---
title: "History · Res gestae"
author: "Ammianus Marcellinus"
translator: "John C. Rolfe"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 7 of 52
url: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/7/
cite: "Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe, History · Res gestae, section 7. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/7/"
---

# History · Res gestae

*Ammianus Marcellinus, tr. John C. Rolfe*

The last great Latin history of Rome, by a Greek soldier: the emperor Julian, the Persian wars and the Goths’ victory at Adrianople in AD 378.

> Latin: ed. John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, stoa0023.stoa001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: John C. Rolfe, from the Perseus Digital Library (stoa0023.stoa001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 7. Book XVI · chapters 1–8

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/ammianus-marcellinus-res-gestae/7/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. While the linked course of the fates was bringing this to pass in the Roman world, Julian Caesar at Vienne was admitted by Augustus, then consul for the eighth time, into the fellowship of the consular fasti. Urged on by his native energy, he dreamed of the din of battle and the slaughter of savages, already preparing to gather up the broken fragments of the province, if only fortune should at last aid him with her favouring breeze.

> Latin: 1.1. Haec per orbem Romanum fatorum ordine contexto versante, Caesar apud Viennam in collegium fastorum a consule octiens Augusto adscitus, urgente genuino vigore, pugnarum fragores caedesque barbaricas somniabat, colligere provinciae fragmenta iam parans, si adfuisset fortuna flatu tandem secundo.

[¶1] 1.2. Accordingly, since the great deeds that he had the courage and good fortune to perform in Gaul surpass many valiant achievements of the ancients, I shall describe them one by one in progressive order, endeavouring to put in play all the resources of my modest ability, if only they will suffice.

> Latin: 1.2. Quia igitur res magnae quas per Gallias virtute felicitateque correxit, multis veterum factis fortibus praestant, singula serie progrediente monstrabo, instrumenta omnia mediocris ingenii (si suffecerint) commoturus.

[¶2] 1.3. Now whatever I shall tell (and no wordy deceit adorns my tale, but untrammelled faithfulness to fact, based upon clear proofs, composes it) will almost belong to the domain of the panegyric.

> Latin: 1.3. Quicquid autem narrabitur, quod non falsitas arguta concinnat, sed fides integra rerum absolvit, documentis evidentibus fulta, ad laudativam paene materiam pertinebit.

[¶3] 1.4. For some law of a higher life seems to have attended this youth from his noble cradle even to his last breath. For with rapid strides he grew so conspicuous at home and abroad that in his foresight he was esteemed a second Titus, son of Vespasian, in the glorious progress of his wars as very like Trajan, mild as Antoninus Pius, and in searching out the true and perfect reason of things in harmony with Marcus Aurelius, in emulation of whom he moulded his conduct and his character.

> Latin: 1.4. Videtur enim lex quaedam vitae melioris hunc invenem a nobilibus cunis ad usque spiritum comitata supremum. Namque incrementis velocibus ita domi forisque colluxit, ut prudentia Vespasiani filius Titus alter aestimaretur, bellorum gloriosis cursibus Traiani simillimus, clemens ut Antoninus, rectae perfectaeque rationis indigine congruens Marco, ad cuius aemulationem actus suos effingebat et mores.

[¶4] 1.5. And since (as the authority of Cicero informs us) “we take delight in the loftiness of all noble arts, as we do of trees, but not so much in their roots and stumps,” just so the beginnings of his surpassing ability were then veiled by many overshadowing features. Yet they ought to be preferred to his many admirable later achievements, for the reason that while still in early youth, educated like Erechtheus in Minerva’s retreat, and drawn from the peaceful shades of the Academy, not from a soldier’s tent, to the dust of battle, he vanquished Germany, subdued the meanders of the freezing Rhine, here shed the blood of kings breathing cruel threats, and there loaded their arms with chains.

> Latin: 1.5. Et quoniam (ut Tulliana docet auctoritas) “omnium magnarum artium sicut arborum altitudo nos delectat, radices stirpesque non item,” sic praeclarae huius indolis rudimenta, tune multis obnubilantibus tegebantur, quae anteferri gestis eius postea multis et miris, hac ratione deberent, quod adulescens primaevus, ut Erechtheus in secessu Minervae nutritus, ex Academiae quietis umbraculis, non e militari tabernaculo, in pulverem Martium tractus, strata Germania, pacatisque rigentis Rheni meatibus, cruenta spirantium regum hic sanguinem fudit, alibi manus catenis afflixit.

[¶5] 2.1. Accordingly, while he was passing a busy winter in the above-mentioned town, in the thick of rumours which kept persistently flying about, he learned that the walls of the ancient city of Autun, of wide circuit, to be sure, but weakened by the decay of centuries, had been besieged by a sudden onset of the savages; and then, though the force of soldiers garrisoned there was paralysed, it had been defended by the watchfulness of veterans who hurried together forits aid, as it often happens that the extreme of desperation wards off imminent danger of death.

> Latin: 2.1. Agens itaque negotiosam hiemem apud oppidum ante dictum, inter rumores, qui volitabant assidui, comperit Augustuduni civitatis antiquae muros spatiosi quidem ambitus sed carie vetustatis invalidos, barbarorum impetu repentino insessos, torpente praesentium militum manu, veteranos concursatione pervigili defendisse, ut solet abrupta saepe discrimina salutis ultima desperatio propulsare.

[¶6] 2.2. Therefore, without putting aside his cares, and disregarding the servile flattery with which his courtiers tried to turn him to pleasure and luxury, after making adequate preparation he reached Autun on the 24th of June, like some experienced general, distinguished for power and policy, intending to fall upon the savages, who were straggling in various directions, whenever chance should give opportunity.

> Latin: 2.2. Nihil itaque remittentibus curis, ancillari adulatione posthabita, qua eum proximi ad amoenitatem flectebant et luxum, satis omnibus comparatis, octavum kalendas Iulias Augustudunum pervenit, velut dux diuturnus viribus eminens et consiliis, per diversa palantes barbaros ubi dedisset fors copiam aggressurus.

[¶7] 2.3. Accordingly, when he held a council, with men present who knew the country, to decide what route should be chosen as a safe one, there was much interchange of opinion, some saying that they ought to go by Arbor others by way of Saulieu and Cora.

> Latin: 2.3. Habita itaque deliberatione assistentibus locorum peritis, quodnam iter eligeretur ut tutum, multa ultro citroque dicebantur aliis per Arbor … quibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram iri debere firmantibus.

[¶8] 2.4. But when some remarked that Silvanus, commander of the infantry, with 8000 reserve troops had shortly before passed (though with difficulty) by roads shorter but mistrusted because of the heavy shade of the branches, the Caesar with the greater confidence made a strong resolve to emulate the daring of that hardy man.

> Latin: 2.4. Sed cum subsererent quidam, Silvanum paulo ante magistrum peditum per compendiosas vias, verum suspectas, quia ramorum tenebris multis umbrantur, cum octo auxiliarium milibus aegre transisse, fidentius Caesar audaciam viri fortis imitari magnopere nitebatur.

[¶9] 2.5. And to avoid any delay, he took only the cuirassiers and the crossbowmen, who were far from suitable to defend a general, and traversing the same road, he came to Auxerre.

> Latin: 2.5. Et nequa interveniat mora, adhibitis cataphractariis solis et ballistariis, parum ad tuendum rectorem idoneis, percurso eodem itinere, Autosudorum pervenit.

[¶10] 2.6. There with but a short rest (as his custom was) he refreshed himself and his soldiers and kept on towards Troyes; and when troops of savages kept making attacks on him, he sometimes, fearing that they might be in greater force, strengthened his flanks and reconnoitered; sometimes he took advantage of suitable ground, easily ran them down and trampled them under foot, capturing some who in terror gave themselves up, while the remainder exerted all their powers of speed in an effort to escape. These he allowed to get away unscathed, since he was unable to follow them up, encumbered as he was with heavy-armed soldiers.

> Latin: 2.6. Ubi brevi (sicut solebat) otio cum milite recreatus, ad Tricasinos tendebat, et barbaros in se catervatim ruentes partim, cum timeret ut ampliores, confertis lateribus observabat, alios occupatis habilibus locis, decursu facili proterens, non nullos pavore traditos cepit, residuos in curam celeritatis omne quod poterant conferentes, quia sequi non valebat, gravitate praepeditus armorum, innocuos abire perpessus est.

[¶11] 2.7. So, as he now had firmer hope of success in resisting their attacks, he proceeded among many dangers to Troyes, reaching there so unlooked for, that when he was almost knocking at the gates, the fear of the widespread bands of savages was such, that entrance to the city was vouchsafed only after anxious debate.

> Latin: 2.7. Proinde certiore iam spe ad resistendum ingruentibus confirmatus, per multa discrimina venit Tricasas, adeo insperatus, ut eo portas paene pulsante, diffusae multitudinis barbarae metu, aditus urbis non sine anxia panderetur ambage.

[¶12] 2.8. And after staying there a short time, out of consideration for his tired soldiers, he felt that he ought not to delay, and made for the city of Rheims. There he had ordered the whole army to assemble with provisions for a month and to await his coming; the place was commanded by Ursicinus’ successor Marcellus, and Ursicinus himself was directed to serve in the same region until the end of the campaign.

> Latin: 2.8. Et paulisper moratus, dum fatigato consulit militi, civitatem Remos, nihil prolatandum existimans, petit, ubi in unum congregatum exercitum vehentem unius mensis cibaria iusserat operiri praesentiam suam; cui praesidebat Ursicini successor Marcellus, et ipse Ursicinus, ad usque expeditionis finem agere praeceptus eisdem in locis.

[¶13] 2.9. Accordingly, after the expression of many various opinions, it was agreed to attack the Alamannic horde by way of the Ten Cantons with closed ranks; and the soldiers went on in that direction with unusual alacrity.

> Latin: 2.9. Post variatas itaque sententias plures, cum placuisset per Decem pagos Alamannam aggredi plebem densatis agminibus, tendebat illuc solito alacrior miles.

[¶14] 2.10. And because the day was misty and overcast, so that even objects close at hand could not be seen, the enemy, aided by their acquaintance with the country, went around by way of a crossroad and made an attack on the two legions bringing up the rear of the Caesar’s army. And they would nearly have annihilated them, had not the shouts that they suddenly raised brought up the reinforcements of our allies.

> Latin: 2.10. Et quia dies umectus et decolor, vel contiguum eripiebat aspectum, iuvante locorum gnaritate hostes tramite obliquo discurso, post Caesaris terga legiones duas arma cogentes adorti, paene delessent, ni subito concitus clamor sociorum auxilia coegisset.

[¶15] 2.11. Then and thereafter, thinking that he could cross neither roads nor rivers without ambuscades, Julian was wary and hesitant, which is a special merit in grett commanders, and is wont both to help and to save their armies.

> Latin: 2.11. Hinc et deinde nec itinera nec flumina transire posse sine insidiis putans, erat providus et cunctator, quod praecipuum bonum in magnis ductoribus, opem ferre solet exercitibus et salutem.

[¶16] 2.12. Hearing therefore that Strasburg, Brumath, Saverne, Seltz, Speyer, Worms, and Mayence were held by the savages, who were living on their lands (for the towns themselves they avoid as if they were tombs surrounded by nets), he first of all seized Brumath, but while he was still approaching it a band of Germans met him and offered battle.

> Latin: 2.12. Audiens itaque Argentoratum, Brotomagum, Tabernas, Salisonem, Nemetas et Vangionas et Mogontiacum civitates barbaros possidentes, territoria earum habitare (nam ipsa oppida ut circumdata retiis busta declinant) primam omnium Brotomagum occupavit, eique iam adventanti Germanorum manus pugnam intentans occurrit.

[¶17] 2.13. Julian drew up his forces in the form of a crescent, and when the fight began to come to close quarters, the enemy were overwhelmed by a double danger; some were captured, others were slain in the very heat of the battle, and the rest got away, saved by recourse to speed.

> Latin: 2.13. Cumque in bicornem figuram acie divisa, collato pede res agi coepisset, exitioque hostes urgerentur ancipiti, captis non nullis, aliis in ipso proelii fervore truncatis, residui discessere, celeritatis praesidio tecti.

[¶18] 3.1. Accordingly, as after this no one offered resistance, Julian decided to go and recover Cologne, which had been destroyed before his arrival in Gaul. In all that region there is no city to be seen and no stronghold, except that at the Confluence, a place so called because there the river Moselle mingles with the Rhine, there is the town of Remagen and a single tower near Cologne itself.

> Latin: 3.1. Nullo itaque post haec repugnante, ad recuperandam ire placuit Agrippinam, ante Caesaris in Gallias adventum excisam, per quos tractus nec civitas ulla visitur nec castellum, nisi quod apud Confluentes, locum ita cognominatum, ubi amnis Mosella confunditur Rheno, Rigomagum oppidum est et una prope ipsam Coloniam turris.

[¶19] 3.2. So, having entered Cologne, he did not stir from there until he had overawed the Frankish kings and lessened their pugnacity, had made a peace with them which would benefit the state meanwhile, and had recovered that very strongly fortified city.

> Latin: 3.2. Igitur Agrippinam ingressus, non ante motus est exinde, quam Francorum regibus furore mitescente perterritis, pacem firmaret rei publicae interim profuturam, et urbem reciperet munitissimam.

[¶20] 3.3. Pleased with these first-fruits of victory, he passed through the land of the Treveri, and went to winter at Sens, a town which was then convenient. There, bearing on his shoulders, as the saying is, the burden of a flood of wars, he was distracted by manifold cares—how the soldiers who had abandoned their usual posts might be taken back to danger-points, how he might scatter the tribes that had conspired to the hurt of the Roman cause, and how to see to it that food should not fail his army as it was about to range in different directions.

> Latin: 3.3. Quibus vincendi primitiis laetus, per Treveros hiematurus, apud Senonas oppidum tune opportunum abscessit. Ubi bellorum inundantium molem umeris suis (quod dicitur) vehens, scindebatur in multiplices curas, ut milites qui a solitis descivere praesidiis reducerentur ad loca suspecta, et conspiratas gentes in noxam Romani nominis disiectaret, ac provideret ne alimenta deessent exercitui per varia discursuro.

[¶21] 4.1. As he was anxiously weighing these problems, a host of the enemy attacked, fired with increased hope of taking the town, and full of confidence because they had learned from the statements of deserters that neither the targeteers nor the gentiles were at hand; for they had been distributed in the towns, so as to be more easily provisioned than before.

> Latin: 4.1. Haec sollicite perpensantem, hostilis aggreditur multitudo, oppidi capiundi spe in maius accensa, ideo confidenter quod ei nec scutarios adesse prodentibus perfugis didicerant nec gentiles, per municipia distributos, ut commodius vescerentur quam antea.

[¶22] 4.2. So, having shut the city gates and strengthened a weak section of the walls, Julian could be seen day and night with his soldiers among the bulwarks and battlements, boiling over with rage and fretting because however often he tried to sally forth, he was hampered by the scanty numbers of the troops at hand. Finally, after a month the savages withdrew crestfallen, muttering that they had been silly and foolish to have contemplated the blockade of the city.

> Latin: 4.2. Clausa ergo urbe murorumque intuta parte firmata, ipse cum armatis die noctuque inter propugnacula visebatur et pinnas, ira exundante substridens, cum erumpere saepe conatus, paucitate praesentis manus impediretur. Post tricesimum denique diem, abiere barbari tristes, inaniter stulteque cogitasse civitatis obsidium mussitantes.

[¶23] 4.3. But—a thing to be regarded as a shameful situation —while Caesar was in jeopardy, Marcellus, master of the horse, although he was stationed in neighbouring posts, postponed sending him reinforcements; whereas even if the city alone was endangered, to say nothing of the prince’s presence there, it ought to have been saved from the hardships of blockade by the intervention of a large force.

> Latin: 4.3. Et (quod indignitati rerum est assignandum) periclitanti Caesari distulit suppetias ferre Marcellus, magister equitum agens in stationibus proximis, cum etiam si civitas absque principe vexaretur, opposita multitudine malis obsidionalibus expediri deberet.

[¶24] 4.4. Once relieved of this fear, Caesar provided with the greatest efficiency and with unfailing solicitude that some rest should follow the long continued toil of the soldiers, a short one perhaps, but enough, at least, to restore their strength; and yet that region, a wilderness in its extreme destitution through having often been ravaged, provided very little suitable for rations.

> Latin: 4.4. Hoc metu solutus, efficacissimus Caesar providebat constanti sollicitudine, ut militum diuturno labori quies succederet aliqua licet brevis, ad recreandas tamen sufficiens vires, quamquam ultima squalentes inopia terrae, saepe vastitatae exigua quaedam victui congrua suggerebant.

[¶25] 4.5. But when this too had been provided for by his ever-watchful care, a happier hope of success was shed upon him, and with spirits revived he rose to the achievement of numerous enterprises.

> Latin: 4.5. Verum hoc quoque diligentia curate pervigili, affusa laetiore spe prosperorum, sublate animo ad exsequanda plurima consurgebat.

[¶26] 5.1. First, then (and a hard thing to accomplish) he imposed moderation on himself, and kept to it, as if he were living bound by the sumptuary laws which were brought to Rome from the Edicts, that is, the wooden tablets, of Lycurgus; and when they had long been observed, but were going out of use, the dictator Sulla gradually renewed them, taking account of one of the sayings of Democritus, that a pretentious table is set by Fortune, a frugal one by Virtue.

> Latin: 5.1. Primum igitur factuque difficile, temperantiam ipse sibi indixit atque retinuit, tamquam adstrictus sumptuariis legibus viveret, quas ex rhetris Lycurgi (id est axibus) Romam translatas, diuque observatas et senescentes, paulatim reparavit Sulla dictator, reputans ex praedictis Democriti, quod ambitiosam mensam fortuna, parcam virtus apponit.

[¶27] 5.2. Furthermore, Cato of Tusculum, whose austere manner of living conferred upon him the surname Censorius, wisely defined that point, saying: “Great care about food implies great neglect of virtue.”

> Latin: 5.2. Id enim etiam Tusculanus Cato prudenter definiens, cui Censorii cognomentum, castior vitae indidit cultus: “Magna” inquit “cura cibi, magna virtutis incuria.”

[¶28] 5.3. Lastly, though he constantly read the booklet which Constantius, as it sending a stepson to the university, had written with his own hand, making lavish provision for what should be spent on Caesar’s table, he forbade the ordering and serving of pheasants and of sow’s matrix and udders, contenting himself with the coarse and ordinary rations of a common soldier.

> Latin: 5.3. Denique cum legeret libellum assidue, quem Constantius, ut privignum ad studia mittens, manu sua conscripserat, praelicenter disponens quid in convivio Caesaris impendi deberet, phasianum et vulvam et sumen exigi vetuit et inferri, munificis militis vili et fortuito cibo contentus.

[¶29] 5.4. So it came about that he divided his nights according to a threefold schedule—rest, affairs of state, and the Muses, a course which Alexander the Great, as we read, used to practise; but Julian was far more self-reliant. For Alexander used to set a bronze basin beside his couch and with outstretched arm hold a silver ball over it, so that when the coming of sleep relaxed the tension of his muscles, the clanging of the ball as it fell might break off his nap.

> Latin: 5.4. Hinc contingebat ut noctes ad officia divideret tripertita, quietis et publicae rei et musarum, quod factitasse Alexandrum legimus Magnum; sed multo hic fortius. Ille namque aenea concha supposita, brachio extra cubile protento pilam tenebat argenteam, ut cum nervorum vigorem sopor laxasset infusus, gestaminis lapsi tinnitus abrumperet somnum.

[¶30] 5.5. But Julian could wake up as often as he wished, without any artificial means. And when the night was half over, he always got up, not from a downy couch or silken coverlets glittering with varied hues, but from a rough blanket and rug, which the simple common folk call susurna. Then he secretly prayed to Mercury, whom the teaching of the theologians stated to be the swift intelligence of the universe, arousing the activity of men’s minds; and in spite of such great lack of material things he paid diligent heed to all his public duties.

> Latin: 5.5. Iulianus vero absque instrumento, quotiens voluit evigilavit, et nocte dimidiata semper exsurgens, non e plumis vel stragulis sericis ambiguo fulgore nitentibus, sed ex tapete et sisyra, quam vulgaris simplicitas susurnam appellat, occulte Mercurio supplicabat, quem mundi velociorem sensum esse motum mentium suscitantem, theologicae prodidere doctrinae; atque in tanto rerum defectu, explorate rei publicae munera cuncta curabat.

[¶31] 5.6. And after bringing these (as his lofty and serious tasks) to an end, he turned to the exercise of his intellect, and it is unbelievable with what great eagerness he sought out the sublime knowledge of all chiefest things, and as if in search of some sort of sustenance for a soul soaring to loftier levels, ran through all the departments of philosophy in his learned discussions.

> Latin: 5.6. Post quae ut ardua et seria terminata, ad procudendum ingenium vertebatur, et incredibile quo quantoque ardore, principalium rerum notitiam celsam indagans, et quasi pabula quaedam animo ad sublimiora scandenti conquirens, per omnia philosophiae membra prudenter disputando currebat.

[¶32] 5.7. But yet, though he gained full and exhaustive knowledge in this sphere, he did not neglect more humble subjects, studying poetry to a moderate degree, and rhetoric (as is shown by the undefiled elegance and dignity of his speeches and letters) as well as the varied history of domestic and foreign affairs. Besides all this he had at his command adequate fluency also in Latin conversation.

> Latin: 5.7. Sed tamen cum haec effecte pleneque colligeret, nec humiliora despexit, poeticam mediocriter et rhetoricam tractans (ut ostendit orationum epistularumque eius cum gravitate comitas incorrupta) et nostrarum externarumque rerum historiam multiformem. Super his aderat Latine quoque disserendi sufficiens sermo.

[¶33] 5.8. If, then, it is true (as divers writers report) that King Cyrus and the lyric poet Simonides, and Hippias of Elis, keenest of the sophists, had such powerful memories because they had acquired that gift by drinking certain potions, we must believe that Julian, when only just arrived at manhood, had drained the entire cask of memory, if such could be found anywhere. These, then, were the nightly evidences of his self-restraint and his virtues.

> Latin: 5.8. Si itaque verum est, quod scriptores varii memorant, Cyrum regem et Simonidem lyricum, et Hippian Eleum sophistarum acerrimum, ideo valuisse memoria, quod epotis quibusdam remediis id impetrarunt, credendum est hunc etiam tum adultum totum memoriae dolium (si usquam repperiri potuit) exhausisse. Et haec quidem pudicitiae virtutumque sunt signa nocturna.

[¶34] 5.9. But how he passed his days in brilliant and witty conversation, in preparation for war or in the actual clash of battle, or in lofty and liberal improvements in civil administration, shall later be shown in detail, each in its proper place.

> Latin: 5.9. Diebus vero quae ornate dixerit et facete, quaeve in apparatu vel in ipsis egerit congressibus proeliorum, aut in re civili magnanimitate correxit et libertate, suo quaeque loco singulatim demonstrabuntur.

[¶35] 5.10. When this philosopher, being a prince, was forced to practise the rudiments of military training and learn the art of marching rhythmically in pyrrhic measure to the harmony of the pipes, he often used to call on Plato’s name, quoting that famous old saying: “A pack-saddle is put on an ox; that is surely no burden for me.”

> Latin: 5.10. Cum exercere proludia disciplinae castrensis philosophus cogeretur ut princeps, artemque modulatius incedendi per pyrricham concinentibus disceret fistulis, vetus illud proverbium “clitellae bovi sunt impositae; plane non est nostrum onus” Platonem crebro nominans exclamabat.

[¶36] 5.11. When the agents had been summoned by his order on a festal day to his council chamber, to receive their gold with the rest, one of the company took it, not (as the custom is) in a fold of his mantle, but in both his open hands. Whereupon the emperor said, “It is seizing, not accepting, that agents understand.”

> Latin: 5.11. Cum inducti essent iussu eius quadam sollemnitate agentes in rebus in consistorium, ut aurum acciperent inter alios, quidam ex eorum consortio, non (ut moris est) pansa chlamyde, sed utraque manu cavata suscepit. Et imperator “rapere” inquit “non accipere sciunt agentes in rebus.”

[¶37] 5.12. When approached by the parents of a girl who had been assaulted, he ordered that her ravisher, if convicted, should be banished; and when they complained of the indignity suffered in that he was not punished with death, the emperor merely replied: “The laws may censure my clemency, but it is right for an emperor of very merciful disposition to rise above all other laws.”

> Latin: 5.12. Aditus a parentibus virginis raptae, eum qui violarat convictum relegari decrevit. Hisque indigna pati querentibus, quod non sit morte multatus, responderat hactenus: “Incusent iura clementiam, sed imperatorem mitissimi animi legibus praestare ceteris decet.”

[¶38] 5.13. When he was on the point of leaving on a campaign, many persons would appeal to him, as having grievances; but he used to recommend them to the provincial governors for their hearings. On his return he would inquire what had been decided in each case, and with his native kindliness would mitigate the punishment of the offences.

> Latin: 5.13. Egressurum eum ad expeditionem plures interpellabant ut laesi, quos audiendos provinciarum rectoribus commendabat; et reversus, quid egerint singuli quaerens, delictorum vindictas genuina lenitudine mitigabat.

[¶39] 5.14. Last of all, not to speak of the victories in which he routed the savages, who often fell with spirits unbroken, what good he did to Gaul, labouring as it was in utmost destitution, appears most clearly from this fact: when he first entered those parts, he found that twenty-five pieces of gold were demanded by way of tribute from every one as a poll- and land-tax; but when he left, seven only for full satisfaction of all duties. And on account of this (as if clear sunshine had beamed upon them after ugly darkness), they expressed their joy in gaiety and dances.

> Latin: 5.14. Ad ultimum exceptis victoriis, per quas cadentes saepe incolumi contumacia barbaros fudit, quod profuerit anhelantibus extrema penuria Gallis, hinc maxime claret, quod primitus partes eas ingressus, pro capitulis singulis tributi nomine vicenos quinos aureos repperit flagitari, discedens vero septenos tantum munera universa complentes: ob quae tamquam solem sibi serenum post squalentes tenebras affulsisse, cum alacritate et tripudiis laetabantur.

[¶40] 5.15. To conclude, we know that to the very end of his reign, and of his life, he observed this rule profitably, not to remit arrears of tribute by so-called “indulgencies.” For he had learned that by so doing he would somewhat better the condition of the rich, since it is generally known that poor people at the very beginning of the tax-levying are forced to pay in full without easement.

> Latin: 5.15. Denique id eum ad usque imperii finem et vitae scimus utiliter observasse, ne per indulgentias (quas appellant) tributariae rei concederet reliqua. Norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum, cum constet ubique, pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento compelli.

[¶41] 5.16. However, in the midst of these courses of wise governing, worthy of the imitation of good emperors, the fury of the savages had blazed forth again more than ever.

> Latin: 5.16. Inter has tamen regendi moderandique vias, bonis principibus aemulandas, barbarica rabies exarserat rursus in maius.

[¶42] 5.17. And as wild beasts accustomed to live by plundering when their guards are slack do not cease even when these guards are removed and stronger ones put in their place, but ravening with hunger rush upon flocks or herds without regard for their own lives: so they too, when they had used up all that they had seized by pillage, urged on by hunger, were continually driving off booty, and sometimes perishing of want before finding anything.

> Latin: 5.17. Utque bestiae custodum neglegentia raptu vivere solitae, ne his quidem remotis, appositisque fortioribus abscesserunt, sed tumescentes inedia, sine respectu salutis, armenta vel greges incursant, ita etiam illi, cunctis quae diripuere consumptis, fame urgente, agebant aliquotiens praedas, interdum antequam contingerent aliquid, oppetebant.

[¶43] 6.1. These were the events in Gaul during that year dubious in prospect, but successful in outcome. But in the court of the Augustus envy kept barking on every side at Arbetio, as one that would soon attain the highest rank and had already prepared the insignia of imperial dignity; and a certain count, Verissimus by name, assailed him with unbridled outcry, openly charging that although he had risen from the common soldiery to the chief military command, he was not satisfied even with this, but thinking it was a slight thing, was aiming at the imperial position.

> Latin: 6.1. Haec per eum annum spe dubia eventu tamen secundo per Gallias agebantur. In comitatu vero Augusti, circumlatrabat Arbetionem invidia, velut summa mox adepturum, decora cultus imperatorii praestruxisse, instabatque ei strepens immania, comes Verissimus nomine, arguens coram, quod a gregario ad magnum militiae culmen evectus, hoc quoque non contentus (ut parvo) locum appeteret principalem.

[¶44] 6.2. But in particular one Dorus, ex-surgeon of the targeteers, kept pursuing him; he it was who (as I stated) when promoted under Magnentius to be centurion in charge of works of art at Rome, accused Adelphius, prefect of the city, of aiming at a higher station.

> Latin: 6.2. Sed specialiter eum insectabatur Dorus quidam ex medico scutariorum, quem nitentium rerum centurionem sub Magnentio Romae provectum, retulimus accusasse Adelphium, urbi praefectum, ut altiora coeptantem.

[¶45] 6.3. And when the matter came to an investigation, and everything needful for the business was at hand, a proof of the charges was looked for; when suddenly, as if by an irregular vote, at the instance of the chamberlains (as persistent rumour reported) both those persons under restraint as implicated were released from their fetters; Dorus disappeared, and Verissimus at once held his peace, just as when on the stage the curtain is lowered and put away.

> Latin: 6.3. Cumque res in inquisitionem veniret, necessariisque negotio tentis, obiectorum probatio speraretur, tamquam per saturam subito cubiculariis suffragantibus, ut loquebatur pertinax rumor, et vinculis sunt exutae personae quae stringebantur ut consciae, et Dorus evanuit, et Verissimus ilico tacuit, velut aulaeo deposito scenae.

[¶46] 7.1. At that same time Constantius, apprised by approaching rumour that when Caesar was blockaded at Sens, Marcellus had not brought aid, discharged the latter from the army and commanded him to depart to his home. Whereupon Marcellus, as if staggered by a grievous insult, began to contrive a plot against Julian, presuming on Augustus, whose ears were open to every slander.

> Latin: 7.1. Eisdem diebus, allapso rumore Constantius doctus, obsesso apud Senonas Caesari auxilium non tulisse Marcellum, eum sacramento solutum abire iussit in larem. Qui tamquam iniuria gravi perculsus, quaedam in Iulianum moliebatur, auribus Augusti confisus, in omne patentibus crimen.

[¶47] 7.2. And so, when Marcellus was on his way, Eutherius, the head chamberlain, was sent immediately after him, to confute him in case he should trump up anything. But Marcellus, unware of this, presently came to Milan, blustering and making trouble, being a vain talkative fool and all but mad; and when admitted to the council, he charged Julian with being arrogant and already fitting himself with stronger pinions, so as to soar up higher; for thus he spoke with a mighty movement of his body to match his words.

> Latin: 7.2. Ideoque cum discederet, Eutherius praepositus cubiculi mittitur statim post eum, siquid finxerit convicturus. Verum ille hoc nesciens, mox venit Mediolanum, strepens et tumultuans, (ut erat vanidicus et amenti propior); admissus in consistorium, lulianum ut procacem insimulat, iamque ad evagandum altius validiores sibi pinnas aptare; ita enim cum motu quodam corporis loquebatur ingenti.

[¶48] 7.3. While he was freely forging these accusations, Eutherius (as he requested) was brought in, and being commanded to say what he wished, modestly and in few words showed that the truth was veiled with lies. For while the commander of the heavy-armed infantry (as was believed) deliberately held back, Caesar, who had long been blockaded in Sens, had by his watchful energy driven back the barbarians; and Eutherius staked his own head on the promise that Julian would be a loyal servitor to his superior, so long as he should live.

> Latin: 7.3. Haec eo fingente licentius, Eutherius (ut postulavit) inductus, iussusque loqui quod vellet, verecunde et modice docet, velari veritatem mendaciis. Magistro enim armorum, ut credebatur, cessante consulto, industria vigili Caesarem obsessum apud Senonas diu barbaros reppulisse, apparitoremque fidum auctori suo quoad vixerit fore, obligata cervice sua spondebat.

[¶49] 7.4. The subject prompts me to add a few facts about this same Eutherius, perhaps hardly to be credited, for the reason that if a Numa Pompilius or a Socrates should give any good report of a eunuch, and should back their statements by a solemn oath, they would be charged with having departed from the truth. But among brambles roses spring up, and among savage beasts some are tamed. Accordingly, I shall give a brief summary of the chief facts known about him.

> Latin: 7.4. Res monuit super hoc eodem Eutherio pauca subserere, forsitan non credenda, ea re quod si Numa Pompilius vel Socrates bona quaedam dicerent de spadone, dictisque religionum adderent fidem, a veritate descivisse arguebantur. Sed inter vepres rosae nascuntur, et inter feras non nullae mitescunt, itaque carptim eius praecipua, quae sunt comperta, monstrabo.

[¶50] 7.5. He was born in Armenia of free parents, but when still very young he was kidnapped by hostile tribesmen in that neighbourhood, who gelded him and sold him to some Roman traders, who brought him to Constantine’s palace. There, as he grew up, he gradually gave evidence of virtuous living and intelligence. He received as much training in letters as might suffice for one of that station; conspicuous for his remarkable keenness in devising and solving difficult and knotty problems, he had extraordinary powers of memory; he was eager to do kindnesses and full of sound counsel. And if the emperor Constans had listened to him in times past, when Eutherius had grown up and was already mature, and urged honourable and upright conduct upon him, he would have been guilty of no faults, or at least of only pardonable ones.

> Latin: 7.5. Natus in Armenia sanguine libero, captusque a finitimis hostibus, etiam tum parvulus abstractis geminis Romanis mercatoribus venundatus, ad palatium Constantini deducitur; ubi paulatim adulescens rationem recte vivendi, sollertiamque ostendebat, litteris quantum tali fortunae satis esse poterat eruditus, cogitandi inveniendique dubia et scrupulosa, acumine nimio praestans, immensum quantum memoria vigens, benefaciendi avidus plenusque iusti consilii, quem si Constans imperator olim ex adulto iamque maturum audiret, honesta suadentem et recta, nulla vel venia certe digna peccasset.

[¶51] 7.6. When he had become head chamberlain, he would sometimes criticise even Julian, as trained in the manners of Asia and therefore inconstant. Finally going into retirement, but afterwards summoned to the palace, always temperate and especially consistent, he so cultivated the noble virtues of loyalty and self-restraint that he was never charged, as the rest have been, with having disclosed a secret, unless it were to save another’s life, or to have been kindled with a desire to increase his wealth.

> Latin: 7.6. Is praepositus cubiculi etiam Iulianum aliquotiens corrigebat, Asiaticis coalitum moribus, ideoque levem. Denique digressus ad otium, asscitusque postea in palatium, semper sobrius et in primis consistens, ita fidem continentiamque virtutes coluit amplas, ut nec prodidisse aliquando arcanum, nisi tuendae causa alienae salutis, nec exarsisse cupidine plus habendi arcesseretur, ut ceteri.

[¶52] 7.7. The result was, that when he presently retired to Rome and grew old there in a permanent home, he carried about with him a good conscience as his companion; he was honoured and loved by all classes, whereas that type of man, after amassing wealth by iniquitous means, usually seeks out secret lurking-places, like creatures of darkness shunning the sight of the multitude they have wronged.

> Latin: 7.7. Unde factum est ut subinde Romam secedens, ibique fixo domicilio consenescens, comitem circumferens conscientiam bonam, colatur a cunctis ordinibus et ametur, cum soleant id genus homines post partas ex iniquitate divitias latebras captare secretas, ut lucifugae vitantes multitudinis laesae conspectus.

[¶53] 7.8. In unrolling many records of the past, to see to which of the eunuchs of old I ought to compare him, I could find none. True, there were in times gone by those that were loyal and virtuous (although very few), but they were stained with some vice or other. For along with the excellent qualities which anyone of them had acquired by studious endeavour or natural ability he was either extortionate or despicable for his cruelty, or prone to do mischief, or too subservient to the rulers, or insolent through pride of power; but of one so well equipped in every direction I confess I have neither read nor heard, although I have relied on the abundant testimony of our age.

> Latin: 7.8. Cui spadonum veterum hunc comparare debeam, antiquitates replicando complures invenire non potui. Fuerunt enim apud veteres (licet oppido pauci) fideles et frugi, sed ob quaedam vitia maculosi. Inter praecipua enim, quae eorum quisque studio possederat vel ingenio, aut rapax aut feritate contemptior fuit, aut propensior ad laedendum, vel regentibus nimium blandus, aut potentiae fastu superbior; ex omni latere autem ita paratum, neque legisse me neque audisse confiteor, aetatis nostrae testimonio locupleti confisus.

[¶54] 7.9. But if haply any curious student of ancient history should confront me with Menophilus, the eunuch of Mithridates, king of Pontus, let this reminder recall to him that nothing was recorded of Menophilus save this one fact, that in the supreme crisis he made a glorious showing.

> Latin: 7.9. Verum si forte scrupulosus quidam lector antiquitatum, Menophilum Mithridatis Pontici regis eunuchum, nobis opponat, hoc monitu recordetur, nihil super eo relatum praeter id solum, quod in supremo discrimine gloriose monstravit.

[¶55] 7.10. The aforesaid king, after having been defeated in a mighty battle by Pompey and the Romans, fled to the kingdom of Colchis; he left his grown daughter, Dryptina by name, who was afflicted with a grievous disease, in the fortress of Sinhorium under the charge of this Menophilus. He, resorting to every healing remedy, entirely cured the girl and was guarding her in complete security for her father, when the fortress in which he was beleagured began to be blockaded by Mallius Priscus, the Roman commander’s lieutenant-general; and when Menophilus learned that its defenders were thinking of surrender, fearing lest, to her father’s reproach, the high-born girl might be taken alive and suffer outrage, he killed her and then plunged the sword into his own vitals. Now let me return to the point from which I digressed.

> Latin: 7.10. Ingenti proelio superatus a Romanis et Pompeio rex praedictus, fugiensque ad regna Colchorum, adultam filiam nomine Drypetinam, vexatam asperitate morborum, in castello Sinhorio huic Menophilo commissam reliquit. Qui virginem omni remediorum solacio plene curatam, patri tutissime servans, cum a Mallio Prisco, imperatoris legato, munimentum quo claudebatur obsideri coepisset, defensoresque eius deditionem meditari sentiret, veritus ne parentis opprobrio puella nobilis captiva superesset et violata, interfecta illa mox gladium in viscera sua compegit. Nunc redeam unde diverti.

[¶56] 8.1. After Marcellus had been worsted, as I have said, and had returned to Serdica, his native place, in the camp of Augustus, under pretext of upholding his imperial majesty, many abominable acts were committed.

> Latin: 8.1. Superato ut dixi Marcello, reversoque Serdicam, unde oriebatur, in castris Augusti per simulationem tuendae maiestatis imperatoriae, multa et nefanda perpetrabantur.

[¶57] 8.2. For if anyone consulted a soothsayer about the squeaking of a shrew-mouse, the meeting with a weasel on the way, or any like portent, or used some old wife’s charm to relieve pain (a thing which even medical authority allows), he was indicted (from what source he could not guess), was haled into court, and suffered death as the penalty.

> Latin: 8.2. Nam si super occentu soricis vel occursu mustelae, vel similis signi gratia consuluisset quisquam peritum, aut anile incantamentum ad leniendum adhibuisset dolorem, quod medicinae quoque admittit auctoritas, reus unde non poterat opinari delatus, raptusque in iudicium, poenaliter interibat.

[¶58] 8.3. At about that time a certain slave, Danus by name, was accused by his wife on trifling charges merely to intimidate him; this woman was approached by Rufinus, who had come to know her in some way or other. He was the man who had given certain information that he had learned through Gaudentius, one of the agents, and had caused the death of Africanus, then governor-general of Pannonia, along with his guests, as I have related; he was even then, because of his obsequiousness, chief steward of the praetorian prefecture.

> Latin: 8.3. Per id tempus fere servum quendam, nomine Danum, terrore tenus uxor rerum levium incusarat: hanc incertum unde notam Rufinus subsedit, —quo indicante quaedam cognita per Gaudentium, agentem in rebus, consularem Pannoniae tunc Africanum, cum convivis rettulimus interfectum—apparitionis praefecturae praetorianae tum etiam princeps ob devotionem.

[¶59] 8.4. This Rufinus (as he kept boastfully saying) led the fickle woman, first into shameful relations with him, and then into a dangerous deceit; he induced her by a tissue of lies to charge her guiltless husband with high treason, and to allege that he had stolen a purple robe from Diocletian’s tomb and with several accomplices was concealing it.

> Latin: 8.4. Is (ut loquebatur iactantius) versabilem feminam, post nefandum concubitum, in periculosam fraudem illexit; suasit consarcinatis mendaciis laesae maiestatis arcessere maritum insontem, et fingere quod velamen purpureum, a Diocletiani sepulcro furatus, quibusdam consciis occultabat.

[¶60] 8.5. And having thus framed these matters to the destruction of many persons, Rufinus himself, in hope of greater profit, flies to the emperor’s camp, to stir up his customary scandals. And when the fact was divulged, Mavortius, then praetorian prefect, a man of high resolution, was bidden to look into the charge with a keen investigation, having associated with him, to hear the case in common, Ursulus, count of the largesses, likewise a man of praiseworthy severity.

> Latin: 8.5. Hisque ad multorum exitium ita formatis, ipse spe potiorum ad imperatoris pervolat castra, excitaturus calumnias consuetas. Reque comperta, iubetur Mavortius, tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae, crimen acri inquisitione spectare, iuncto ad audiendi societatem Ursulo (largitionum comite) severitatis itidem non improbandae.

[¶61] 8.6. So when the affair had been exaggerated, after the standard of the times, and after the torture of many persons nothing was discovered, and the judges were hesitating in perplexity, at last truth, crushed to earth, breathed again, and at the point of necessity the woman confessed that Rufinus was the contriver of the whole plot, and did not even keep back the shame of her adultery. And at once the laws were consulted and the judges, unanimous in their love of right and justice, condemned them both to death.

> Latin: 8.6. Exaggerato itaque negotio ad arbitrium temporum, cum nihil post tormenta multorum inveniretur, iudicesque haererent ambigui, tandem veritas respiravit oppressa, et in abrupto necessitatis mulier Rufinum totius machinae confitetur auctorem, nec adulterii foeditate suppressa; statimque legibus contemplatis, illi amore recti concordes et iusti, ambos sententia damnavere letali.

[¶62] 8.7. Constantius, on learning this, raged and lamented, as if the defender of his own life had perished; he sent fast horsemen and commanded Ursulus in threatening terms to return to the court. And when he had come there and wished to approach the emperor, the courtiers tried to keep him from being able to appear in defence of the truth. But he, scorning those who would hold him back, burst through fearlessly and, entering the council-chamber, with frank speech and bold heart told what had been done; and by this confidence having stopped the mouths of the flatterers, he delivered both the prefect and himself from a grave danger.

> Latin: 8.7. Quo cognito Constantius fremens, et tamquam vindicem salutis suae lugens exstinctum, missis equitibus citis, Ursulum redire ad comitatum minaciter iussit. Qui cum eo venisset adireque principem vellet, ab aulicis arcebatur, ne defendendae posset assistere veritati; sed ille spretis qui prohibebant, perrupit intrepidus, ingressusque consistorium, ore et pectore libero docuit gesta; hacque fiducia linguis adulatorum occlusis, et praefectum et se discrimine gravi subtraxit.