---
title: "The Civil Wars · Ἐμφύλια"
author: "Appian"
translator: "Horace White"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 15 of 34
url: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-civil-wars/15/
cite: "Appian, tr. Horace White, The Civil Wars · Ἐμφύλια, section 15. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/appian-civil-wars/15/"
---

# The Civil Wars · Ἐμφύλια

*Appian, tr. Horace White*

From the Gracchi to Sulla, Caesar and Pompey, and the war of Octavian and Antony against Sextus Pompey: the fall of the Roman Republic.

> Greek: ed. Ludwig Mendelssohn, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0551.tlg017, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Horace White, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0551.tlg017.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 15. Book II · sections 137–154

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-civil-wars/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-civil-wars/15/#p-N

[¶0] 137. When Brutus and Cassius learned what had been done they sent messengers to the plebeians, whom they invited to come up to them at the Capitol. Presently a large number came together and Brutus addressed them as follows: “Here, citizens, we meet you, we who yesterday met together with you in the forum. We have come hither, not as taking refuge in a sanctuary (for we have done nothing wrong), nor in a citadel (for as regards our own affairs we intrust ourselves to you), but the sudden and unexpected attack made upon Cinna compelled us to do so. I know that our enemies accuse us of perjury and say that we render a lasting peace difficult. What we have to reply to these accusations we will say in your presence, citizens, with whose help we shall do what remains to be done for the restoration of democratic government. After Gaius Caesar advanced from Gaul with hostile arms against his country, and Pompey, the most popular man among you, suffered as he did, and after him a great number of other good citizens, who had been driven into Africa and Spain, had perished, Caesar was naturally apprehensive, although his power was firmly intrenched, and we granted him amnesty at his request and confirmed it by oath. If he had required us to swear not only to condone the past, but to be willing slaves for the future, what would our present accusers have done? For my part I think that, being Romans, they would have chosen to die many times rather than take an oath of voluntary servitude.”

> Greek: 137. Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ Κάσσιος αἰσθόμενοι τῶν γεγονότων ἐς τὸ πλῆθος περιέπεμπον καὶ παρεκάλουν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἀνελθεῖν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον. συνδραμόντων δὲ ὀξέως πολλῶν ὁ Βροῦτος ἔλεγεν· ἐνταῦθα ὑμῖν ἐντυγχάνομεν, ὦ πολῖται, οἱ χθὲς κατʼ ἀγορὰν ἐντυχόντες, οὔτε ὡς ἐς ἱερὸν καταφυγόντες ʽοὐ γὰρ ἡμάρτομεν’ οὔτε ὡς ἐπὶ κρημνόν, οἳ τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιτρέπομεν ὑμῖν. ἀλλὰ τὸ Κίννα πάθος, ὀξύτερόν τε καὶ ἀλογώτερον αὐτῷ γενόμενον, οὕτως ἠνάγκασεν. ᾐσθόμην δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν διαβαλλόντων ἡμᾶς ἐς ἐπιορκίαν καὶ ἐς αἰτίαν ἀπορίας εἰρήνης ἀσφαλοῦς. ἃ δὴ περὶ τούτων ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν, ἐν ὑμῖν ἐροῦμεν, ὦ πολῖται, μεθʼ ὧν καὶ τἆλλα δημοκρατουμένων πράξομεν. ἐπειδὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἤλασε σὺν ὅπλοις πολεμίοις καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν ὁ δημοκρατικώτατος ὑμῶν ἔπαθεν, οἷα ἔπαθεν, ἐπὶ δʼ αὐτῷ πλῆθος ἄλλο πολιτῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔς τε Λιβύην καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἐλαυνόμενοι διωλώλεσαν, εἰκότως αὐτῷ δεδιότι καὶ βέβαιον ἔχοντι τὴν τυραννίδα ἀμνηστίαν αἰτοῦντι ἔδομεν καὶ ὠμόσαμεν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς. εἰ δὲ ἡμῖν ὀμνύναι προσέταττεν οὐ τὰ παρελθόντα μόνον οἴσειν ἐγκρατῶς, ἀλλὰ δουλεύσειν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἑκόντας, τί ἂν ἔπραξαν οἱ νῦν ἐπιβουλεύοντες ἡμῖν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ ὄντας γε Ῥωμαίους οἶμαι πολλάκις ἀποθανεῖν ἂν ἑλέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ δουλεύειν ἑκόντας ἐπὶ ὅρκῳ.

[¶1] 138. “If Caesar did no more against your liberty then are we perjured. But if he restored to you neither the magistracies of the city nor those of the provinces, neither the command of armies, the priestly offices, the leadership of colonies, nor any other posts of honor; if he neither consulted the Senate about anything nor asked the authority of the people, but if Caesar’s command was all in all; if he was not even ever satiated with our misfortunes as Sulla was (for Sulla, when he had destroyed his enemies restored to you the government of the commonwealth, but Caesar, as he was going away for another long military expedition, anticipated by his appointments your elections for five years), what sort of freedom was this in which not a ray of hope could be any longer discerned? What shall I say of the defenders of the people, Caesetius and Marullus? Were not the incumbents of a sacred and inviolable office ignominiously banished? Although the law and the oath prescribed by our ancestors forbid calling the tribunes to account during their term of office, Caesar banished them even without a trial. Have we then, or has he, done violence to inviolable persons — unless you say that Caesar was sacred and inviolable, upon whom we conferred that distinction not of our own free will, but by compulsion, and not until he had invaded his country with arms and killed a great number of our noblest and best citizens? Did not our fathers in a democracy and without compulsion take an oath that the office of tribune should be sacred and inviolable, and declare with maledictions that it should remain so forever? What has become of the public tribute? What of the public accounts? Who opened the public treasury without our consent? Who removed part of the consecrated money? Who threatened with death another tribune who opposed him?”

> Greek: 138. εἰ μὲν δὴ μηδὲν ἔτι εἰς δουλείαν εἰργάζετο ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἐπιωρκήσαμεν· εἰ δὲ οὔτε τὰς ἀρχὰς τὰς ἐν ἄστει οὔτε τὰς τῶν ἐθνῶν ἡγεμονίας οὔτε στρατείας ἢ ἱερωσύνας ἢ κληρουχίας ἢ τιμὰς ἄλλας ὑμῖν ἀπέδωκεν οὐδὲ προεβούλευεν ἡ βουλὴ περὶ οὐδενὸς οὐδʼ ὁ δῆμος ἐπεκύρου, ἀλλὰ πάνθʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἦν ἅπασιν ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος καὶ οὐδὲ κόρος αὐτῷ τοῦ κακοῦ τις ἐγίγνετο, οἷος ἐγένετο Σύλλᾳ, ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καθελὼν ἀπέδωκεν ὑμῖν τὴν πολιτείαν, ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ ἄλλην στρατείαν χρόνιον ἀπιὼν ἐς πενταετὲς ὑμῶν τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια προελάμβανε, ποία ταῦτα ἦν ἐλευθερία, ἧς οὐδʼ ἐλπὶς ὑπεφαίνετο ἔτι; τί δὲ οἱ τοῦ δήμου προστάται Καισήτιος καὶ Μάρυλλος; οὐχ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον ἄρχοντες ἀρχὴν ἐξηλαύνοντο σὺν ὕβρει; καὶ ὁ μὲν νόμος ὁ τῶν προγόνων καὶ ὁ ὅρκος οὐδʼ ἐπάγεσθαι δίκην ἔτι οὖσι δημάρχοις ἐπιτρέπουσιν· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτοὺς ἐξήλασεν, οὐδὲ δίκην ἐπαγαγών. πότεροι οὖν ἐς τοὺς ἀσύλους ἡμάρτανον; ἢ Καῖσαρ μὲν ἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλος, ὅτῳ ταῦτα οὐχ ἑκόντες, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης οὐδὲ πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν πατρίδα σὺν ὅπλοις καὶ τοσούσδε καὶ τοιούσδε ἀγαθοὺς πολίτας κατακανεῖν, ἐθέμεθα· τὴν δὲ τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχὴν οὐχ ἱερὰν καὶ ἄσυλον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ χωρὶς ἀνάγκης ὤμοσάν τε καὶ ἐπηράσαντο ἐς ἀεὶ ἔσεσθαι; ποῦ δὲ οἱ φόροι τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ λογισμοὶ συνεφέροντο; τίς δʼ ἡμῶν ἀκόντων ἤνοιγε τὰ ταμιεῖα; τίς τῶν ἀψαύστων καὶ ἐπαράτων ἐκίνει χρημάτων καὶ ἑτέρῳ δημάρχῳ κωλύοντι θάνατον ἠπείλει;

[¶2] 139. “‘But what kind of an oath after this will be a guarantee of peace?’ they ask. If there is no tyrant there will be no need of oaths. Our fathers never needed any. If anybody else seeks to establish tyranny, no faith, no oath, will ever bind Romans to the tyrant. This we said before, while we were still in danger; this we will continue to say forever for our country’s sake. We, who held places of honor securely at the hands of Caesar, had a higher regard for our country than for our offices. They slander us about the colonies and so excite you against us. If there are any present who have been settled in colonies, or are about to be settled, you will gratify me by making yourselves known.”

> Greek: 139. ἀλλὰ τίς, φασίν, ἔτι ὅρκος ἐς ἀσφάλειαν εἰρήνης ἂν γένοιτο; εἰ μὲν οὐ τυραννήσει τις, οὐδὲ ὅρκων δεῖ οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν ἐδέησεν οὐδέποτε· εἰ δʼ ἐπιθυμήσει τις ἄλλος τυραννίδος, οὐδὲν πιστόν ἐστι Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς τύραννον οὐδʼ εὔορκον. καὶ τάδε προλέγομεν ἔτι ὄντες ὑπὸ τῷ κινδύνῳ καὶ προεροῦμεν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος αἰεί· καὶ γὰρ ὄντες ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τιμῇ παρὰ Καίσαρι τὴν πατρίδα τῆς ἡμετέρας τιμῆς προετιμήσαμεν. διαβάλλουσι δʼ ἡμᾶς καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς κληρουχίαις, ἐρεθίζοντες ὑμᾶς. εἰ δή τινες τῶν ᾠκισμένων ἢ οἰκισθησομένων πάρεστε, χαρίσασθέ μοι καὶ ἐπισημήνασθε ἑαυτούς.

[¶3] 140. A large number did so, whereupon Brutus continued, “Bravo, my men, you have done well to come here with the others. You ought, since you receive due honors and bounties from your country, to give her equal honor in return as she sends you forth. The Roman people gave you to Caesar to fight against the Gauls and Britons, and your valiant deeds call for recognition and recompense. But Caesar, taking advantage of your military oath, led you against your country much against your will. He led you against our best citizens in Africa, in like manner against your will. If this were all that you had done you would perhaps be ashamed to ask reward for such exploits, but since neither envy, nor time, nor the forgetfulness of men can extinguish the glory of your deeds in Gaul and Britain, you shall have the rewards due to them, such as the people gave to those who served in the army of old, yet not by taking land from your unoffending fellow-citizens, nor by dividing other people’s property with new-comers, nor by considering it proper to requite your services by means of acts of injustice. When our ancestors overcame their enemies they did not take from them all their land. They shared it with them and colonized a portion of it with Roman soldiers, who were to serve as guards over the vanquished. If the conquered territory was not sufficient for the colonies, they added some of the public domain or bought other land with the public money. In this way the people colonized you without harm to anybody. But Sulla and Caesar, who invaded their country like a foreign land and needed guards and garrisons against their own country, did not dismiss you to your homes, nor buy land for you, nor divide among you the property of citizens which they confiscated, nor did they make compensation for the relief of those who were despoiled, although those who despoiled them had plenty of money from the treasury and plenty from confiscated estates. They took, by the law of war, — nay, by the practice of robbery, — from Italians who had committed no offence, who had done no wrong, their land and houses, tombs and temples, which we do not take away even from foreign enemies, except a mere tenth of their produce by way of tax.”

> Greek: 140. ἐπισημηναμένων δὲ πολλῶν εὖ γε, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐποιήσατε συνελθόντες. χρὴ δὲ ὑμᾶς, τὰ εἰκότα τιμωμένους τε καὶ περιποιουμένους ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος, τὰ ἴσα τὴν ἐκπέμπουσαν ἀντιγεραίρειν. ὑμᾶς δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἔδωκεν ἐπὶ Κελτοὺς καὶ Βρεττανοὺς τῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ ἀριστεύοντας ἔδει τιμῶν καὶ ἀριστείων τυχεῖν. ὁ δὲ ὑμᾶς τοῖς ὅρκοις προλαβὼν ἐπήγαγε μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν μάλʼ ἀβουλοῦντας, ἐπήγαγε δὲ τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν πολιτῶν ἐς Λιβύην ὀκνοῦντας ὁμοίως. εἰ μὴν δὲ μόνα ταῦτα ὑμῖν ἐπέπρακτο, ᾐδεῖσθε ἂν ἴσως ἐπὶ τοιούτοις αἰτεῖν ἀριστεῖα· ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδεὶς φθόνος ἢ χρόνος ἢ ἀνθρωπίνη λήθη τὰ ἐπὶ Κελτοῖς καὶ Βρεττανοῖς ὑμῶν ἔργα σβέσει, ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑμῖν ἐστι τὰ ἀριστεῖα· ἃ καὶ τοῖς πάλαι στρατευομένοις ὁ δῆμος ἐδίδου, οἰκείων μὲν ἀνδρῶν ἢ ἀναμαρτήτων οὔ ποτε γῆν ἀφαιρούμενος οὐδʼ ἑτέροις ἐπινέμων τὰ ἀλλότρια οὐδʼ ἡγούμενος δεῖν ἀμείβεσθαι διʼ ἀδικημάτων. τῶν δὲ πολεμίῳν ὅτε κρατήσαιεν, οὐδὲ τούτων ἅπασαν τὴν γῆν ἀφηροῦντο, ἀλλὰ ἐμερίζοντο καὶ ἐς τὸ μέρος ᾤκιζον τοὺς ἐστρατευμένους, φύλακας εἶναι τῶν πεπολεμηκότων· καὶ οὐκ ἀρκούσης ἐνίοτε τῆς δορικτήτου γῆς καὶ τὴν δημοσίαν ἐπένεμον ἢ ἐωνοῦντο ἑτέραν. οὕτω μὲν ὑμᾶς ὁ δῆμος συνῴκιζεν ἀλύπως ἅπασι· Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ, οἱ σὺν ὅπλοις ἐς τὴν πατρίδα ὡς πολεμίαν ἐμβαλόντες, ἐπὶ αὐτῇ τῇ πατρίδι φρουρῶν καὶ δορυφόρων δεόμενοι, οὔτε διέλυσαν ὑμᾶς ἐς τὰς πατρίδας, οὔτε γῆν ὑμῖν ἐωνοῦντο ἢ τὴν τῶν δεδημευμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐπένεμον, οὔτε τὰς τιμὰς τοῖς ἀφαιρουμένοις ἐς παρηγορίαν ἐδίδοσαν, πολλὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν ταμιείων ἔχοντες, πολλὰ δὲ ἐκ τῶν δεδημευμένων, ἀλλὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οὐδὲν ἁμαρτοῦσαν οὐδὲ ἀδικοῦσαν πολέμου νόμῳ καὶ λῃστηρίου νόμῳ τήν τε γῆν ἀφῃροῦντο καὶ οἰκίας καὶ τάφους καὶ ἱερά, ὧν οὐδὲ τοὺς ἀλλοφύλους πολεμίους ἀφῃρούμεθα, ἀλλὰ δεκάτην αὐτοῖς μόνην καρπῶν ἐπετάσσομεν.

[¶4] 141. “They divided among you the property of your own people, the very ones who sent you with Caesar to the Gallic war, and who offered up their prayers at your festival of victory. They colonized you in that way collectively, under your standards and in your military organization, so that you could neither enjoy peace nor be free from fear of those whom you displaced. The man who is driven out and deprived of his goods will always be watching his opportunity to ensnare you. This was the very thing that the tyrants sought to accomplish, — not to provide you with land, which they could have obtained for you elsewhere; but that you, because always beset by lurking enemies, might be the firm bulwark of a government that was committing wrongs in common with you. A common interest between tyrants and their satellites grows out of common crimes and common fears. And this, ye gods, they call colonization, in which are common the lamentations of a kindred people and the expulsion of innocent men from their homes. They purposely made you enemies to your countrymen for their own advantage. We, the defenders of the republic, to whom our opponents say they grant safety out of pity, confirm this very same land to you and will confirm it forever; and to this promise we call to witness the god of this temple. You have and shall keep what you have received. None of us will take it from you, neither Brutus, nor Cassius, nor any of us who have incurred danger for your freedom. The one thing wanting in this business we will supply — a reconciliation with your fellow-countrymen most agreeable to them now, as they hear that we shall at once pay them out of the public money the price of this land of which they have been deprived; so that not only shall your colony be secure, but it shall not even be exposed to hatred.”

> Greek: 141. οἱ δὲ ὑμῖν τὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων ὁμοεθνῶν διένεμον, τῶν ἐπὶ Κελτοὺς ὑμᾶς αὐτῷ Καίσαρι στρατευσάντων καὶ προπεμψάντων καὶ εὐξαμένων πολλὰ κατὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων νικητηρίων. καὶ συνῴκιζον ὑμᾶς ἐς ταῦτα ἀθρόους ὑπὸ σημείοις καὶ συντάξει στρατιωτικῇ, μήτε εἰρηνεύειν δυναμένους μήτε ἀδεεῖς εἶναι τῶν ἐξελαθέντων· ὁ γὰρ ἀλώμενος καὶ τῶν ὄντων ἀφῃρημένος ἔμελλεν ὑμῖν περιπολῶν ἐφεδρεύειν καιροφυλακῶν. τοῦτο δʼ ἦν, ὅπερ οἱ τύραννοι μάλιστα ἐβούλοντο, οὐ γῆν ὑμᾶς λαβεῖν, ἣν δὴ καὶ ἑτέρωθεν εἶχον παρασχεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ἐχθροὺς ἐφεδρεύοντας ἔχοντες ἀεὶ βέβαιοι φύλακες ἦτε τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ταῦτα ὑμῖν συναδικούσης· εὔνοια γὰρ ἐς τυράννους γίγνεται δορυφόρων ἐκ τοῦ συναδικεῖν καὶ συνδεδιέναι. καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ θεοί, συνοικισμὸν ἐκάλουν, ᾧ θρῆνος ὁμοφύλων ἀνδρῶν ἐπῆν καὶ ἀνάστασις οὐδὲν ἀδικούντων. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ὑμᾶς ἐξεπίτηδες ἐχθροὺς ἐποίουν τοῖς ὁμοεθνέσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ σφετέρου συμφέροντος· ἡμεῖς δέ, οὓς οἱ νῦν τῆς πατρίδος προστάται φασὶν ἐλέῳ περισῴζειν, τήν τε γῆν ὑμῖν τήνδε αὐτὴν ἐσαεὶ βεβαιοῦμεν καὶ βεβαιώσομεν καὶ μάρτυρα τὸν θεὸν τῶνδε ποιούμεθα. καὶ ἔχετε καὶ ἕξετε, ἃ εἰλήφατε· καὶ οὐ μή τις ὑμᾶς ἀφέληται ταῦτα, οὐ Βροῦτος, οὐ Κάσσιος, οὐχ οἵδε πάντες, οἳ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἐλευθερίας προεκινδυνεύσαμεν. ὃ δʼ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ μόνον ἐστὶν ἐπίμεμπτον, ἰασόμεθα ἡμεῖς, διαλλακτήριον ὑμῖν ἅμα ἐς τοὺς ὁμοεθνεῖς ἐσόμενον καὶ ἥδιστον ἤδη πυθομένοις. οἷς τὴν τιμὴν τῆσδε τῆς γῆς τοῖς ἀφῃρημένοις ἡμεῖς ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης ἀφορμῆς ἀποδώσομεν, ἵνα μὴ βέβαιον ἔχητε μόνον ὑμεῖς τὴν κληρουχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄφθονον.

[¶5] 142. While Brutus was still speaking in this sort, and after the assembly was dissolved, his discourse was approved by all as being entirely just. He and his associates were admired as men of intrepidity, and as peculiarly the friends of the people. The latter were favorably inclined toward them, and promised to coöperate with them on the following day. At daybreak the consuls called the people to an assembly and communicated to them the decisions of the Senate, and Cicero pronounced a long encomium on the decree of amnesty. The people were delighted with it and invited Cassius and his friends to come down from the Capitol. The latter asked that hostages be sent to them in the meantime, and, accordingly, the sons of Antony and Lepidus were sent. When Brutus and his associates made their appearance they were received with shouts of applause, and when the consuls desired to say something the people would not allow them to do so, but demanded that they should first shake hands with these men and make peace with them, which was done. The minds of the consuls were much disturbed by fear and envy lest the conspirators should get the upper hand of them in other political matters.

> Greek: 142. τοιαῦτα τοῦ Βρούτου λέγοντος ἀκροώμενοί τε ἔτι πάντες καὶ διαλυόμενοι κατὰ σφᾶς ἐπῄνουν ὡς δικαιότατα, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἀκαταπλήκτους δὴ καὶ μάλιστα φιλοδήμους ἐν θαύματι ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ἐς εὔνοιαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετετίθεντο καὶ ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν αὐτοῖς συμπράξειν ἔμελλον. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ μὲν ὕπατοι τὸ πλῆθος ἐς ἐκκλησίαν συνεκάλουν, καὶ ἀνεγινώσκετο αὐτοῖς τὰ δόξαντα, καὶ Κικέρων πολὺ τῆς ἀμνηστίας ἐγκώμιον ἐπέλεγεν· οἱ δὲ ἡδόμενοι κατεκάλουν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς ἀμφὶ τὸν Κάσσιον. καὶ οἵδε ἀναπέμπειν αὑτοῖς ἐν τοσῷδε ὅμηρα ἐκέλευον, καὶ ἀνεπέμποντο οἱ παῖδες Ἀντωνίου τε καὶ Λεπίδου. ὀφθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸν Βροῦτον κρότος ἦν καὶ βοή, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰπεῖν τι βουλομένων οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι δεξιώσασθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ συναλλαγῆναι πρότερον ἐκέλευον. καὶ γίγνεται μὲν οὕτω, καὶ διεσείετο μάλιστα τοῖς ὑπάτοις ἡ γνώμη ὑπὸ δέους ἢ φθόνου, ὡς τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα αὑτοὺς ὑπεροισόντων ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ.

[¶6] 143. Caesar’s will was now produced and the people ordered that it be read at once. In it Octavius, the grandson of his sister, was adopted by Caesar. His gardens were given to the people as a place of recreation, and to every Roman still living in the city he gave seventy-five Attic drachmas. The people were again stirred to anger when they saw the will of this lover of his country, whom they had before heard accused of tyranny. Most of all did it seem pitiful to them that Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers, should have been named by him for adoption in the second degree; for it was customary for the Romans to name alternate heirs in case of the failure of the first. Whereupon there was still greater disturbance among the people, who considered it shocking and sacrilegious that Decimus should have conspired against Caesar when he had been adopted as his son. When Piso brought Caesar’s body into the forum a countless multitude ran together with arms to guard it, and with acclamations and magnificent display placed it on the rostra. Wailing and lamentation were renewed for a long time, the armed men clashed their shields, and gradually they began to repent themselves of the amnesty. Antony, seeing how things were going, did not abandon his purpose, but, having been chosen to deliver the funeral oration, as a consul for a consul, a friend for a friend, a relative for a relative (for he was related to Caesar on his mother’s side), resumed his artful design and spoke as follows:— “It is not fitting, citizens, that the funeral oration of so great a man should be pronounced by me alone, but rather by his whole country.

> Greek: 143. διαθῆκαι δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὤφθησαν φερόμεναι, καὶ εὐθὺς αὐτὰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐκέλευον ἀναγινώσκειν. θετὸς μὲν δὴ τῷ Καίσαρι παῖς ἐγίγνετο ἐν αὐταῖς ὁ τῆς ἀδελφῆς θυγατριδοῦς Ὀκτάουιος, τῷ δήμῳ δὲ ἦσαν ἐνδιαίτημα οἱ κῆποι δεδομένοι καὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων τῶν ὄντων ἔτι ἐν ἄστει πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα Ἀττικαὶ δραχμαί. καὶ ὑπεσαλεύετο αὖθις ἐς ὀργὴν ὁ δῆμος, τυράννου μὲν κατηγορίας προπεπυσμένοι, διαθήκας δὲ φιλοπόλιδος ἀνδρὸς ὁρῶντες. οἴκτιστον δὲ ἐφάνη μάλιστα αὐτοῖς, ὅτι τῶν ἀνδροφόνων Δέκμος ὁ Βροῦτος ἐν τοῖς δευτέροις κληρονόμοις ἐγέγραπτο παῖς· ἔθος γάρ τι Ῥωμαίοις παραγράφειν τοῖς κληρονόμοις ἑτέρους, εἰ μὴ κληρονομοῖεν οἱ πρότεροι. ἐφʼ ᾧ δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον συνεταράσσοντο καὶ δεινὸν καὶ ἀθέμιστον ἡγοῦντο καὶ Δέκμον ἐπιβουλεῦσαι Καίσαρι, παῖδα αὐτῷ γεγραμμένον εἶναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Πείσωνος τὸ σῶμα φέροντος ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν πλῆθός τε ἄπειρον ἐς φρουρὰν συνέδραμον σὺν ὅπλοις, καὶ μετὰ βοῆς καὶ πομπῆς δαψιλοῦς ἐπὶ τὰ ἔμβολα προυτέθη, οἰμωγή τε καὶ θρῆνος ἦν αὖθις ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐπατάγουν οἱ ὡπλισμένοι καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐν μετανοίᾳ τῆς ἀμνηστίας ἐγίγνοντο. καὶ ὁ Ἀντώνιος ὧδε ἔχοντας ἰδὼν οὐ μεθῆκεν, ἀλλὰ ᾑρημένος εἰπεῖν τὸν ἐπιτάφιον οἷα ὕπατος ὑπάτου καὶ φίλος φίλου καὶ συγγενὴς συγγενοῦς (ἦν γὰρ δὴ Καίσαρι κατὰ μητέρα συγγενής) ἐτέχναζεν αὖθις καὶ ἔλεγεν ὧδε.

[¶7] 144. The decrees which all of us, in equal admiration of his merit, voted to him while he was alive — the Senate and the people acting together — I will read, so that I may voice your sentiments rather than my own.” Then he began to read with a severe and gloomy countenance, pronouncing each sentence distinctly and dwelling especially on those decrees which declared Caesar to be superhuman, sacred, and inviolable, and which named him the father of his country, or the benefactor, or the chieftain without a peer. With each decree Antony turned his face and his hand toward Caesar’s corpse, illustrating his discourse by his action, and at each appellation he added some brief remark full of grief and indignation; as, for example, where the decree spoke of Caesar as the father of his country he added that this was a testimonial of his clemency; and again, where he was made sacred and inviolable and everybody else was to be held unharmed who should find refuge with him,— “Nobody,” said Antony, “who found refuge with him was harmed, but he, whom you declared sacred and inviolable, was killed, although he did not extort these honors from you as a tyrant, and did not even ask for them. Most servile are we if we give such honors to the unworthy who do not ask for them. But you, faithful citizens, vindicate us from this charge of servility by paying such honors as you now pay to the dead.”

> Greek: 144. Οὐκ ἄξιον, ὦ πολῖται, τοσοῦδε ἀνδρὸς ἐπιτάφιον ἔπαινον παρʼ ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον, ἑνὸς ὄντος, ἢ παρὰ τῆς πατρίδος ὅλης αὐτῷ γενέσθαι. ὅσα δὴ τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς ἀγάμενοι πάντες ὁμαλῶς, ἥ τε βουλὴ καὶ μετὰ αὐτῆς ὁ δῆμος, ἔτι περιόντι ἐψηφίσασθε, ὑμετέραν καὶ οὐκ Ἀντωνίου τάδε φωνὴν εἶναι τιθέμενος ἀναγνώσομαι. καὶ ἀνεγίνωσκε τῷ μὲν προσώπῳ σοβαρῷ καὶ σκυθρωπῷ, τῇ φωνῇ δʼ ἐνσημαινόμενος ἕκαστα καὶ ἐφιστάμενος, οἷς μάλιστα αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ψηφίσματι ἐξεθείαζον, ἱερὸν καὶ ἄσυλον ἢ πατέρα πατρίδος ἢ εὐεργέτην ἢ προστάτην οἷον οὐχ ἕτερον ὀνομάζοντες. ἐφʼ ἑκάστῳ δὲ τούτων ὁ Ἀντώνιος τὴν ὄψιν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπιστρέφων ἐν παραβολῇ τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἔργον ἐπεδείκνυ. ἐπεφθέγγετο δέ πού τι καὶ βραχὺ ἑκάστῳ, μεμιγμένον οἴκτῳ καὶ ἀγανακτήσει, ἔνθα μὲν τὸ ψήφισμα εἴποι ʼπατέρα πατρίδος,ʼ ἐπιλέγων· τοῦτο ἐπιεικείας ἐστὶ μαρτυρία, ἔνθα δʼ ἦν ʽἱερὸς καὶ ἄσυλοσʼ καὶ ʼἀπαθὴς καὶ ὅστις αὐτῷ καὶ ἕτερος προσφύγοι,ʼ οὐχ ἕτερος, ἔφη, τῷδε προσφεύγων, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς ὑμῖν ὁ ἄσυλος καὶ ἱερὸς ἀνῄρηται, οὐ βιασάμενος οἷα τύραννος λαβεῖν τάσδε τὰς τιμάς, ἃς οὐδὲ ᾔτησεν. ἀνελευθερώτατοι δὲ ἄρα ἡμεῖς, οἳ τοιάδε τοῖς ἀναξίοις οὐδὲ αἰτοῦσι δίδομεν. ἀλλʼ ὑμεῖς ἡμῶν ὑπεραπολογεῖσθε ὡς οὐκ ἀνελευθέρων, ὦ πιστοὶ πολῖται, τοιαύτῃ καὶ νῦν πρὸς τεθνεῶτα χρώμενοι τιμῇ.

[¶8] 145. Antony resumed his reading and recited the oaths by which all were pledged to guard Caesar and Caesar’s body with all their strength, and all were devoted to perdition who should not avenge him against any conspiracy. Here, lifting up his voice and extending his hand toward the Capitol, he exclaimed, “Jupiter, guardian of this city, and ye other gods, I stand ready to avenge him as I have sworn and vowed, but since those who are of equal rank with me have considered the decree of amnesty beneficial, I pray that it may prove so.” A commotion arose among the senators in consequence of this exclamation, which seemed to have special reference to them. So Antony quieted them again and recanted, saying, “It seems to me, fellow-citizens, that this deed is not the work of human beings, but of some evil spirit. It becomes us to consider the present rather than the past, since the greatest danger approaches, if it is not already here, lest we be drawn into our former civil commotions and lose whatever remains of noble birth in the city. Let us then conduct this sacred one to the abode of the blest, chanting our accustomed hymn of lamentation for him.”

> Greek: 145. καὶ αὖθις ἀνεγίνωσκε τοὺς ὅρκους, ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν Καίσαρα καὶ τὸ Καίσαρος σῶμα παντὶ σθένει πάντας ἤ, εἴ τις ἐπιβουλεύσειεν, ἐξώλεις εἶναι τοὺς οὐκ ἀμύναντας αὐτῷ. ἐφʼ ὅτῳ δὴ μάλιστα τὴν φωνὴν ἐπιτείνας καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνασχών, ἐγὼ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Ζεῦ πάτριε καὶ θεοί, ἕτοιμος ἀμύνειν ὡς ὤμοσα καὶ ἠρασάμην· ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς ὁμοτίμοις δοκεῖ συνοίσειν τὰ ἐγνωσμένα, συνενεγκεῖν εὔχομαι. θορύβου δʼ ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε μάλιστα προφανῶς ἐς αὐτὴν εἰρημένῳ γενομένου, ἐπικαταψήχων αὐτὴν ὁ Ἀντώνιος καὶ παλινῳδῶν ἔφη· ἔοικεν, ὦ πολῖται, τὰ γεγενημένα ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὐδενός, ἀλλά του δαιμόνων ἔργα εἶναι. καὶ χρὴ τὸ παρὸν σκοπεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ γεγενημένον, ὡς ἐν ἀκμῇ μεγάλων ἐστὶ κινδύνων ἡμῖν τὰ μέλλοντα ἢ τὰ ὄντα μὴ ἐς τὰς προτέρας στάσεις ὑπαχθῶμεν καὶ ἐκτριφθῇ πᾶν, ὅ τι λοιπόν ἐστιν εὐγενὲς τῇ πόλει. προπέμπωμεν οὖν τὸν ἱερὸν τόνδε ἐπὶ τοὺς εὐδαίμονας, τὸν νενομισμένον ὕμνον αὐτῷ καὶ θρῆνον ἐπᾴδοντες.

[¶9] 146. Having spoken thus,, he gathered up his garments like one inspired, girded himself so that he might have the free use of his hands, took his position in front of the bier as in a play, bending down to it and rising again, and sang first as to a celestial deity. In order to testify to Caesar’s godlike origin, he raised his hands to heaven and with rapid speech recited his wars, his battles, his victories, the nations he had brought under his country’s sway, and the spoils he had sent home, extolling each exploit as miraculous, and all the time exclaiming, “Thou alone hast come forth unvanquished from all the battles thou hast fought. Thou alone hast avenged thy country of the out-rage put upon it 300 years ago, bringing to their knees those savage tribes, the only ones that ever broke into and burned the city of Rome.” Many other things Antony said in a kind of divine frenzy, and then lowered his voice from its high pitch to a sorrowful tone, and mourned and wept as for a friend who had suffered unjustly, and prayed that his own life might be given in exchange for Caesar’s. Carried away by extreme passion he uncovered the body of Caesar, lifted his robe on the point of a spear and shook it aloft, pierced with dagger-thrusts and red with the dictator’s blood. Whereupon the people, like a chorus, mourned with him in the most lugubrious manner, and from sorrow became again filled with anger. After the discourse other lamentations were chanted with funeral music according to the national custom, by the people in chorus, to the dead; and his deeds and his sad fate were again recited. Somewhere from the midst of these lamentations Caesar himself was supposed to speak, recounting the benefits he had conferred on his enemies by name, and speaking of the murderers themselves, exclaiming, as it were, “Oh that I should have spared these men to slay me.” The people could endure it no longer. It seemed to them monstrous that all the murderers who, with the single exception of Decimus Brutus, had been made prisoners while belonging to the faction of Pompey, and who, instead of being punished, had been advanced by Caesar to the magistracies of Rome and to the command of provinces and armies, should have conspired against him; and that Decimus should have been deemed by him worthy of adoption as his son.

> Greek: 146. τοιάδε εἰπὼν τὴν ἐσθῆτα οἷά τις ἔνθους ἀνεσύρατο, καὶ περιζωσάμενος ἐς τὸ τῶν χειρῶν εὔκολον, τὸ λέχος ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς περιέστη κατακύπτων τε ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ ἀνίσχων, πρῶτα μὲν ὡς θεὸν οὐράνιον ὕμνει καὶ ἐς πίστιν θεοῦ γενέσεως τὰς χεῖρας ἀνέτεινεν, ἐπιλέγων ὁμοῦ σὺν δρόμῳ φωνῆς πολέμους αὐτοῦ καὶ μάχας καὶ νίκας καὶ ἔθνη, ὅσα προσποιήσειε τῇ πατρίδι, καὶ λάφυρα, ὅσα πέμψειεν, ἐν θαύματι αὐτῶν ἕκαστα ποιούμενος καὶ συνεχῶς ἐπιβοῶν· μόνος ὅδε ἀήττητος ἐκ πάντων τῶν ἐς χεῖρας αὐτῷ συνελθόντων. σὺ δʼ, ἔφη, καὶ μόνος ἐκ τριακοσίων ἐτῶν ὑβρισμένῃ τῇ πατρίδι ἐπήμυνας, ἄγρια ἔθνη τὰ μόνα ἐς Ῥώμην ἐμβαλόντα καὶ μόνα ἐμπρήσαντα αὐτὴν ἐς γόνυ βαλών. πολλά τε ἄλλα ἐπιθειάσας τὴν φωνὴν ἐς τὸ θρηνῶδες ἐκ τοῦ λαμπροτέρου μετεποίει καὶ ὡς φίλον ἄδικα παθόντα ὠδύρετο καὶ ἔκλαιε καὶ ἠρᾶτο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ψυχὴν ἐθέλειν ἀντιδοῦναι τῆς Καίσαρος. εὐφορώτατα δὲ ἐς τὸ πάθος ἐκφερόμενος τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐγύμνου καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐπὶ κοντοῦ φερομένην ἀνέσειε, λελακισμένην ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν καὶ πεφυρμένην αἵματι αὐτοκράτορος. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ δῆμος οἷα χορὸς αὐτῷ πενθιμώτατα συνωδύρετο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ πάθους αὖθις ὀργῆς ἐνεπίμπλατο. ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις ἕτεροι θρῆνοι μετὰ ᾠδῆς κατὰ πάτριον ἔθος ὑπὸ χορῶν ἐς αὐτὸν ᾔδοντο καὶ τὰ ἔργα αὖθις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πάθος κατέλεγον καί που τῶν θρήνων αὐτὸς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐδόκει λέγειν, ὅσους εὖ ποιήσειε τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐξ ὀνόματος, καὶ περὶ τῶν σφαγέων αὐτῶν ἐπέλεγεν ὥσπερ ἐν θαύματι· ἐμὲ δὲ καὶ τούσδε περισῶσαι τοὺς κτενοῦντάς με, οὐκ ἔφερεν ἔτι ὁ δῆμος, ἐν παραλόγῳ ποιούμενος τὸ πάντας αὐτοῦ τοὺς σφαγέας χωρὶς μόνου Δέκμου, αἰχμαλώτους ἐκ τῆς Πομπηίου στάσεως γενομένους, ἀντὶ κολάσεων ἐπὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν καὶ στρατοπέδων προαχθέντας ἐπιβουλεῦσαι, Δέκμον δὲ καὶ παῖδα αὐτῷ θετὸν ἀξιωθῆναι γενέσθαι.

[¶10] 147. While they were in this temper and were already near to violence, somebody raised above the bier an image of Caesar himself made of wax. The body itself, as it lay on its back on the couch, could not be seen. The image was turned round and round by a mechanical device, showing the twenty-three wounds in all parts of the body and on the face, which gave him a shocking appearance. The people could no longer bear the pitiful sight presented to them. They groaned, and, girding themselves, they burned the senate-chamber where Caesar was slain, and ran hither and thither searching for the murderers, who had fled some time previously. They were so mad with rage and grief that like wild beasts they tore in pieces the tribune Cinna on account of his similarity of name to the praetor Cinna who had made a speech against Caesar, not waiting to hear any explanation about the simhilarity of name, so that no part of him was ever found for burial. They carried fire to the houses of the other murderers, but the domestics valiantly fought them off and the neighbors besought them to desist. So the people abstained from the use of fire, but they threatened to come back with arms on the following day.

> Greek: 147. ὧδε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσιν ἤδη καὶ χειρῶν ἐγγὺς οὖσιν ἀνέσχε τις ὑπὲρ τὸ λέχος ἀνδρείκελον αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκ κηροῦ πεποιημένον· τὸ μὲν γὰρ σῶμα, ὡς ὕπτιον ἐπὶ λέχους, οὐχ ἑωρᾶτο. τὸ δὲ ἀνδρείκελον ἐκ μηχανῆς ἐπεστρέφετο πάντῃ, καὶ σφαγαὶ τρεῖς καὶ εἴκοσιν ὤφθησαν ἀνά τε τὸ σῶμα πᾶν καὶ ἀνὰ τὸ πρόσωπον θηριωδῶς ἐς αὐτὸν γενόμεναι. τήνδε οὖν τὴν ὄψιν ὁ δῆμος οἰκτίστην σφίσι φανεῖσαν οὐκέτι ἐνεγκὼν ἀνῴμωξάν τε καὶ διαζωσάμενοι τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἔνθα ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀνῄρητο, κατέφλεξαν καὶ τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους ἐκφυγόντας πρὸ πολλοῦ περιθέοντες ἐζήτουν, οὕτω δὴ μανιωδῶς ὑπὸ ὀργῆς τε καὶ λύπης, ὥστε τὸν δημαρχοῦντα Κίνναν ἐξ ὁμωνυμίας τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Κίννα, τοῦ δημηγορήσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοί τε περὶ τῆς ὁμωνυμίας οὐδʼ ἀκοῦσαι, διέσπασαν θηριωδῶς, καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτοῦ μέρος ἐς ταφὴν εὑρέθη. πῦρ δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων οἰκίας ἔφερον, καὶ καρτερῶς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνων τε ἀμυνομένων καὶ τῶν γειτόνων δεομένων τοῦ μὲν πυρὸς ἀπέσχοντο, ὅπλα δʼ ἠπείλησαν ἐς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν οἴσειν.

[¶11] 148. The murderers fled from the city secretly. The people returned to Caesar’s bier and bore it as a consecrated thing to the Capitol in order to bury it in the temple and place it among the gods. Being prevented from doing so by the priests, they placed it again in the forum where in the olden time stood the palace of the kings of Rome. There they collected together sticks of wood and benches, of which there were many in the forum, and anything else they could find of that sort, for a funeral pile, throwing on it the adornments of the procession, some of which were very costly. Some of them cast their own crowns upon it and many military gifts. Then they set fire to it, and the entire people remained by the funeral pile throughout the night. There an altar was first erected, but now there stands the temple of Caesar himself, as he was deemed worthy of divine honors; for Octavius, his son by adoption, who took the name of Caesar, and, following in the footsteps of the latter in political matters, greatly strengthened the government founded by Caesar, and which remains to this day, decreed divine honors to his father. From this example the Romans now pay like honors to each emperor at his death if he has not reigned in a tyrannical manner or made himself odious, although at first they could not bear to call them kings while living.

> Greek: 148. καὶ οἱ μὲν σφαγεῖς ἐξέφυγον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως διαλαθόντες, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὸ λέχος τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπανελθὼν ἔφερον αὐτὸ ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ὡς εὐαγὲς θάψαι τε ἐν ἱερῷ καὶ μετὰ θεῶν θέσθαι. κωλυόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν αὖθις ἔθεσαν, ἔνθα τὸ πάλαι Ῥωμαίοις ἔστι βασίλειον, καὶ ξύλα αὐτῷ καὶ βάθρα, ὅσα πολλὰ ἦν ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ εἴ τι τοιουτότροπον ἄλλο συνενεγκόντες, καὶ τὴν πομπὴν δαψιλεστάτην οὖσαν ἐπιβαλόντες, στεφάνους τε ἔνιοι παρʼ ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἀριστεῖα πολλὰ ἐπιθέντες, ἐξῆψαν καὶ τὴν νύκτα πανδημεὶ τῇ πυρᾷ παρέμενον, ἔνθα βωμὸς πρῶτος ἐτέθη, νῦν δʼ ἐστὶ νεὼς αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος, θείων τιμῶν ἀξιουμένου· ὁ γάρ τοι θετὸς αὐτῷ παῖς Ὀκτάουιος, τό τε ὄνομα ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα μεταβαλὼν καὶ κατʼ ἴχνος ἐκείνου τῇ πολιτείᾳ προσιών, τήν τε ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐπικρατοῦσαν ἔτι νῦν, ἐρριζωμένην ὑπʼ ἐκείνου, μειζόνως ἐκρατύνατο καὶ τὸν πατέρα τιμῶν ἰσοθέων ἠξίωσεν· ὧν δὴ καὶ νῦν, ἐξ ἐκείνου πρώτου, Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἑκάστοτε τὴν ἀρχὴν τήνδε ἄρχοντα, ἢν μὴ τύχῃ τυραννικὸς ὢν ἢ ἐπίμεμπτος, ἀποθανόντα ἀξιοῦσιν, οἳ πρότερον οὐδὲ περιόντας αὐτοὺς ἔφερον καλεῖν βασιλέας.

[¶12] 149. So died Gaius Caesar on the so-called Ides of March, which correspond nearly with the middle of the Greek month Anthesterion, which day the soothsayer predicted that he should not survive. Caesar jokingly said to him early in the morning, “Well, the Ides have come,” and the latter, nothing daunted, answered, “But they are not past.” Despising such prophecies, uttered with so much confidence by the soothsayer, and other prodigies that I have previously mentioned, Caesar went on his way and was killed, being fifty-six years of age. He was a man most fortunate in all things, superhuman, of grand designs, and fit to be compared with Alexander. Both were men of the greatest ambition, both were most skilled in the art of war, most rapid in executing their decisions, most reckless of danger, least sparing of themselves, and relying as much on audacity and luck as on military skill. Alexander made a long journey through the desert in the hot season to visit the oracle of Ammon and crossed the Gulf of Pamphylia against a head sea successfully. A god restrained the waves for him until he had passed over, and sent him rain on his journey by land. In India he ventured upon an unknown sea. Once he was the first to ascend the scaling ladders and leaped over the wall among his enemies alone, and in this condition received thirteen wounds. Yet he was never defeated, and he finished almost every war in one or two battles. He conquered many barbarians in Europe and made himself master of Greece, a people hard to control, fond of freedom, who boasted that they had never obeyed anybody before him, except Philip for a little while under the guise of his leadership in war. He overran almost the whole of Asia. To sum up Alexander’s fortune and power in a word, he acquired as much of the earth as he saw, and died while he was devising means to capture the rest.

> Greek: 149. οὕτω μὲν δὴ Γάιος Καῖσαρ ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ἡμέραις αἷς καλοῦσιν εἰδοῖς Μαρτίαις, Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μάλιστα μέσου, ἥν τινα ἡμέραν αὐτὸν ὁ μάντις οὐ περιοίσειν προύλεγεν· ὁ δʼ ἐπισκώπτων αὐτὸν ἔφη περὶ τὴν ἕω· πάρεισιν αἱ εἰδοί. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν καταπλαγεὶς ἀπεκρίνατο· ἀλλὰ οὐ παρεληλύθασιν, ὁ δὲ καὶ τοιῶνδε προαγορεύσεων αὐτῷ σὺν τοσῷδε τοῦ μάντεως θάρσει γενομένων καὶ σημείων ὧν προεῖπον ἑτέρων ὑπεριδὼν προῆλθε καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν, ἔτος ἄγων ἕκτον ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα, ἀνὴρ ἐπιτυχέστατος ἐς πάντα καὶ δαιμόνιος καὶ μεγαλοπράγμων καὶ εἰκότως ἐξομοιούμενος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ. ἄμφω γὰρ ἐγενέσθην φιλοτιμοτάτω τε πάντων καὶ πολεμικωτάτω καὶ τὰ δόξαντα ἐπελθεῖν ταχυτάτω πρός τε κινδύνους παραβολωτάτω καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀφειδεστάτω καὶ οὐ στρατηγίᾳ πεποιθότε μᾶλλον ἢ τόλμῃ καὶ τύχῃ. ὧν ὁ μὲν ἄνυδρόν τε πολλὴν ἐς Ἄμμωνος ὥδευεν ὥρᾳ καύματος, καὶ τὸν Παμφύλιον κόλπον τῆς θαλάσσης ἀνακοπείσης διέτρεχε δαιμονίως, καὶ τὸ πέλαγος αὐτῷ τοῦ δαίμονος κατέχοντος, ἔστε παρέλθοι, καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὁδεύοντι ὕοντος. ἀπλώτου τε θαλάσσης ἐν Ἰνδοῖς ἀπεπείρασε, καὶ ἐπὶ κλίμακα πρῶτος ἀνέβη καὶ ἐς πολεμίων τεῖχος ἐσήλατο μόνος καὶ τρισκαίδεκα τραύματα ὑπέστη. καὶ ἀήττητος αἰεὶ γενόμενος ἑνὶ σχεδὸν ἢ δύο ἔργοις ἕκαστον πόλεμον ἐξήνυσε, τῆς μὲν Εὐρώπης πολλὰ βάρβαρα ἑλὼν καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα χειρωσάμενος, δυσαρκτότατον ἔθνος καὶ φιλελεύθερον καὶ οὐδενὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ πλην Φιλίππῳ κατʼ εὐπρέπειαν ἐς ἡγεμονίαν πολέμου δόξασαν ὑπακούειν ἐπʼ ὀλίγον· τὴν δὲ Ἀσίαν σχεδὸν εἰπεῖν ὅλην ἐπέ δραμε. καὶ ὡς λόγῳ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην καὶ δύναμιν εἰπεῖν, ὅσην εἶδε γῆν, ἐκτήσατο καὶ περὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ἐνθυμούμενός τε καὶ διανοούμενος ἀπέθανε.

[¶13] 150. The Adriatic Sea yielded to Caesar, becoming navigable and quiet in mid-winter. He also crossed the western ocean to Britain, which had never been attempted before, and he ordered his pilots to break their ships in pieces by running them on the rocks of the British coast. He was exposed to the violence of another tempest when alone in a small boat by night, and he ordered the pilot to spread his sails and to keep in mind Caesar’s fortune rather than the waves of the sea. He often dashed against the enemy single-handed when all others were afraid. He fought thirty pitched battles in Gaul alone, where he conquered forty nations so formidable to the Romans previously that in the law which exempted priests and old men from military enrolment an exception was made of a Gallic war, in case of which priests and old men were required to serve in the army. Once in the course of the Alexandrian war, when he was left alone on a bridge in extreme peril, he threw off his purple garment, leaped into the sea, and, being sought by the enemy, swam under water a long distance, coming to the surface only at intervals to take breath, until he came near a friendly ship, when he made himself known by raising his hands, and was saved. In these civil wars, in which he engaged either through apprehension, as he says, or ambition, he was brought in conflict with the first generals of the age and with many large armies, not now of barbarians, but of Romans in the highest state of efficiency and good fortune, and, like Alexander, he overcame them all by one or two engagements with each. His forces were not, like Alexander’s, always victorious, for they were defeated by the Gauls most disastrously under the command of his lieutenants, Cotta and Titurius; and in Spain Petreius and Afranius shut them up like an army besieged. At Dyrrachium and in Africa they were put to flight, and in Spain they were terrified by young Pompey. But Caesar himself was always undaunted and was victorious at the end of every war. He grasped, partly by force, partly by good-will, the Roman power which ruled the earth and sea from the setting sun to the river Euphrates, and held it much more firmly and strongly than Sulla had done, and he showed himself to be a king in spite of opposition, even though he did not accept the title. And, like Alexander, he expired while planning new wars.

> Greek: 150. Καίσαρι δὲ ἥ τε Ἰόνιος θάλασσα εἶξε, χειμῶνος μέσου πλωτὴ καὶ εὔδιος γενομένη, καὶ τὸν ἑσπέριον ὠκεανὸν ἐπὶ Βρεττανοὺς διέπλευσεν οὔπω γενόμενον ἐν πείρα, κρημνοῖς τε τῶν Βρεττανῶν τοὺς κυβερνήτας ἐποκέλλοντας ἐκέλευε τὰς ναῦς περιαγνύναι. καὶ πρὸς ἄλλον κλύδωνα μόνος ἐν σκάφει σμικρῷ νυκτὸς ἐβιάζετο καὶ τὸν κυβερνήτην ἐκέλευε προχέαι τὰ ἱστία καὶ θαρρεῖν τῇ Καίσαρος τύχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ θαλάσσῃ. ἔς τε πολεμίους προεπήδησε μόνος ἐκ πάντων δεδιότων πολλάκις, καὶ τριακοντάκις αὐτὸς ἐν Κελτοῖς μόνοις παρετάξατο, μέχρι τετρακόσια αὐτῶν ἐχειρώσατο ἔθνη, οὕτω δή τι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπίφοβα, ὡς νόμῳ τῷ περὶ ἀστρατείας ἱερέων καὶ γερόντων ἐγγραφῆναι ʼπλὴν εἰ μὴ Κελτικὸς πόλεμος ἐπίοιʼ. τότε δὲ καὶ γέροντας καὶ ἱερέας στρατεύεσθαι. περί τε τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν πολεμῶν καὶ ἀποληφθεὶς ἐπὶ γεφύρας μόνος καὶ κακοπαθῶν τὴν πορφύραν ἀπέρριψε καὶ ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐξήλατο καὶ ζητούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν τῷ μυχῷ διενήχετο λανθάνων ἐπὶ πολύ, μόνην ἐκ διαστήματος ἀνίσχων τὴν ἀναπνοήν, μέχρι φιλίᾳ νηὶ προσπελάσας ὤρεξε τὰς χεῖρας καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἔδειξε καὶ περιεσώθη. ἐς δὲ τὰ ἐμφύλια τάδε ἢ διὰ δέος, καθάπερ αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν, ἢ ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμίᾳ συμπεσών, στρατηγοῖς τοῖς καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀρίστοις συνηνέχθη καὶ στρατοῖς πολλοῖς τε καὶ μεγάλοις, οὐ βαρβάρων ἔτι, ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀκμαζόντων μάλιστα εὐπραξίαις καὶ τύχαις· καὶ ἁπάντων ἐκράτησε, διὰ μιᾶς καὶ ὅδε πείρας ἑκάστων ἢ διὰ δύο, οὐ μὴν ἀηττήτου καθάπερ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τοῦ στρατοῦ γενομένου, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὑπὸ Κελτῶν ἡττῶντο λαμπρῶς, ὅθʼ ἡ μεγάλη σφᾶς συμφορὰ κατέλαβε Κόττα καὶ Τιτυρίου στρατηγούντων, καὶ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Πετρήιος αὐτοὺς καὶ Ἀφράνιος συνέκλεισαν οἷα πολιορκουμένους, ἔν τε Δυρραχίῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ λαμπρῶς ἔφευγον καὶ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Πομπήιον τὸν νέον κατεπλάγησαν. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸς ἦν ἀκατάπληκτος καὶ ἐς παντὸς πολέμου τέλος ἀήττητος· τήν τε Ῥωμαίων ἰσχύν, γῆς ἤδη καὶ θαλάσσης ἐκ δύσεων ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Εὐφράτην κρατοῦσαν, ἐχειρώσατο βίᾳ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ πολὺ βεβαιότερον καὶ πολὺ ἐγκρατέστερον Σύλλα βασιλέα τε αὑτὸν ἀπέφηνεν ἀκόντων, εἰ καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν οὐκ ἐδέχετο. καὶ πολέμους ἄλλους καὶ ὅδε διανοούμενος ἀνῃρέθη.

[¶14] 151. Their armies were equally zealous and devoted to both, and in battles they fought with the greatest ferocity, but were often disobedient and mutinous on account of the severity of their tasks. Yet they mourned and longed for their commanders when they were dead, and paid them divine honors. Both were well-formed and handsome in person, and both were descended from Jupiter, Alexander through Aeacus and Hercules, Caesar through Anchises and Venus. Both were as prompt to fight their adversaries as they were ready to make peace and grant pardon to the vanquished, and after pardon to confer benefits; for they desired only to conquer. Thus far let the parallel hold good, although they did not both start toward empire from the same footing; Alexander from the monarchy founded by Philip, Caesar from a private station, well born and illustrious indeed, but very short of money.

> Greek: 151. συνέβη δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα ὁμοίως πρόθυμα μὲν ἐς ἄμφω καὶ μετὰ εὐνοίας γενέσθαι καὶ ἐς μάχας θηριώδεσιν ἐοικότα, δυσπειθῆ δὲ πολλάκις ἑκατέρῳ καὶ πολυστασίαστα διὰ τοὺς πόνους. ἀποθανόντας γε μὴν ὁμοίως ὠδύραντο καὶ ἐπεπόθησαν καὶ θείων τιμῶν ἠξίωσαν. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ τὰ σώματα εὐφυεῖς ἄμφω καὶ καλοί. καὶ τὸ γένος ἐκ Διὸς ἤστην ἑκάτερος, ὁ μὲν Αἰακίδης τε καὶ Ἡρακλείδης, ὁ δὲ ἀπʼ Ἀγχίσου τε καὶ Ἀφροδίτης. φιλονικότεροι δὲ τοῖς ἐξερίζουσιν ὄντες ταχύτατοι πρὸς διαλύσεις ἦσαν καὶ συγγνώμονες τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ συγγνώμῃ καὶ εὐεργέται καὶ οὐδὲν ἢ κρατῆσαι μόνον ἐνθυμούμενοι. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον συγκεκρίσθω, καίπερ οὐκ ἐξ ἴσης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁρμήσαντος αὐτῶν ἑκατέρου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἐκ βασιλείας ἠσκημένης ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ, τοῦ δʼ ἐξ ἰδιωτείας, εὐγενοῦς μὲν καὶ περιφανοῦς, χρημάτων δὲ πάνυ ἐνδεοῦς.

[¶15] 152. Both of them despised the prodigies relating to themselves, but they did not deal harshly with the sooth-sayers who predicted their death; for more than once the very same prodigies confronted both, pointing to the same end. Twice in the case of each the victims were without a liver, and the first time it indicated a doubtful danger. It happened to Alexander when he was among the Oxydracae and while he was leading his Macedonians in scaling the enemy’s wall. The ladder broke, leaving him alone on the top. Taking counsel of his courage, he leaped inside the town against his enemies, and was struck severely in the breast and on the neck by a very heavy club, so that he fell down, and was rescued with difficulty by the Macedonians, who broke down the gates in their alarm for him. It happened to Caesar in Spain while his army was in great fear of young Pompey, and hesitated to join battle. Caesar dashed in advance of all into the space between the armies, and received 200 darts on his shield until his army, moved by shame and fear for his safety, rushed forward and rescued him. Thus in the case of each the first victims without livers presaged danger of death; the second presaged death itself. As Peithagoras, the soothsayer, was inspecting the entrails, he told Apollodorus, who was in fear of Alexander and Hephestion, not to be afraid of them, because they would both be out of the way very soon. Hephestion died immediately, and Apollodorus, being apprehensive lest some conspiracy might exist against Alexander, communicated the prophecy to him. Alexander smiled, and asked Peithagoras himself what the prodigy meant. When the latter replied that it meant fatality, he smiled again. Nevertheless, he commended Apollodorus for his good-will and the soothsayer for his freedom of speech.

> Greek: 152. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ σημείων τῶν ἐπὶ σφίσιν ἑκάτερος ὑπερόπτης καὶ τοῖς μάντεσι τὴν τελευτὴν προειποῦσιν οὐκ ἐχαλέπηναν, καὶ τὰ σημεῖα αὐτὰ ὅμοιά τε πολλάκις καὶ ἐς τὸ ὅμοιον ἀμφοῖν συνηνέχθη· ἐγένετο γὰρ ἑκατέρῳ δὶς ἄλοβα, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα κίνδυνον σφαλερὸν ὑπέδειξεν, Ἀλεξάνδρῳ μὲν ἐν Ὀξυδράκαις, ἐπὶ τὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τεῖχος ἀναβάντι πρὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων, καὶ τῆς κλίμακος συντριβείσης ἀποληφθέντι τε ἄνω, καὶ ὑπὸ τόλμης ἐς τὸ ἐντὸς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐξαλομένῳ καὶ πληγέντι τὰ στέρνα χαλεπῶς καὶ ἐς τὸν τράχηλον ὑπέρῳ βαρυτάτῳ, καὶ πίπτοντι ἤδη καὶ περισωθέντι μόλις ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀναρρηξάντων τὰς πύλας ὑπὸ δέους, Καίσαρι δὲ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, τοῦ στρατοῦ περιφόβου τε ὄντος ἐπὶ Πομπηίῳ τῷ νέῳ καὶ ὀκνοῦντος ἐς μάχην ἰέναι, προδραμόντι πάντων ἐς τὸ μεταίχμιον καὶ διακόσια ἀναδεξαμένῳ δόρατα ἐς τὴν ἀσπίδα, μέχρι καὶ τόνδε ὁ στρατὸς ἐπιδραμὼν ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς καὶ φόβου περιέσωσεν. οὕτω μὲν αὐτοῖς τὰ πρῶτα ἄλοβα ἐς κίνδυνον ἦλθε θανάτου, τὰ δεύτερα δὲ ἐς τὸν θάνατον αὐτόν. Πειθαγόρας τε γὰρ ὁ μάντις Ἀπολλοδώρῳ δεδοικότι Ἀλέξανδρόν τε καὶ Ἡφαιστίωνα θυόμενος εἶπε μὴ δεδιέναι, ἐκποδὼν γὰρ ἀμφοτέρους αὐτίκα ἔσεσθαι· καὶ τελευτήσαντος εὐθὺς Ἡφαιστίωνος ὁ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἔδεισε, μή τις ἐπιβουλὴ γένοιτο κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ ἐξήνεγκεν αὐτῷ τὰ μαντεύματα. ὁ δὲ ἐπεμειδίασε καὶ Πειθαγόραν αὐτὸν ἤρετο, ὅ τι λέγοι τὸ σημεῖον· τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος, ὅτι τὰ ὕστατα λέγει, αὖθις ἐπεμειδίασε καὶ ἐπῄνεσεν ὅμως Ἀπολλόδωρόν τε τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τὸν μάντιν τῆς παρρησίας.

[¶16] 153. As Caesar was entering the Senate for the last time, as I have shortly before related, the same omens were observed, but he said, jestingly, that the same thing had happened to him in Spain. When the soothsayer replied that he was in danger then too, and that the omen was now more deadly, he yielded somewhat to the warning and sacrificed again, and continued to do so until he became vexed with the priests for delaying him, and went in and was killed. The same kind of thing happened to Alexander. As he was returning from India to Babylon with his army, and was nearing the latter place, the Chaldeans urged him to postpone his entrance for the present. He replied with the iambic verse, “He who guesses right is the best prophet.” Again, the Chaldeans urged him not to march his army into the city while looking toward the setting sun, but to go around and enter facing the east. It is said that he yielded to this suggestion and started to go around, but being bothered by a lake and marshy ground, he disregarded this second prophecy also, and entered the city looking toward the west. Not long after entering he went down the Euphrates in a boat to the river Pallacotta, which takes its water from the Euphrates and carries it away in marshes and ponds and thus hinders the irrigation and navigation of the Assyrian country. While he was considering how he should dyke this stream and while he was sailing out to it for this purpose, it is said that he jeered at the Chaldeans because he had gone into Babylon and sailed out of it safely. But scarcely had he returned back to it when he died. Caesar jeered at the prophecies in like manner, for the soothsayer predicted the day of his death, saying that he should not survive the Ides of March, and when the day came Caesar mocked him saying, “The Ides have come”; and the same day he died. Thus both alike made light of the prophecies concerning themselves, and were not angry at the soothsayers who uttered them, yet they became the inevitable victims of the prophecies.

> Greek: 153. Καίσαρι δʼ ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον βουλευτήριον ἐσιόντι, καθά μοι πρὸ βραχέος εἴρηται, τὰ αὐτὰ σημεῖα γίγνεται· καὶ χλευάσας ἔφη τοιαῦτά οἱ καὶ περὶ Ἰβηρίαν γεγονέναι. τοῦ δὲ μάντεως εἰπόντος καὶ τότε αὐτὸν κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ νῦν ἐπιθανατώτερον ἔχειν τὸ σημεῖον, ἐνδούς τι πρὸς τὴν παρρησίαν ἐθύετο ὅμως αὖθις, μέχρι βραδυνόντων αὐτῷ τῶν ἱερῶν δυσχεράνας ἐσῆλθε καὶ ἀνῃρέθη. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνέπεσεν. ἐπανιόντα γὰρ ἐξ Ἰνδῶν ἐς Βαβυλῶνα μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ πλησιάζοντα ἤδη παρεκάλουν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι τὴν εἴσοδον ἐπισχεῖν ἐν τῷ παρόντι. τοῦ δὲ τὸ ἰαμβεῖον εἰπόντος, ὅτι μάντις ἄριστος, ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς, δεύτερα γοῦν οἱ Χαλδαῖοι παρεκάλουν μὴ ἐς δύσιν ὁρῶντα μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιοδεῦσαι καὶ τὴν πόλιν λαβεῖν πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα. ὁ δʼ ἐς τοῦτο μὲν ἐνδοῦναι λέγεται καὶ ἐπιχειρῆσαι περιοδεῦσαι, λίμνῃ δὲ καὶ ἕλει δυσχεραίνων καταφρονῆσαι καὶ τοῦ δευτέρου μαντεύματος καὶ ἐσελθεῖν ἐς δύσιν ὁρῶν. ἐσελθών γε μὴν καὶ πλέων κατὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Παλλακότταν, ὃς τὸν Εὐφράτην ὑπολαμβάνων ἐς ἕλη καὶ λίμνας ἐκφέρει καὶ κωλύει τὴν Ἀσσυρίδα γῆν ἄρδειν,—ἐπινοοῦντα δὴ τοῦτον διατειχίσαι τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτο ἐκπλέοντά φασιν ἐπιτωθάσαι τοῖς Χαλδαίοις, ὅτι σῶος ἐς Βαβυλῶνα ἐσέλθοι τε καὶ ἐκπλέοι. ἔμελλε δʼ ἐπανελθὼν αὐτίκα ἐν αὐτῇ τεθνήξεσθαι. ἐπετώθασε δὲ καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὅμοια. τοῦ γὰρ μάντεως αὐτῷ τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς τελευτῆς προειπόντος, ὅτι μὴ περιοίσει τὰς Μαρτίας εἰδούς, ἐλθούσης τῆς ἡμέρας ἔφη, τὸν μάντιν χλευάζων, ὅτι πάρεισιν αἱ εἰδοί· καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ὅμως ἀπέθανεν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ καὶ σημεῖα τὰ περὶ σφῶν ἐχλεύασαν ὁμοίως, καὶ τοῖς προειποῦσιν αὐτὰ μάντεσιν οὐκ ἐχαλέπηναν, καὶ ἑάλωσαν ὅμως ὑπὸ τῷ λόγῳ τῶν μαντευμάτων.

[¶17] 154. Both were students of the science and arts of their own country, of Greece, and of foreign nations. As to those of India, Alexander interrogated the Brahmins who seem to be the astronomers and learned men of that country, like the Magi among the Persians. Caesar likewise interrogated the Egyptians while he was there restoring Cleopatra to the throne, by which means he made many improvements among the peaceful arts for the Romans. He changed the calendar, which was still in disorder by reason of the intercalary months till then in use, for the Romans reckoned the year by the moon. Caesar changed it to the sun’s course, as the Egyptians reckoned it. It happened in his case that not one of the conspirators against him escaped, but all were brought to condign punishment by his adopted son, just as the murderers of Philip were by Alexander. How they were punished the succeeding books will show.

> Greek: 154. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ ἐς ἐπιστήμην τῆς ἀρετῆς, τῆς τε πατρίου καὶ Ἑλληνικῆς καὶ ξένης, φιλόκαλοι, τὰ μὲν Ἰνδῶν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξετάζων τοὺς Βραχμᾶνας, οἳ δοκοῦσιν Ἰνδῶν εἶναι μετεωρολόγοι τε καὶ σοφοὶ καθὰ Περσῶν οἱ Μάγοι, τὰ δὲ Αἰγυπτίων ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὅτε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γενόμενος καθίστατο Κλεοπάτραν. ὅθεν ἄρα καὶ τῶν εἰρηνικῶν πολλὰ Ῥωμαίοις διωρθώσατο καὶ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἀνώμαλον ἔτι ὄντα διὰ τοὺς ἔσθʼ ὅτε μῆνας ἐμβολίμους ʽκατὰ γὰρ σελήνην αὐτοῖς ἠριθμεῖτὀ ἐς τὸν τοῦ ἡλίου δρόμον μετέβαλεν, ὡς ἦγον Αἰγύπτιοι. συνέβη δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐς τὸ σῶμα ἐπιβουλευσάντων μηδένα διαφυγεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῷ παιδὶ δοῦναι δίκην ἀξίαν, καθάπερ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τοὺς Φίλιππον ἀνελόντας. ὅπως δὲ ἔδοσαν, αἱ ἑξῆς βίβλοι δεικνύουσιν.