes. Licet alia quoque distans immanibus intervallis, Sauromatarum praetenditur natio, litori iuncta, quod Coracem suscipiens fluvium in aequor eiectat Euxinum.

[¶5] 8.30. Nearby is the Maeotic Gulf of wide circuit, from whose abundant springs a great body of water bursts through the narrows of Panticapes into the Pontus. On its right side are the islands Phanagorus and Hermonassa, founded by the industry of the Greeks.

> Latin: 8.30. Prope palus est Maeotis amplissimi circumgressus, ex cuius uberrimis venis per Panticapes angustias undarum magnitudo prorumpit in Pontum, cuius in dextro latere insulae sunt Phanagorus et Hermonassa studio constructae Graecorum.

[¶6] 8.31. Around these farthest and most distant marshes live numerous nations, differing in the variety of their languages and customs: the Ixomatae, Maeotae, Iazyges, Roxolani, Halani, Melanchlaenae, and with the Geloni, the Agathyrsi, in whose country an abundance of the stone called adamant is found; and farther beyond are other peoples, who are wholly unknown, since they are the remotest of all men.

> Latin: 8.31. Circa haec stagna ultima extimaque plures habitant gentes, sermonum institutorumque varietate dispariles, Iaxamatae Ixomatae et Maeotae et Iazyges lazyges, Roxolanique et Halani et Melanchlaenae et cum Gelonis Agathyrsi, apud quos adamantis est copia lapidis: aliique ultra latentes, quod sunt omnium penitissimi.

[¶7] 8.32. But near the left side of the Maeotis is the Cherronesus, full of Greek colonies. Hence the inhabitants are quiet and peaceful, plying the plough and living on the products of the soil.

> Latin: 8.32. Sed Maeotidos lateri laevo Cherronesus est propinqua, coloniarum plena Graecarum. Unde quieti sunt homines et sedati, adhibentes vomeri curam, et proventibus fructuariis victitantes.

[¶8] 8.33. At no great distance from these are the Tauri, divided into various kingdoms, among whom the Arichi, the Sinchi, and the Napaei are terrible for their ruthless cruelty, and since long continued license has increased their savageness, they have given the sea the name of Inhospitable; but in irony it is called by the contrary name of Pontus εὔξεινος, just as we Greeks call a fool εὐήθης, and night εὐφρόνη, and the Furies εὐμενίδες.

> Latin: 8.33. A quibus per varia regna diducti itineribus modicis Tauri dissociantur, inter quos immani diritate terribiles Arichi et Sinchi et Napaei, intendente saevitiam licentia diuturna, indidere mari nomen inhospitali, et a contrario per cavillationem Pontus Εὔξεινος appellatur, ut εὐήθη Graeci dicimus stultum et noctem εὐφρόνην, et furias εὐμενίδας.

[¶9] 8.34. For these peoples offer human victims to the gods and sacrifice strangers to Diana, whom they call Orsiloche, and affix the skulls of the slain to the walls of her temple, as a lasting memorial of their valorous deeds.

> Latin: 8.34. Deos enim hostiis litantes humanis et immolantes advenas Dianae, quae apud eos dicitur Orsiloche, caesorum capita fani parietibus praefigebant, velut fortium perpetua monumenta facinorum.

[¶10] 8.35. In this Tauric country is the island of Leuce, entirely uninhabited and dedicated to Achilles. And if any happen to be carried to that island, after looking at the ancient remains, the temple, and the gifts consecrated to that hero, they return at evening to their ships; for it is said that no one can pass the night there except at the risk of his life. At that place there are also springs and white birds live there resembling halcyons, of whose origin and battles in the Hellespont I shall speak at the appropriate time.

> Latin: 8.35. In hac Taurica insula Leuce sine habitatoribus ullis Achilli est dedicata. In quam si fuerint quidam forte delati, visis antiquitatis vestigiis temploque et donariis eidem heroi consecratis, vesperi repetunt naves: aiunt enim non sine discrimine vitae illic quemquam pernoctare. Ibi et aquae sunt, et candidae aves nascuntur, halcyonibus alcyonibus similes, super quarum origine et Hellespontiacis proeliis tempore disseremus.

[¶11] 8.36. Now there are some cities in the Taurica, conspicuous among which are Eupatoria, Dandace, and Theodosia, with other smaller towns, which are not contaminated with human sacrifices.

> Latin: 8.36. Sunt autem quaedam per Tauricam civitates, inter quas eminet Eupatoria et Dandace, et Theodosia et minores aliae nullis humanis hostiis impiatae.

[¶12] 8.37. So far the peak of the bow is thought to extend; the remainder of it, gently curved and lying under the Bear in the heavens, we shall now follow as far as the left side of the Thracian Bosporus, as the order demands, with this warning; that while the bows of all other races are bent with the staves curved, in those of the Scythians alone, or the Parthians, since a straight rounded handle divides them in the middle, the ends are bent downwards on both sides and far apart, presenting the form of a waning moon.

> Latin: 8.37. Hactenus arcus apex protendi existimatur. Eius nune residua leniter sinuata, subiectaque ursae caelesti, ad usque laevum Bospori Thracii latus (ut ordo postulat) exsequemur, id admonentes, quod, cum arcus omnium gentium flexis curventur hastilibus, Scythici soli vel Parthici, circumductis utrimque introrsus pandis et patulis cornibus, effigiem efigiem lunae decrescentis ostendunt, medietatem recta et rotunda regula dividente.

[¶13] 8.38. Well then, at the very beginning of this district, where the Riphaean mountains sink to the plain, dwell the Aremphaei, just men and known for their gentleness, through whose country flow the rivers Chronius and Visula. Near them are the Massagetae, Halani, and Sargetae, as well as several other obscure peoples whose names and customs are unknown to us.

> Latin: 8.38. Ergo in ipso huius compagis exordio, ubi Riphaei deficiunt montes, habitant Arimphaei Aremphaei, iusti homines placiditateque cogniti, quos amnes Chronius et Visula praeterfluunt; iuxtaque Massagetae, Halani et Sargetae, aliique plures obscuri, quorum nec vocabula nobis sunt nota nec mores.

[¶14] 8.39. Then at a considerable distance the Carcinitian gulf opens up, with a river of the same name, and the grove of Trivia, sacred in those regions.

> Latin: 8.39. Interiectu deinde non mediocri Carcinites panditur sinus eiusdemque nominis fluvius, et religiosus per eas terras Triviae lucus.

[¶15] 8.40. Next the Borysthenes, rising in the mountains of the Nervii, rich in waters from its own springs, which are increased by many tributaries, and mingle with the sea in high-rolling waves. On its well-wooded banks are the cities of Borysthenes and Cephalonesus and the altars consecrated to Alexander the Great and Augustus Caesar.

> Latin: 8.40. Dein Borysthenes a montibus oriens Nerviorum, primigeniis fontibus copiosus concursuque multorum amnium adulescens, mari praeruptis undarum verticibus intimatur, cuius in marginibus nemorosis Borysthenes est civitas et Cephalonesus, et arae Alexandro Magno Caesarique Augusto sacratae.

[¶16] 8.41. Then, a long distance away, is a peninsula inhabited by the Sindi, people of low birth, who after the disaster to their masters in Asia got possession of their wives and property. Next to these is a narrow strip of shore which the natives call ʼἀχιλλέως δρόμος, memorable in times past for the exercises of the Thessalian leader. And next to it is the city Tyros, a colony of the Phoenicians, washed by the river Tyras.

> Latin: 8.41. Longo exinde intervallo paene est insula, quam incolunt Sindi ignobiles, post eriles in Asia casus, coniugiis potiti dominorum et rebus, quibus subiectum gracile litus Ἀχιλλέως vocant indigenae δρόμον, exercitiis ducis quondam Thessali memorabilem. Eique proxima est civitas Tyros, colonia Phoenicum, quam praestringit fluvius Tyras.

[¶17] 8.42. Now in the middle space of the bow, which, as I have said, is widely rounded out and is fifteen days’ journey for an active traveller, are the European Halani, the Costobocae, and innumerable Scythian tribes, which extend to lands which have no known limit. Of these, only a small part live on the fruits of the earth; all the rest roam over desert wastes, which never knew plough nor seeds, but are rough from neglect and subject to frosts; and they feed after the foul manner of wild beasts. Their dear ones, their dwellings, and their poor belongings they pack upon wains covered with the bark of trees, and when the fancy takes them they change their abode without trouble, wheeling their carts to the place which has attracted them.

> Latin: 8.42. In medio autem spatio arcus, quod prolixae rotunditatis esse praediximus, quodque expedite viatori diebus conficitur quindecim, Europaei sunt Halani et Costobocae, gentesque Scytharum innumerae, quae porriguntur ad usque terras sine cognito fine distentas. Quarum pars exigua frugibus alitur, residuae omnes palantes per solitudines vastas, nec stivam aliquando nec sementem expertas, sed squalentes et pruinosas, ferarum taetro ritu vescuntur, eisque caritates et habitacula, vilesque suppellectiles plaustris impositae sunt corticibus tectis, et cum placuerit, sine obstaculo migrant, eodem carpenta quo libuerit convolventes.

[¶18] 8.43. But when we have come to another bend, abounding in harbours, which forms the last part of the curve of the bow, the island of Peuce juts forth, and around this dwell the Trogodytae, the Peuci, and other lesser tribes. Here is Histros, once a powerful city, and Tomi, Apollonia, Anchialos, and Odessos, besides many other cities which lie along the Thracian coast.

> Latin: 8.43. Cum autem ad alium portuosum ambitum fuerit ventum, qui arcus figuram determinat ultimam, Peuce Pence prominet insula, quam circumcolunt Trogodytae et Peucini Peuci, minoresque aliae gentes, et Histros quondam potentissima civitas, et Tomi et Apollonia et Anchialos et Odessos, aliae praeterea multae, quas litora continent Thraciarum.

[¶19] 8.44. But the river Danube, rising near Augst, and the mountains near the Raetian frontier, extends over a wide tract, and after receiving sixty tributaries, nearly all of which are navigable, breaks through this Scythian shore into the sea through seven mouths.

> Latin: 8.44. Amnis vero Danubius, oriens prope Rauracos montesque confines limitibus Raeticis, per latiorem orbem praetentus, ac sexaginta navigabilis paene omnes recipiens fluvios, septem ostiis per hoc Scythicum litus erumpit in mare.

[¶20] 8.45. The first of these, as their names are interpreted in the Greek tongue, is the aforesaid island of Peuce, the second Naracustoma, the third Calonstoma, the fourth Pseudostoma; but the Borionstoma and Stenostoma are far smaller than the others; the seventh is muddy and black like a swamp.

> Latin: 8.45. Quorum primum est Peuce insula supra dicta, ut interpretata sunt vocabula Graeco sermone, secundum Naracustoma, tertium Calonstoma, quartum Pseudostoma; nam Borionstoma ac deinde Stenostoma longe minora sunt ceteris; septimum caenosum et palustri specie nigrum.

[¶21] 8.46. Now the entire Pontus throughout its whole circuit is misty, has sweeter waters than the other seas, and is full of shoals, since the air is often thickened and condensed from the evaporation of moisture, and is tempered by the great masses of water that flow into it; and, because the many rivers that pour into it from every side bring in mud and clods, it rises in shoals that are full of ridges.

> Latin: 8.46. Omnis autem circumfluo ambitu Pontus et nebulosus est, et dulcior aequorum ceteris et vadosus, quod et concrescit aer ex umorum spiramine saepe densatus, et irruentium undarum magnitudine temperatur, et consurgit in brevia dorsuosa, limum glebasque aggerente multitudine circumvenientium fluentorum.

[¶22] 8.47. And it is a well-known fact that fish from the remotest bounds of our sea come in schools to this retreat for the purpose of spawning, in order that they may rear their young more healthfully in its sweet waters, and that in the refuge of the hollows, such as are very numerous there, they may be secure from voracious sea-beasts; for in the Pontus nothing of that kind has ever been seen, except small and harmless dolphins.

> Latin: 8.47. Et constat ab ultimis nostri finibus maris, agminatim ad hunc secessum pariendi gratia petere pisces, ut aquarum suavitate salubrius fetus educant in receptaculis cavis (qualia sunt ibi densissima), securi voracium beluarum: nihil enim in Ponto huius modi aliquando est visum, praeter innoxios delphinas et parvos.

[¶23] 8.48. But the part of that same Pontic gulf which is scourged by the north wind and by frosts is so completely bound in ice, that neither are the courses of the rivers believed to flow beneath the ice, nor can men or animals keep their footing on the treacherous and slippery surface, a defect which an unmixed sea never has, but only one which is mingled with water from rivers. But since I have been carried somewhat farther than I expected, let us hasten on to the rest of our story.

> Latin: 8.48. Quicquid autem eiusdem Pontici sinus aquilone caeditur et pruinis, ita perstringitur gelu, ut nec amnium cursus subtervolvi credantur, nec per infidum et labile solum, gressus hominis possit vel iumenti firmari, quod vitium numquam mare sincerum, sed permixtum aquis amnicis temptat. Prolati aliquanto sumus longius quam sperabamus, pergamus ad reliqua.

[¶24] 8.49. Another thing was added, to crown the present joys, something long hoped for it is true, but delayed by an extensive complex of postponements. For it was announced by Agilo and Jovius, who was later quaestor, that the defenders of Aquileia, through weariness of the long siege and having learned of the death of Constantius, had opened their gates, come out, and surrendered the instigators of the revolt; that these were burned alive (as was told above), and all the rest obtained indulgence and pardon for their offences.

> Latin: 8.49. Accesserat aliud ad gaudiorum praesentium cumulum, diu quidem speratum, sed dilationum ambage multiplici mutiplici tractum. Nuntiatum est enim per Agilonem et Iovium, postea quaestorem, Aquileiae defensores longioris obsidii taedio, cognitoque Constanti excessu, patefactis portis egressos, auctores prodidisse turbarum, eisdemque vivis exustis (ut supra relatum est), omnes concessionem impetrasse delictorum et veniam.

[¶25] 9.1. But Julian, elated by his success, now felt more than mortal aspirations, since he had been tried by so many dangers and now upon him, the undisputed ruler of the Roman world, propitious Fortune, as if bearing an earthly horn of plenty, was bestowing all glory and prosperity; also adding this to the records of his former victories, that so long as he was sole ruler he was disturbed by no internal strife and no barbarians crossed his frontiers; but all nations, laying aside their former eagerness for repeated attacks, as ruinous and liable to punishment, were fired with a wonderful desire of sounding his praises.

> Latin: 9.1. At prosperis Iulianus elatior, ultra homines iam spirabat, periclis expertus assiduis, quod ei orbem Romanum placide iam regenti, velut mundanam cornucopiam Fortuna gestans propitia, cuncta gloriosa deferebat et prospera, antegressis victoriarum titulis haec quoque adiciens, quod, dum teneret imperium solus, nec motibus internis est concitus, nec barbarorum quisquam ultra suos exsiluit fines: et populi omnes, aviditate semper insectari praeterita, ut damnosa et noxia, in laudes eius studiis miris accendebantur.

[¶26] 9.2. Therefore, after everything that the times and the changed circumstances demanded had been arranged with careful deliberation, and the soldiers had by numerous addresses and by adequate pay been roused to greater readiness for carrying out the coming enterprises, exulting in the favour of all men, he hastened to go to Antioch, leaving Constantinople supported by great increase of strength; for it was there that he was born, and he loved and cherished the city as his natal place.

> Latin: 9.2. Omnibus igitur, quae res diversae poscebant et tempora, perpensa deliberatione dispositis, et militibus orationibus crebris, stipendioque competenti, ad expedienda incidentia promptius animatis, cunctorum favore sublimis, Antiochiam ire contendens, reliquit Constantinopolim incrementis maximis fultam: natus enim illic, diligebat eam ut genitalem patriam et colebat.

[¶27] 9.3. Accordingly, having crossed the strait, and passed by Chalcedon and Libyssa, where Hannibal the Carthaginian was buried, he came to Nicomedia, a city famed of old and so enlarged at the great expense of earlier emperors, that because of the great number of its private and public buildings it was regarded by good judges as one of the regions, so to speak, of the Eternal City.

> Latin: 9.3. Transgressus itaque fretum, praetercursa Chalcedone et Libyssa, ubi sepultus est Hannibal Poenus, Nicomediam venit, urbem antehac inclytam, ita magnis retro principum amplificatam impensis, ut aedium multitudine privatarum et publicarum, recte noscentibus regio quaedam urbis aestimaretur aeternae.

[¶28] 9.4. When he saw that its walls had sunk into a pitiful heap of ashes, showing his distress by silent tears he went with lagging step to the palace: and in particular he wept over the wretched state of the city because the senate and the people, who had formerly been in a most flourishing condition, met him in mourning garb. And certain of them he recognised, since he had been brought up there under the bishop Eusebius, whose distant relative he was.

> Latin: 9.4. Cuius moenia cum vidisset in favillas miserabiles consedisse, angorem animi tacitis fletibus indicans, pigriore gradu pergebat ad regiam, hoc maxime aerumnis eius illacrimans, quod ordo squalens occurrit et populus nimium quantum antehac florentissimus; et agnoscebat quosdam, ibidem ab Eusebio educatus episcopo, quem genere longius contingebat.

[¶29] 9.5. Having here also in a similar way generously furnished many things that were necessary for repairing the damage done by the earthquake, he went on past Nicaea to the borders of Gallograecia. From there he made a detour to the right and turned to Pessinus, in order to visit the ancient shrine of the Great Mother. It was from that town, in the second Punic war, that at the direction of the Cumaean verses her image was brought to Rome by Scipio Nasica.

> Latin: 9.5. Hic quoque pari modo ad reparanda, quae terrae subverterat tremor, abunde praestitis plurimis, per Nicaeam venit ad Gallograeciae fines, unde dextrorsus itinere declinato, Pessinunta convertit, visurus vetusta Matris magnae delubra, a quo oppido bello Punico secundo, carmine Cumano monente, per Scipionem Nasicam simulacrum translatum est Romam.

[¶30] 9.6. Of its arrival in Italy, along with other matters relating to the subject, I have given a brief account by way of digression in telling of the acts of the emperor Commodus. But why the town was called by that name writers of history are not in agreement;

> Latin: 9.6. Cuius super adventu in Italiam pauca cum aliis huic materiae congruentibus, in actibus Commodi principis digessimus per excessum. Quam autem ob rem hoc nomine oppidum sit appellatum, variant rerum scriptores:

[¶31] 9.7. for some have maintained that since the image of the goddess fell from heaven, the city was named from πεσεῖν, which is the Greek word meaning “to fall.” Others say that Ilus, son of Tros, king of Dardania, gave the place that name. But Theopompus asserts that it was not Ilus who did it, but Midas, the once mighty king of Phrygia.

> Latin: 9.7. quidam enim figmento deae caelitus lapso ἀπὸ τοῦ πεσεῖν (quod cadere nos dicimus) urbem asseruere cognominatam. Alii memorant Ilum, Trois filium Dardaniae regem, locum sic appellasse. At Theopompus non Ilum id egisse, sed Midam affirmat, Phrygiae quondam potentissimum regem.

[¶32] 9.8. Then, after Julian had worshipped the deity and propitiated her with victims and vows, he returned to Ancyra. And as he continued his journey from there, the multitude annoyed him, some demanding the return of what had been wrested from them by violence, others complaining that they had unjustly been forced onto the boards of senators, while some, without regard to their own danger, exerted themselves to the point of madness to involve their opponents in charges of high treason.

> Latin: 9.8. Venerato igitur numine, hostiisque litato et votis, Ancyram rediit: eumque exinde progredientem ulterius, multitudo inquietabat, pars violenter erepta reddi sibi poscentium, alii querentes consortiis se curialium addictos iniuste, non nulli sine respectu periculi agentes ad usque rabiem, ut adversarios suos laesae maiestatis criminibus illigarent.

[¶33] 9.9. But he, a judge more severe than a Cassius, or a Lycurgus, weighed the evidence in the cases with impartial justice and gave every man his due, never deviating from the truth, and showing particular severity towards calumniators, whom he hated because he had experienced the impudent madness of many such folk even to the peril of his life, while he was still a humble private citizen.

> Latin: 9.9. Verum ille iudicibus Cassiis tristior et Lycurgis, causarum momenta aequo iure perpendens, suum cuique tribuebat, nusquam a vero abductus, acrius in calumniatores exsurgens, quos oderat, multorum huius modi petulantem saepe dementiam, ad usque discrimen expertus, dum esset adhuc humilis et privatus.

[¶34] 9.10. Of his patience in such matters it will suffice to give this single example, although there are many others. A certain man with great vehemence charged an enemy of his, with whom he was at bitter odds, of being guilty of high treason; and when the emperor ignored it, he repeated the same charge day after day. At last, on being asked who it was that he accused, he replied that it was a wealthy citizen. On hearing this, the emperor said with a smile: “On what evidence have you come to this conclusion?”

> Latin: 9.10. Exemplumque patientiae eius in tali negotio, licet sint alia plurima, id unum sufficiet poni. Inimicum quidam suum, cum quo discordabat asperrime, commisisse in maiestatem turbulentius deferebat, imperatoreque dissimulante, eadem diebus continuis replicans, interrogatus ad ultimum, qui esset quem argueret, respondit municipem locupletem Quo audito princeps renidens “Quibus indiciis” ait “ad hoc pervenisti?”

[¶35] 9.11. And the man answered: “He is making himself a purple robe out of a silk cloak”; and when after this he was bidden to depart in silence, but unpunished, as a low fellow making a serious charge against another of the same sort, he was none the less insistent. Whereupon Julian, wearied and disgusted with the man’s conduct, seeing his treasurer nearby, said to him: “Have a pair of purple shoes given to this dangerous chatterbox, to take to his enemy (who he says, so far as I can understand, has had a cloak of that colour sewn for him), in order that he may be able to learn what insignificant rags amount to without great power.”

> Latin: 9.11. Et ille “Purpureum sibi” inquit inquid “indumentum ex serico pallio parat,” iussusque post haec ut vilis arduae rei vilem incusans, abire tacitus et innoxius, nihilo minus instabat. Quo taedio Iulianus defetigatus ad largitionum comitem visum propius “Iube” inquit “periculoso garrulo pedum tegmina dari purpurea, ad adversarium perferenda, quem (ut datur intellegi), chlamydem huius coloris memorat sibi consarcinasse, ut sciri possit sine viribus maximis quid pannuli proficiant leves.”

[¶36] 9.12. But, although such conduct was laudable and worthy of imitation by good rulers, it was on the contrary hard and censurable that under his rule anyone who was sought by the curiales, even though protected by special privileges, by length of service in the army, or by proof that he was wholly ineligible by birth for such a position, could with difficulty obtain full justice; so that many of them through fear bought immunity from annoyance by secret and heavy bribes.

> Latin: 9.12. Sed ut haec laudanda et bonis moderatoribus aemulanda, ita illud amarum et notabile fuit, quod aegre sub eo a curialibus quisquam appetitus, licet privilegiis et stipendiorum numero et originis penitus alienae firmitudine communitus, ius obtinebat aequissimum, adeo ut plerique territi emercarentur molestias pretiis clandestinis et magnis.

[¶37] 9.13. Thus proceeding on his way and arriving at the Gates, a place which separates the Cappadocians from the Cilicians, he received with a kiss the governor of the province, Celsus by name, whom he had known since his student days in Athens, gave him a seat in his carriage, and took him with him into Tarsus.

> Latin: 9.13. Itineribus itaque emensis cum ad Pylas venisset, qui locus Cappadocas discernit et Cilicas, osculo susceptum rectorem provinciae, nomine Celsum, iam inde a studiis cognitum Atticis, asscitumque in consessum vehiculi, Tarsum secum induxit.

[¶38] 9.14. But hastening from there to visit Antioch, fair crown of the Orient, he reached it by the usual roads; and as he neared the city, he was received with public prayers, as if he were some deity, and he wondered at the cries of the great throng, who shouted that a lucky star had risen over the East.

> Latin: 9.14. At hinc videre properans Antiochiam, orientis apicem pulcrum, usus itineribus solitis venit, urbique propinquans, in speciem alicuius numinis votis excipitur publicis, miratus voces multitudinis magnae, salutare sidus illuxisse eois partibus acclamantis.

[¶39] 9.15. Now, it chanced that at that same time the annual cycle was completed and they were celebrating, in the ancient fashion, the festival of Adonis (beloved by Venus, as the poet’s tales say), who was slain by the death-dealing tusk of a boar-a festival which is symbolic of the reaping of the ripe fruits of the field. And it seemed a gloomy omen, as the emperor now for the first time entered the great city, the residence of princes, that on all sides melancholy wailing was heard and cries of grief.

> Latin: 9.15. Evenerat autem eisdem diebus, annuo cursu completo, Adonea ritu veteri celebrari, amato Veneris (ut fabulae fingunt), apri dente ferali deleto, quod in adulto flore sectarum est indicium frugum. Et visum est triste, quod amplam urbem principumque domicilium introeunte imperatore tunc primum, ululabiles undique planctus et lugubres sonus audiebantur.

[¶40] 9.16. It was here that he gave a proof of his patience and mildness, slight, it is true, but surprising. He hated a certain Thalassius, a former assistant master of petitions, who had plotted against his brother Gallus. When this man had been prohibited from greeting the emperor and attending at court among the other dignitaries, some enemies of his, with whom he had a suit in the forum, gathered together next day a huge throng of his remaining foes and approaching the emperor, shouted: “Thalas- sius, your majesty’s enemy, has lawlesslyrobbed us of our goods.”

> Latin: 9.16. Hic patientiae eius et lenitudinis documentum leve quidem apparuit, sed mirandum. Thalassium quendam ex proximo libellorum, insidiatorem fratris oderat Galli, quo adorare adesseque officio inter honoratos prohibito, adversarii, cum quibus litigabat in foro, postridie turba congregata superflua, adito imperatore “Thalassius” clamitabant, “inimicus pietatis tuae nostra violenter eripuit.”

[¶41] 9.17. But, although Julian believed that this was an opportunity to ruin the man, he replied: “I know that the person to whom you refer has given me just cause for offence, but it is proper for you to keep silence until he gives satisfaction to me, his opponent of higher rank.” And he ordered the prefect who was sitting in judgement not to listen to their charge until he himself was reconciled with Thalassius, which shortly happened.

> Latin: 9.17. Et ille hac occasione hominem opprimi posse coniciens, “Agnosco” respondit, “quem dicitis offendisse me iusta de causa, sed silere vos interim consentaneum est, dum mihi inimico potiori faciat satis.” Mandavitque assidenti praefecto, ne audiretur eorum negotium, antequam ipse cum oum Thalassio rediret in gratiam, quod brevi evenit.

[¶42] 10.1. Passing the winter there to his heart’s content, he was meanwhile carried away by no incitements of the pleasures in which all Syria abounds; but as if for recreation devoting his attention to cases at law, not less than to difficult and warlike affairs, he was distracted by many cares, as with remarkable willingness to receive information he deliberated how he might give each man his due by righteous decisions, bringing the guilty to order with moderate punishments and protecting the innocent with the safety of their property.

> Latin: 10.1. Ibi hiemans ex sententia, nullis interim voluptatium rapiebatur illecebris, quibus abundant Syriae omnes, verum per speciem quietis, iudicialibus causis intentus, non minus quam arduis bellicisque, distrahebatur multiformibus curis, exquisita docilitate deliberans, quibus modis suum cuique tribueret, iustisque sententiis, et improbi modicis coercerentur suppliciis, et innocentes fortunis defenderentur intactis.

[¶43] 10.2. And, although in arguing cases he was sometimes untimely, asking at some inopportune moment what the religion of each of the litigants was, yet it cannot be found that in the decision of any suit he was inconsistent with equity, nor could he ever be accused because of a man’s religious views, or for any other cause, of having deviated from the straight path of justice.

> Latin: 10.2. Et quamquam in disceptando aliquotiens erat intempestivus, quid quisque iurgantium coleret, tempore alieno interrogans, tamen nulla eius definitio litis a vero dissonans reperitur, nec argui umquam potuit, ob religionem vel quodcumque aliud ab aequitatis recto tramite deviasse.

[¶44] 10.3. For that is desirable and proper judgement, when, after examination of all the circumstances, just is distinguished from unjust; and that he might not depart from this, he was as careful as of dangerous rocks. Now this he was able to accomplish for the reason that, recognising the hastiness of his somewhat excitable disposition, he allowed his prefects and associates freely to curb his impulses, when they led him away from what was fitting, by a timely admonition; and at times he showed that he regretted his errors and was glad to be corrected.

> Latin: 10.3. Iudicium enim hoc est optandum et rectum, ubi per varia negotiorum examina, iustum distinguitur et iniustum; a quo ille ne aberraret, tamquam scopulos cavebat abruptos. Hoc autem ideo assequi potuit, quod levitatem agnoscens commotioris ingenii sui, praefectis proximisque permittebat, ut fidenter impetus sues aliorsum tendentes atque decebat, monitu opportune frenarent; monstrabatque subinde se dolere delictis et gaudere correctione.

[¶45] 10.4. And when the defenders of causes greeted him with the greatest applause, declaring that he understood perfect justice, he is said to have replied with emotion: “I should certainly rejoice and show my joy, if I were praised by those whom I knew to have also the power to blame me in case I was wrong in deed or word.”

> Latin: 10.4. Cumque eum defensores causarum, ut conscium rationis perfectae, plausibus maximis celebrarent, fertur id dixisse permotus: “Gaudebam plane praeque me ferebam, si ab his laudarer, quos et vituperare posse adverterem, siquid factum sit secus aut dictum.”

[¶46] 10.5. But it will suffice, in place of many examples of the clemency that he showed in judicial processes, to set down this one, which is neither out of place nor ill-chosen. When a certain woman had been brought before the court, and contrary to her expectation saw that her accuser, who was one of the court servants that had been discharged, wore his girdle, she loudly complained at this act of insolence. Whereupon the emperor said: “Go on with your charge, woman, if you think that you have been wronged in any way; for this man has thus girt himself in order to go through the mire the more easily; it can do little harm to your cause.”

> Latin: 10.5. Sufficiet autem pro multis, quae clementer egit in litibus cognoscendis, hoc unum ponere nec abhorrens a proposito, nec absurdum. Inducta in iudicium femina quaedam, cum palatinum adversarium suum e numero proiectorum cinctum praeter spem conspexisset, hoc factum insolens tumultuando querebatur, et imperator “Prosequere” ait “mulier, siquid te laesam existimas; hic enim sic cinctus est, ut expeditius per lutum incedat: parum nocere tuis partibus potest.”

[¶47] 10.6. And these and similar instances led to the belief, as he himself constantly affirmed, that the old goddess of Justice, whom Aratus takes up to heaven because she was displeased with the vices of mankind, had returned to earth during his reign, were it not that sometimes Julian followed his own inclination rather than the demands of the laws, and by occasionally erring clouded the many glories of his career.

> Latin: 10.6. Et aestimabatur per haec et similia, ut ipse dicebat assidue, vetus illa Iustitia, quam offensam vitiis hominum, Aratus extollit in caelum, imperante eo reversa ad terras, ni quaedam suo ageret, non legum arbitrio, erransque aliquotiens, obnubilaret gloriarum multiplices cursus.

[¶48] 10.7. For after many other things, he also corrected some of the laws, removing ambiguities, so that they showed clearly what they demanded or forbade to be done. But this one thing was inhumane, and ought to be buried in eternal silence, namely, that he forbade teachers of rhetoric and literature to practise their profession, if they were followers of the Christian religion.

> Latin: 10.7. Post multa enim etiam iura quaedam correxit in melius, ambagibus circumcisis, indicantia liquide, quid iuberent fieri vel vetarent. Illud autem erat inclemens, obruendum perenni silentio, quod arcebat docere magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos, ritus Christiani cultores.

[¶49] 11.1. At about that same time, that notorious state- secretary Gaudentius, who (as I said before) had been sent to Africa by Constantius to oppose Julian there, and also Julianus, a former vice-governor, an intemperate partisan of the same faction, were brought back in chains and punished with death.

> Latin: 11.1. Eisdem diebus notarius ille Gaudentius, quem opponendum per Africam missum supra diximus a Constantio, Iulianus quin etiam ex vicario, earundem partium nimius fautor, retracti sub vinculis, morte periere poenali.

[¶50] 11.2. Then, too, Artemius, sometime military commander in Egypt, since the Alexandrians heaped upon him a mass of atrocious charges, suffered capital punishment. After him the son of Marcellus, at one time commander of the cavalry and infantry, was publicly executed, on the ground that he had aspired to the throne. Finally, even Romanus and Vincentius, tribunes of the first and the second corps of the targeteers, were convicted of designs beyond their powers and exiled.

> Latin: 11.2. tunc Tune et Artemius, ex duce Aegypti, Alexandrinis urgentibus atrocium criminum mole, supplicio capitali multatus est. Post quem Marcelli ex magistro equitum et peditum filius, ut iniectans imperio manus publica deletus est morte. Romanus quin etiam et Vincentius, scutariorum scholae primae secundaeque tribuni, agitasse convicti quaedam suis viribus altiora, acti sunt in exilium.

[¶51] 11.3. Hardly had a brief time elapsed, when the Alexandrians, on learning of the death of Artemius, whom they dreaded, for fear that he would return with his power restored (for so he had threatened) and do harm to many for the wrong that he had suffered, turned their wrath against the bishop Georgius, who had often, so to speak, made them feel his poisonous fangs.

> Latin: 11.3. Cumque tempus interstetisset exiguum, Alexandrini, Artemii comperto interitu, quem verebantur, ne cum potestate reversus (id enim minatus est), multos laederet ut offensus, iram in Georgium verterunt episcopum, vipereis (ut ita dixerim), morsibus ab eo saepius appetiti.

[¶52] 11.4. The story goes that he was born in a fullery at Epiphania, a town of Cilicia, and flourished to the ruin of many people. Then, contrary to his own advantage and that of the commonwealth, he was ordained bishop of Alexandria, a city which on its own impulse, and without ground, is frequently roused to rebellion and rioting, as the oracles themselves show.

> Latin: 11.4. Is in fullonio natus (ut ferebatur), apud Epiphaniam Ciliciae oppidum, auctusque in damna complurium, contra utilitatem suam reique communis, episcopus Alexandriae est ordinatus, in civitate quae suopte motu et ubi causae non suppetunt, seditionibus crebris agitatur et turbulentis, ut oraculorum quoque loquitur fides.

[¶53] 11.5. To the frenzied minds of these people Georgius himself was also a powerful incentive by pouring, after his appointment, into the ready ears of Constantius charges against many, alleging that they were rebellious against his authority; and, forgetful of his calling, which counselled only justice and mildness, he descended to the informer’s deadly practices.

> Latin: 11.5. His efferatis hominum mentibus, Georgius quoque ipse grave accesserat incentivum, apud patulas aures Constantii multos exinde incusans ut eius recalcitrantes imperiis, professionisque suae oblitus, quae nihil nisi iustum suadet et lene, ad delatorum ausa feralia desciscebat.

[¶54] 11.6. And, among other matters, it was said that he maliciously informed Constantius also of this, namely, that all the edifices standing on the soil of the said city had been built by its founder, Alexander, at great public cost, and ought justly to be a source of profit to the treasury.

> Latin: 11.6. Et inter cetera dicebatur id quoque maligne docuisse Constantium, quod in urbe praedicta aedificia cuncta solo cohaerentia, a conditore Alexandro magnitudine impensarum publicarum exstructa, emolumentis aerarii proficere debent ex iure.

[¶55] 11.7. To these evil deeds he had added still another, which soon after drove him headlong to destruction. As he was returning from the emperor’s court and passed by the beautiful temple of the Genius, attended as usual by a large crowd, he turned his eyes straight at the temple, and said: “How long shall this sepulchre stand?” On hearing this, many were struck as if by a thunderbolt, and fearing that he might try to overthrow even that building, they devised secret plots to destroy him in whatever way they could.

> Latin: 11.7. Ad haec mala id quoque addiderat, unde paulo post actus est in exitium praeceps. Reversus ex comitatu principis cum transiret per speciosum Genii templum, multitudine stipatus ex more, flexis ad aedem ipsam luminibus “Quam diu” inquit “sepulcrum hoc stabit?” Quo audito, velut fulmine multi perculsi, metuentesque ne illud quoque temptaret evertere, quicquid poterant in eius perniciem clandestinis insidiis concitabant.

[¶56] 11.8. And lo! on the sudden arrival of the glad news that told of the death of Artemius, all the populace, transported by this unlooked-for joy, grinding their teeth and uttering fearful outcries, made for Georgius and seized him, maltreating him in divers ways and trampling upon him; then they dragged him about spread-eagle fashion, and killed him.

> Latin: 11.8. Ecce autem repente perlato laetabili nuntio, indicante exstinctum Artemium, plebs omnis elata gaudio insperato, vocibus horrendis infrendens, Georgium petit, raptumque diversis mulcandi generibus proterens et conculcans, divaricatis pedibus, interfecit.

[¶57] 11.9. And with him Dracontius, superintendent of the mint, and one Diodorus, who had the honorary rank of count, were dragged about with ropes fastened to their legs and both killed; the former, because he overthrew an altar, newly set up in the mint, of which he had charge; the other, because, while overseer of the building of a church, he arbitrarily cut off the curls of some boys, thinking that this also was a fashion belonging to the pagan worship.

> Latin: 11.9. Cumque eo Dracontius monetae praepositus et Diodorus quidam, veluti comes, iniectis per crura funibus simul exanimati sunt; ille quod aram in moneta quam regebat, recens locatam evertit; alter quod dum aedificandae praeesset ecclesiae, cirros puerorum licentius detondebat, id quoque ad deorum cultum existimans pertinere.

[¶58] 11.10. Not content with this, the inhuman mob loaded the mutilated bodies of the slain men upon camels and carried them to the shore; there they burned them on a fire and threw the ashes into the sea, fearing (as they shouted) that their relics might be collected and a church built for them, as for others who, when urged to abandon their religion, endured terrible tortures, even going so far as to meet a glorious death with unsullied faith; whence they are now called martyrs. And these wretched men who were dragged off to cruel torture might have been protected by the aid of the Christians, were it not that all men without distinction burned with hatred for Georgius.

> Latin: 11.10. Quo non contenta multitudo multitude immanis, dilaniata cadavera peremptorum camelis imposita, vexit ad litus, eisdemque subdito igne crematis, cineres proiecit in mare, id metuens (ut clamabat), ne collectis supremis, aedes illis exstruerentur, ut reliquis, qui deviare a religione compulsi, pertulere cruciabiles poenas, ad usque gloriosam mortem intemerata fide progressi, et nunc martyres appellantur. Poterantque miserandi homines ad crudele supplicium ducti, Christianorum adiumento defendi, ni Georgii odio omnes indiscrete flagrabant.

[¶59] 11.11. The emperor, on hearing of this abominable deed, was bent upon taking vengeance, but just as he was on the point of inflicting the extreme penalty upon the guilty parties, he was pacified by his intimates, who counselled leniency. Accordingly, he issued an edict expressing, in the strongest terms, his horror at the outrage that had been committed, and threatened extreme measures in case in the future anything was attempted contrary to justice and the laws.

> Latin: 11.11. Hoc comperto imperator ad vindicandum facinus nefandum erectus, iamque expetiturus poenas a noxiis ultimas, mitigatus est lenientibus proximis, missoque edicto, acri oratione scelus detestabatur admissum, minatus extrema, si deinde temptatum fuerit aliquid quod iustitia vetet et leges.

[¶60] 12.1. Meanwhile, Julian was preparing a campaign against the Persians, which he had long before planned with lofty strength of mind, being exceedingly aroused to punish their misdeeds in the past, knowing and hearing as he did that this savage people for almost three score years had branded the Orient with the cruelest records of murder and pillage, and had often all but annihilated our armies.

> Latin: 12.1. Inter haec expeditionem parans in Persas, quam dudum animi robore conceperat celso, ad ultionem praeteritorum vehementer elatus est, sciens et audiens, gentem asperrimam per sexaginta ferme annos inussisse Orienti caedum et direptionum monumenta saevissima, ad internecionem exercitibus nostris saepe deletis.

[¶61] 12.2. He was inflamed besides with a twofold longing for war, first, because he was tired of inactivity and dreamed of clarions and battle; and then, exposed as he had been in the first flower of his youth to warfare with savage nations, while his ears were still warm with the prayers of kings and princes who (as it was believed) could more easily be vanquished than led to hold out their hands as suppliants, he burned to add to the tokens of his glorious victories the surname Parthicus.

> Latin: 12.2. Urebatur autem bellandi gemino desiderio, primo quod impatiens otii, lituos somniabat et proelia, dein quod in aetatis flore primaevo, obiectus efferatarum gentium armis, recalentibus etiam tum regum precibus et regalium, qui vinci magis posse quam supplices manus tendere credebantur, ornamentis illustrium gloriarum inserere Parthici cognomentum ardebat.

[¶62] 12.3. But his idle and envious detractors, seeing these mighty and hasty preparations, cried out that it was shameful and ruinous that through the exchange of one man for another so many untimely disturbances should be set on foot; and they devoted all their efforts to putting off the campaign. And they repeatedly said, in the presence of those who they thought could repeat to the emperor what they had heard, that if he did not conduct himself with more moderation in his excessive prosperity and success, like plants that grow rank from too great fertility, he would soon find destruction in his own good fortune.

> Latin: 12.3. Quae maximis molibus festinari cernentes, obtrectatores desides et maligni, unius corporis permutationem tot ciere turbas intempestivas, indignum et perniciosum esse strepebant, studium omne in differendo procinctu ponentes. Et dictitabant, his praesentibus quos audita referre ad imperatorem posse rebantur, eum ni sedatius ageret in immodica rerum secundarum prosperitate, velut luxuriantes ubertate nimia fruges, bonis suis protinus occasurum.

[¶63] 12.4. But though they kept up this agitation long and persistently, it was in vain that they barked around a man as unmoved by secret insults, as was Hercules by those of the Pygmies, or by those of the Lindian peasant Thiodamas.

> Latin: 12.4. Et haec diu multumque agitantes, frustra virum circumlatrabant immobilem occultis iniuriis, ut Pygmaei vel Thiodamas agrestis homo Lindius Herculem.

[¶64] 12.5. But Julian, being a man of uncommonly high spirit, no less carefully considered the importance of his campaign, and used every effort to make corre- sponding preparations.

> Latin: 12.5. Ille tamen ut maioris praeter ceteros spiritus, nihilo lentius magnitudinem expeditionis secum commentans, in praeparandis congruis operam navabat enixam.

[¶65] 12.6. Nevertheless, he drenched the altars with the blood of an excessive number of victims, sometimes offering up a hundred oxen at once, with countless flocks of various other animals, and with white birds hunted out by land and sea; to such a degree that almost every day his soldiers, who gorged themselves on the abundance of meat, living boorishly and corrupted by their eagerness for drink, were carried through the squares to their lodgings on the shoulders of passers-by from the public temples, where they indulged in banquets that deserved punishment rather than indulgence; especially the Petulantes and the Celts, whose wilfulness at that time had passed all bounds.

> Latin: 12.6. Hostiarum tamen sanguine plurimo aras crebritate nimia perfundebat, tauros aliquotiens immolando centenos, et innumeros varii pecoris greges, avesque candidas terra quaesitas et mari, adeo ut in dies paene singulos milites carnis distentiore sagina, victitantes incultius, potusque aviditate corrupti, umeris impositi transeuntium, per plateas ex publicis aedibus, ubi vindicandis potius quam cedendis conviviis indulgebant, ad sua diversoria portarentur, Petulantes ante omnes et Celtae, quorum ea tempestate confidentia creverat ultra modum.

[¶66] 12.7. Moreover, the ceremonial rites were excessively increased, with an expenditure of money hitherto unusual and burdensome. And, as it was now allowed without hindrance, everyone who professed a knowledge of divination, alike the learned and the ignorant, without limit or prescribed rules, were permitted to question the oracles and the entrails, which sometimes disclose the future; and from the notes of birds, from their flight, and from omens, the truth was sought with studied variety, if anywhere it might be found.

> Latin: 12.7. Augebantur autem cerimoniarum ritus immodice, cum impensarum amplitudine antehac inusitata et gravi: et quisque cum impraepedite liceret, scientiam vaticinandi professus, iuxta imperitus et docilis, sine fine vel praestitutis ordinibus, oraculorum permittebantur scitari responsa, et extispicia non numquam futura pandentia, oscinumque et auguriorum et ominum fides, si reperiri usquam posset, affectata varietate quaerebatur.

[¶67] 12.8. While these things were thus going on, as if in time of peace, Julian devoted to many interests, entered upon a new way of consultation, and thought of opening the prophetic springs of the Castalian fount; this, it is said, Caesar Hadrian had blocked up with a huge mass of stones, for fear that (as he himself had learned from the prophetic waters that he was destined to become emperor), others also might get similar information. And Julian, after invoking the god, decided that the bodies which had been buried around the spring, should be moved to another place, under the same ceremonial with which the Athenians had purified the island of Delos.

> Latin: 12.8. Haecque dum more pacis ita procedunt, multorum curiosior Iulianus, novam consilii viam ingressus est, venas fatidicas Castalii recludere cogitans fontis, quem obstruxisse Caesar dicitur Hadrianus mole saxorum ingenti, veritus ne (ut ipse praecinentibus aquis capessendam rem publicam comperit), etiam alii similia docerentur: deumque adfatus circumhumata corpora statuit exinde transferri, eo ritu quo Athenienses insulam purgaverant Delon.