---
title: "History · Res gestae"
author: "Ammianus Marcellinus"
translator: "John C. Rolfe"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 50 of 52
url: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/50/
cite: "Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe, History · Res gestae, section 50. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/50/"
---

# History · Res gestae

*Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe*

The last great Latin history of Rome, by a Greek soldier: the emperor Julian, the Persian wars and the Goths’ victory at Adrianople in AD 378.

> Latin: ed. John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, stoa0023.stoa001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 50. Book XXXI · chapters 13–16

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/50/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/50/#p-N

[¶0] 13.4. Here one might see a barbarian filled with lofty courage, his cheeks contracted in a hiss, hamstrung or with right hand severed, or pierced through the side, on the very verge of death threateningly casting about his fierce glance; and by the fall of the combatants on both sides the plains were covered with the bodies of the slain strewn over the ground, while the groans of the dying and of those who had suffered deep wounds caused immense fear when they were heard.

> Latin: 13.4. Videreque licebat celsum ferocia barbarum, genis stridore constrictis, succiso poplite aut abscisa ferro dextera vel confosso latere inter ipsa quoque mortis confinia minaciter circumferentem oculos truces: ruinaque confligentium mutua, humi corporibus stratis, campi peremptis impleti sunt, et morientium gemitus, profundisque vulneribus transfixorum, cum timore audiebantur ingenti.

[¶1] 13.5. In this great tumult and confusion the infantry, exhausted by their efforts and the danger, when in turn strength and mind for planning anything were lacking, their lances for the most part broken by constant clashing, content to fight with drawn swords, plunged into the dense masses of the foe, regardless of their lives, seeing all around that every loophole of escape was lost.

> Latin: 13.5. In hoc tanto tamque confusae rei tumultu, exhausti labore et periculis pedites, cum deinceps neque vires illis neque mentes suppeterent ad consilium, diffractis hastarum plerisque collisione assidua, gladiis contenti destrictis, in confertas hostium turmas se immergebant, salutis immemores, circumspectantes ademptum esse omne evadendi suffugium.

[¶2] 13.6. The ground covered with streams of blood whirled their slippery foothold from under them, so they could only strain every nerve to sell their lives dearly; and they opposed the onrushing foe with such great resolution that some fell by the weapons of their own comrades. Finally, when the whole scene was discoloured with the hue of dark blood, and wherever men turned their eyes heaps of slain met them, they trod upon the bodies of the dead without mercy.

> Latin: 13.6. Et quia humus rivis operta sanguineis gressus labiles evertebat, conabantur modis omnibus vitam impendere non inultam: adeo magno animorum robore oppositi incumbentibus, ut etiam telis quidam propriis interirent. Atra denique cruoris facie omnia conturbante, et quocumque se inflexerant oculi, acervis caesorum aggestis, exanimata cadavera sine parsimonia calcabantur.

[¶3] 13.7. Now the sun had risen higher, and when it had finished its course though Leo, and was passing into the house of the heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who were more and more exhausted by hunger and worn out by thirst, as well as distressed by the heavy burden of their armour. Finally our line was broken by the onrushing weight of the barbarians, and since that was the only resort in their last extremity, they took to their heels in disorder as best they could.

> Latin: 13.7. Solque sublimior, decurso Leone, ad domicilium caelestis Virginis transiens, Romanos magis attenuatos inedia, sitique confectos, etiam armorum gravantibus sarcinis exurebat. Ad ultimum incumbente barbarorum pondere acies inclinatae nostrorum, quod solum postremis malis habuere subsidium, incondite qua quisque poterat, vertuntur in pedes.

[¶4] 13.8. While all scattered in flight over unknown paths, the emperor, hedged about by dire terrors, and slowly treading over heaps of corpses, took refuge with the lancers and the mattiarii, who, so long as the vast numbers of the enemy could be sustained, had stood unshaken with bodies firmly planted. On seeing him Trajanus cried that all hope was gone, unless the emperor, abandoned by his body-guard, should at least be protected by his foreign auxiliaries.

> Latin: 13.8. Dumque omnes dispersi per ignotos tramites cedunt, imperator diris pavoribus circumsaeptus, paulatimque insiliens funerum moles, ad lancearios confugit et mattiarios: qui dum multitudo multitude tolerabatur hostilis, fixis corporibus steterant inconcussi. Eoque viso Traianus exclamat spem omnem absumptam, ni desertus ab armigeris princeps saltem adventicio tegeretur auxilio.

[¶5] 13.9. On hearing this the general called Victor hastened to bring quickly to the emperor’s aid the Batavi, who had been posted not far off as a reserve force; but when he could find none of them, he retired and went away. And in the same way Richomeres and Saturninus made their escape from danger.

> Latin: 13.9. Hocque audito, Victor nomine comes, Batavos in subsidiis locatos haut procul, ad imperatoris praesidium raptim cogere properans, cum invenire neminem posset, gradiens retro discessit. Parique modo Richomeres periculo semet exemit et Saturninus.

[¶6] 13.10. And so the barbarians, their eyes blazing with frenzy, were pursuing our men, in whose veins the blood was chilled with numb horror: some fell without knowing who struck them down, others were buried beneath the mere weight of their assailants; some were slain by the sword of a comrade; for though they often rallied, there was no ground given, nor did anyone spare those who retreated.

> Latin: 13.10. Sequebantur itaque furore ex oculis lucente barbari nostros, iam linquente venarum calore torpentes terpentes: quorum aliqui percussoribus cadebant incertis, non nulli ponderibus solis urgentium obruti, ictuque suorum aliqui trucidati: nec enim saepe renitentibus cedebatur, aut parcebat cedentibus quisquam.

[¶7] 13.11. Besides all this, the roads were blocked by many who lay mortally wounded, lamenting the torment of their wounds; and with them also mounds of fallen horses filled the plains with corpses. To these ever irreparable losses, so costly to the Roman state, a night without the bright light of the moon put an end.

> Latin: 13.11. Super his obstruebant itinera iacentes multi semineces, cruciatus vulnerum conquerentes, cum quibus aggeres quoque equorum constrati, cadaveribus campos implerant. Diremit haec numquam pensabilia damna, quae magno rebus stetere Romanis, nullo splendore lunari nox fulgens.

[¶8] 13.12. At the first coming of darkness the emperor, amid the common soldiers as was supposed (for no one asserted that he had seen him or been with him), fell mortally wounded by an arrow, and presently breathed his last breath; and he was never afterwards found anywhere. For since a few of the foe were active for long in the neighbourhood for the purpose of robbing the dead, no one of the fugitives or of the natives ventured to approach the spot.

> Latin: 13.12. Primaque caligine tenebrarum, inter gregarios imperator, ut opinari dabatur (neque enim vidisse se quisquam vel praesto fuisse adseveravit asseveravit ), sagitta perniciose saucius ruit, spirituque mox consumpto decessit, nec postea repertus est usquam. Hostium enim paucis spoliandi gratia mortuos per ea loca diu versatis, nullus fugatorum vel accolarum illuc adire est ausus.

[¶9] 13.13. The Caesar Decius, we are told, met a similar fate; for when he was fiercely fighting with the barbarians and his horse, whose excitement he could not restrain, stumbled and threw him, he fell into a marsh, from which he could not get out, nor could his body be found.

> Latin: 13.13. Simili clade Caesarem accepimus Decium, dimicantem cum barbaris acriter, equi lapsu prostratum, quem ferventem retinere non valuit, abiectumque in paludem, nec emergere potuisse nec inveniri.

[¶10] 13.14. Others say that Valens did not give up the ghost at once, but with his bodyguard and a few eunuchs was taken to a peasant’s cottage near by, well fortified in its second storey; and while he was being treated by unskilful hands, he was surrounded by the enemy, who did not know who he was, but was saved from the shame of captivity.

> Latin: 13.14. Alii dicunt Valentem animam non exhalasse confestim, sed cum candidatis et spadonibus paucis, prope ad agrestem casam relatum, secunda contignatione fabre munitam, dum fovetur manibus imperitis, circumsessum ab hostibus, qui esset ignorantibus, dedecore captivitatis exemptum.

[¶11] 13.15. For while the pursuers were trying to break open the bolted doors, they were assailed with arrows from a balcony of the house; and fearing through the inevitable delay to lose the opportunity for pillage, they piled bundles of straw and firewood about the house, set fire to them, and burned it men and all.

> Latin: 13.15. Cum enim oppessulatas ianuas perrumpere conati qui secuti sunt, a parte pensili domus sagittis incesserentur, ne per moras inexpedibiles populandi amitterent copiam, congestis stipulae fascibus et lignorum, flammaque supposita, aedificium cum hominibus torruerunt.

[¶12] 13.16. From it one of the bodyguard leaped through a window, but was taken by the enemy; when he told them what had happened, he filled them with sorrow at being cheated of great glory, in not having taken the ruler of the Roman empire alive. This same young man, having later escaped and returned secretly to our army, gave this account of what had occurred.

> Latin: 13.16. Unde quidam de candidatis, per fenestram lapsus captusque a barbaris, prodidit factum et eos maerore afflixit, magna gloria defraudatos, quod Romanae rei rectorem non cepere superstitem. Is ipse iuvenis, occulte postea reversus ad nostros, haec ita accidisse narravit.

[¶13] 13.17. When Spain had been recovered, with a similar disaster the second of the Scipios, we are told, was burned with a tower in which he had taken refuge and which the enemy had set on fire. This much, at any rate, is certain, that neither Scipio nor Valens had the fortune of burial which is death’s final honour.

> Latin: 13.17. Pari clade recuperatis Hispaniis, Scipionum alterum cremata turri in quam confugerat, absumptum incendio hostili comperimus. Illud tamen certum est, nec Scipioni nec Valenti sepulturam (qui supremitatis honor est) contigisse.

[¶14] 13.18. Amid this manifold loss of distinguished men, the deaths of Trajanus and Sebastianus stood out. With them fell thirty-five tribunes, without special assignments, and leaders of bodies of troops, as well as Valerianus and Aequitius, the one having charge of the stables, the other, of the Palace. Among these also Potentius lost his life in the first flower of his youth; he was tribune of the promoti, respected by all good men and honoured both for his own services and those of his father Ursicinus, formerly a commander-in-chief. Certain it is that barely a third part of our army escaped.

> Latin: 13.18. In hac multiplici virorum illustrium clade, Traiani mors eminuit et Sebastiani, cum quibus triginta quinque oppetivere tribuni, vacantes et numerorum rectores, et Valerianus atque Aequitius, quorum alter stabulum, alter curabat palatium. Inter hos etiam promotorum tribunus, Potentius, cecidit in primaevo flore aetatis, bono cuique spectatus, meritis Ursicini patris, magistri quondam armorum suisque commendabilis. Constatque vix tertiam evasisse exercitus partem.

[¶15] 13.19. The annals record no such massacre of a battle except the one at Cannae, although the Romans more than once, deceived by trickery due to an adverse breeze of Fortune, yielded for a time to illsuccess in their wars, and although the storied dirges of the Greeks have mourned over many a contest.

> Latin: 13.19. Nec ulla annalibus praeter Cannensem pugnam ita ad internecionem res legitur gesta, quamquam Romani aliquotiens reflante Fortuna fallaciis lusi, bellorum iniquitati cesserunt ad tempus, et certamina multa fabulosae naeniae flevere Graecorum.

[¶16] 14.1. Thus then died Valens, at the age of almost fifty and after a reign of a little less than fourteen years.

> Latin: 14.1. Perit autem hoc exitu Valens, quinquagesimo anno contiguus, cum per annos quattuor imperasset et decem, parvo minus.

[¶17] 14.2. Of his merits, as known to many, we shall now speak, and of his defects. He was a firm and faithful friend, severe in punishing ambitious designs, strict in maintaining discipline in the army and in civil life, always watchful and anxious lest anyone should elevate himself on the ground of kinship with him; he was excessively slow towards conferring or taking away official positions, very just in his rule of the provinces, each of which he protected from injury as he would his own house, lightening the burden of tributes with a kind of special care, allowing no increase in taxes, not extortionate in estimating the indebtedness from arrears, a harsh and bitter enemy of thievish officials and of those detected in peculation. Under no other emperor does the Orient recall meeting better treatment in matters of this kind.

> Latin: 14.2. Cuius bona multis cognita dicemus et vitia. Amicus fidelis et firmus, ultor acer ambitionum, severus militaris et civilis disciplinae corrector, pervigil semper et anxius, ne quis propinquitatem praetendens, altius semet efferret, erga deferendas potestates vel adimendas nimium tardus, provinciarum aequissimus tutor, quarum singulas ut domum propriam custodibat indemnes, tributorum onera studio quodam molliens singulari, nulla vectigalium admittens augmenta in adaerandis reliquorum debitis non molestus, furibus et in peculatu deprehensis iudicibus inimicus asper et vehemens. Nec sub alio principe in huius modi negotiis melius secum actum esse meminit Oriens.

[¶18] 14.3. Besides all this, he combined liberality with moderation, and although there are many instances of such conduct, yet it will suffice to set forth one. Since there are always at court some men who are greedy for others’ possessions, if anyone, as often happens, claimed a lapsed estate or anything else of the kind, he distinguished clearly between justice and injustice, allowing those who intended to protest a chance to state their case; and if he gave it to the petitioner, he often added as sharers in the gifts gained three or four absentees, to the end that restless people might act with more restraint, when they saw that by this device the gain for which they were so greedy was diminished.

> Latin: 14.3. Super his omnibus liberalis erat cum moderatione, cuius rei licet abundent exempla, unum tamen sufficiet poni. Ut sunt in palatiis non nulli alienarum avidi rerum, siqui caducum vel aliud petisset ex usu, cum magna iustorum iniustorumque distinctione, contradicturis copia servata, donabat ei qui petierat, tres vel quattuor alios absentes aliquotiens impetratorum participes iungens, ut castigatius agerent inquieti, lucra quibus inhiabant, hoc minui commento cernentes.

[¶19] 14.4. As to the public buildings which he restored or built from their very beginning in various cities and towns, in order not to be prolix I say nothing, but leaving this matter to the objects themselves to demonstrate it more obviously than I can. Such conduct is worthy, I think, of emulation by all good men; let me now run through his defects.

> Latin: 14.4. Super aedificiis autem, quae per diversas urbes et oppida vel instauravit, vel a primis instruxit auspiciis, (ne sim longior) taceo, rebus ipsis id apertius monstrare concedens. Haec bonis omnibus aemulanda sunt, ut existimo: nunc eius vitia percurramus.

[¶20] 14.5. He was immoderately desirous of great wealth, and impatient of toil, rather affecting awesome austerity than possessing it, and somewhat inclined to cruelty; he had rather an uncultivated mind, and was trained neither in the art of war nor in liberal studies; he was ready to gain advantage and profit at the expense of others’ suffering, and more intolerable when he attributed offences that were committed to contempt of, or injury to, the imperial dignity; then he vented his rage in bloodshed, and on the ruin of the rich.

> Latin: 14.5. Magnarum opum intemperans appetitor, laborum impatiens, duritiamque magis affectans immanem, in crudelitatem proclivior, subagrestis ingenii, nec bellicis nec liberalibus studiis eruditus: alienis gemitibus libenter emolumenta fructusque conquirens, tuncque magis intolerabilis, cum incidentia crimina ad contemptam vel laesam principis amplitudinem trahens, in sanguinem saeviebat, et dispendia locupletum.

[¶21] 14.6. It was unendurable also, that although he wished to appear to refer all controversies and judicial investigations to the laws, and entrusted the examination of such affairs to the regular judges as being specially selected men, nevertheless he suffered nothing to be done contrary to his own caprice. He was in other ways unjust, hot tempered, and ready to listen to informers without distinguishing truth from falsity—a shameful fault, which is very greatly to be dreaded even in these our private affairs of every-day occurrence.

> Latin: 14.6. Illud quoque ferri non poterat, quod cum legibus lites omnes quaestionesque committere videri se vellet, destinatisque velut lectis iudicibus negotia spectanda mandabat, nihil agi contra libidinem suam patiebatur: iniuriosus alia et iracundus, et criminantibus, sine differentia veri vel falsi, facillime patens, quae vitiorum labes etiam in his privatis cotidianisque rationibus impendio est formidanda.

[¶22] 14.7. He was a procrastinator and irresolute. His complexion was dark, the pupil of one of his eyes was dimmed, but in such a way as not to be noticed at a distance; his body was well-knit, his height neither above nor below the average; he was knock-kneed, and somewhat pot-bellied.

> Latin: 14.7. Cessator et piger: nigri coloris, pupula oculi unius obstructa, sed ita ut non eminus appareret, figura bene compacta membrorum, staturae nec nee procerae nec nee humilis, incurvis ineurvis cruribus exstanteque mediocriter ventre.

[¶23] 14.8. This will be enough to say about Valens, and it is fully confirmed by the testimony of records contemporary with me. But it is proper not to omit the following story. At the time of the oracle of the tripod, for which, as I have said, Patricius and Hilarius were responsible, he had heard of those three prophetic verses, of which the last is:
When in Mimas’ plains the war-god Ares rages.
Being uneducated and rude, he disregarded them at first, but as his very great troubles increased he became abjectly timid, and in recalling that prediction used to shudder at the mention of Asia, where, as he heard from the mouths of learned men, Homer and Cicero have written of a mountain called Mimas, rising above the city of Erythrae.

> Latin: 14.8. Haec super Valente dixisse sufficiet, quae vera esse aequalis nobis memoria plene testatur. Illud autem praeteriri non convenit, quod cum oraculo tripodis, quem movisse Patricium docuimus et Hilarium, tres versus illos fatidicos comperisset, quorum ultimus est
ἐν πεδίοισι Μίμαντος ἀγαιομένοιο Ἄρηος,
ut erat inconsummatus et rudis, inter initia contemnebat, processu vero luctuum maximorum, abiecte etiam timidus, eiusdem sortis recordatione Asiae nomen horrebat: ubi Erythraeo oppido superpositum montem Mimanta, et Homerum scripsisse, et Tullium, doctis referentibus audiebat.

[¶24] 14.9. Finally, after his death and the departure of the enemy, it is said that near the place where he was thought to have fallen a monument made of a heap of stones was found, to which was fastened a tablet engraved with Greek characters, showing that a distinguished man of old called Mimas was buried there.

> Latin: 14.9. Denique post interitum eius, discessumque hostilem, prope locum in quo cecidisse existimatus est, inventus dicitur saxeus monumenti suggestus, cui lapis affixus incisis litteris Graecis, sepultum ibi nobilem quendam Mimanta veterem indicabat.

[¶25] 15.1. After the murderous battle, when night had already spread darkness over the earth, the survivors departed, some to the right, others to the left, or wherever their fear took them, each seeking his nearest associates, for none could see anything save himself, and everyone imagined that the enemy’s sword hung over his own head. Yet there were still heard, though from far off, the pitiful cries of those who were left behind, the death-rattle of the dying, and the tortured wails of the wounded.

> Latin: 15.1. Post exitialem pugnam cum iam tenebris nox terras implesset, hi qui superfuere, dextra pars alii laeva, vel quo metus traxerat ferebantur, quisque proximos quaerens: cum praeter se nihil singuli cernere poterant, occipitiis propriis ferrum arbitrantes haerere. Audiebantur tamen (licet longius) heiulatus miserabiles relictorum, singultusque morientium, et vulneratorum cruciabiles fletus.

[¶26] 15.2. But at daybreak the victors, like wild beasts roused to cruel ferocity by the provocative tang of blood, driven by the lure of a vain hope, made for Hadrianopolis in dense throngs, intending to destroy the city even at the cost of the utmost dangers; for they had heard through traitors and deserters that the most distinguished officials, the insignia of imperial fortune, and the treasures of Valens were hidden there, as within an impregnable fortress.

> Latin: 15.2. Luce vero coeptante, victores, ut bestiae sanguinis irritamento atrocius efferatae, spei inanis illecebris agitati, Hadrianopolim agminibus petivere densetis, eam vel cum discriminibus excisuri postremis: docti per proditores et transfugas, potestatum culmina maximarum, et fortunae principalis insignia, thesaurosque Valentis, illic ut in munimento arduo conditos.

[¶27] 15.3. And in order that no delays meanwhile might cool their ardour, at the fourth hour of the day they had encircled the walls and were engaged in a most bitter struggle; for the besiegers with their natural ferocity rushed upon swift death, while on the other hand the defenders were encouraged to vigorous resistance with might and main.

> Latin: 15.3. Et ne intervallatis ardor intepesceret moris, hora diei quarta ambitu cincto murorum, infestissime certabatur oppugnatoribus genuina ferocia ad praeceps exitium festinantibus, contraque defensorum vigore validis viribus incitato.

[¶28] 15.4. And because a great number of soldiers and batmen had been prevented from entering the city with their beasts, they took their place close to the shelter of the walls and in the adjoining buildings, and made a brave fight considering their low position; and the mad rage of their assailants had lasted until the ninth hour of the day, when on a sudden three hundred of our infantry, of those who stood near the very breastworks, formed a wedge and went over to the barbarians. They were eagerly seized by the Goths, and (it is not known why) were immediately butchered; and from that time on it was noticed that not a man thought of any similar action, even when the outlook was most desperate.

> Latin: 15.4. Et quia militum calonumque numerus magnus, civitatem cum iumentis introire prohibitus, affixus parietibus moenium, aedibusque continuis, pro loci humilitate fortiter decernebat, superaratque rabies imminentium ad usque horam diei nonam, subito pedites nostri trecenti, ex his qui prope ipsas stetere loricas, conferti in cuneum, desciverunt ad barbaros, eosque illi avide raptos, confestim (incertum quo consilio) trucidarunt; et ex eo deinceps observatum est, neminem huius modi aliquid vel in desperatione rerum ultima cogitasse.

[¶29] 15.5. Now, while this accumulation of misfortunes was raging, suddenly with peals of thunder rain poured from the black clouds and scattered the hordes roaring around the city; but they returned to the circular rampart formed by their wagons, and carried their measureless arrogance so far as to send an envoy with a threatening letter, ordering our men to surrender the city on receiving a pledge that their lives would be spared.

> Latin: 15.5. Fervente itaque tot malorum congerie, repente cum fragore caelesti, imbres nubibus atris effusi, dispersere circumfrementium globes, reversique ad vallum dimensum tereti figura plaustrorum, immanes spiritus latius porrigentes, iubebant nostris per minaces litteras et legatum dedere civitatem, fide retinendae salutis accepta.

[¶30] 15.6. The messenger did not dare to enter the city, and the letter was delivered by a certain Christian and read: but it was scorned, as was fitting, and the rest of the day and the whole night were spent in preparing defensive works. For the gates were blocked from within with huge rocks, the unsafe parts of the walls were strengthened, artillery was placed in suitable places for hurling missiles or rocks in all directions, and a supply of water that was sufficient was stored nearby; for on the day before some of those who fought were tormented with thirst almost to the point of death.

> Latin: 15.6. Verum introire non auso, qui missus est, per Christianum quendam portatis scriptis et recitatis, utque decebat contemptis, parandis operibus diei residuum et nox omnis absumpta. Nam intrinsecus silicibus magnis obstrusae sunt portae, et moenium intuta firmata, et ad emittenda undique tela vel saxa, tormenta per locos aptata sunt habiles, aggestaque prope sufficiens aqua. Pridie enim dimicantium quidam siti ad usque ipsa vitae detrimenta vexati sunt.

[¶31] 15.7. The Goths on the other hand, bearing in mind the dangerous chances of war, and worried from seeing their bravest men stretched dead or wounded, while their strength was being worn away bit by bit, formed a clever plan, which Justice herself revealed.

> Latin: 15.7. Contra Gothi reputantes difficiles Martis eventus, anxiique cum sterni et sauciari cernerent fortiores, et particulatim vires suas convelli, astutum iniere consilium, quod ipsa indicante Iustitia publicatum est.

[¶32] 15.8. For they enticed some of our subalterns, who had deserted to them the day before, to simulate flight, as if returning to their own side, and to manage to be admitted within the walls, and when let in, secretly to set fire to some part of the city; in order that as if a kind of secret signal had been raised, while the attention of the throng of the besieged was distracted with extinguishing the flames, the city, left undefended, might be broken into.

> Latin: 15.8. Partis enim nostrae candidatos candidates aliquos qui die praeterito ad eos defecerant, pellexere, ut simulata fuga velut ad propria remeantes, intra muros suscipi se curarent, ingressique latenter quandam incenderent partem: ut tamquam signo erecto occultius, dum circa exstinguendum incendium distringitur multitudo clausorum, civitas perrumperetur impropugnata.

[¶33] 15.9. The subalterns went on their way as had been arranged, and when they had come near the moat, with outstretched hands and prayers they begged to be admitted, as being Romans. And they were let in, as there was no suspicion to prevent it; but on being questioned as to the plans of the enemy they varied in their answers. The result was that after being tortured in a bloody investigation they openly confessed with what purpose they had come, and were beheaded.

> Latin: 15.9. Perrexere (ut statutum est) candidati: cumque prope fossas venissent, manus tendentes, orantesque ut Romanos semet admitti poscebant. Et recepti quia nulla erat suspicio quae vetaret, interrogatique super consiliis hostium, variarunt: unde factum est ut cruenta quaestione vexati, cervicibus perirent abscisis, quid acturi venerant, aperte confessi.

[¶34] 15.10. So, when all the preparations for battle had been made, the barbarians just before the beginning of the third watch, since the fear caused by their former wounds had died out, poured in more numerous masses upon the barred gates of the city, with the great persistency ofthose who are guarding against disaster. But with the soldiers the provincials and the court attendants rose up with all the greater vigour to overwhelm them, and such were the numbers of the foe that weapons of every kind, even though thrown at random, could not fall without effect.

> Latin: 15.10. Omni itaque bellandi apparatu praestructo, adventante vigilia tertia, barbari abolito praeteritorum vulnerum metu, in urbis obseratos aditus multiplicatis ordinibus inundarunt, et obstinatione magna caventium malo. At cum armatis provinciales et palatini ad obruendos eos excitatius exsurgebant, et cuiusque cuiusce modi tela in multitudine tanta, vel temere missa, cadere sine noxa non poterant.

[¶35] 15.11. Our men noticed that the barbarians were using the same missiles that had been hurled at them. And so it was ordered that the cords by which the barbs were fastened to the shaft should be partly severed before the arrows were shot from the bows; these during their flight kept their whole strength, and when they were fixed in the bodies of the enemy lost none of their effectiveness, or at any rate, if they found no mark, were at once broken.

> Latin: 15.11. Animadversum est a nostris eisdem telis barbaros uti, quibus appetebantur. Ideoque mandatum est, ut nervis ferrum lignumque conectentibus, ante iactum incisis, emitterentur arcu sagittae, quae volitantes vires integras reservabant. Infixae vero corporibus, nihil vigoris perdebant, aut certe (si cecidissent in vanum), ilico frangebantur.

[¶36] 15.12. But an entirely unexpected chance had great influence in the midst of this hot fight. A piece of artillery known as a “scorpion,” but called a “wild ass” in the language of the people, placed exactly opposite a great mass of the enemy, hurled a huge stone, and although it dashed to the ground without effect, yet the sight of it caused the enemy such great terror, that in their amazement at the strange spectacle they fled to a distance and tried to leave the place.

> Latin: 15.12. Dedit autem rebus ita flagrantibus grave momentum casus admodum inopinus. Scorpio genus tormenti, quem onagrum sermo vulgaris appellat, e regione contra hostium aciem densam locatus, lapidem contorsit ingentem, qui licet humo frustra illisus est, visus tamen ita eos metu exanimavit, ut stupore spectaculi novi, cedentes e medio, abire temptarent.

[¶37] 15.13. But at the order of their chiefs the horns sounded and the battle was renewed, and in the same way the Romans held the upper hand, since almost no bullet from the thong of a slinger, or any other missile when hurled, missed its mark. For the chiefs, inflamed by a desire to carry off the treasures which Valens had acquired by his ill-gotten gains took their place in the foremost ranks and were followed by the rest, who made a display of equalling the dangers of their superiors. For some were writhing mortally wounded, either crushed by great masses of stone, or with their breasts pierced with javelins; others who carried scaling-ladders and were preparing to mount the walls from every side were buried under their own burdens, as stones, fragments and whole drums of columns were thrown down upon them.

> Latin: 15.13. Sed bucinis optimatum monitu occinentibus, instauratum est proelium, et pari modo res Romana superior stetit, nullo ferme alio telo, vel funditoris amento, in cassum excusso. Agmina enim praeeuntium ductorum, quos rapiendi Valentis malis lucrationibus quaesita cupiditas incendebat, secuti ceteri prae se ferebant, aequiperasse discrimina potiorum: namque semineces aliquot, aut magnis obtriti ponderibus, vel confixi iaculis pectora, volvebantur, non nulli scalas vehendo, ascensumque in muros ex latere omni parantes, sub oneribus ipsis obruebantur, contrusis per pronum saxis et columnarum fragmentis et cylindris.

[¶38] 15.14. But until late in the day, not a man of the raging throng was turned by the awful sight of carnage from his desire to play a brave part, being excited by the numbers of the defenders who also fell, slain by all kinds of weapons, as they saw from afar with joy. So, without any rest or respite, the battle in defence of the walls and against the walls went on with great determination.

> Latin: 15.14. Nec quemquam furentium cruoris horrenda species ad serum usque diem ab alacritate faciendi fortiter avertebat, hoc incitante, quod etiam defensorum plurimos cadere diversis ictibus videntes eminus laetabantur. Ita sine requie ulla vel modo, pro moenibus et contra moenia ingentibus animis pugnabatur.

[¶39] 15.15. And since they no longer fought in any order, but rushed forward in detached groups (a sign of extreme discouragement) as the day was drawing towards evening all the enemy retired disconsolate to their tents, accusing one another of reckless folly because they had not, as Fritigern had earlier advised, wholly held aloof from the miseries of a siege.

> Latin: 15.15. Et quia nullo ordine iam sed per procursus pugnabatur et globos, quod desperationis erat signum extremae, flexo in vesperam die, digressi omnes rediere ad tentoria tristes, inconsideratae dementiae alter alterum arguentes, quod non (ut suaserat antea Fritigernus), obsidionales aerumnas ubique declinarunt.

[¶40] 16.1. After this the Goths gave their attention during the whole night-time, which was not long in the summer season, to caring for their wounds, using their native methods of treatment. When day broke again, their minds were led this way and that as to their plans, since they were in doubt whither they should turn; and after a great deal of talk and disagreement they decided to take possession of Perinthus, and afterwards of any neighbouring cities that were brimful of riches, of which they were given such full information by deserters that they knew even the interior of the houses, to say nothing of the cities. Following this decision, which they thought advantageous, they marched on slowly without opposition, devastating the whole district with pillage and fires.

> Latin: 16.1. Conversi post haec per omne tempus noctis (ut aestivae) non longum, ad vulnerum curas, artesque medendi gentiles, reddita luce in varias consiliorum vias diducebantur, quorsum tenderent ambigentes, multisque dictatis et controversis, occupare statuunt Perinthum, exinde vicinas urbes divitiarum refertas, docentibus omnia perfugis, etiam domorum nedum urbium interna noscentes. Hanc secuti sententiam, quam utilem existimarunt, itineribus lentis, miscentes cuncta populationibus et incendiis, nullo renitente pergebant.

[¶41] 16.2. After their timely departure, those who had been besieged in Hadrianopolis, having learned from scouts who had been found trustworthy that the neighbouring places were free from enemies, set out at midnight and avoiding the public highways and devising every effort for increasing their speed, hastened with the valuables which they were carrying still safe, through wooded and pathless places, some to Philippopolis and from there to Serdica, others to Macedonia, in the hope of finding Valens in those regions (for it was wholly unknown to them that he had fallen in the midst of the storms of battle, or at any rate had taken refuge in a hut, where it was thought that he had been burned to death).

> Latin: 16.2. Obsessi vero apud Hadrianopolim, post eorum abitum tempestivum, cum vacare hoste loca proxima compertae fidei nuntiassent exploratores, egressi media nocte, vitatis aggeribus publicis, per nemorosa et devia, pars Philippopolim, exindeque Serdicam, alia ad Macedoniam, cum intemeratis opibus quas vehebant, omni studio ad properandum excogitato, currebant, velut in regionibus illis repperiendo Valente: quem inter medios certaminum turbines oppetisse, vel certe ad tugurium confugisse, ubi aestimatus est vi periisse flammarum, penitus ignorabant.

[¶42] 16.3. But the Goths, joined with the Huns and the Halani, exceedingly warlike and brave peoples, hardened to the difficulties of severe toils, whom the craft of Fritigern had won over to them by the attractions of wonderful prizes, set up their camp near Perinthus; but mindful of their previous disasters they did not indeed venture to approach or attempt the city itself, but reduced to utter ruin the fertile fields which extend far and wide about it, killing or capturing those who dwelt there.

> Latin: 16.3. At Gothi Hunis Halanisque permixti, nimium bellicosis et fortibus, rerumque asperarum difficultatibus induratis, quos miris praemiorum illecebris sibi sociarat sollertia Fritigerni, fixis iuxta Perinthum castris, ipsam quidem urbem, cladum memores pristinarum, nec adire nec temptare sunt ausi, agros vero fertiles late distentos et longe, ad extremam vastavere penuriam, cultoribus caesis aut captis.

[¶43] 16.4. From there they hastened in rapid march to Constantinople, greedy for its vast heaps of treasure, marching in square formations for fear of ambuscades, and intending to make many mighty efforts to destroy the famous city. But while they were madly rushing on and almost knocking at the barriers of the gates, the celestial power checked them by the following event.

> Latin: 16.4. Unde Constantinopolim, copiarum cumulis inhiantes amplissimis, formas quadratorum agminum insidiarum metu servantes, ire ocius festinabant, multa in exitium urbis inclitae molituri. Quos inferentes sese immodice, obicesque portarum paene pulsantes, hoc casu caeleste reppulit numen.

[¶44] 16.5. A troop of Saracens (of whose origin and customs I have spoken at length in various places, ) who are more adapted to stealthy raiding expeditions than to pitched battles, and had recently been summoned to the city, desiring to attack the horde of barbarians of which they had suddenly caught sight, rushed forth boldly from the city to attack them. The contest was long and obstinate, and both sides separated on equal terms.

> Latin: 16.5. Saracenorum cuneus (super quorum origine moribusque diversis in locis rettulimus plura), ad furta magis expeditionalium rerum, quam ad concursatorias habilis pugnas, recens illuc accersitus, congressurus barbarorum globo repente conspecto, a civitate fidenter erupit, diuque extento certamine pertinaci, aequis partes discessere momentis.

[¶45] 16.6. But the oriental troop had the advantage from a strange event, never witnessed before. For one of their number, a man with long hair and naked except for a loin-cloth, uttering hoarse and dismal cries, with drawn dagger rushed into the thick of the Gothic army, and after killing a man applied his lips to his throat and sucked the blood that poured out. The barbarians, terrified by this strange and monstrous sight, after that did not show their usual self-confidence when they attempted any action, but advanced with hesitating steps.

> Latin: 16.6. Sed orientalis turma novo neque ante vise superavit eventu. Ex ea enim crinitus quidam, nudus omnia praeter pubem, subraucum et lugubre strepens, educto pugione, agmini se medio Gothorum inseruit, et interfecti hostis iugulo labra admovit, effusumque cruorem exsuxit. Quo monstroso miraculo barbari territi, postea non ferocientes ex more, cum agendum appeterent aliquid, sed ambiguis gressibus incedebant.

[¶46] 16.7. Then, as they went on, their courage was further broken when they beheld the oblong circuit of the walls, the blocks of houses covering a vast space, the beauties of the city beyond their reach, the vast population inhabiting it, and the strait near by that separates the Pontus from the Aegean; so the Goths destroyed the manufactories of warlike materials which they were preparing, and after suffering greater losses than they had inflicted they then departed and spread everywhere over the northern provinces, which they traversed at will as far as the foot of the Julian, or, as they were formerly called, the Venetic Alps.

> Latin: 16.7. Processu dein audacia fracta, cum murorum ambitum insularumque spatiis immensis oblongum, et inaccessas pulchritudines urbis, et incolentium plebem considerarent immensam, iuxtaque fretum, quod Pontum disterminat et Aegaeum, disiectis bellorum officinis, quas parabant, post accepta maiora funera quam illata, exinde digressi sunt effusorie per arctoas provincias, quas peragravere licenter ad usque radices Alpium Iuliarum luliarum, quas Venetas appellabat antiquitas.

[¶47] 16.8. At that time the salutary and swift efficiency of Julius, commander-in-chief of the troops beyond the Taurus, was conspicuous. For on learning of the ill-fated events in Thrace, by secret letters to their leaders, who were all Romans (a rare case in these times) he gave orders that the Goths who had been admitted before and were scattered through the various cities and camps, should be enticed to come without suspicion into the suburbs in the hope of receiving the pay that had been promised them, and there, as if on the raising of a banner, should all be slain on one and the same day. This prudent plan was carried out without confusion or delay, and thus the eastern provinces were saved from great dangers.

> Latin: 16.8. His diebus efficacia Iulii, magistri militiae trans Taurum, enituit salutaris et velox. Comperta enim fatorum sorte per Thracias, Gothos antea susceptos, dispersosque per varias civitates et castra, datis tectioribus litteris ad eorum rectores, Romanos omnes (quod his temporibus raro contingit), universos tamquam vexillo erecto, uno eodemque die mandavit occidi, exspectatione promissi stipendii securos, ad suburbana productos. Quo consilio prudenti sine strepitu vel mora completo, orientales provinciae discriminibus ereptae sunt magnis.

[¶48] 16.9. These events, from the principate of the emperor Nerva to the death of Valens, I, a former soldier and a Greek, have set forth to the measure of my ability, without ever (I believe) consciously venturing to debase through silence or through falsehood a work whose aim was the truth. The rest may be written by abler men, who are in the prime of life and learning. But if they chose to undertake such a task, I advise them to forge their tongues to the loftier style. The second part, written about 550 in barbarous Latin by another unknown author, under the title Item ex libris Chronicorum inter cetera, covers the period from 474 to 526, and deals mainly with the history of Theodoric. The writer was an opponent of Arianism, and he seems to have based his compilation on the Chronicle of Maximianus, bishop of Ravenna in 546, who died in 556. For this part we have, besides B, cod. Vaticanus Palatinus, Lat. n. 927 (P) of the twelfth century, in which the title appears as De adventu Oduachar regis Cyrorum et Erulorum in Italia, et quomodo Rex Theodericus eum fuerit persecutus. The Excerpts as a whole furnish an introduction and a sequel to the narrative of Ammianus. Diocletian ruled with Herculius Maximianus for twenty years. Constantius, grandson of the brother of that best of emperors Claudius, was first one of the emperor’s bodyguard, then a tribune, and later, governor of Dalmatia. With Galerius he was appointed Caesar by Diocletian; for he put away his former wife Helena and married Theodora, daughter of Maximianus, by whom he afterwards had six children, brothers of Constantine. But by his former wife Helena he already had a son Constantine, who was later the mightiest of emperors.

> Latin: 16.9. Haec ut miles quondam et Graecus, a principatu Caesaris Nervae exorsus, ad usque Valentis interitum, pro virium explicavi mensura: opus veritatem professum numquam (ut arbitror) sciens silentio ausus corrumpere, vel mendacio. Scribant reliqua potiores, aetate et doctrinis florentes. Quos id (si libuerit) aggressuros, procudere linguas ad maiores moneo stilos. Diocletianus cum Herculio Maximiano imperavit annos XX. Constantius, divi Claudii optimi principis nepos ex fratre, protector primum, inde tribunus,; in tribus, B; exin tribunus, Henr. Val.; tum tribunus, Zangemeister. postea praeses Dalmatiarum fuit. Iste cum Galerio a Diocletiano Caesar factus est. Relicta enim Helena priore uxore, filiam Maximiani Theodoram duxit uxorem, ex qua postea sex liberos Constantini fratres habuit. Sed de priore uxore Helena filium iam Constantinum habuit, qui postea princeps potentissimus fuit.