1.1. Amid these troublesome disturbances, which the treachery of a general brought about by the atrocious murder of the king of the Quadi, a terrible crime was committed in the Orient, where Papa, king of the Armenians, was killed by secret plots. Of this matter, which was conceived by a nefarious plan, the following (as we have learned) was the original cause.
1.1. Inter has turbarum difficultates, quas perfidia ducis rege Quadorum excitavit occiso per scelus, dirum in Oriente committitur facinus, Papa Armeniorum rege clandestinis insidiis obtruncato: cuius materiae impio conceptae consilio hanc primordialem fuisse novimus causam.
1.2. Some crafty men, who had often fattened themselves through losses sustained by the public, brought before Valens and maliciously exaggerated a patchwork of charges against this king, even then only just come to manhood. Among these was the general Terentius, a man who walked humbly and always wore a somewhat sad expression, but so long as he lived was a zealous abettor of dissensions.
1.2. Consarcinabant in hunc etiam tum adultum crimina quaedam apud Valentem exaggerentes male sollertes homines, dispendiis saepe communibus pasti. Inter quos erat Terentius dux demisse ambulans semperque submaestus, sed, quoad vixerat, acer dissensionum instinctor.
1.3. He formed a cabal with a few of the gentiles who were in fear and suspense because of their misdeeds, and writing constantly to the court harped on the death of Cylaces and Arrabanes, adding that this same young king was aroused to acts of arrogance and was excessively cruel to his subjects.
1.3. Qui adscitis in societatem gentilibus paucis, ob flagitia sua suspensis in metum, scribendo ad comitatum assidue, Cylacis necem replicabat et Artabanis Arrabanis, addens eundem iuvenem, ad superbos actus elatum, nimis esse in subiectos immanem.
1.4. Accordingly, under pretence that he was to take part in a consultation to be held at the time with regard to the present situation of affairs, the said Papa was summoned with the courtesy due to his royal rank; but at Tarsus in Cilicia he was put under guard as if it were doing him honour. And when he could neither get access to the emperor’s quarters, nor learn the reason for his urgent coming, since all kept silence, he finally found out through secret information, that Terentius by letters was advising the Roman ruler at once to appoint another king of Armenia, to prevent a nation that was useful to us from going over to the side of the Persians through hatred of Papa and the expectation that he would return; for they were burning with the desire of seizing Armenia by force, or threats, or flattery.
1.4. Unde quasi futurus particeps suscipiendi tunc tune pro instantium rerum ratione tractatus, idem Papa regaliter vocatus, et apud Tarsum Ciliciae obsequiorum specie custoditus, cum neque ad imperatoris castra accipi nec urgentis adventus causam scire cunctis reticentibus posset, tandem secretiore indicio comperit, per litteras Romano rectori suadere Terentium, mittere prope diem alterum Armeniae regem, ne odio Papae, speque quod revertetur, natio nobis opportuna deficeret ad iura Persarum, eam rapere vi vel metu vel adulatione flagrantium.
1.5. The king, thinking over the matter, foresaw that he was threatened by a sad end. And being now aware of the plot, and seeing no other way to save himself except by a swift departure, at the advice of trusted friends he got together three hundred companions who had followed him from his native country; and when the greater part of the day had passed they mounted swift horses and set out with more boldness than discretion, as is usual under pressing and doubtful alarms, and fearlessly hastened away in close order.
1.5. Quae reputans ille, impendere sibi praesagibat exitium grave. Et doli iam prudens, neque aliam nisi cito discessu salutis reperiens viam, suadentibus his quibus fidebat, conglobatis trecentis comitibus, secutis eum e patria, cum equis velocissimis, ut in magnis solet dubiisque terroribus, audacter magis quam considerate pleraque diei parte emensa, egressus cuneatim, properabat intrepidus.
1.6. The governor of the province, aroused by a message from the officer who guarded the gate, proceeded in eager haste and overtook the king in the suburbs. He earnestly besought him to remain; but since this request was not granted, he turned his back through fear of his life.
1.6. Cumque eum provinciae moderator, apparitoris qui portam tuebatur indicio percitus, festinato studio repperisset in suburbanis, ut remaneret enixius obsecrabat, et parum hoc impetrato, mortis aversus est metu.
1.7. More than that, when a legion followed him a little later and overtook him, Papa charged back upon them with his bravest men, pouring in his arrows like a shower of sparks. He missed intentionally but put them to flight, so that the whole legion with its tribune was terrified and they all returned to the walls more briskly than they had come.
1.7. Nec minus paulo postea legionem secutam, iamque adventantem ipse cum promptissimis retrorsus excurrens, fundensque in modum scintillarum sagittas, sed voluntate deerrans, ita in fugam compulit ut cum tribuno milites universi perterrefacti, vividius quam venerant remearent ad muros.
1.8. Then, freed from all fear, after completing two days and two nights of very toilsome marching, he came to the bank of the Euphrates; but since he had no boats he could not ford the eddying stream, so that many of his men, being unable to swim were terrified, and the king himself hesitated most of all. Indeed, he would have remained there, if he had not, amid the various plans suggested by all, been able to find an expedient which seemed safest in their dire necessity.
1.8. Exin solutus omni formidine, biduo et binoctio exanclatis itinerum laboribus magnis, cum ad flumen venisset Euphraten, et inopia navium, voraginosum amnem vado transire non posset, nandi imprudentia paventibus multis, ipse omnium maxime cunctabatur: et remansisset ni cunctis versantibus varia, id reperire potuisset effugium, in necessitatis abrupto tutissimum.
1.9. They took the beds which they found in the farmhouses and supported each of them upon two bladders, of which there was an abundant supply in the vine-producing fields. The prince himself and his most distinguished followers seated themselves each upon one of these, led their horses behind them, and by taking oblique courses avoided the high waves of the onrushing waters; and by this device, after extreme dangers, they at length reached the opposite bank.
1.9. Lectulos in villis repertos binis utribus suffulserunt, quorum erat abundans prope in agris vinariis copia, quibus singulis proceres insidentes, et regulus ipse, iumenta trahentes, praeruptos undarum occursantium fluctus obliquatis meatibus declinabant: hocque commento tandem ad ulteriorem ripam post extrema discrimina pervenerunt.
1.10. All the rest, carried by their swimming horses, and often submerged and tossed about by the flood swirling around them, exhausted by the danger and the wetting, were thrown out on the opposite bank. There they refreshed themselves with a brief rest and went on more rapidly than on the days just past.
1.10. Residui omnes, equis invecti natantibus, et circumluente flumine saepe demersi iactatique, infirmati periculoso madore, expelluntur ad contrarias margines, ubi paulisper refecti, expeditius quam diebus praeteritis incedebant.
1.11. When this was reported, the emperor, greatly troubled by the flight of the king, and thinking that after escaping this snare he would break faith, sent Danielus and Barzimeres (the one a general, the other tribune of the targeteers) with a thousand nimble and light-armed archers, to call him back.
1.11. Hoc nuntiato, princeps ante dicti fuga perculsus, quem elaqueatum fidem rupturum existimabat, cum sagittariis mille succinctis et levibus, Danielum mittit et Barzimerem, revocaturos eum -comitem unum, alterum scutariorum tribunum.
1.12. They, trusting to their knowledge of the region, since the king, though in haste, yet being a foreigner and unacquainted with the neighbourhood, kept making meanders and circles, got ahead of him by short cuts through the valleys. Then, dividing their forces, they beset the two nearest roads, which were separated by a distance of three miles, in order that, through whichever of the two he should pass, he might be caught off his guard; but the plan came to nothing through this chance event:
1.12. Hi locorum gnaritate confisi, quia ille properans ut peregrinus et insuetus, maeandros faciebat et gyros, compendiosis vallibus eius itinera praevenerunt, et divisis inter se copiis, clausere vias proximas duas, trium milium intervallo distinctas, ut transiturus per utramvis caperetur improvidus: sed evanuit cogitatum hoc casu.
1.13. A wayfarer who was hastening towards the nearer bank of the river, seeing the ascent filled with armed soldiers, in order to avoid them took to a bypath between the two roads, rough with thickets and brambles; falling in with the wearied Armenians, and being led before the king, he told him in a private interview what he had seen; he was then detained, but not harmed.
1.13. Viator quidam ad citeriora festinans, cum clivum armato milite vidisset oppletum, per posterulam tramitem medium, squalentem frutectis et sentibus, vitabundus excedens, in Armenios incidit fessos, et ductus ad regem, arcano sermone solum quae viderat docet, ac retinetur intactus.
1.14. Presently the king, pretending that there was nothing to fear, secretly sent a horseman on the road to the right with orders to secure lodging and food; but after he had gone a little way, another was ordered to go with all speed towards the left on a similar errand, but without knowing that the other horseman had been sent in a different direction.
1.14. Moxque metu dissimulato, eques mittitur clandestinus ad dextrum itineris latus, diversoria paraturus et cibum, quo paulum progresso, in laevum tractum item alius talia facturus ire iubetur ocissime, alterum aliorsum nesciens missum.
1.15. After these helpful precautions, the king himself, with his followers—the wayfarer tracing his way back amongst the thickets through which he had come and showing a rough path very narrow indeed for a loaded pack-animal— left the soldiers behind him, and made his escape. They, after capturing his messengers, who had been sent merely to confuse the minds of those who were lying in wait for the king, were almost expecting him to rush into their open arms, like a wild beast at a hunt. But while they were waiting for his coming, he was restored safe and sound to his kingdom, where he was received with the greatest joy by his subjects; but thereafter he remained unmoved in true allegiance, bearing in silence all the wrongs that he had suffered.
1.15. Quibus ita utiliter ordinatis, rex ipse cum suis, dumeta per quae venerat viatore relegente retrorsus, monstranteque hispidam et iumento onusto exiguam callem, post terga relictis militibus evolavit, qui captis eius ministris, missis ad mentes observantium praestringendas, quasi venaticiam praedam, modo non porrectis brachiis exspectabant. Dumque hi venturum operiuntur, ille regno incolumis restitutus, et cum gaudio popularium summo susceptus, fide pari deinde mansit immobilis, iniuriis quas pertulerat omnibus demussatis.
1.16. After this, as soon as Danielus and Barzimeres, baffled, had returned, they were assailed with shameful reproaches as blunderers and slothful, and like venomous serpents whose bite had been blunted by the first attack, they sharpened their deadly fangs, intending as soon as they could and to the extent of their powers to injure him who had given them the slip.
1.16. Danielus post haec et Barzimeres, cum lusi iam revertissent, probrosis lacerati conviciis, ac si inertes et desides, ut hebetatae primo appetitu venenatae serpentes, ora exacuere letalia, cum primum potuissent, lapso pro virium copia nocituri.
1.17. And to palliate their fault or the deception which they had suffered from greater cleverness, they bombarded the ears of the emperor (most retentive of all gossip) with false charges against Papa, alleging that he was wonderfully skilled through the incantations of Circe in changing and weakening men’s bodies; and they added that, having by arts of that kind spread darkness round himself, and by changing his own form and that of his followers, having passed through their lines, if he survived this trickery, he would cause sad troubles.
1.17. Et leniendi causa flagitii sui vel fraudis, quam meliore consilio pertulerunt, apud imperatoris aures (rumorum omnium tenacissimas) incessebant falsis criminibus Papam, incentiones Circeas, in vertendis debilitandisque corporibus, miris modis eum callere fingentes: addentesque quod huius modi artibus, offusa sibi caligine, mutata sua suorumque forma transgressus, tristes sollicitudines (si huic irrisioni superfuerit) excitabit.
1.18. In this way the irreconcilable hatred of the emperor for Papa was increased, and plots were devised every day for taking his life either by violence or secretly; and to Trajanus, who was then in Armenia in command of the military forces, this work was entrusted through secret letters.
1.18. Hinc in illum ilium inexpiabile auctum principis odium, et doli struebantur in dies, ut per vim ei vel clam vita adimeretur: agentique tune in Armenia Traiano, et rem militarem curanti, id secretis committitur scriptis.
1.19. That general sought to win the king by treacherous flattery, now showing him letters of Valens as tokens of his calm state of mind, and now forcing himself upon his banquets; finally, when his plot was matured, he invited him with great respect to a luncheon. The king came, fearing no hostility, and took his place in the seat of honour granted him.
1.19. Qui illecebrosis regem insidiis ambiens, et modo serenae mentis Valentis indices litteras tradens, modo ipse sese eius conviviis ingerens, ad ultimum composita fraude, ad prandium verecundius invitavit: qui nihil adversum metuens venit, concessoque honoratiore discubuit loco.
1.20. And when choice dainties were set before him, and the great building rang with the music of strings, songs, and wind-instruments, the host himself, already heated with wine, went out, under pretence of a call of nature. Then a rude barbarian, fiercely glaring with savage eyes and brandishing a drawn sword, one of the class called scurrae, was sent in to kill the young man, who had already been cut off from any possibility of escape.
1.20. Cumque apponerentur exquisitae cuppediae, et aedes amplae nervorum et articulate flatilique sonitu resultarent, iam vino incalescente ipso convivii domino, per simulationem naturalis cuiusdam urgentis egresso, gladium destrictum intentans, torvo lumine ferociens quidam immittitur barbarus asper, ex his quos scurras appellant, confossurus iuvenem, ne exsilire posset etiam tum praepeditum.
1.21. At this sight the young king, who, as it happened, was leaning forward beyond his couch, drew his dagger and was rising to defend his life by every possible means, but fell disfigured, pierced through the breast like some victim at the altar, foully slain by repeated strokes.
1.21. Quo viso regulus forte prominens ultra torum, expedito dolone, adsurgens ut vitam omni ratione defenderet, perforato pectore deformis procubuit victima, multiplicatis ictibus foede concisa.
1.22. By such treachery was credulity basely deceived, and at a banquet, which ought to be respected even on the Euxine Sea, before the eyes of the god of hospitality a stranger’s blood was shed, which bespattered the spendid linen cloths with foaming gore, was more than enough to sate the guests, who scattered in utmost horror. If the dead can feel grief, the famous Fabricius Luscinus might groan at this arrogant act, when he recalled with what greatness of soul he rejected the promise of Demochares or (as some write) Nicias, the king’s attendant, made in a secret conference; for he said that he would kill king Pyrrhus, who at that time was reducing Italy to ashes in cruel warfare, by mixing poison with his cups; but Fabricius warned the king in a letter to beware of his more intimate servants. Such a place of respect in those days of old-time justice was held by the conviviality even of an enemy’s table.
1.22. Hocque figmento nefarie decepta credulitate, inter epulas quae reverendae sunt vel in Euxino ponto, hospitali numine contuente, peregrinus cruor in ambitiosa lintea conspersus spumante sanie satietati superfuit convivarum, horrore maximo dispersorum. Ingemiscat, siquis vita digressis est dolor, huius arrogantiam facti Fabricius ille Luscinus, sciens qua animi magnitudine Democharen, vel (ut quidam scribunt) Niciam, ministrum reppulerit regium, colloquio occultiore pollicitum, quod Pyrrum Italiam tune bellis saevissimis exurentem, veneno poculis necabit infectis, scripseritque ad regem, ut a citeriore caveret obsequio. Tantum reverentiae locum apud priscam illam iustitiam vel hostilis mensae genialitas obtinebat.
1.23. True, some sought to excuse this recent extraordinary and shameful deed by the example of the assassination of Sertorius, but those flatterers perhaps did not know that no act which is proved to be contrary to law is justified because another crime was similar or went unpunished, as Demosthenes, eternal glory of Greece, declares.
1.23. Verum excusabatur recens inusitatum facinus et pudendum, necis exemplo Sertorianae, adulatoribus forsitan ignorantibus, quod (ut Demosthenes, perpetuum Graeciae decus, affirmat) numquam similitudine aut impunitate alterius criminis diluitur id quod contra ac liceat arguitur factum.
2.1. These are the noteworthy events that took place in Armenia. But Sapor, after the former disaster to his men, on learning of the murder of Papa, whom he was making great efforts to enlist on his side, overwhelmed with heavy grief and with his fear increased by the activity of our army, sowed the seeds of greater troubles for himself. Accordingly, he sent Arraces as an envoy to the emperor, advising him to withdraw entirely from Armenia, since it was a continual source of troubles; or if that was not acceptable, proposing as an alternative that abandoning the division of Hiberia and withdrawing the garrisons of the Roman part, he should allow Aspacures, whom Sapor had made ruler of that nation, to reign alone.
2.1. Haec per Armeniam notabiliter gesta sunt. Sapor vero post suorum pristinam cladem, comperto interitu Papae, quem sociare sibi impendio conabatur, maerore gravi perculsus, augenteque nostri exercitus alacritate formidinem, maiora sibi praeseminans, Arsace Arrace legato ad principem misso, perpetuam aerumnarum causam deseri penitus suadebat Armeniam: si id displicuisset, aliud poscens, ut Hiberiae divisione cessante, remotisque inde partis Romanae praesidiis, Aspacures solus regnare permitteretur, quem ipse praefecerat genti.
2.3. To this Valens made answer to this effect: that he could not repeal anything of that which had been agreed upon by common consent, but would maintain it with the utmost vigour. In reply to this noble utterance a letter was brought from the king when the winter was already nearly ended, giving trivial and arrogant reasons. For he asserted that the weeds of discord could not be pruned away by the roots except in the presence of those who had been witnesses to the conclusion of the peace with Jovian, some of whom (as he had learned) had since died.
2.3. Ad quae Valens in hanc respondit sententiam, nihil derogare se posse placitis ex consensu firmatis, sed ea studio curatiore defendere. Glorioso proposito contrariae regis litterae hieme iam extrema perlatae sunt, vana causantis et tumida. adseverabat Asseverarat enim non posse semina radicitus amputari discordiarum, nisi intervenissent conscii pacis foederatae cum Ioviano, quorum aliquos vita didicerat abscessisse.
2.4. After this the emperor’s cares grew heavier. Now he was in condition rather to make a choice of plans than to discover any; and so, thinking it to be to the advantage of the State, he ordered Victor, commander of the cavalry, and Urbicius, general in Mesopotamia, to go quickly to the Persians, bearing an ultimatum in plain language: that it was criminal of a king who was just and contented with his own (as he boasted) wrongfully to covet Armenia, whose people had been granted permission to live independently; and that, unless the guard of soldiers given to Sauromaces should return without hindrance at the beginning of the following year (as had been agreed), Sapor would be forced to do against his will what he had refrained from doing of his own accord.
2.4. Ingravescente post haec altius cura, imperator eligere consilia quam invenire sufficiens, id conducere rebus existimans, Victorem magistrum equitum et Urbicium, Mesopotamiae ducem, ire propere iussit in Persas, responsum absolutum et unius modi perferentes: quod rex iustus et suo contentus, ut iactitabat, sceleste concupiscat Armeniam, ad arbitrium suum vivere cultoribus eius permissis: et ni Sauromaci praesidia militum impertita principio sequentis anni (ut dispositum est) impraepedita reverterint, invitus ea complebit, quae sponte sua facere supersedit.
2.5. This embassy was indeed straightforward and frank, had its members not erred in one particular; for they accepted without orders some small territories that offered themselves to them in that same Armenia. On their return the Surena, who ranked next to the king, came and offered to the emperor these same lands that our envoys had recklessly taken.
2.5. Quae legatio recta quidem et libera, ni deviasset in eo, quod absque mandatis, oblatas sibi regiones in eadem Armenia suscepit exiguas. Qua regressa advenit Surena potestatis secundae post regem, has easdem imperatori offerens partes, quas audacter nostri sumpsere legati.
2.6. He was received courteously and handsomely entertained, but was sent back without obtaining what he asked, and in consequence great preparations were made for war, in the expectation that when the winter grew milder the emperor would invade Persia with three armies and for that purpose was in great haste hiring mercenaries from the Scythians.
2.6. Quo suscepto liberaliter et magnifice, sed parum impetrato, quod poscebat, remisso, parabantur magna instrumenta bellorum, ut mollita hieme imperatore trinis agminibus perrupturo Persidem, ideoque Scytharum auxilia festina celeritate mercante.
2.7. Accordingly Sapor, having failed to gain that for which he had vainly hoped, and exasperated even more than usual because he had learned that our ruler was perparing for a campaign, defied Valens’ anger and instructed the Surena to recover by arms, in case anyone made opposition, the lands which Count Victor and Urbicius had taken over; also to do all possible harm to the soldiers appointed for the protection of Sauromaces.
2.7. Proinde parum adeptus ea quae spe vana conceperat, Sapor, ultraque solitum asperatus, quod ad expeditionem accingi rectorem compererat nostrum: iram eius conculcans Surenae dedit negotium, ut ea, quae Victor comes susceperat et Urbicius, armis repeteret, si quisquam repugnaret, et milites Sauromacis praesidio destinati malis affligerentur extremis.
2.8. These instructions were hastily carried out, as he had ordered, and could not be remedied or punished, since the Roman state was encompassed by another danger from all the Gothic peoples, who were lawlessly overrunning Thrace; these disasters can briefly be set forth, when I come also to that part of my narrative.
2.8. Haecque (ut statuerat) maturata confestim, nec emendari potuerunt nec vindicari, quia rem Romanam alius circumsteterat metus, totius Gothiae Thracias licentius perrumpentis: quae funera tunc explicari poterunt carptim, si ad ea quoque venerimus.
2.9. This is what happened in the eastern regions. During the course of these events the eternal power of Justice, the judge, sometimes tardy, but always strict, of right or wrong actions, avenged the disasters in Africa and the still unsatisfied and wandering shades of the envoys of Tripolis, in the following manner.
2.9. Haec per eoos agitata sunt tractus. Quorum inter seriem Africanas clades et legatorum Tripoleos manes, inultos etiam tum et errantes, sempiternus vindicavit Iustitiae vigor, aliquotiens serus, sed scrupulosus quaesitor gestorum recte vel secius, hoc modo.
2.10. Remigius, who (as we have said ) favoured the general Romanus in his oppression of the provinces, after Leo had been appointed chief marshal of the court in his place, was now resting from public duties and gave himself up to rural life in his native place near Mayence.
2.10. Remigius (quem populanti provincias rettulimus comiti favisse Romano), postquam Leo in eius locum magister esse coepit officiorum, a muneribus rei publicae iam quiescens, negotiis se ruralibus dedit prope Mogontiacum in genitalibus locis.
2.11. While he was there passing a care-free life, Maximinus, the praetorian prefect, scorning him, now that he turned back to a life of leisure, and being wont to overrun all things like a dire pestilence, aspired to injure him in every possible manner. And in his desire to discover more secrets, he seized Caesarius, who had formerly been in the service of Remigius and later a secretary of the emperor, and tried by cruel tortures to learn what Remigius had done, and how much he had received for aiding the criminal acts of Romanus.
2.11. Quem ibi morantem securius, praefectus praetorio Maximinus reversum ad otium spernens, ut solebat dirae luis ritu grassari per omnia, laedere modis quibus poterat affectabat: utque rimaretur plura quae latebant, Caesarium antehac eius domesticum, postea notarium principis, raptum, quae Remigius egerit, vel quantum acceperit, ut Romani iuvaret actus infandos, per quaestionem cruentam interrogabat.
2.12. When Remigius (who, as has been said, was in retirement) learned of this, either driven by the consciousness of guilt or because the dread of false charges overcame his reason, he strangled himself, and so died.
2.12. Quibus ille cognitis, cum esset (ut dictum est) in secessu, conscientia malorum urgente, vel rationem formidine superante calumniarum, innodato gutture laquei nexibus interiit.
3.1. In the year following these events, Gratianus was made consul as the colleague of Aequitius; and Valentinian, who after devastating several cantons of the Alamanni was building a fortification near Basle, which the neighbours call Robur, received the report of the prefect Probus, telling of the devastation in Illyricum.
3.1. Secuto post haec anno Gratiano asscito in trabeae societatem Aequitio consule, Valentiniano post vastatos aliquos Alamanniae pagos, munimentum aedificanti prope Basiliam, quod appellant accolae Robur, offertur praefecti relatio Probi, docentis Illyrici clades.
3.2. On reading this with careful attention, as became a cautious general, he was distracted by anxious reflections and sending the secretary Paternianus, gave the matter the most searching investigation. As soon as he received through him a true account of what had happened, he hastened to set out at once, in order (as he intended) to crush by the first clash of his arms the savages who had ventured to violate our frontier.
3.2. Quibus ille ut cunctatorem decuerat ducem, examinatius lectis, attonitus cogitationibus anxiis, Paterniano notario misso, negotium scrupulosa quaesivit indagine, moxque veris per eum nuntiis gestorum acceptis, evolare protinus festinarat, ausos temerare limitem barbaros, primo fragore (ut mente conceperat), oppressurus armorum.
3.3. But since autumn was waning and many difficulties stood in the way, all the principal men at the court strove by entreaties and prayers to hold him back until the beginning of spring. In the first place, they urged that the roads, hardened with frost, where neither any growth of grass would be found for fodder nor anything else fit for the use of the army, could not be penetrated. In the second place, they set before him the alleged savagery of the kings bordering on Gaul, and most of all of Macrianus, who was formidable, and (as was well known) had been left unsubdued, and would actually attack even fortified cities.
3.3. Quia igitur abeunte autumno multa impediebant et aspera, annitebantur omnes per regiam optimates, ut ad usque veris principium oratum retinerent et exoratum: primum durata pruinis itinera, ubi nec adultae in pastum herbae reperirentur, nec cetera usui congrua, penetrari non posse firmantes: dein vicinorum Galliis regum immanitatem, maximeque omnium Macriani, ut formidati, tunc tune praetendentes, quem constabat impacatum relictum etiam ipsa urbium moenia temptaturum.
3.4. Calling to mind these things and adding other salutary advice, they led the emperor to a better opinion, and at once (as was for the advantage of the state) the said king was courteously summoned to the vicinity of Mayence, being himself also inclined (as was evident) to accepting a treaty. And he arrived enormously puffed up in every way, as if he expected to be the supreme arbiter of peace, and on the day set for the conference, with head high uplifted, he stood at the very edge of the Rhine while the clashing shields of his countrymen thundered all about him.
3.4. Haec memorantes, addentesque utilia, reduxere eum in meliorem sententiam, statimque (ut conducebat rei communi), prope Mogontiacum blandius rex ante dictus accitur, proclivis ipse quoque ad excipiendum foedus (ut apparebat). Et venit immane quo quantoque flatu distentus, ut futurus arbiter superior pacis, dieque praedicto colloquii ad ipsam marginem Rheni, caput altius erigens, stetit hinc inde sonitu scutorum intonante gentilium.
3.5. On the other side the Augustus embarked on some river-boats, himself also hedged by a throng of military officers and conspicuous amid the brilliance of flashing standards, and cautiously approached the shore. Finally, the savages ceased their immoderate gesticulation and barbaric tumult, and after much had been said and heard on both sides, friendship was confirmed between them by the sanctity of an oath.
3.5. Contra Augustus escensis amnicis lembis, saeptus ipse quoque multitudine castrensium ordinum, tutius prope ripas accessit, signorum fulgentium nitore conspicuus, et immodestis gestibus murmureque barbarico tandem sedato, post dicta et audita ultro citroque versus, amicitia media sacramenti fide firmatur.
3.6. When this was accomplished, the king who had caused the disturbances withdrew pacified, henceforth to be our ally; and after that up to the very end of bis life he gave proof by noble conduct of a spirit of steadfast loyalty.
3.6. Hisque perfectis, discessit turbarum rex artifex delenitus, futurus nobis deinceps socius, et dedit postea ad usque vitae tempus extremum, constantis in concordiam animi facinorum documentum pulchrorum.
3.7. He found his death later in the land of the Franks; for while amid murderous devastation he penetrated that country too eagerly, he was lured into an ambush by the warlike king Mallobaudes and perished. But after the solemn ratification of the treaty Valentinian retired to Treves for winter quarters.
3.7. Periit autem in Francia postea, quam dum internecive vastando perrupit avidius, oppetit, Mallobaudis bellicosi regis insidiis circumventus. Post foedus tamen sollemni ritu impletum, Treveros Valentinianus ad hiberna discessit.
4.1. This is what took place throughout Gaul and Before the northern part of the empire. But in the regions of the East, amid the profound quiet of foreign affairs, destructive internal corruption was increasing through the friends and intimates of Valens, with whom advantage prevailed over honour. For diligent efforts were exerted to turn the emperor, as a severe man and eager to hear cases at law, from his desire to act as judge; for fear that as in the times of Julian, if the defence of innocence should revive, the arrogance of powerful men, which under the licence that they had assumed was in the habit of always reaching out farther, might be checked.
4.1. Haec per Gallias et latus agebantur arctoum. At in eois partibus alto externorum silentio, intestina pernicies augebatur, per Valentis amicos et proximos, apud quos honestate utilitas erat antiquior. Navabatur enim opera diligens, ut homo rigidus audire cupiens lites, a studio iudicandi revocaretur, metu ne ita ut Iuliani temporibus, defensione innocentiae respirante, frangeretur potentium tumor, assumpta licentia latius solitus evagari.
4.2. On these and similar grounds many united in a common attempt at dissuasion and in particular the praetorian prefect Modestus, a man wholly subjected to the influence of the eunuchs of the court, of a boorish nature refined by no reading of the ancient writers. He, wearing a forced and deceptive expression, declared that the trivialities of private cases at law were beneath the dignity of the imperial majesty. Accordingly Valens, thinking that the examination of swarms of legal cases was devised to humble the loftiness of the royal power, in accordance with the advice of Modestus, abstained from it wholly, thereby opening the doors to robbery; and this grew stronger day by day through the wickedness of judges and advocates in collusion; for they sold their decisions of the cases of poorer people to officers in the army, or to powerful men within the palace, and thus gained either wealth or high position.
4.2. Ob haec et similia, concordi consensu dehortantibus multis, maximeque Modesto, praefecto praetorio, regiorum arbitrio spadonum exposito, et subagreste ingenium, nullis vetustatis lectionibus expolitum, coacto vultu fallente, et asserente, quod infra imperiale columen causarum essent minutiae privatarum; ille ad humilitandam celsitudinem potestatis negotiorum examina spectanda instituta esse arbitratus (ut monebat), abstinuit penitus, laxavitque rapinarum fores quae roborabantur in dies, iudicum advocatorumque pravitate sentientium paria, qui tenuiorum negotia militaris rei rectoribus, vel intra palatium validis venditantes, aut opes aut honores quaesivere praeclaros.
4.3. This trade of forensic oratory the great Plato defined as πολιτικῆς μορίου εἴδωλον (that is, the shadow of a small part of the science of government ) or as the fourth part of flattery; but Epicurus counts it among evil arts, calling it κακοτεχνία. Tisias says that it is the artist of persuasion, and Gorgias of Leontini agrees with him.
4.3. Hanc professionem oratorum forensium, πολιτικῆς μορίου εἴδωλον (id est civilitatis particulae umbram) vel adulationis partem quartam esse definit amplitudo amplitude Platonis, Epicurus autem κακοτεχνίαν nominans inter artes numerat malas. Tisias suasionis opificem esse memorat assentiente Leontino Gorgia.
4.4. This art, thus defined by the men of old, the cunning of certain Orientals raised to a degree hateful to good men, for which reason it is even confined by the restraints of a time fixed beforehand. Therefore after having described in a very few words its unworthiness, with which I became acquainted while I was living in those parts, I shall return to the course of the narrative with which I began.
4.4. Quam a veteribus ita determinatam, orientalium quorundam versutia ad usque bonorum extulit odium, unde etiam retinaculis temporis praestituti frenatur. Ergo absolutis super eius indignitate perpaucis, quam in illis partibus agens expertus sum, ad coeptorum cursum regrediar institutum.
4.5. Formerly judgement-seats gained glory through the support of old-time refinement, when orators of fiery eloquence, devoted to learned studies, were eminent for talent and justice, and for the fluency and many adornments of their diction; for example Demosthenes, to hear whom, when he was going to speak, as the Attic records testify, the people were wont to flock together from all Greece; and Callistratus, to whom, when he pleaded in that celebrated case in defence of Oropos (which is a place in Euboea ) that same Demosthenes attached himself, forsaking the Academy and Plato; also, Hyperides, Aeschines, Andocides, Dinarchus, and the famous Antiphon of Rhamnus, who, according to the testimony of antiquity, was the first of all to accept a fee for conducting a defence.
4.5. Florebant elegantiae priscae patrociniis tribunalia, cum oratores concitae facundiae, attenti studiis doctrinarum, ingenio fide copiis ornamentisque dicendi pluribus eminebant, ut Demosthenes, quo dicturo concursus audiendi causa ex tota Graecia fieri solitos monumentis Atticis continetur, et Callistratus, quem nobilem illam super Oropo causam (qui locus in Euboea est) perorantem, idem Demosthenes, Academia cum Platone relicta, sectatus est: ut Hyperides et Aeschines et Andocides et Dinarchus et Antiphon ille Rhamnusius, quem ob defensum negotium omnium primum antiquitas prodidit accepisse mercedem.
4.6. Not less eminent among the Romans were men like Rutilius, Galba, and Scaurus, conspicuous for their life, their character, and their uprightness; and later in the various epochs of subsequent times many former censors and consuls, and men who had been honoured with triumphs, such as Crassus, Antonius, Philippus, Scaevola, and many others, after successful campaigns, after victories and trophies, distinguished themselves by civic services to the State, and winning laurels in the glorious contests of the Forum, enjoyed Fame’s highest honours.
4.6. Nec minus apud Romanos, Rutilii et Galbae et Scauri vita moribus frugalitateque spectati, et postea per varias aevi sequentis aetates, censorii et consulares multi et triumphales, Crassi et Antonii et cum Philippis Scaevolae aliique numerosi, post exercitus prosperrime ductos, post victorias et tropaea, civilibus stipendiorum officiis floruerunt, laureasque fori speciosis certaminibus occupantes, summis gloriae honoribus fruebantur.
4.7. After these Cicero, the most eminent of them all, by the floods of his all-conquering oratory often saved the oppressed from the fiery ordeal of the courts, and declared: “It might perhaps be pardonable to refuse to defend some men, but to defend them negligently could be nothing but criminal.”
4.7. Post quos excellentissimus omnium Cicero, orationis imperiosae fluminibus saepe depresses aliquos iudiciorum eripiens flammis, “Non defendi homines sine vituperatione fortasse posse, neglegenter defendi sine scelere non posse” firmabat.
4.8. But now it is possible to see in all the regions of the Orient powerful and rapacious classes of men flitting from one forum to another, besieging the home hounds sagaciously picking up the tracks until they come to the very lairs of lawsuits.
4.8. At nunc videre est per eoos omnes tractus violenta et rapacissima genera hominum, per fora omnia volitantium, et subsidentium divites domus, of the wealthy, and like Spartan or Cretan ut Spartanos canes aut Cretas, vestigia sagacius colligendo, ad ipsa cubilia pervenire causarum.
4.9. Among these the first class consists of those who, by sowing the seeds of all sorts of quarrels, busy themselves with thousands of recognisances, wearing out the doors of widows and the thresholds of childless men; and if they have found even slight retreats of secret enmity, they rouse deadly hatred among discordant friends, kinsfolk, or relatives. And in these men their vices do not cool down in course of time, as do those of others, but grow stronger and stronger. Poor amid insatiable robbery, they draw the dagger of their talent to lead astray by crafty speeches the good faith of the judges, whose title is derived from justice.
4.9. In his primus est coetus eorum, qui seminando diversa iurgia per vadimonia mille iactantur, viduarum postes et orborum limina deterentes, et aut inter discordantes amicos, aut propinquantes, vel affines, si simultatum levia senserint receptacula, odia struentes infesta: in quibus aetatis progressu non ut aliorum vitia intepescunt, sed magis magisque roborantur: inter rapinas insatiabiles inopes, ad capiendam versutis orationibus iudicum fidem, quorum nomen ex iustitia natum est, sicam ingenii destringentes.
4.10. By their persistence rashness tries to pass itself off as freedom of speech; and reckless audacity as firmness of purpose; a kind of empty flow of words as eloquence. By the perversity of these arts, as Cicero insists, it is a sin for the conscientiousness of a judge to be deceived. For he says: “And since nothing in a state ought to be so free from corruption as the suffrage and judicial decisions, I do not understand why one who corrupts them by money deserves punishment, while one who corrupts them by his eloquence is even praised. For my part, I think that he does more evil who corrupts a judge by a speech than one who does so by money; for no one can corrupt a sensible man by money, but he can do so by words.”
4.10. Horum obstinatione libertatem temeritas, constantiam audacia praeceps, eloquentiam inanis quaedam imitatur affluentia loquendi: quarum artium scaevitate, ut Tullius asseverat, nefas est religionem decipi iudicantis. Ait enim “Cumque nihil tam incorruptum esse debeat in re publica quam suffragium, quam sententia, non intellego cur qui ea pecunia corruperit, poena dignus sit: qui eloquentia, laudem etiam ferat. Mihi quidem hoc plus mali facere videtur, qui oratione, quam qui pretio iudicem corrumpit: quod pecunia corrumpere prudentem nemo potest, dicendo potest.”
4.11. A second class consists of those who profess a knowledge of law, which, however, the self-contradictory statutes have destroyed, and reticent as if they were muzzled, in never-ending silence they are like their own shadows. These men, as though revealing destinies by nativities or interpreting a Sibyl’s oracles, assume a solemn expression of severe bearing and try to make even their yawning saleable.
4.11. Secundum est genus eorum, qui iuris professi scientiam, quam repugnantium sibi legum abolevere discidia, velut vinculis ori impositis reticentes, iugi silentio umbrarum sunt similes propriarum. Hi velut fata natalicia praemonstrantes, aut Sibyllae oraculorum interpretes, vultus gravitate ad habitum composita tristiorem, ipsum quoque venditant, quod oscitantur.
4.12. In order to seem to have a deeper knowledge of the law, they talk of Trebatius, Cascellius, and Alfenus, and of the laws of the Aurunci and Sicani, which were long since forgotten and buried many ages ago along with Evander’s mother. And if you pretend that you have purposely murdered your mother, they promise, if they have observed that you are a moneyed man, that their many recondite studies will secure an acquittal for you.
4.12. Hi ut altius videantur iura callere, Trebatium loquuntur et Cascellium et Alfenum, et Auruncorum Sicanorumque iam diu leges ignotas, cum Evandri matre abhinc saeculis obrutas multis. Et si voluntate matrem tuam finxeris occidisse, multas tibi suffragari absolutionem lectiones reconditas pollicentur, si te senserint esse nummatum.
4.13. A third group consists of those who, in order to gain glory by their troublous profession, sharpen their venal tongues to attack the truth, and with shameless brow and base yelping often gain entrance wherever they wish. When the anxious judges are distracted by many cares, they tie up the business in an inexplicable tangle, and do their best to involve all peace and quiet in lawsuits and purposely by knotty inquisitions they deceive the courts, which, when their procedure is right, are temples of justice, when corrupted, are deceptive and hidden pits: and if anyone is deluded and falls into those pits, he will not get out except after many a term of years, when he has been sucked dry to his very marrow.
4.13. Tertius eorum est ordo, qui ut in professione turbulenta clarescant, ad expugnandam veritatem ora mercenaria procudentes, per prostitutas frontes vilesque latratus, quo velint aditus sibi patefaciunt crebros: qui inter sollicitudines iudicum per multa distentas, irresolubili nexu vincientes negotia, laborant, ut omnis quies litibus implicetur, et nodosis quaestionibus de industria iudicia circumscribunt, quae cum recte procedunt, delubra sunt aequitatis: cum depravantur, foveae fallaces et caecae: in quas si captus ceciderit quisquam, non nisi per multa exsiliet lustra, ad usque ipsas medullas exsuctus.
4.14. The fourth and last class, shameless, headstrong, and ignorant, consists of those who have broken away too soon from the elementary schools, run to and fro through the corners of the cities, thinking out mimiambic lines, rather than speeches suitable to win law-suits, wearing out the doors of the rich, and hunting for banquets and fine choice food.
4.14. Quartum atque postremum est genus impudens, pervicax et indoctum, eorum qui cum immature a litterariis eruperint ludis, per angulos civitatum discurrunt, mimiambos non causarum remediis congrua commentantes, fores divitum deterendo, cenarum ciborumque aucupantes delicias exquisitas.
4.15. When they have once devoted themselves to shady gain and to eagerness for money from any and every source, they urge all kinds of innocent people to involve themselves in vain litigations. And when they are allowed to defend suits, which rarely happens, amidst the very turning-points of the disputes they learn the name of their client and the purport of the business in hand from the mouth of the judge, and they so overflow with disarranged circumlocutions that in the foul hotchpotch you would think you were hearing a Thersites with his howling din.
4.15. Qui cum semel umbraticis lucris, et inhiandae undique pecuniae sese dediderint, litigare frustra quoslibet innocentes hortantur, et ad defendendam causam admissi, quod raro contingit, suscepti nomen et vim negotii sub ore disceptatoris inter ipsos conflictuum articulos instruuntur, circumlocutionibus indigestis ita scatentes, ut in colluvione taeterrima audire existimes ululabili clamore Thersiten.
4.16. But when they find themselves in the end unable to defend the charges, they turn to unbridled licence in abuse; and on this account, because of their constant insults of persons of rank, they are prosecuted and often condemned; and among them are some who are so ignorant that they cannot remember that they ever possessed a law-book.
4.16. Cum autem ad inopiam muniendarum venerint allegationum, ad effrenatam deflectunt conviciandi licentiam: quo nomine ob assidua in personas honorabiles probra, diebus dictis aliquotiens sunt damnati, e quibus ita sunt rudes non nulli, ut numquam se codices habuisse meminerint.
4.17. And if in a circle of learned men the name of an ancient writer happens to be mentioned, they think it is a foreign word for some fish or other edible; but if any stranger asks for the orator Marcianus (for example), who was before unknown to him, at once they all pretend that their own name is Marcianus.
4.17. Et si in circulo doctorum auctoris veteris inciderit nomen, piscis aut edulii peregrinum esse vocabulum arbitrantur: si vero advena quisquam inusitatum sibi antea Marcianum (verbo tenus) quaesierit oratorem, omnes confestim Marcianos appellari se fingunt.
4.18. And they no longer have before their eyes any right, but as if sold to and enslaved by avarice, they understand nothing except endless licence in making demands. And if once they have caught anyone in their nets, they entangle him in a thousand toils, purposely defaulting by pretending sicknesses one after another; and they prepare seven plausible preambles in order that the useless reading of well-known law may be introduced, thus weaving swarms of long delays.
4.18. Nec iam fas ullum prae oculis habent, sed tamquam avaritiae venundati et usucapti, nihil praeter interminatam petendi licentiam norunt. Et siquem semel intra retia ceperint, cassibus mille impedicant, per morborum simulationem vicissim consulto cessantes: utque pervulgati iuris proferatur lectio vana, septem vendibiles introitus praeparant, dilationum examina longissima contexentes.
4.19. And when the contending parties are stripped of everything, and days, months and years are used up, at last the case, now worn out with age, is introduced, and those brilliant principals come forth, bringing with them other shadows of advocates. And when theyhave come within the barriers of the court, and the fortunes or safety of some one begins to be discussed, and they ought to work to turn the sword or ruinous loss from an innocent person, the advocates on both sides wrinkling their brows and waving their arms in semblance of the gestures of actors (so that they lack only the oratorical pipe of Gracchus behind them) stand for a long time opposite each other. At last, in accordance with a prearranged agreement, the one who is more confident in speech utters a kind of a sweet prologue, promising to emulate the ornamental language of a speech for Cluentius or Ctesiphon; and when all are wishing for the end, such is the method of his peroration that the advocates, after the semblance of a trial has gone on for three years, allege that they are not yet fully informed; and after they have obtained a further postponement, as if they had struggled with Antaeus of old, they persistently demand the pay for their danger and toil.
4.19. Et cum nudatis litigatoribus dies cesserint et menses et anni, tandem obtrita vetustate controversia intromissa, ipsa capita splendoris ingressa, alia secum advocatorum simulacra inducunt. Cumque intra cancellorum venerint saepta, et agi coeperint alicuius fortunae vel salus, atque laborari debeat ut ab insonte gladius vel calamitosa detrimenta pellantur, corrugatis hinc inde frontibus brachiisque histrionico gestu formatis, ut contionaria Gracchi fistula sola post occipitium desit, consistitur altrinsecus diu: tandemque ex praemeditato colludio, per eum qui est in verba fidentior, suave quoddam principium dicendi exoritur, Cluentianae vel pro Ctesiphonte orationum aemula ornamenta promittens: et in eam earn conclusionem cunctis finem cupientibus desinit, ut nondum se patroni post speciem litis triennium editam causentur instructos, spatioque prorogati temporis impetrato, quasi cum Antaeo vetere colluctati, perseveranter flagitant pulveris periculosi mercedes.
4.20. But yet, in spite of this, advocates suffer many inconveniences, not easy to be endured by a man who would live rightly. For, allured by the profits of their sedentary trade, they differ among themselves and become enemies, and they offend many by their outbursts of abusive ferocity (as has been said), which they blab out in a torrent when they have no arguments strong enough to fortify the weakness of the cases which have been entrusted to them.
4.20. Verum tamen haec cum ita sint, non desunt advocatis incommoda plurima, parum sustinenda recte victuro. Namque sellulariis quaestibus inescati, inter se hostiliter dissident, et abrupta maledicendi ferocia (ut dictum est) multos offendunt: quam tunc tune effutiunt, cum commissarum sibi causarum infirmitatem rationibus validis convallare non possunt.
4.21. And they have to deal with judges who sometimes are taught by the sophisms of Philistion or Aesopus, rather than reared in the discipline of your Aristides the Just or Cato. Such men, having bought public office for large sums of money, like tiresome creditors prying into the resources of every kind of fortune, shake out booty from other men’s bosoms.
4.21. Et iudices patiuntur interdum doctos ex Philistionis aut Aesopi cavillationibus, quam ex Aristidis illius Iusti lusti vel Catonis disciplina productos: qui aere gravi mercati publicas potestates, ut creditores molesti, opes cuiusque modi fortunae rimantes, alienis gremiis excutiunt praedas.
4.22. Finally, the profession of advocate has, with the rest, this serious and dangerous evil, which is native to almost all litigants, that although their cases may be lost by a thousand accidents, they think their ill-success lies wholly in the ability of their advocates, and they are accustomed to attribute the outcome of every contest to them; and they vent their anger not on the weakness of their case or the frequent injustice of the magistrate who decides it, but only on their defenders. But let us return to the point from which we made the digression.
4.22. Ad ultimum id habet causidicina cum ceteris metuendum et grave, quod hoc ingenitum est paene litigantibus cunctis, ut cum iurgia mille casibus cadant, accidentia secus in potestate esse existiment patronorum, et omnem certaminum exitum eisdem soleant assignare, et non vitiis rerum, aut iniquitati aliquotiens disceptantium, sed solis defensantibus irascantur. Verum unde huc hue declinavimus, revertamur.
5.1. When spring was already ripening, of chapter 3. Valentinian moved from Trier and hastened by quick marches along the familiar roads; and when he came to the regions for which he was aiming, he was met by a deputation of the Sarmatians, who threw themselves at his feet and begged in peaceful terms that his visit might be favourable and merciful to them, since he would find that their countrymen were neither participants in, nor aware of, any outrage.
5.1. Pubescente iam vere, Valentinianus a Treveris motus, per nota itinera gradu celeri contendebat, eique regiones adventanti quas petebat, legatio Sarmatarum offertur: pedibusque eius prostrata, orabat pacifica prece, ut propitius veniret et lenis, nullius diri facinoris participes popularis suos inventurus aut conscios.
5.2. When they often repeated these same statements, after mature deliberation the emperor made this answer: that these acts must be investigated, in the place where they were said to have been committed, and punished in the light of the most reliable evidence. And when thereafter he entered Carnuntum, a town of the prefecture of Illyricum, now indeed deserted and in ruins, but very convenient for the leader of an army, he proceeded (whenever chance or design gave the opportunity) to check the attacks of the savages from a station near by.
5.2. Quibus saepe eadem iterantibus, hactenus perpensa deliberatione respondit, haec in locis ubi dicuntur admissa, quaerenda verissimis documentis et vindicanda. Cumque exinde Carnuntum Illyriorum oppidum introisset, desertum quidem nunc et squalens, sed ductori exercitus perquam opportunum, ubi fors copiam dedisset aut ratio, e statione proxima reprimebat barbaricos appetitus.