7.2. Therefore he was displaced by Vulcatius Rufinus, a man excellent in all respects, who seemed to be displaying the crown of an honoured old age, except that he never let slip a favourable opportunity for gain, if there was hope of concealment.
7.2. Cui ideo Vulcatius successit Rufinus, omni ex parte perfectus, et velut apicem senectutis honoratae praetendens, sed lucrandi opportunas occasiones occultationis spe numquam praetermittens.
7.3. As soon as he gained the imperial ear, he brought it about that Orfitus, a former prefect of Rome, was freed from banishment, and, after restoration of his lost patrimony, was restored to his home.
7.3. Qui nanctus copiam principis, Orfitum ex praefecto urbis solutum exsilio, patrimonii redintegrata iactura, remitti fecit in lares.
7.4. Valentinian was known to be a cruel man, and although in the early part of his reign, in order to lessen his reputation for harshness, he sometimes strove to keep his savage impulses under his mind’s control, yet the fault, as yet lurking and postponed, little by little broke forth without restraint and caused the destruction of many men; and was increased by fierce outbreaks of hot anger. For the philosophers define anger as a long-continued, sometimes permanent, ulcer of the mind, usually caused by weakness of the intellect; and they give for their opinion the plausible ground that the sickly are more inclined to anger than the sound, women than men, the old than the young, and the wretched than the fortunate.
7.4. Et quamquam Valentinianus, homo propalam ferus, inter imperitandi exordia, ut asperitatis opinionem molliret, impetus truces retinere non numquam in potestate animi nitebatur, serpens tamen vitium et dilatum, paulatim licentius erupit ad perniciem plurimorum, quod auxit ira acerbius effervescens. Hanc enim ulcus esse animi diuturnum, interdumque perpetuum, prudentes definiunt, nasci ex mentis mollitia consuetum, id asserentes argumento probabili, quod iracundiores sunt incolumibus languidi, et feminae maribus, et iuvenibus senes, et felicibus aerumnosi.
7.5. Most conspicuous, however, at that time was the death (among the executions of other persons of low rank ) of Diodes, former head of the state treasury in Illyricum, whom the emperor ordered to be burned to death because of some small offences; and also that of Diodorus, former state agent, and of three attendants of the deputy-governor of Italy; all these suffered cruel execution because the commanding general complained to the emperor that Diodorus had implored the aid of the law against him, as was his right, and that the officials, by order of the judge, had ventured to summon him as he was going on a journey, to answer to the action according to law. The memory of these victims is still honoured by the Christians in Milan, who call the place where they are buried “The Place of the Innocents”.
7.5. Eminuit tamen per id tempus inter alias humilium neces, mors Dioclis ex comite largitionum Illyrici, quem ob delicta brevia flammis iussit exuri; et Diodori ex agente in rebus, triumque apparitorum potestatis vicariae per Italiam, ob id necatorum atrociter, quod apud eum questus est comes, Diodorum quidem adversus se civiliter implorasse iuris auxilium, officiales vero iussu iudicis ausos monere proficiscentem, ut responderet ex lege. Quorum memoriam apud Mediolanum colentes nunc usque Christiani, locum ubi sepulti sunt Ad Innocentis appellant.
7.6. Later, in the affair of a certain Maxentius of Pannonia, when the judge had rightly commanded a speedy execution, the emperor ordered the death of the decurions of three towns; but Eupraxius, who was then quaestor, intervened, saying: “Act more mercifully, most dutiful emperor, for these men whom you order to be put to death as criminals the Christian religion will honour as martyrs (that is to say, as beloved of God).”
7.6. Dein cum in negotio Maxentii cuiusdam Pannonii, ob exsecutionem a iudice recte maturari praeceptam, trium oppidorum ordines mactari iussisset, interpellavit Eupraxius, tunc quaestor, et “Parcius” inquit “agito, piissime principum: hos enim, quos interfici tamquam noxios iubes, ut martyras (id est divinitati acceptos) colet religio Christiana.”
7.7. Eupraxius’ helpful self-confidence was imitated by the prefect Florentius when he heard that, because of some pardonable offence, the emperor had flown into a passion and ordered the execution likewise of three decurions in each of a number of cities; for he said: “What is to be done, then, if any town does not have so many decurions? To the rest this also should be added, that they shall be killed, when the town has them.”
7.7. Cuius salutarem fiduciam praefectus imitatus Florentius, cum in re quadam venia digna audisset, eum percitum ira, iussisse itidem ternos per ordines urbium interfici plurimarum, “Et quid agetur” ait “si oppidum aliquod curialis non habuerit tantos? Inter reliqua id quoque suspendi debet, ut cum habuerit, occidantur.”
7.8. To this ruthlessness was added another thing, dreadful to do or even to tell of, namely, that if anyone came before him to avoid being tried before some powerful enemy, and asked that another judge be assigned him, the request was denied and the man was sent back to the person whom he feared, however many just reasons for the change he might present. Still another horrible thing was talked about; for when he learned that any debtor could pay nothing because of the pressure of want, the emperor ruled that he ought to be put to death.
7.8. Ad hanc inclementiam illud quoque accedebat, dictu dirum et factu, quod siquis eum adisset, iudicium potentis inimici declinans, aliumque sibi postulans dari, hoc non impetrato, ad eundem quem metuebat, licet multa praetenderet iusta, remittebatur. Itemque aliud audiebatur horrendum, quod ubi debitorum aliquem egestate obstrictum nihil reddere posse discebat, interfici debere pronuntiabat.
7.9. That some princes commit these and similar arbitrary acts with lofty arrogance is because they do not allow their friends the opportunity of dissuading them from unjust designs or deeds, and that because of their great power they make their enemies afraid to speak. No correction is possible of the perverse actions of those who believe that what they desire to do must be the highest virtue.
7.9. Haec autem et similia licenter ideo altiore fastu quidam principes agunt, quod amicis emendandi secus cogitata vel gesta copiam negant, inimicos loqui terrent amplitudine potestatis. Nil autem valet correctio pravitatum apud eos qui quod effici velint maximae putant esse virtutis.
8.1. Having set out then from Amiens and hastening to Treves, Valentinian was alarmed by serious news which showed that Britain was brought into a state of extreme need by a conspiracy of the savages, that Nectaridus, the commanding general of the seacoast region, had been killed, and that another general, Fullofaudes, had been ambushed by the enemy and taken prisoner.
8.1. Profectus itaque ab Ambianis, Treverosque festinans, nuntio percellitur gravi, qui Britannias indicabat barbarica conspiratione ad ultimam vexatas inopiam, Nectaridumque comitem maritimi tractus occisum, et Fullofauden ducem hostilibus insidiis circumventum.
8.2. This report aroused great horror, and the emperor sent Severus, who at that time was still commander of the household troops, to set right the disasters, if chance should offer the desired opportunity. But he was recalled a little later, and Jovinus... having set out for the same regions, allowed them to return at quick step, intending to seek the support of a strong army; for he declared that this was demanded by the pressing necessities of the situation.
8.2. Quibus magno cum horrore compertis, Severum etiam tum domesticorum comitem misit, si fors casum dedisset optatum, correcturum sequius gesta: quo paulo postea revocato, Iovinus … in eadem loca profectus reverti eisdem celeri gradu permisit, adminicula petiturus exercitus validi; id enim instantes necessitates flagitare firmabat.
8.3. Finally, because of the many alarming things which constant rumours reported about that same island, Theodosius, a man most favourably known for his services in war, was chosen to be sent there with all speed, and having enrolled legions and cohorts of courageous young men, he hastened to depart, preceded by brilliant expectations.
8.3. Postremo ob multa et metuenda, quae super eadem insula rumores assidui perferebant, electus Theodosius illuc properare disponitur, officiis Martiis felicissime cognitus, asscitaque animosa legionum et cohortium pube, ire tendebat praeeunte fiducia speciosa.
8.4. And, since in giving an account of the history of the emperor Constans I described the ebb and flow of the ocean and the situation of Britain, as well as my powers permitted, I have thought it superfluous to unfold again what has once been set forth, just as Homer’s Ulysses among the Phaeacians shrinks from repeating the details of his adventures because of the excessive difficulty of the task.
8.4. Et quoniam cum Constantis principis actus componerem, motus adulescentis et senescentis oceani, situmque Britanniae, pro captu virium explanavi, ad ea quae digesta sunt semel, revolvi superfluum duxi, ut Ulixes Homericus apud Phaeacas ob difficultatem nimiam replicare formidat.
8.5. It will, however, be in place to say, that at that time the Picts, divided into two tribes, called Dicalydones and Verturiones, as well as the Attacotti, a warlike race of men, and the Scots, were ranging widely and causing great devastation; while the Gallic regions, wherever anyone could break in by land or by sea, were harassed by the Franks and their neighbours, the Saxons, with cruel robbery, fire, and the murder of all who were taken prisoners.
8.5. Illud tamen sufficiet dici, quod eo tempore Picti in duas gentes divisi, Dicalydonas et Verturiones, itidemque Attacotti, bellicosa hominum natio, et Scotti, per diversa vagantes, multa populabantur. Gallicanos vero tractus Franci et Saxones, eisdem confines, quo quisque erumpere potuit, terra vel mari, praedis acerbis incendiisque, et captivorum funeribus omnium violabant.
8.6. In order to prevent these outrages, if favourable fortune gave an opportunity, that most energetic leader hastened to the world’s end, and reached the coast of Bononia, which from the spacious lands opposite is separated only by a narrow space of a sea wont in turn to swell with dreadful surges, and again, without any danger for sailors, to sink to the form of a level plain. From there he quietly crossed the strait and landed at Rutupiae, a quiet haven on the opposite coast.
8.6. Ad haec prohibenda, si copiam dedisset fortuna prosperior, orbis extrema dux efficacissimus petens, cum venisset ad Bononiae litus, quod a spatio controverso terrarum, angustiis reciproci distinguitur maris, attolli horrendis aestibus assueti, rursusque sine ulla navigantium noxa, in speciem complanari camporum, exinde transmeato lentius freto, defertur Rutupias, stationem ex adverso tranquillam.
8.7. When the Batavi, Heruli, Jovii, and Victores, who followed him, had arrived, troops confident in their strength, he began his march and came to the old town of Lundinium, which later times called Augusta. There he divided his troops into many parts and attacked the predatory bands of the enemy, which were ranging about and were laden with heavy packs; quickly routing those who were driving along prisoners and cattle, he wrested from them the booty which the wretched tribute-paying people had lost.
8.7. Unde cum consecuti Batavi venissent et Heruli, Ioviique et Victores, fidentes viribus numeri, egressus tendensque ad Lundinium, vetus oppidum quod Augustam posteritas appellavit, divisis plurifariam globis, adortus est vagantes hostium vastatorias manus, graves onere sarcinarum, et propere fusis, qui vinctos homines agebant et pecora, praedam excussit, quam tributarii perdidere miserrimi.
8.8. And when all this had been restored to them, except for a small part which was allotted to the wearied soldiers, he entered the city, which had previously been plunged into the greatest difficulties, but had been restored more quickly than rescue could have been expected, rejoicing and as if celebrating an ovation.
8.8. Eisdemque restituta omni praeter partem exiguam, impensam militibus fessis, mersam difficultatibus summis antehac civitatem, sed subito, quam salus sperari potuit recreatam, in ovantis speciem laetissimus introiit.
8.9. While he lingered there, encouraged by the successful outcome to dare greater deeds, he carefully considered what plans would be safe; and he was in doubt about his future course, since he learned from the confessions of the captives and the reports of deserters that the widely scattered enemy, a mob of various natives and frightfully savage, could be overcome only by secret craft and unforeseen attacks.
8.9. Ubi ad audenda maiora, prospero successu elatus, tutaque scrutando consilia, futuri morabatur ambiguus, diffusam variarum gentium plebem, et ferocientem immaniter, non nisi per dolos occultiores, et improvisos excursus, superari posse, captivorum confessionibus, et transfugarum indiciis, doctus.
8.10. Finally, he issued proclamations, and under promise of pardon summoned the deserters to return to service, as well as many others who were wandering about in various places on furlough. In consequence of this demand and strongly moved by his offer, most returned, and Theodosius, relieved of his anxious cares, asked that Civilis be sent to him to govern Britain as deputy-prefect, a man of somewhat fiery temper, but steadfast in justice and uprightness, and also Dulcitius, a general distinguished for his knowledge of the art of war.
8.10. Denique edictis propositis, impunitateque promissa, desertores ad procinctum vocabat, et multos alios per diversa libero commeatu dispersos. Quo monitu rediere plerique, incentivo perciti, relevatusque anxiis curis, Civilem nomine recturum Britannias pro praefectis, ad se poposcerat mitti, virum acrioris ingenii, sed iusti tenacem et recti, itidemque Dulcitium, ducem scientia rei militaris insignem.
9.1. This is what was happening in Britain. But Africa from the very beginning of Valentinian’s reign was sore distressed by the madness of the savages, who made daring forays, and were eager for wholesale bloodshed and robbery. This evil was increased by the slackness of the army and its greed for seizing the property of others; and especially by the conduct of the governor, Romanus by name.
9.1. Haec in Britanniis agebantur. Africam vero, iam inde ab exordio Valentiniani imperii imperil, exurebat barbarica rabies, per procursus audentiores, et crebris caedibus et rapinis intenta. Quam rem militaris augebat socordia, et aliena invadendi cupiditas, maximeque Romani nomine comitis.
9.2. He, having an eye to the future and being an adept in shifting odium to others, was hated by many because of his savage disposition, but especially for his haste to outdo the enemy in devastating the provinces. He relied especially on his relationship with Remigius, then chief marshal of the court, who sent in false and contradictory reports; hence the emperor, in spite of the great caution which in his own opinion he exhibited, for a long time remained unaware of the lamentable losses of the people of Africa.
9.2. Qui venturi providus transferendaeque in alios invidiae artifex, saevitia morum multis erat exosus, hac praecipue causa, quod superare hostes in vastandis provinciis festinabat, affinitate Remigii tunc tune magistri officiorum confisus, quo prava et contraria referente, princeps (ut prae se ferebat ipse) cautissimus, lacrimosa dispendia diutius ignoravit Afrorum.
9.3. The complete series of events in those regions, the death of the governor Ruricius and of the ambassadors and the other mournful occurrences I shall set forth carefully when my plan calls for it.
9.3. Gestorum autem per eas regiones seriem plenam, et Rurici Ruricii praesidis legatorumque mortem, et cetera luctuosa, cum adegerit ratio, diligentius explicabo.
9.4. But since I have a free opportunity of saying what I think, I shall declare openly that Valentinian was the first of all emperors to increase the arrogance of the military, to the injury of the commonwealth, by raising their rank and power to excess; moreover (a thing equally to be deplored, both publicly and privately), he punished the peccadilloes of the common soldiers with unbending severity, while sparing those of higher rank; so that these assumed that they had complete licence for their sins, and were aroused to shameful and monstrous crimes. In consequence, they are so arrogant as to believe that the fortunes of all without distinction are dependent on their nod.
9.4. Et quoniam adest liber locus dicendi quae sentimus, aperte loquemur: hunc imperatorem omnium primum in maius militares fastus ad damna rerum auxisse communium, dignitates opesque eorum sublimius erigentem, et quod erat publice privatimque dolendum, indeflexa saevitia punientem gregariorum errata, parcentem potioribus, qui tamquam peccatis indulta licentia, ad labes delictorum immanium consurgebant; qui ex eo altius anhelantes, ex nutu suo indistanter putant omnium pendere fortunas.
9.5. In order to diminish their bluster and self-importance, the lawgivers of old were of the opinion that sometimes even some innocent persons should be punished with death. And this often happens when, because of the wrongdoings of any multitude, through the injustice of fate, some guiltless persons suffer; for that sometimes has applied to the trials of private citizens.
9.5. Horum flatus et pondera inventores iuris antiqui mollientes, etiam insontes quosdam aliquotiens suppliciis aboleri censuere letalibus. Quod saepe contingit, cum ob multitudinis crimina non nulli sortis iniquitate plectuntur innoxii; id enim non numquam ad privatorum pertinuit causas.
9.6. Now in Isauria bands of brigands were over- running the neighbouring places, harassing towns and rich villas with unrestrained pillage, and inflicting great losses on Pamphylia and the Cilicians. Musonius, the deputy-governor of Asia at that time, who had formerly been a teacher of rhetoric in Attic Athens, perceived that, since no one resisted them, they were devastating everything with utter destruction; so at last, finding the situation deplorable and that the luxury of the soldiers made their aid feeble, he gathered together a few half-armed troops, whom they call Diogmitæ, and attempted to attack. one band of the marauders, if the opportunity should offer. But in passing down through a narrow and winding pass he came into an ambuscade from which he could not escape, and was slain there with those whom he was leading.
9.6. At in Isauria, globatim per vicina digressi praedones, oppida villasque uberes libera populatione vexantes, magnitudine iacturarum Pamphyliam afflictabant et Cilicas. Quos cum nullis arcentibus, internecive cuncta disperdere, Asiae vicarius ea tempestate Musonius advertisset, Athenis Atticis antehac magister rhetoricus, deploratis novissime rebus, luxuque adiumento militari marcente, adhibitis semermibus paucis, quos Diogmitas appellant, unum grassatorum cuneum (si patuisset facultas), adoriri conatus, per angustum quendam transiens devexitatis anfractum, ad inevitabiles venit insidias, et ibi cum his confossus est quos ducebat.
9.7. When the brigands, highly elated by this success, with greater confidence extended their raids in various directions, at last our troops were called out and after killing some of them drove the rest to the rocky retreats in the mountains where they live. Then, since no opportunity was revealed there for taking rest or finding anything fit for food, they called a truce and asked that peace be granted them, following the advice of the Germanicopolitani, whose opinions were always decisive with them, as if they were those of the standard-bearers in battle. Then they gave the hostages that were demanded, and remained quiet for a long time, without venturing on any hostile act.
9.7. Tali successu latrones praetumidos, palantesque per varia confidentius, interfectis aliquibus, ad latebrosa montium saxa, quae incolunt, excitae tandem copiae contruserunt; ubi cum eis nec quiescendi nec nee inveniendi ad victum utilia copia laxaretur, per indutias pacem sibi tribui poposcerunt, Germanicopolitanis auctoribus, quorum apud eos ut signiferae manus semper valuere sententiae, obsidibusque datis (ut imperatum est), immobiles diu mansere, nihil audentes hostile.
9.8. Meanwhile Praetextatus, who with high distinction acted as prefect of the city of Rome, through repeated acts of honesty and uprightness, for which he was famous from early youth, attained what rarely falls to a man’s lot; for although he was feared by his fellow-citizens, he did not lose their love, which as a rule is apt to be less strong towards officials who are dreaded.
9.8. Haec inter Praetextatus praefecturam urbis sublimius curans, per integritatis multiplices actus et probitatis, quibus ab adulescentiae rudimentis inclaruit, adeptus est id quod raro contingit, ut cum timeretur, amorem non perderet civium, minus firmari solitum erga iudices formidatos.
9.9. Through his authority and his decisions based upon justice and truth the outbreak which was stirred up by the quarrels of the Christians was quelled, and after the banishment of Ursinus profound quiet reigned, which most suited the wish of the citizens of Rome; and the fame of this illustrious ruler increased because of his many salutary measures.
9.9. Cuius auctoritate iustisque veritatis suffragiis, tumultu lenito, quem Christianorum iurgia concitarunt, pulsoque Ursino, alta quies est parta, proposito civium Romanorum aptissima, et adulescebat gloria praeclari rectoris, plura et utilia disponentis.
9.10. For he removed all the Maeniana, the building of which in Rome was forbidden by early laws also, and he separated from the sacred buildings the walls of private houses, which had been irreverently built against them. He established standard weights in every quarter of the city, since otherwise the greed of many, who rigged up their balances after their own inclination, could not be dealt with. And in the examination of legal cases he deserved above all others the distinction which Cicero mentions in the commendation of Brutus, that although he did nothing to gain favour, yet everything that he did was looked upon with favour.
9.10. Namque et Maeniana sustulit omnia, fabricari Romae priscis quoque vetita legibus, et discrevit ab aedibus sacris privatorum parietes, eisdem inverecunde conexos, ponderaque per regiones instituit universas, cum aviditati multorum, ex libidine trutinas componentium, occurri nequiret. In examinandis vero litibus ante alios id impetravit quod laudando Brutum Tullius refert, ut cum nihil ad gratiam faceret, omnia tamen grata viderentur esse, quae factitabat.
10.1. At about this same time, Valentinian had begun his campaign with wariness, as he himself thought, when a prince of the Alamanni called Rando, after long preparation for his design, with a lightarmed band equipped for plundering, secretly made his way into Mogontiacus, which had no garrison.
10.1. Sub idem fere tempus, Valentiniano ad expeditionem caute (ut rebatur ipse) profecto, Alamannus regalis (Rando nomine) diu praestruens quod cogitabat, Mogontiacum praesidiis vacuam cum expeditis ad latrocinandum latenter irrepsit.
10.2. And since he chanced to find that a festival of the Christian religion was being celebrated, he was not hindered in carrying off defenceless men and women of every kind of station along with no small amount of household goods.
10.2. Et quoniam casu Christiani ritus invenit celebrari sollemnitatem, impraepedite cuiusque cuiusce modi fortunae virile et muliebre secus cum supellectili non parva indefensum abduxit.
10.3. Then, after a brief interval, the hope of better fortune unexpectedly dawned upon the Roman state. For since King Vithicabius, son of Vadomarius, who was somewhat weak and sickly in appearance, but valiant and vigorous, again and again kindled the flames of war against us, no efforts were spared to dispose of him by any possible manner of death.
10.3. Parvo inde post intervallo, inopina rei Romanae spes laetiorum adfulsit. Cum enim Vithicabius rex, Vadomarii filius, specie quidem molliculus et morbosus, sed audax et fortis, ardores in nos saepe succenderet bellicos, opera navabatur impensior, ut qualibet concideret strage.
10.4. And because after several attempts he could in no way be overcome or treacherously surrendered, he was slain by the perfidy of an attendant on his private life through the earnest solicitation of our men; and after his death the enemy’s raids slackened somewhat. But the assassin, through fear of the punishment which he dreaded in case the affair should become known, hastened to take refuge on Roman soil.
10.4. Et quia temptatus aliquotiens, nullo genere potuit superari vel prodi, fraude citerioris vitae ministri, studio sollicitante nostrorum, occubuit, cuius post necem aliquatenus hostiles torpuere discursus. Interfector tamen prae metu poenarum, quas verebatur si patuisset negotium, ad Romanum solum se celeri transtulit gradu.
10.5. After this, with especially diligent care and with troops of various kinds, a more serious campaign than common was prepared against the Alamanni, since the public safety imperiously demanded it; for from a race that so easily recovered its strength treacherous attacks were to be feared; and the soldiers were equally incensed against them, since the untrustworthy nature of an enemy who was at one time abject and suppliant and soon afterwards threatening the worst, allowed them no rest or cessation from warfare.
10.5. Parabatur post haec contentioribus curis, et per copias multiformes, in Alamannos expeditio solitis gravior, destinatius id publica tutela poscente, quoniam reparabilis gentis motus timebantur infidi: milite nihilo minus accenso, cui ob suspectos eorum mores nunc infimorum et supplicum, paulo post ultima minitantium, nullae quiescendi dabantur indutiae.
10.6. Therefore a mighty mass of troops was assembled from all quarters and carefully provided with arms and supplies of food, Count Sebastianus was summoned with the Illyrian and Italian legions which he commanded, and as soon as the warm season began, Valentinian with Gratianus crossed the Main. Seeing no one, the emperor divided his army and advanced in square formation with himself in the centre and the generals Jovinus and Severus guarding the flanks on both sides, in order that they might not be exposed to a sudden attack.
10.6. Contracta igitur undique mole maxima catervarum, armis et subsidiis rei cibariae diligenter instructa, accitoque Sebastiano comite cum Illyricis et Italicis numeris, quos regebat, anni tempore iam tepente Valentinianus cum Gratiano Moenum transiit, visoque nemine, divisis agminibus quadratis, ipse medius incedebat, Iovino et Severo, magistris rei castrensis, altrinsecus ordinum latera servantibus, ne repentino invaderentur adsultu.
10.7. Then, guided by men who knew the roads, and carefully reconnoitering the approaches, they at once marched slowly onward, through a widely extended tract of country, while the soldiers, more and more eager for battle, ground their teeth in a threatening way, as if they had already come upon the savages. But since after the lapse of several days no one could be found to oppose them, all the cornfields and dwellings which they saw were laid waste by devouring flames kindled by a band of the cohorts, with the exception of such foodstuffs as doubt about the outcome of affairs forced them to gather and keep.
10.7. Protinusque inde ductantibus itinerum callidis, exploratis accessibus, per regiones longo situ porrectas, sensim gradiens miles, irritatior ad pugnandum, velut repertis barbaris minaciter infrendebat. Et quoniam aliquot diebus emensis, nullus potuit qui resisteret inveniri, cuncta satorum et tectorum quae visebantur, iniecta cohortium manu, vorax flamma vastabat, praeter alimenta quae colligi dubius rerum eventus adigebat et custodiri.
10.8. After this the emperor went on at slower pace, and when he had come near a place called Solicinium, he halted as if checked by some barrier, since he was reliably informed by the scouting troops in the van that the savages had been seen at a distance.
10.8. Post haec leniore gressu princeps ulterius tendens, cum prope locum venisset, cui Solicinio nomen est, velut quadam obice stetit, doctus procursantium relatione verissima, barbaros longe conspectos.
10.9. And, in fact, the enemy, seeing no way left to save their lives except to defend themselves by a swift onset, trusting to their knowledge of the ground and in general agreement with one another, had stationed themselves on a lofty mountain, surrounded on all sides by rocky and precipitous heights and inaccessible except on the northern side, where it has an easy and gentle slope. At once our standards were planted in the usual manner, while everywhere the call to arms was sounded; but, at the command of the emperor and his generals, the well-disciplined soldiers stood fast, waiting for the raising of the banner, which was the signal that it was the fit time to begin the battle.
10.9. Qui nullam ad tuendam salutem viam superesse cernentes, ni se celeri defendissent occursu, locorum gnaritate confisi, unum spirantibus animis, montem occupavere praecelsum, per confragosos colles undique praeruptum et invium, absque septentrionali latere (unde facilem habet devexitatem et mollem). Signis ilico fixis ex more, cum undique ad arma conclamaretur, imperio principis et ductorum stetit regibilis miles, vexillum opperiens extollendum: quod erat opportune subeundae indicium pugnae.
10.10. Therefore, because little or no time for deliberation was given, since on one side the impatience of our soldiers was alarming, and on the other the Alamanni were yelling dreadfully all round, need for quick action made this plan advisable: that Sebastianus with his men should seize the northern part of the mountains, which (as we have said) had a gentle slope, in order that, if fortune should so decree, they might with little trouble strike down the Germans as they fled. The plan thus agreed upon was hastily carried out, and Gratianus, whose youth was even then unequal to battles and toil, was kept back with the legion of the Joviani, while Valentinian, as a deliberate and cautious leader, with uncovered head surveyed the centuries and maniples; and without taking anyone of the higher officers into his confidence he dismissed his throng of attendants, and with a few companions, known to him for their energy and fidelity, hastened off to inspect the foot of the hills, declaring (for he had a lofty opinion of his own judgment) that another wav besides that which the scouts had seen could be found leading to the steep heights.
10.10. Ergo quia spatium deliberandi aut exiguum dabatur aut nullum, hinc impatientia militis perterrente, inde horrenda circumsonantibus Alamannis, id consilium ratio celeritatis admisit, ut arctoam montium partem, quam clementer diximus esse proclivem, Sebastianus occuparet cum suis, fugientes Germanos, si fors ita tulisset, levi negotio confossurus: quo ita (ut placuit) maturato, Gratianoque apud signa Iovianorum retro detento, cuius aetas erat etiam tum proeliorum impatiens et laborum, Valentinianus ut dux cunctator et tutus, centurias et manipulos capite intecto collustrans, nullo potentium in conscientiam arcani adhibito, remota multitudine stipatorum, speculatum radices aggerum avolavit cum paucis, quorum industriam norat et fidem, praedicans (ut erat sui arrogans aestimator) inveniri posse aliam viam, ducentem ad arduos clivos, praeter eam quam inspexere procursatores.
10.11. Then, as he was making his way by devious paths over unknown places and marshy bogs, a band of the enemy placed in ambush in a hidden spot would have slain him by a sudden attack, had he not resorted to the last means of safety, put spurs to his horse, ridden away through the slippery mud, and taken refuge in the bosom of his legions after an imminent danger to which he was so very close that the chamberlain who carried the emperor’s helmet, adorned with gold and precious stones, completely disappeared together with the helmet itself, and could be found later neither alive nor dead.
10.11. Per ignota itaque et palustres uligines devius tendens, insidiatricis manus locatae per abdita subito oppetisset accursu, ni necessitatis adiumento postremo, per labilem limum incitato iumento digressus, legionum se gremiis immersisset, post abruptum periculum, cui adeo proximus fuit, ut galeam eius cubicularius ferens, auro lapillisque distinctam, cum ipso tegmine penitus interiret, nec postea vivus reperiretur aut interfectus.
10.12. Then, after the troops had been given a rest for recovering their strength, and the standard had been raised, which is accustomed to rouse men to battle, urged on by the menacing blare of trumpets they advanced to the attack with bold confidence. Two choice young warriors, Salvius and Lupicinus, the one a targeteer, the other belonging to the troop of gentiles, at the very beginning of the struggle, at once dashed forward before the others, urging on the battle with terrifying shouts. Brandishing their lances, they came to the opposing mass of rocks, and while the Alamanni were trying to push them back and they were striving to mount higher, the whole weight of our army came up, and, led by the same champions through places rough and shaggy with thickets, by a mighty effort scrambled up to the lofty heights.
10.12. Proinde quiete reficiendis corporibus data, signoque erecto, quod solet ad pugnam hortari, tubarum minacium accendente clangore, fidentissimo impetu acies motas, prompte ante alios praeiere duo iuvenes lecti, in principiis adeundi discriminis, Salvius et Lupicinus, scutarius unus, alter e schola gentilium, bellum fragore terribili concitantes: hastasque crispando, cum ad rupium obiecta venissent, trudentibusque Alamannis evadere ad celsiora conarentur, advenit omne pondus armorum, eisdemque antesignanis, per hirta dumis et aspera, magno virium nisu in editas sublimitates erepsit.
10.13. Then with bitterness of spirit on both sides the conflict was essayed with levelled lances; on one side soldiers more skilled in the art of war, on the other the savages, fierce but reckless, joined in hand-to-hand conflict. Finally, our army, extending its lines and encircling the enemy on both flanks, began to cut them down, terrified as they were by the din, by the neighing of horses, and by the blare of trumpets.
10.13. Acri igitur partium spiritu, conflictus cuspidibus temptatur infestis, et hinc arte belli doctior miles, inde licet feroces sed incauti barbari dexteris coiere collatis, quos latius sese pandens exercitus, infusis utrimque cornibus afflictabat, per fremitus territos, et equorum hinnitus, et tubas.
10.14. Nevertheless, the foe took courage and resisted, and the contest continued with mighty struggles, the fortune of battle being for a long time undecided, while dire death and mutual destruction accompanied the fighting.
10.14. Nihilominus tamen ipsi assumpta fiducia restiterunt, aequataque parumper proeliorum sorte, haud parva mole certatum est, dum ruinarum funeribus mutuis res gerebatur.
10.15. But at last the Alamanni were thrown into confusion by the impetuosity of the Romans, and, disordered from fear, the foremost were mingled with the hindermost, and as they turned and fled they were pierced through by our javelins and pikes. At last, in panting and exhausted flight they exposed to their pursuers their hams, calves and backs. Then, after many had been laid low, Sebastianus, who had been posted with his reserve troops at the back of the mountains, surrounded a part of the fugitives on their exposed flank and slaughtered them; the rest in scattered flight took refuge in their haunts in the forests.
10.15. Disiecti denique Romanorum ardore, metuque turbati, miscentur ultimis primi, dumque in pedes versi discedunt, verrutis hostilibus forabantur et pilis. Postremo dum anheli currunt et fessi, pandebant sequentibus poplites et suras et dorsa. Stratis denique multis, lapsorum partem Sebastianus, cum subsidiali manu locatus post montium terga, trucidavit ex incauto latere circumventam: dispersi ceteri silvarum se latebris amendarunt.
10.16. In this battle some of our fathers also were not insignificant persons. Among them were Valerianus, first officer of all the household troops, and Natuspardo, one of the targeteers, a warrior so distinguished that he may be compared with Sicinius and Sergius of old. After finishing the campaign with these varied fortunes, the soldiers returned to their winter quarters, and the emperors to Treves.
10.16. In hac dimicatione, nostri quoque periere non contemnendi. Inter quos Valerianus fuit domesticorum omnium primus, et Natuspardo quidam scutarius, exsertus ita bellator, ut Sicinio veteri comparetur, et Sergio. Hisque tali casuum diversitate perfectis, milites ad hiberna, imperatores Treveros reverterunt.
11.1. In the course of this time Vulcacius Rufinus ended his life while still in office, and Probus was summoned from Rome to fill the office of praetorian prefect, a man known for the distinction of his family, his influence, and his great wealth, throughout the whole Roman world, in almost all parts of which he possessed estates here and there, whether justly or unjustly is not a question for my humble judgement.
11.1. Per haec tempora Vulcatio Vulcacio Rufino absoluto vita, dum administrat, ad regendam praefecturam praetorianam ab urbe Probus accitus, claritudine generis et potentia et opum amplitudine cognitus orbi Romano, per quem universum paene patrimonia sparsa possedit, iuste an secus, non iudicioli est ruinarum, V; turmarum, EAG. nostri.
11.2. This man was carried on the swift wings—as the poets’ fancy expresses it-of a kind of congenital good fortune, which showed him to be now generous and ready to advance his friends, but sometimes a cruel schemer, working harm by his deadly jealousies. And although he had great power so long as he lived, because of the sums that he gave away and his constant resumption of offices, yet he was sometimes timid when boldly confronted, though arrogant against those who feared him; so that in his moments of confidence he seemed to thunder from tragic buskin, and when he was afraid, to be more humble than any wearer of the slipper.
11.2. Hunc quasi genuina quaedam (ut fingunt poetae) fortuna vehens praepetibus pinnis, nunc beneficum ostendebat, et amicos altius erigentem, aliquotiens insidiatorem dirum et per cruentas noxium simultates. Et licet potuit (quoad vixit) ingentia, largiendo et intervallando potestates assiduas, erat tamen interdum timidus ad audaces, contra timidos celsior, ut videretur cum sibi fideret, de cothurno strepere tragico, et ubi paveret, omni humilior socco.
11.3. And as the finny tribe, when removed from its own element, does not breathe very long on dry land, so he pined away when not holding prefectures; these he was compelled to seek because of the constant lawlessness of certain families which on account of their boundless avarice were never free from guilt, and in order to carry out their many evil designs with impunity, plunged their patron into affairs of state.
11.3. Atque ut natantium genus, elemento suo expulsum, haud ita diu spirat in terris, ita ille marcebat absque praefecturis, quas ob iugi familiarum licentia, capessere cogebatur, numquam innocentium per cupiditates immensas, utque multa perpetrarent impune, dominum suum mergentium in rem publicam.
11.4. Now it must be admitted that he had such natural greatness of spirit that he never ordered a client or a slave to do anything illegal; but, on the other hand, if he learned that any one of them had committed any crime, even though Justice herself cried out against the man, without investigating the matter and without regard to honour and virtue, he defended him. That is a fault which Cicero censures in the following words: “For what difference is there between one who advises an act and one who approves it? Or what does it matter whether I wished anything to happen or rejoice that it has happened?”
11.4. Namque fatendum est numquam numnquam ille, magnanimitate coalitus, clienti vel servo agere quicquam iussit illicitum, sed si eorum quemquam crimen ullum compererat admisisse, vel ipsa repugnante Iustitia, non explorato negotio, sine respectu boni honestique defendebat. Quod vitium reprehendens, ita pronuntiat Cicero: “Quid enim interest inter suasorem facti et probatorem? aut quid refert utrum voluerim fieri an gaudeam factum?”
11.5. Yet he was suspicious, and fortified by his own character; he could smile rather bitterly and sometimes resorted to flattery in order to work harm.
11.5. Suspiciosus tamen et munitus suopte ingenio fuit, et subamarum arridens, blandiensque interdum, ut noceat.
11.6. He had, moreover, what is a conspicuous evil in such characters, especially when one thinks to be able to conceal it, in that he was so merciless and unbending, that if he had made up his mind to injure anyone, he could not be made to relent nor induced to pardon errors; indeed, his ears seemed to be stopped, not with wax, but with lead. At the very height of riches and honours he was worried and anxious, and hence always troubled with slight illnesses. This was the course of events throughout the western regions.
11.6. Id autem perspicuum est in eius modi moribus malum, tum maxime cum celari posse existimatur; ita implacabilis et directus, ut si laedere quemquam instituisset, nec exorari posset nec ad ignoscendum erroribus inclinari, ideoque aures eius non cera sed plumbo videbantur obstructae. In summis divitiarum et dignitatum culminibus, anxius et sollicitus, ideoque semper levibus morbis afflictus. Hae per occidentales plagas series rerum fuere gestarum.
12.1. Now the king of the Persians, the famous Sapor, now aged, and from the very outset of his reign given over to the pleasure of plunder, after the death of the emperor Julian and the shameful treaty of peace that was struck, for a time appeared with his subjects to be friendly to us. But then, trampling under foot the promise of the pact made under Jovian, he laid his hand on Armenia, with the intention of bringing the country under his sway, as if all force of the agreements that had been made was at an end.
12.1. Rex vero Persidis, longaevus ille Sapor, et ab ipsis imperitandi exordiis dulcedini rapinarum addictus, post imperatoris Iuliani excessum, et pudendae pacis icta foedera, cum suis paulisper nobis visus amicus, calcata fide sub Ioviano pactorum, iniectabat Armeniae manum ut eam, velut placitorum abolita firmitate, dicioni iungeret suae.
12.2. At first he tried to accomplish his purpose through various arts of deception, and he inflicted slight losses on this powerfully populous nation, by soliciting some of the grandees and satraps and surprising others by unexpected forays.
12.2. Et primo per artes fallendo diversas, nationem hominum potentem dispendiis levibus afflictabat, sollicitans quosdam optimatum et satrapas, alios excursibus occupans improvisis.
12.3. Then, by carefully calculated flattery mingled with perjury, King Arsaces himself was tricked; for after being invited to a banquet he was taken according to orders to a secret rear-door; there, after his eyes had been gouged out, he was bound in silver chains, which among that people is regarded as a consolation, though an empty one, for the punishment of men of rank, and then he was banished to a fortress called Agabana, where after being tortured he was slain by the penal steel.
12.3. Dein per exquisitas periuriisque mixtas illecebras, captum regem ipsum Arsacen, adhibitumque in convivium, iussit ad latentem trahi posticam, eumque effossis oculis vinctum catenis argenteis, quod apud eos honoratis vanum suppliciorum aestimatur esse solacium, exterminavit ad castellum Agabana nomine, ubi discruciatus ceciderat ferro poenali.
12.4. After this, in order to leave nothing unstained by treachery, Sapor drove out Sauromaces, who by Rome’s authority had been given the rule of Hiberia, and appointed a certain Aspacures to govern that same people; and besides he bestowed on him the crown, in order to show his contempt of our authority.
12.4. Deinde nequid intemeratum perfidia praeteriret, Sauromace pulse, quem auctoritas Romana praefecit Hiberiae, Aspacurae cuidam potestatem eiusdem detulit gentis, diademate addito, ut arbitrio se monstraret insultare nostrorum.
12.5. After thus effecting these abominable designs, he entrusted Armenia to Cylaces, a eunuch, and to Arrabannes, both of whom he had long before received as deserters—of these the former was said to have been previously a governor in that nation, the latter, a commander-in-chief-giving them orders to use all care to destroy Artogerassa, a powerful town with strong walls, which guarded the treasury of Arsaces, as well as his son and his wife.
12.5. Quibus ita studio nefando perfectis, Cylaci spadoni et Artabanni Arrabanni, quos olim susceperat perfugas, commisit Armeniam (horum alter ante gentis praefectus, magister alter fuisse dicebatur armorum) eisdemque mandarat, ut Artogerassam intentiore cura exscinderent, oppidum muris et viribus validum, quod thesauros et uxorem cum filio tuebatur Arsacis.
12.6. These leaders began the siege according to their orders. And since they could not gain access to the fortress, which was situated on a rough mountain, because the weather was then stiff with snow and frost, Cylaces, being a eunuch and skilled in cajoling like a woman, in company with Arrabannes, having first obtained a pledge that their lives would be spared, came quickly up to the very walls; and when at his request he was allowed to enter with his colleague, he persuaded the defenders and the queen, also using threats, that by a speedy surrender they should try to mollify the violent nature of Sapor, who was a man of unexampled cruelty.
12.6. Iniere (ut statutum est) obsidium duces. Et quoniam munimentum, positum in asperitate montana, rigente tunc caelo nivibus et pruinis, adiri non poterat, eunuchus Cylaces, aptusque ad muliebria palpamenta, Artabanne Arrabanne ascito, prope moenia ipsa, fide non amittendae salutis accepta, propere venit, et cum socio ad interiora susceptus, ut postulavit, suadebat minaciter defensoribus et reginae, motum Saporis inclementissimi omnium lenire deditione veloci.
12.7. After this there was much discussion pro and con and the queen lamented the cruel fate of her husband; whereupon the most zealous inciters to the act of perfidy were turned to pity and changed their plan. Encouraged by the hope of greater rewards, in secret conferences they arranged that at an appointed hour of the night the gates should suddenly be thrown open and a strong force should sally forth and suddenly attack the enemy’s camp with murderous intent; and they promised to see to it that their attempt should not be known.
12.7. Multis post haec ultro citroque dictitatis, heiulanteque muliere truces mariti fortunas, proditionis acerrimi compulsores, in misericordiam flexi, mutavere consilium, et spe potiorum erecti, secretis colloquiis ordinarunt, hora praestituta nocturna, reclusis subito portis, validam manum erumpere, vallumque hostile caedibus aggredi repentinis, ut lateant id temptantes, polliciti se provisuros.
12.8. When this promise had been confirmed by an oath, they left the city, and by asserting that the besieged had asked that two days be allowed them to consider what course they ought to take, they brought over the besiegers into inaction. Then, in the watches of the night when all men, free from care, are in deep sleep, and snoring, the gate of the city was unbarred, young warriors rushed quickly out, with noiseless step and drawn swords crept up to the camp, where men were in no fear of danger, then rushed in, and without opposition butchered a great many as they lay asleep.
12.8. Quibus religione firmatis, egressi, biduumque ad deliberandum quid capessere debeant, sibi concedi clausos petisse asseverantes, in desidiam obsessores traduxerunt, et vigiliis quibus ob securitatem altiore stertitur somno, civitatis aditu reserato iuventus exsiluit velox, passibusque insonis, expeditis mucronibus, repens, cum castra nihil metuentium invasissent, iacentes multos nullis resistentibus trucidarunt.
12.9. This unexpected treachery and the unforeseen slaughter of the Persians aroused reasons for frightful hatred between ourselves and Sapor, which was made still worse because Papa, son of Arsaces, at the persuasion of his mother, had departed with a few followers from the fortified town and been received by the emperor Valens, who advised that he stay a while at Neocaesarea, a wellknown city of Pontus Polemoniacus, where he was to receive liberal support and education. This act of clemency encouraged Cylaces and Arrabannes to send envoys to Valens to ask that he aid them and give them the said Papa as their king.
12.9. Haec inopina defectio, necesque insperatae Persarum, inter nos et Saporem discordiarum excitavere causas immanes, illo etiam accedente, quod Arsacis filium Papam, suadente matre cum paucis e munimento digressum, susceptumque imperator Valens apud Neocaesaream morari praecepit, urbem Polemoniaci Ponti notissimam, liberali victu curandum et cultu. Qua humanitate Cylaces et Artabannes Arrabannes illecti, missis oratoribus ad Valentem, auxilium eundemque Papam sibi regem tribui poposcerunt.
12.10. The aid, however, was denied them for the time, but Papa was sent back to Armenia through the general Terentius, that he might rule the land for a time, but without any emblems of royal rank; a condition which was complied with for a legitimate reason, namely, that we might not be charged with breaking the treaty and violating the peace.
12.10. Sed pro tempore adiumentis negatis, per Terentium ducem Papa reducitur in Armeniam, recturus interim sine ullis insignibus gentem, quod ratione iusta est observatum, ne fracti foederis nos argueremur et pacis.
12.11. On learning of this course of events, Sapor was filled with superhuman wrath, and mustering greater forces began to devastate Armenia with open pillage. By his coming Papa, as well as Cylaces and Arrabannes, were seized with such fear that, after looking about and seeing no help from any source, they sought the refuge of the high mountains which separate our territory from Lazica. There they remained concealed in the deep woods and defiles of the hills for five months, and eluded the many attempts which the king made to find them.
12.11. Hoc comperto textu gestorum, Sapor ultra hominem efferatus, concitis maioribus copiis, Armenias aperta praedatione vastabat. Cuius adventu territus Papa, itidemque Cylaces et Arrabannes, nulla circumspectantes auxilia, celsorum montium petivere secessus, limites nostros disterminantes et Lazicam, ubi per silvarum profunda, et flexuosos colles mensibus quinque delitescentes, regis multiformes lusere conatus.
12.12. Since Sapor saw, as the winter stars were galling, that he was wasting his labour to no purpose, after burning the fruit-bearing trees and the fortified castles and strongholds that he had taken by force or by betrayal, he blockaded Artogerassa with the whole weight of his forces and after some battles of varying result and the exhaustion of the defenders, forced his way into the city and set it on fire, dragging out and carrying off the wife and the treasures of Arsaces.
12.12. Qui operam teri frustra contemplans, sidere flagrante brumali, pomiferis exustis arboribus, castellisque munitis et castris quae ceperat superata vel prodita, cum omni pondere multitudinis Artogerassam circumsaeptam, et post varies certaminum casus, lassatis defensoribus patefactam incendit: Arsacis uxorem erutam inde cum thesauris abduxit.
12.13. For these reasons Count Arintheus was sent to those parts with an army, to render aid to the Armenians in case the Persians should try to harass them in a second campaign.
12.13. Quas ob causas ad eas regiones Arintheus cum exercitu mittitur comes, suppetias laturus Armeniis, si eos exagitare procinctu gemino temptaverint Persae.
12.14. Meanwhile Sapor, who was immensely crafty and according to his advantage either humble or arrogant, under pretence of a future alliance, upbraided Papa through secret messengers as regardless of his own interests in being the slave of Cylaces and Arrabannes under the semblance of royal power. Papa, in headlong haste, and using the allurements of flattering blandishments, had the two men killed, and, when they were slain, sent their heads to Sapor as a sign of his submission.
12.14. Inter quae Sapor immensum quantum astutus, et cum sibi conduceret, humilis aut elatus, societatis futurae specie Papam ut incuriosum sui per latentes nuntios increpabat, quod maiestatis regiae velamento, Cylaci serviret et Arrabanni, quos ille praeceps blanditiarum illecebris interfecit, capitaque caesorum ad Saporem ut ei morigerus misit.
12.15. The news of this disaster spread widely and all Armenia would have been lost for lack of defenders, had not the Persians, terrified by the coming of Arintheus, postponed a second invasion of the land. For the present they contented themselves with merely sending envoys to the emperor, asking that, in accordance with the agreement that Jovian had made with Sapor, he should not defend that nation.
12.15. Hac clade late diffusa, Armenia omnis perisset inpropugnata, ni Arinthei adventu territi Persae, eam incursare denuo distulissent, hoc solo contenti, quod ad imperatorem misere legatos, petentes nationem eandem, ut sibi et Ioviano placuerat, non defendi.
12.16. This proposal was rejected, and Sauromaces, who (as I have already said) 3had been driven from the throne of Hiberia, was sent back there with Terentius and twelve legions. And when he had nearly reached the river Cyrus, Aspacures begged him that they should, being cousins, rule the country with conjoint authority, pleading that he could not withdraw or go over to the Roman side, for the reason that his son Ultra was still held in the condition of a hostage by the Persians.
12.16. Quibus repudiatis, Sauromaces pulsus (ut ante diximus) Hiberiae regno, cum duodecim legionibus et Terentio remittitur, et eum amni Cyro iam proximum, Aspacures oravit, ut socia potestate consobrini regnarent, causatus ideo se nec cedere, nec ad partes posse transire Romanas, quod Ultra eius filius obsidis lege tenebatur adhuc apud Persas.
12.17. When the emperor learned of this, in order by a prudent plan to appease the disturbances that would be aroused from this affair also, he consented to a division of Hiberia with the river Cyrus as the boundary line. Sauromaces was to hold the part of that country bordering on Armenia and the Lazi, and Aspacures the part next to Albania and the Persians.
12.17. Quae imperator edoctus, ut concitandas ex hoc quoque negotio turbas consilio prudenti molliret, divisioni acquievit Hiberiae, ut eam medius dirimeret Cyrus, et Sauromaces Armeniis finitima retineret et Lazis, Aspacures Albaniae Persisque contigua.
12.18. At this Sapor was greatly incensed, declaring that he was shamefully treated in that help was given to the Armenians contrary to the provisions of the treaties, and that the deputation which he had sent to remonstrate against this had come to nothing; also, because without his consent or knowledge it had been decided to divide the kingdom of Hiberia. Accordingly, having bolted, as it were, the door to friendship, he sought aid from the neighbouring nations and got his own army ready, in order that with the opening of mild weather he might overturn everything that the Romans had contrived to their own interests.
12.18. His percitus Sapor, pati se exclamans indigna, quod contra foederum textum iuvarentur Armenii, et evanuit legatio, quam super hoc miserat corrigendo, quodque se non assentiente, nec conscio, dividi placuit Hiberiae regnum: velut obseratis amicitiae foribus, vicinarum gentium auxilia conquirebat, suumque parabat exercitum, ut reserata caeli temperie subverteret omnia, quae ex re sua struxere Romani.