1. AFTER the reign of Sulla, and the later operations of Sertorius and Perpenna in Spain, other internal commotions of a similar nature took place among the Romans until Gaius Caesar and Pompey the Great waged war against each other, and Caesar made an end of Pompey and was himself killed in the senate-chamber because he was accused of exercising royal power. How these things came about and how both Pompey and Caesar lost their lives, this second book of the Civil Wars will show. Pompey had lately cleared the sea of pirates, who were then more numerous than ever before, and afterward had overthrown Mithridates, king of Pontus, and regulated his kingdom and the other nations that he had subdued in the East. Caesar was still a young man, but powerful in speech and action, daring in every way, ambitious of everything, and profuse beyond his means in the pursuit of honors. While yet aedile and praetor he had incurred great debts and had made himself wonderfully agreeable to the multitude, who always sing the praises of those who are lavish in expenditures.
1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σύλλα μοναρχίαν καὶ ὅσα ἐπʼ αὐτῇ Σερτώριός τε καὶ Περπέννας περὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἔδρασαν, ἕτερα ἐμφύλια Ῥωμαίοις τοιάδε ἐγίγνετο, μέχρι Γάιος Καῖσαρ καὶ Πομπήιος Μάγνος ἀλλήλοις ἐπολέμησαν καὶ Πομπήιον μὲν καθεῖλεν ὁ Καῖσαρ, Καίσαρα δʼ ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ τινὲς ὡς βασιλιζόμενον κατέκανον. ταῦτα δὲ ὅπως ἐγένετο καὶ ὅπως ἀνῃρέθησαν ὅ τε Πομπήιος καὶ ὁ Γάιος, ἡ δευτέρα τῶν ἐμφυλίων ἥδε δηλοῖ. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πομπήιος ἄρτι τὴν θάλασσαν καθήρας ἀπὸ τῶν ληστηρίων τότε μάλιστα πανταχοῦ πλεονασάντων Μιθριδάτην ἐπὶ τοῖς λῃσταῖς καθῃρήκει, Πόντου βασιλέα, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἔθνη προσέλαβεν ἀμφὶ τὴν ἕω, διετάσσετο· ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἦν ἔτι νέος, δεινὸς εἰπεῖν τε καὶ πρᾶξαι, τολμῆσαί τε ἐς πάντα καὶ ἐλπίσαι περὶ ἁπάντων, ἐς δὲ δὴ φιλοτιμίαν ἀφειδὴς ὑπὲρ δύναμιν, ὡς ἀγορανομῶν ἔτι καὶ στρατηγῶν εἶναι κατάχρεως καὶ τῷ πλήθει δαιμονίως ὑπεραρέσκειν, τῶν δήμων αἰεὶ τοὺς δαψιλεῖς ἐπαινούντων.
2. At this time Lucius Catiline was a person of importance, of great celebrity, and high birth, but a madman. It was believed that he had killed his own son because of his own love for Aurelia Orestilla, who was not willing to marry a man who had a son. He had been a friend and zealous partisan of Sulla. He had reduced himself to poverty in order to gratify his ambition, but still he was courted by the powerful, both men and women, and he became a candidate for the consulship as a step leading to absolute power. He confidently expected to be elected; but the suspicion of his ulterior designs defeated him, and Cicero, the most eloquent orator and the rhetorician of the period, was chosen instead. Catiline, by way of raillery and contempt for those who voted for him, called him Novus Homo (a new man) on account of his obscure birth (for so they call those who achieve distinction by their own merits and not by those of their ancestors); and because he was not born in the city he called him Inquilinus (a lodger), by which term they designate those who occupy houses belonging to others. From this time Catiline abstained wholly from politics as not leading quickly and surely to absolute power, but as full of the spirit of contention and malice. He procured much money from many women who hoped that their husbands would get killed in the uprising, and he formed a conspiracy with a number of senators and knights, and collected together a body of plebians, foreign residents, and slaves. His leading fellow-conspirators were Cornelius Lentulus and Cethegus, who were then city praetors. He sent emissaries throughout Italy to those of Sulla’s soldiers who had squandered the gains of their former life of plunder and who longed for similar doings. For this purpose he sent Gaius Manlius to Faesulae in Etruria and others to Picenum and Apulia, who enlisted soldiers for him secretly.
2. Γάιος δὲ Κατιλίνας, μεγέθει τε δόξης καὶ γένους λαμπρότητι περιώνυμος, ἔμπληκτος ἀνήρ, δόξας ποτὲ καὶ υἱὸν ἀνελεῖν διʼ Αὐρηλίας Ὀρεστίλλης ἔρωτα, οὐχ ὑφισταμένης τῆς Ὀρεστίλλης παῖδα ἔχοντι γήμασθαι, Σύλλα φίλος τε καὶ στασιώτης καὶ ζηλωτὴς μάλιστα γεγονώς, ἐκ δὲ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ὅδε ἐς πενίαν ὑπενηνεγμένος καὶ θεραπευόμενος ἔτι πρὸς δυνατῶν ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐς ὑπατείαν παρήγγελλεν ὡς τῇδε παροδεύσων ἐς τυραννίδα. πάγχυ δʼ ἐλπίσας αἱρεθήσεσθαι διὰ τὴν ὑποψίαν τήνδε ἀπεκρούσθη, καὶ Κικέρων μὲν ἦρχεν ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ, ἀνὴρ ἥδιστος εἰπεῖν τε καὶ ῥητορεῦσαι, Κατιλίνας δʼ αὐτὸν ἐς ὕβριν τῶν ἑλομένων ἐπέσκωπτεν, ἐς μὲν ἀγνωσίαν γένους καινὸν ὀνομάζων (καλοῦσι δʼ οὕτω τοὺς ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν, ἀλλʼ οὐ τῶν προγόνων γνωρίμους), ἐς δʼ ξενίαν τῆς πόλεως ἰγκουιλῖνον, ᾧ ῥήματι καλοῦσι τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἐν ἀλλοτρίαις οἰκίαις. αὐτὸς δὲ πολιτείαν μὲν ὅλως ἔτι ἀπεστρέφετο ἐκ τοῦδε, ὡς οὐδὲν μοναρχίαν ταχὺ καὶ μέγα φέρουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἔριδος καὶ φθόνου μεστήν· χρήματα δʼ ἀγείρων πολλὰ παρὰ πολλῶν γυναικῶν, αἳ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤλπιζον ἐν τῇ ἐπαναστάσει διαφθερεῖν, συνώμνυτό τισιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν καλουμένων ἱππέων, συνῆγε δὲ καὶ δημότας καὶ ξένους καὶ θεράποντας. καὶ πάντων ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτῷ Κορνήλιος Λέντλος καὶ Κέθηγος, οἳ τότε τῆς πόλεως ἐστρατήγουν. ἀνά τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν περιέπεμπεν ἐς τῶν Συλλείων τοὺς τὰ κέρδη τῆς τότε βίας ἀναλωκότας καὶ ὀρεγομένους ἔργων ὁμοίων, ἐς μὲν Φαισούλας τῆς Τυρρηνίας Γάιον Μάλλιον, ἐς δὲ τῆν Πικηνίτιδα καὶ τὴν Ἀπουλίαν ἑτέρους, οἳ στρατὸν αὐτῷ συνέλεγον ἀφανῶς.
3. All these facts, while they were still secret, were communicated to Cicero by Fulvia, a woman of quality. Her lover, Quintus Curius, one of the conspirators with Catiline, who had been expelled from the Senate for debauchery, told his mistress in a vain and boastful way that he would soon be in a position of great power. And now a rumor of what was transpiring in Italy was noised about. Accordingly, Cicero stationed guards at intervals throughout the city, and sent many of the nobility to the suspected places to watch what was going on. Catiline, although nobody had ventured to lay hands on him, because the facts were not yet publicly known, was nevertheless fearful lest suspicion should increase with time. Trusting to rapidity of movement he forwarded money to Faesulae and directed his fellow-conspirators to kill Cicero and set the city on fire at a number of different places the same night. Then he departed to join Gaius Manlius, intending to collect additional forces and invade the city while burning. So extremely vain was he that he had the rods and axes borne before him as though he were a proconsul, and he proceeded on his journey to Manlius, enlisting soldiers as he went. Lentulus and his fellow-conspirators decided that when they should learn that Catiline had arrived at Faesulae, Lentulus and Cethegus should present themselves at Cicero’s door early in the morning with concealed daggers, expecting to be admitted because of their rank; enter into conversation with him in the vestibule on some subject, no matter what; draw him away from his own people, and kill him; that Lucius Bestia, the tribune, should at once call an assembly of the people by heralds and accuse Cicero of timidity and of stirring up war and disturbing the city without cause, and that on the night following Bestia’s speech the city should be set on fire by others in twelve places and plundered, and the leading citizens killed.
3. καὶ τάδε πάντα ἔτι ἀγνοούμενα Φουλβία γύναιον οὐκ ἀφανὲς ἐμήνυε τῷ Κικέρωνι· ἧς ἐρῶν Κόιντος Κούριος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ὀνείδη πολλὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπεωσμένος καὶ τῆσδε τῆς Κατιλίνα συνθήκης ἠξιωμένος, κούφως μάλα καὶ φιλοτίμως ἐξέφερεν οἷα πρὸς ἐρωμένην, ὡς αὐτίκα δυναστεύσων. ἤδη δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ γιγνομένων λόγος ἐφοίτα. καὶ ὁ Κικέρων τήν τε πόλιν ἐκ διαστημάτων φρουραῖς διελάμβανε καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἐξέπεμπε πολλοὺς ἐς πάντα τὰ ὕποπτα τοῖς γιγνομένοις ἐφεδρεύειν. Κατιλίνας δʼ, οὐδενὸς μέν πω θαρροῦντος αὐτοῦ λαβέσθαι διὰ τὴν ἔτι τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς ἀγνωσίαν, δεδιὼς δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὸ χρόνιον ἡγούμενος ὕποπτον, ἐν δὲ τῷ τάχει τὴν ἐλπίδα τιθέμενος, τά τε χρήματα προύπεμπεν ἐς Φαισούλας καὶ τοῖς συνωμόταις ἐντειλάμενος κτεῖναι Κικέρωνα καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐκ διαστημάτων πολλῶν νυκτὸς ἐμπρῆσαι μιᾶς ἐξῄει πρὸς Γάιον Μάλλιον ὡς αὐτίκα στρατὸν ἄλλον ἀθροίσων καὶ ἐς τὸν ἐμπρησμὸν τῆς πόλεως ἐπιδραμούμενος. ὁ μὲν δὴ ῥάβδους τε καὶ πελέκεας ὥς τις ἀνθύπατος κούφως μάλα ἀνέσχε πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἐς τὸν Μάλλιον ἐχώρει στρατολογῶν· Λέντλῳ δὲ καὶ τοῖς συνωμόταις ἔδοξεν, ὅτε Κατιλίναν ἐν Φαισούλαις πυνθάνοιντο γεγενῆσθαι, Λέντλον μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ Κέθηγον ἐφεδρεῦσαι ταῖς Κικέρωνος θύραις περὶ ἕω μετὰ κεκρυμμένων ξιφιδίων, ἐσδεχθέντας τε διὰ τὴν ἀξίωσιν καὶ λαλοῦντας ὁτιδὴ μηκῦναι τὴν ὁμιλίαν ἐν περιπάτῳ καὶ κτεῖναι περισπάσαντας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων, Λεύκιον δὲ Βηστίαν τὸν δήμαρχον ἐκκλησίαν εὐθὺς ὑπὸ κήρυξι συνάγειν καὶ κατηγορεῖν τοῦ Κικέρωνος ὡς ἀεὶ δειλοῦ καὶ πολεμοποιοῦ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐν οὐδενὶ δεινῷ διαταράττοντος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ Βηστίου δημηγορίᾳ, νυκτὸς αὐτίκα τῆς ἐπιούσης, ἑτέρους ἐν δυώδεκα τόποις ἐμπιπράναι τὴν πόλιν καὶ διαρπάζειν καὶ κατακτείνειν τοὺς ἀρίστους.
4. Such were the designs of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, the chiefs of the conspiracy, and they waited for the appointed time. Meanwhile ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were in the city making complaint against their magistrates, were solicited to join the conspiracy of Lentulus in order to cause an uprising against the Romans in Gaul. Lentulus sent in company with them, to Catiline, a man of Croton named Vulturcius, who carried letters without signatures. The Allobroges being in doubt communicated the matter to Fabius Sanga, the patron of their state—it was the custom of all the subject states to have patrons at Rome. Sanga communicated the facts to Cicero, who captured the Allobroges and Vulturcius on their journey and brought them straightway before the Senate. They confessed to their understanding with Lentulus and testified in his presence that Cornelius Lentulus had often said that it was written in the book of fate that three Cornelii should be monarchs of Rome, two of whom, Cinna and Sulla, had already been such.
4. ὧδε μὲν Λέντλῳ καὶ Κεθήγῳ καὶ Στατιλίῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως, ἐδέδοκτο, καὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν· Ἀλλοβρίγων δὲ πρέσβεις, αἰτιώμενοι τοὺς ἡγουμένους αὑτῶν, … ἐς τὴν Λέντλου συνωμοσίαν ἐπήχθησαν ὡς ἀναστήσοντες ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους τὴν Γαλατίαν. καὶ Λέντλος μὲν αὐτοῖς συνέπεμπεν ἐς Κατιλίναν Βουλτούρκιον, ἄνδρα Κροτωνιάτην, γράμματα χωρὶς ὀνομάτων γεγραμμένα φέροντα· οἱ δʼ Ἀλλόβριγες ἐνδοιάσαντες ἐκοινώσαντο Φαβίῳ Σάγγᾳ, ὃς ἦν τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων προστάτης, ὥσπερ ἁπάσαις πόλεσιν ἔστι τις ἐν Ῥώμῃ προστάτης. παρὰ δὲ τοῦ Σάγγα μαθὼν ὁ Κικέρων συνέλαβεν ἀπιόντας τοὺς Ἀλλόβριγάς τε καὶ Βουλτούρκιον καὶ ἐς τὴν βουλὴν εὐθέως ἐπήγαγεν· οἱ δʼ ὡμολόγουν, ὅσα τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Λέντλον συνῄδεσαν, ἀχθέντας τε ἤλεγχον, ὡς ὁ Κορνήλιος Λέντλος εἴποι πολλάκις εἱμάρθαι τρεῖς Κορνηλίους γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων μονάρχους, ὧν ἤδη Κίνναν καὶ Σύλλαν γεγονέναι.
5. When they had so testified the Senate deprived Lentulus of his office. Cicero put each of the conspirators under arrest at the houses of the praetors, and returned directly to take the vote of the Senate concerning them. In the meantime there was a great tumult around the senate-house, the affair being as yet little understood, and those who did understand it being alarmed. The slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and Cethegus, reënforced by numerous artisans, made a circuit by back streets and assaulted the houses of the praetors in order to rescue their masters. When Cicero heard of this he hurried out of the senate-house and stationed the necessary guards and then came back and hastened the taking of the vote. Silanus, the consul-elect, spoke first, as it was the custom among the Romans for the one who was about to assume that office to deliver his opinion first, because, as I think, he would have most to do with the execution of the decrees, and hence would give more careful consideration and circumspection to each. It was the opinion of Silanus that the culprits should suffer the extreme penalty, and many senators agreed with him until it came Nero’s turn to deliver his opinion. Nero judged that it would be best to keep them under guard until Catiline should be beaten in the field and they could obtain the most accurate knowledge of the facts.
5. λεχθέντων δὲ τούτων ἡ μὲν βουλὴ Λέντλον παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὁ δὲ Κικέρων ἕκαστον ἐς τὰς οἰκίας τῶν στρατηγῶν διαθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν αὐτίκα καὶ ψῆφον περὶ αὐτῶν ἐδίδου. θόρυβος δʼ ἦν ἀμφὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἀγνοουμένου ἔτι τοῦ ἀκριβοῦς, καὶ δέος τῶν συνεγνωκότων. αὐτοῦ δὲ Λέντλου καὶ Κεθήγου θεράποντές τε καὶ ἐξελεύθεροι, χειροτέχνας πολλοὺς προσλαβόντες, κατʼ ὀπισθίας ὁδοὺς περιῄεσαν ἐπὶ τὰς τῶν στρατηγῶν οἰκίας ὡς τοὺς δεσπότας ἐξαρπασόμενοι. ὧν ὁ Κικέρων πυθόμενος ἐξέδραμεν ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ διαθεὶς ἐς τὰ ἐπίκαιρα φύλακας ἐπανῆλθε καὶ τὴν γνώμην ἐπετάχυνε. Σιλανὸς μὲν δὴ πρῶτος ἔλεγεν, ὃς ἐς τὸ μέλλον ᾕρητο ὑπατεύειν· ὧδε γὰρ Ῥωμαίοις ὁ μέλλων ὑπατεύσειν πρῶτος ἐσφέρει γνώμην, ὡς αὐτός, οἶμαι, πολλὰ τῶν κυρουμένων ἐργασόμενος καὶ ἐκ τοῦδε εὐβουλότερόν τε καὶ εὐλαβέστερον ἐνθυμησόμενος περὶ ἑκάστου. ἀξιοῦντι δὲ τῷ Σιλανῷ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐσχάτῃ κολάσει μετιέναι πολλοὶ συνετίθεντο, ἕως, ἐπὶ Νέρωνα τῆς γνώμης περιιούσης, ὁ Νέρων ἐδικαίου φυλάττειν αὐτούς, μέχρι Κατιλίναν ἐξέλωσι πολέμῳ καὶ τὰ ἀκριβέστατα μάθωσι, γάιός τε Καῖσαρ οὐ καθαρεύων μὲν ὑπονοίας μὴ συνεγνωκέναι τοῖς ἀνδράσι, Κικέρωνος δʼ οὐ θαρροῦντος καὶ τόνδε, ὑπεραρέσκοντα τῷ δήμῳ, ἐς τὸν ἀγῶνα προβαλέσθαι, προσετίθει διαθέσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας Κικέρωνα τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐν πόλεσιν αἷς ἂν αὐτὸς δοκιμάσῃ, μέχρι Κατιλίνα καταπολεμηθέντος ἐς δικαστήριον ὑπαχθῶσι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον ἐς ἄνδρας ἐπιφανεῖς ᾖ πρὸ λόγου καὶ δίκης ἐξειργασμένος.
6. Gaius Caesar was not free from the suspicion of complicity with these men, but Cicero did not venture to bring into the controversy one so popular with the masses. Caesar proposed that Cicero should distribute the culprits among the towns of Italy, according to his own discretion, to be kept until Catiline should be beaten in fight, and that then they should be regularly tried, instead of inflicting an irremediable punishment upon members of the nobility in advance of argument and trial. As this opinion appeared to be just and acceptable, most of the senators changed completely, until Cato openly manifested his suspicion of Caesar; and Cicero, who had apprehensions concerning the coming night (lest the crowd who were concerned with the conspiracy and were still in the forum in a state of suspense, fearful for themselves and the conspirators, might do something desperate), persuaded the Senate to give judgment against them without trial as persons caught in the act. Cicero immediately, while the Senate was still in session, conducted each of the conspirators from the houses where they were in custody to the prison, without the knowledge of the crowd, and saw them put to death. Then he went back to the forum and signified that they were dead. The crowd dispersed in alarm, congratulating themselves that they had not been found out. Thus the city breathed freely once more after the great fear that had weighed upon it that day.
6. δικαίου δὲ τῆς γνώμης φανείσης καὶ δεχθείσης, ἀκρατῶς οἱ πολλοὶ μετετίθεντο, μέχρι Κάτων ἤδη σαφῶς ἀνακαλύπτων τὴν ἐς τὸν Καίσαρα ὑποψίαν καὶ ὁ Κικέρων δεδιὼς ἀμφὶ τῇ νυκτὶ προσιούσῃ, μὴ τὸ συνεγνωκὸς τοῖς ἀνδράσι πλῆθος αἰωρούμενον ἔτι κατʼ ἀγορὰν καὶ δεδιὸς περί τε σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ ἐκείνων ἐργάσηταί τι ἄτοπον, ἔπεισαν ὡς αὐτοφώρων ἄνευ κρίσεως καταγνῶναι. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν, ἔτι τῆς βουλῆς συνεστώσης, ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ὁ Κικέρων ἐς τὸ δεσμωτήριον μεταγαγών, τοῦ πλήθους ἀγνοοῦντος, ἐπεῖδεν ἀποθνῄσκοντας καὶ τοῖς ἐν ἀγορᾷ παροδεύων ἐσήμηνεν, ὅτι τεθνᾶσιν. οἱ δὲ διελύοντο πεφρικότες τε καὶ περὶ σφῶν ἀγαπῶντες ὡς διαλαθόντες.
7. Catiline had assembled about 20,000 troops, of whom one-fourth part were already armed, and was moving toward Gaul in order to complete his preparations, when Antonius, the other consul, overtook him beyond the Alps and easily defeated the madly conceived adventure of the man, which was still more madly put to the test without preparation. Neither Catiline nor any of the nobility who were associated with him deigned to fly, but all perished at close quarters with their enemies. Such was the end of the uprising of Catiline, which almost brought the city to the extreme of peril. Cicero, who had been hitherto distinguished only for eloquence, was now in everybody’s mouth as a man of action, and was considered unquestionably the saviour of his country on the eve of its destruction, for which reason the thanks of the assembly were bestowed upon him, amid general acclamations. At the instance of Cato the people saluted him as the Father of his Country. Some think that this appellation, which is now bestowed upon those emperors who are deemed worthy of it, had its beginning with Cicero. Although they are in fact kings, it is not given to them with their other titles immediately upon their accession, but is decreed to them in the progress of time, not as a matter of course, but as a final testimonial of the greatest services.
7. οὕτω μὲν ἡ πόλις ἀνέπνευσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δέους πολλοῦ σφίσιν ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιστάντος· Κατιλίναν δὲ ἐς δισμυρίους τε ἀγείραντα καὶ τούτων τεταρτημόριον ὁπλίσαντα ἤδη καὶ ἐς Γαλατίαν ἐπὶ ἄλλην παρασκευὴν ἀπιόντα Ἀντώνιος ὁ ἕτερος ὕπατος ὑπʼ Ἀλπείοις καταλαβών, οὐ δυσχερῶς ἐκράτησεν ἀνδρὸς ἐμπλήκτως ἀλλόκοτον ἔργον ἐπὶ νοῦν λαβόντος τε καὶ ἐς πεῖραν ἔτι ἐμπληκτότερον ἀπαρασκεύως προαγαγόντος. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Κατιλίνας οὐδʼ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν συνόντων ἐπιφανῶν φυγεῖν ἠξίωσεν, ἀλλ ἐσδραμόντες ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπώλοντο. ὧδε μὲν ἡ Κατιλίνα ἐπανάστασις, παρʼ ὀλίγον ἐς ἔσχατον ἐλθοῦσα κινδύνου τῇ πόλει, διελύετο. καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, ἅπασιν ἐπὶ λόγου δυνάμει μόνῃ γνώριμος ὤν, τότε καὶ ἐπὶ ἔργῳ διὰ στόματος ἦν καὶ σωτὴρ ἐδόκει περιφανῶς ἀπολλυμένῃ τῇ πατρίδι γενέσθαι, χάριτές τε ἦσαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ εὐφημίαι ποικίλαι. Κάτωνος δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ πατέρα τῆς πατρίδος προσαγορεύσαντος ἐπεβόησεν ὁ δῆμος. καὶ δοκεῖ τισιν ἥδε ἡ εὐφημία ἀπὸ Κικέρωνος ἀρξαμένη περιελθεῖν ἐς τῶν νῦν αὐτοκρατόρων τοὺς φαινομένους ἀξίους· οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῖσδε, καίπερ οὖσι βασιλεῦσιν, εὐθὺς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἅμα ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπωνυμίαις, ἀλλὰ σὺν χρόνῳ μόλις ἥδε, ὡς ἐντελὴς ἐπὶ μεγίστοις δὴ μαρτυρία, ψηφίζεται.
8. Caesar, who had been chosen praetor for Spain, was detained in the city by his creditors, as he owed much more than he could pay, by reason of his political expenses. He was reported as saying that he needed 25,000,000 sesterces in order to have nothing at all. However, he arranged with those who were detaining him as best he could and proceeded to Spain. Here he neglected the transaction of public business, the administration of justice, and all matters of that kind because he considered them of no use to his purposes, but he raised an army and attacked the independent Spanish tribes one by one until he made the whole country tributary to the Romans. He also sent much money to the public treasury at Rome. For these reasons the Senate awarded him a triumph. He was making preparations outside the walls for a most splendid procession, during the days when candidates for the consulship were required to present themselves. It was not lawful for one who was going to have a triumph to enter the city and then go back again for the triumph. As Caesar was very anxious to secure the office, and his procession was not yet ready, he sent to the Senate and asked permission to stand for the consulship while absent, through the intercession of friends, for although he knew it was against the law it had been done by others. Cato opposed his proposition and used up the last day for the presentation of candidates, in speech making. Thereupon Caesar abandoned his triumph, entered the city, offered himself as a candidate, and waited for the comitia.
8. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ στρατηγὸς ἐς Ἰβηρίαν αἱρεθεὶς ἐπὶ μέν τι πρὸς τῶν χρήστων διεκρατεῖτο ἐν Ῥώμῃ, πολὺ πλέονα τῆς περιουσίας ὀφλὼν διὰ τὰς φιλοτιμίας· ὅτε φασὶν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι δέοιτο δισχιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων μυριάδων, ἵνα ἔχοι μηδέν· διαθέμενος δὲ τοὺς ἐνοχλοῦντας, ὡς ἐδύνατο, καὶ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἐπιβὰς χρηματίζειν μὲν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἢ διαιτᾶν δίκας ἢ ὅσα ὁμοιότροπα τούτοις, ἅπαντα ὑπερεῖδεν ὡς οὐδὲν οἷς ἐπενόει χρήσιμα, στρατιὰν δὲ ἀγείρας ἐπετίθετο τοῖς ἔτι λοιποῖς Ἰβήρων ἀνὰ μέρος, μέχρι τὴν Ἰβηρίαν ἐς τὸ ὁλόκληρον ἀπέφηνε Ῥωμαίοις ὑποτελῆ, καὶ χρήματα πολλὰ ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψεν ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ταμιεῖον. ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ μὲν βουλὴ θριαμβεῦσαι παρέσχεν αὐτῷ, ὁ δὲ τῆς πομπῆς τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐς τὸ λαμπρότατον ἐν τοῖς τῆς Ῥώμης προαστείοις διεκόσμει, ἐν αἷς ἡμέραις ὑπατείας ἦσαν παραγγελίαι, καὶ ἔδει τὸν παραγγέλλοντα παρεῖναι, ἐσελθόντι δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἔτι ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον ἐπανελθεῖν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐς πολλὰ τυχεῖν ἐπειγόμενος καὶ τὴν πομπὴν οὐχ ἕτοιμον ἔχων ἐσέπεμπε τῇ βουλῇ δεόμενος ἐπιτρέψαι οἱ τὴν παραγγελίαν ἀπόντι ποιήσασθαι διὰ τῶν φίλων, εἰδὼς μὲν παράνομον, γεγονὸς δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἑτέροις. Κάτωνος δʼ ἀντιλέγοντος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τελευταίαν οὖσαν τῶν παραγγελιῶν ἀναλοῦντος ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις, ἐσέδραμεν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπεριδὼν τοῦ θριάμβου καὶ παραγγείλας ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνέμενε τὴν χειροτονίαν.
9. In the meantime Pompey, who had acquired great glory and power by his Mithridatic war, was asking the Senate to ratify numerous concessions that he had granted to kings, princes, and cities. Many senators, however, moved by envy, made opposition, and especially Lucullus, who had held the command against Mithridates before Pompey, and who considered that the victory was his, since he had left the king in a state of extreme weakness for Pompey. Crassus coöperated with Lucullus in this matter. Pompey was indignant and made friends with Caesar and promised under oath to support him for the consulship. The latter thereupon brought Crassus into friendly relations with Pompey. Thus these three most powerful men coöperated together for their mutual advantage. This coalition the Roman writer Varro treated in a book entitled Tricaranus (the three-headed monster). The Senate had its suspicions of them and elected Lucius Bibulus as Caesar’s colleague to hold him in check.
9. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Πομπήιος, ἐκ τῶν Μιθριδατείων ἔργων ἐπὶ μέγα δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ἐλθών, ἠξίου πολλά, ὅσα βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις καὶ πόλεσιν ἐδεδώκει, τὴν βουλὴν βεβαιῶσαι. φθόνῳ δʼ αὐτῶν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ μάλιστα Λεύκολλος, ὁ πρὸ τοῦ Πομπηίου στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην, ὡς ἀσθενέστατον αὐτὸν ἀπολιπὼν τῷ Πομπηίῳ, διεκώλυεν, ἴδιον ἔργον ἀποφαίνων τὸ Μιθριδάτειον. καὶ Λευκόλλῳ συνελάμβανε Κράσσος. ἀγανακτῶν οὖν ὁ Πομπήιος προσεταιρίζεται Καίσαρα, συμπράξειν ἐς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐπομόσας· ὁ δʼ εὐθὺς αὐτῷ Κράσσον διήλλασσε. καὶ τρεῖς οἵδε τὸ μέγιστον ἐπὶ πᾶσι κράτος ἔχοντες τὰς χρείας ἀλλήλοις συνηράνιζον. καί τις αὐτῶν τήνδε τὴν συμφροσύνην συγγραφεύς, Οὐάρρων, ἑνὶ βιβλίῳ περιλαβὼν ἐπέγραψε Τρικάρανον.
10. Strife sprang up between them immediately and they proceeded to arm themselves secretly against each other. Caesar, who was a master of dissimulation, made speeches in the Senate in the interest of harmony with Bibulus, as though he were taking care lest harm should come to the republic from their disagreement. As he was believed to be sincere, Bibulus was thrown off his guard. While Bibulus was unprepared and suspecting nothing, Caesar secretly got a large band of soldiers in readiness and brought before the Senate measures for the relief of the poor by the distribution of the public land to them. The best part of this land around Capua, which was leased for the public benefit, he proposed to bestow upon those who were the fathers of at least three children, by which means he bought for himself the favor of a multitude of men. Twenty-thousand, who had three children each, came forward at once. As many senators opposed his motion he pretended to be indignant at their injustice, and rushed out of the Senate and did not convene it again for the remainder of the year, but harangued the people from the rostra. In a public assembly he asked Pompey and Crassus what they thought about his proposed laws. Both gave their approval, and the people came to the voting-place carrying concealed daggers.
10. Ὑφορωμένη δʼ αὐτοὺς ἡ βουλὴ Λεύκιον Βύβλον ἐς ἐναντίωσιν τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐχειροτόνησεν αὐτῷ συνάρχειν· καὶ εὐθὺς αὐτῶν ἦσαν ἔριδές τε καὶ ὅπλων ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους ἰδίᾳ παρασκευαί. δεινὸς δʼ ὢν ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑποκρίνεσθαι, λόγους ἐν τῇ βουλῇ περὶ ὁμονοίας διέθετο πρὸς Βύβλον, ὡς τὰ κοινὰ λυπήσοντες, εἰ διαφέροιντο. πιστευθεὶς δʼ οὕτω φρονεῖν, ἀπερίσκεπτον ἤδη καὶ ἀπαράσκευον καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν γιγνομένων ὑπονοοῦντα τὸν Βύβλον ἔχων, χεῖρά τε πολλὴν ἀφανῶς ἡτοιμάζετο καὶ νόμους ὑπὲρ τῶν πενήτων ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐσέφερε καὶ γῆν αὐτοῖς διένεμε, καὶ τὴν ἀριστεύουσαν αὐτῆς μάλιστα περὶ Καπύην, ἣ ἐς τὰ κοινὰ διεμισθοῦτο, τοῖς οὖσι πατράσι παίδων τριῶν, ἔμμισθον ἑαυτῷ τῆσδε τῆς χάριτος πλῆθος τοσόνδε ποιούμενος· δισμύριοι γὰρ ἀθρόως ἐφάνησαν οἱ τὰ τρία τρέφοντες μόνοι. ἐνισταμένων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ πολλῶν, υποκρινάμενος δυσχεραίνειν, ὼς οὐ δίκαια ποιούντων, ἐξέδραμε καὶ βουλὴν μὲν οὐκέτι συνῆγεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔτος ὅλον, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐδημηγόρει· Πομπήιόν τε ἐν μέσῳ καὶ Κράσσον ἠρώτα περὶ τῶν νόμων· οἱ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπῄνουν, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν ᾔει σὺν κεκρυμμένοις ξιφιδίοις.
11. The Senate (since no one called it together and it was not lawful for one consul to do so without the consent of the other) assembled at the house of Bibulus, but did nothing to counteract the force and preparation of Caesar. They planned, however, that Bibulus should oppose Caesar’s laws, so that they should seem to be overcome by force rather than by their own negligence. Accordingly, Bibulus burst into the forum while Caesar was still speaking. Strife and tumult arose, blows were given, and those who had daggers broke the fasces and insignia of Bibulus and wounded some of the tribunes who stood around him. Bibulus was in no wise terrified, but bared his neck to Caesar’s partisans and loudly called on them to strike. “If I cannot persuade Caesar to do right,” he said, “I will affix upon him the guilt and stigma of my death.” His friends, however, led him, against his will, out of the crowd and into the neighboring temple of Jupiter Stator. Cato was indignant at these proceedings, and, being a young man, forced his way to the midst of the crowd and began to make a speech, but was lifted up and dragged out by Caesar’s partisans. Then he went around secretly by another street and again mounted the rostra; but as he despaired of making a speech, since nobody would listen to him, he abused Caesar roundly until he was ejected by the Caesarians, and Caesar secured the enactment of his laws.
11. ἡ βουλὴ δέ ʽοὐ γάρ τις αὐτὴν συνῆγεν, οὐδʼ ἐξῆν τῷ ἑτέρῳ τῶν ὑπάτων συναγαγεῖν αὐτήν’ ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Βύβλου συνελθόντες οὐδὲν μὲν ἀντάξιον τῆς Καίσαρος ἰσχύος τε καὶ παρασκευῆς ἐποίουν, ἐπενόουν δʼ ὅμως Βύβλον ἐνίστασθαι τοῖς νόμοις καὶ μὴ δόξαν ἀμελείας, ἀλλὰ ἥσσης ἐνέγκασθαι. πεισθεὶς οὖν ὁ Βύβλος ἐνέβαλεν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν δημηγοροῦντος ἔτι τοῦ Καίσαρος. ἔριδος δὲ καὶ ἀταξίας γενομένης πληγαί τε ἦσαν ἤδη, καὶ οἱ μετὰ τῶν ξιφιδίων τὰς ῥάβδους καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τοῦ Βύβλου περιέκλων καὶ τῶν δημάρχων ἔστιν οὓς περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντας ἔτρωσαν. Βύβλος δʼ οὐ καταπλαγεὶς ἀπεγύμνου τὴν σφαγὴν καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ἐκάλει τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους ἐπὶ τὸ ἔργον· εἰ γὰρ οὐ δύναμαι πεῖσαι τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν, ἔφη, Καίσαρα, τό γε ἄγος αὐτῷ καὶ μύσος οὕτως ἀποθανὼν ἐπιβαλῶ. ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἄκοντα ὑπεξήγαγον οἱ φίλοι ἐς τὸ πλησίον ἱερὸν τοῦ Στησίου Διός, Κάτων δʼ ἐπιπεμφθεὶς ὤσατο μὲν ὡς νέος ἐς μέσους καὶ δημηγορεῖν ἤρχετο, μετέωρος δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν Καίσαρος ἀρθεὶς ἐξεφέρετο. καὶ λαθὼν κατʼ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς αὖθις ἀνέδραμεν ἐς τὸ βῆμα καὶ λέγειν μὲν ἔτι οὐδενὸς ἀκούοντος ἀπεγίνωσκε, τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος ἀγροίκως κατεβόα, μέχρι καὶ τότε μετέωρος ἐξερρίφη καὶ τοὺς νόμους ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκύρωσε.
12. The plebeians swore to observe these laws forever, and Caesar directed the Senate to do the same. Many of them, including Cato, refused, and Caesar proposed and the people enacted the death penalty to the recusants. Then they became alarmed and took the oath, including the tribunes, for it was no longer of any use to speak against it after the law had been confirmed by the others. And now Vettius, a plebeian, ran into the forum with a drawn dagger and said that he had been sent by Bibulus, Cicero, and Cato to kill Caesar and Pompey, and that the dagger had been given to him by Postumius, the lictor of Bibulus. Although this affair was open to suspicion on both sides, Caesar made use of it to inflame the multitude and postponed the examination of the assailant. Vettius was thrown into prison and killed the same night. As this transaction was variously commented on, Caesar did not let it pass unnoticed, but said that it had been done by the opposite party who were afraid of exposure. Finally, the people furnished him a guard to protect him against conspirators, and Bibulus abstained from public business altogether, like a private citizen, and did not go out of his house for the remainder of his official term.
12. καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς τόν τε δῆμον ὥρκωσεν ἐς ἀεὶ κυρίους νομιεῖν καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἐκέλευεν ὀμνύναι. ἐνισταμένων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ Κάτωνος, εἰσηγεῖτο μὲν ὁ Καῖσαρ θάνατον τῷ μὴ ὀμόσαντι, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐπεκύρου· ὤμνυον δʼ αὐτίκα δείσαντες οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ δήμαρχοι· οὐ γὰρ ἔτι χρήσιμον ἀντιλέγειν ἦν κυρουμένου διὰ τοὺς ἄλλους τοῦ νόμου. Οὐέττιος δʼ ἀνὴρ δημότης, ἐς τὸ μέσον ἐσδραμὼν μετὰ ξιφιδίου γυμνοῦ, ἐπιπεμφθῆναι ἔφη πρός τε Βύβλου καὶ Κικέρωνος καὶ Κάτωνος ἐς ἀναίρεσιν Καίσαρός τε καὶ Πομπηίου καὶ τὸ ξιφίδιον αὑτῷ Βύβλου ῥαβδοῦχον ἐπιδοῦναι Ποστούμιον. ὑπόπτου δʼ ὄντος ἐφʼ ἑκάτερα τοῦ πράγματος ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐξετράχυνε τὸ πλῆθος, τὴν δʼ ἐπιοῦσαν ἐξετάσειν τὸν Οὐέττιον ἀνεβάλλοντο. καὶ ὁ Οὐέττιος φυλασσόμενος ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ νυκτὸς ἀνῃρέθη. εἰκαζομένου δʼ ἐς ποικίλα τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἀνίει καὶ τοῦτο δρᾶσαι λέγων τοὺς δεδιότας, ἕως ὁ δῆμος αὐτῷ συνεχώρησεν ἀμύνειν τοῖς ἐπιβεβουλευμένοις. καὶ Βύβλος μὲν ἐκ χειρῶν ἅπαντα μεθεὶς οἷά τις ἰδιώτης οὐ προῄει τῆς οἰκίας ἐπὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἅπαν, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἔτι ἐζήτει περὶ τοῦ Οὐεττίου, μόνος ἔχων τὸ κράτος ἐπὶ τῇ πολιτείᾳ.
13. As Caesar now had the sole administration of public affairs, he did not make any further inquiry concerning Vettius. He brought forward new laws to win the favor of the multitude, and caused all of Pompey’s acts to be ratified, as he had promised him. The so-called knights, who held the middle place in rank between the Senate and the plebeians, and were extremely powerful in all ways by reason of their wealth, and of the farming of the provincial revenues which they contracted for, and who kept for this purpose multitudes of very trusty servants, had been asking the Senate for a long time to release them from a part of what they owed to the treasury. The Senate was consuming time on this question. As Caesar did not want anything of the Senate then, but was employing the people only, he released the publicans from a third part of their contracts. For this unexpected favor, which was far beyond their deserts, the knights extolled Caesar to the skies. Thus a more powerful body of defenders than that of the plebeians was added to Caesar’s support through one political act. He gave spectacles and combats of wild beasts beyond his means, borrowing money on all sides, and surpassing all former exhibitions in lavish display and splendid gifts, in consequence of which he was appointed governor of both Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul for five years, with the command of four legions.
13. νόμους δʼ ἐσέφερεν, ἐκθεραπεύων τὸ πλῆθος, ἑτέρους καὶ τὰ Πομπηίῳ πεπραγμένα ἅπαντα ἐκύρου, καθάπερ ὑπέσχητο αὐτῷ. οἱ δʼ ἱππέες λεγόμενοι, τὴν μὲν ἀξίωσιν τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ὄντες ἐν μέσῳ, δυνατώτατοι δὲ ἐς ἅπαντα περιουσίας τε οὕνεκα καὶ μισθώσεως τελῶν καὶ φόρων, οὓς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν τελουμένους ἐξεμισθοῦντο, καὶ πλήθους βεβαιοτάτων ἐς ταῦτα θεραπόντων, ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν βουλὴν ᾔτουν ἄφεσίν τινα μέρους τῶν φόρων αὑτοῖς γενέσθαι. καὶ ἀποδιέτριβεν ἡ βουλή. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐς οὐδὲν τότε τῆς βουλῆς δεόμενος, ἀλλὰ μόνῳ τῷ δήμῳ χρώμενος τὰ τρίτα τῶν μισθώσεων αὐτοῖς παρῆκεν. οἱ δέ, ὑπὲρ τὴν σφετέραν ἀξίωσιν ἀδοκήτου τῆς χάριτος αὐτοῖς γενομένης, ἐξεθείαζον αὐτόν, καὶ στῖφος ἄλλο καρτερώτερον τοῦ δήμου τόδε τῷ Καίσαρι προσγεγένητο διʼ ἑνὸς πολιτεύματος. ὁ δὲ καὶ θέας ἐπεδίδου καὶ κυνηγέσια θηρίων ὑπὲρ δύναμιν, δανειζόμενος ἐς ἅπαντα καὶ τὰ πρότερα πάνθʼ ὑπερβάλλων παρασκευῇ καὶ χορηγίᾳ καὶ δόσεσι λαμπραῖς· ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτὸν εἵλοντο Γαλατίας τῆς τε ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ ὑπὲρ Ἄλπεις ἐπὶ πενταετὲς ἄρχειν καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔδοσαν τέλη στρατοῦ τέσσαρα.
14. As Caesar saw that he would be away from home a long time, and believed that envy would be in proportion to benefits conferred, he gave his daughter in marriage to Pompey, although she was betrothed to Caepio, because he feared that even a friend might become envious of his great success. He promoted the boldest of his partisans to the principal offices for the ensuing year. He designated his friend Aulus Gabinius as consul, with Lucius Piso as his colleague, whose daughter, Calpurnia, Caesar married, although Cato cried out that the government was debauched by marriages. For tribunes he chose Vatinius and Clodius Pulcher, although the latter had been suspected of an amour with the wife of Caesar himself during a religious ceremony of women, but whom Caesar did not bring to trial because Clodius was very popular with the masses; but he divorced his wife. Others prosecuted Clodius for impiety at the sacred rites, and Cicero made the argument for the prosecution. When Caesar was called as a witness he refused to testify against Clodius, but even raised him to the tribuneship as a foil to Cicero who was already decrying the triumvirate as tending toward monarchy. Thus Caesar turned a private grievance to useful account and benefited one enemy in order to revenge himself on another. It appears, however, that Clodius had previously requited Caesar by helping him to secure the governorship of Gaul.
14. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀποδημίαν οἱ χρόνιον ὁρῶν ἐσομένην καὶ τὸν φθόνον ὡς ἐπὶ μεγίστοις δὴ τοῖς δεδομένοις μείζονα, Πομπηίῳ μὲν ἐζεύγνυ τὴν θυγατέρα, καίπερ ἐνηγγυημένην Καιπίωνι, δεδιώς, μὴ καὶ φίλος ὢν ἐπιφθονήσειε τῷ μεγέθει τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, τοὺς δὲ θρασυτάτους τῶν στασιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔτους παρῆγε. καὶ ὕπατον μὲν ἀπέφηνεν Αὖλον Γαβίνιον, φίλον ἑαυτοῦ· Λευκίου δὲ Πείσωνος τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ μέλλοντος ὑπατεύσειν τὴν θυγατέρα Καλπουρνίαν αὐτὸς ἤγετο, βοῶντος Κάτωνος διαμαστροπεύεσθαι γάμοις τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. δημάρχους δὲ ᾑρεῖτο Οὐατίνιόν τε καὶ Κλώδιον τὸν Καλὸν ἐπίκλην, ὅν τινα αἰσχρὰν ἐν ἱερουργίᾳ γυναικῶν ποτε λαβόντα ὑπόνοιαν ἐπὶ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ γυναικὶ ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἔκρινεν, ὑπεραρέσκοντα τῷ δήμῳ, καίπερ ἀποπεμψάμενος τῆν γυναῖκα, ἕτεροι δὲ διὰ τὴν ἱερουργίαν ἐς ἀσέβειαν ἐδίωκον, καὶ συνηγόρευε τοῖς διώκουσι Κικέρων. καὶ κληθεὶς ἐς μαρτυρίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ κατεῖπεν, ἀλλὰ τότε καὶ δήμαρχον ἐς ἐπιβουλὴν τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπέφηνε, διαβάλλοντος ἤδη τὴν συμφροσύνην τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐς μοναρχίαν. οὕτω καὶ λύπης ἐκράτουν ὑπὸ χρείας καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν εὐηργέτουν ἐς ἄμυναν ἑτέρου. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Κλώδιος ἀμείψασθαι πρότερος τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ συλλαβεῖν ἐς τὴν τῆς Γαλατίας ἀρχήν.
15. Such were the acts of Caesar’s consulship. He then laid down his magistracy and proceeded directly to his new government. Clodius now brought an accusation against Cicero for putting Lentulus and Cethegus and their followers to death without trial. Cicero, who had exhibited the highest courage in that transaction, became utterly unnerved at his trial. He put on coarse raiment and, defiled with squalor and dirt, supplicated those whom he met in the streets, not being ashamed to annoy people who knew nothing about the business, so that his doings excited laughter rather than pity by reason of his unseemly aspect. Into such trepidation did he fall at this single trial of his own, although he had been managing other people’s causes successfully all his life. In like manner they say that Demosthenes the Athenian did not stand his ground when accused, but fled before the trial. When Clodius interrupted Cicero’s supplications on the streets with contumely, he gave way to despair and, like Demosthenes, went into voluntary exile. A multitude of his friends went out of the city with him, and the Senate recommended him to the attention of cities, kings, and princes. Clodius demolished his house and his villas. Clodius was so much elated by this affair that he compared himself with Pompey, who was then the most powerful man in Rome.
15. τοσάδε μὲν δὴ Καῖσαρ ὑπατεύων ἔπραξε καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποθέμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν εὐθὺς ἐξῄει· Κικέρωνα δὲ γράφεται Κλώδιος παρανόμων, ὅτι πρὸ δικαστηρίου τοὺς ἀμφὶ Λέντλον καὶ Κέθηγον ἀνέλοι. ὁ δʼ ἐς τὸ ἔργον ἐκεῖνο γενναιοτάτῳ λήματι κεχρημένος ἀσθενέστατος ἐς τὴν δίκην ἐγίγνετο, καὶ ταπεινὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐπικείμενος γέμων τε αὐχμοῦ καὶ ῥύπου προσέπιπτεν οἷς ἐντύχοι κατὰ τοὺς στενωπούς, οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀγνῶσιν ἐνοχλεῖν αἰδούμενος, ὥστε αὐτῷ τὸ ἔργον διὰ τὴν ἀπρέπειαν ἀπὸ οἴκτου μεταπίπτειν ἐς γέλωτα. ἐς τοσοῦτο δειλίας περὶ μίαν οἰκείαν δίκην κατέπεσεν, ὃς τὸν ὅλον βίον ἐν ἀλλοτρίαις ἐξήταστο λαμπρῶς, οἷόν τι καὶ Δημοσθένη φασὶ τὸν Ἀθηναῖον οὐδʼ ὑποστῆναι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δίκην, ἀλλὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἀγῶνος φυγεῖν. Κλωδίου δὲ καὶ τὰς παρακλήσεις αὐτῷ σὺν ὕβρει διακόπτοντος ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς, ἀπέγνω πάνθʼ ὁ Κικέρων καὶ ἔφευγεν ἑκούσιον καὶ ὅδε φυγήν, καὶ φίλων αὐτῷ πλῆθος συνεξῄει, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ συνίστη τὸν ἄνδρα πόλεσι τε καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις. Κλώδιος δʼ αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ἐπικατέσκαπτεν ἐπαιρόμενός τε καὶ τῷδε ἀντιπαρεβάλλετο ἤδη καὶ Πομπηίῳ τὸ μέγιστον ἐν τῇ πόλει κράτος ἔχοντι.
16. Accordingly, Pompey held out to Milo, who was Clodius’ colleague in office and a bolder spirit than himself, the hope of the consulship, and incited him against Clodius, and directed him to procure a vote for the recall of Cicero. He hoped that when Cicero should come back he would no longer speak against the existing status (the triumvirate), remembering what he had suffered, but would make trouble for Clodius and bring punishment upon him. Thus Cicero, who had been exiled by means of Pompey, was recalled by means of Pompey about sixteen months after his banishment, and the Senate rebuilt his house and his villas at the public expense. He was received magnificently at the city gates. It is said that a whole day was consumed by the greetings extended to him, as was the case with Demosthenes when he returned.
16. ὁ δὲ Μίλωνα, τὸν σὺν τῷ Κλωδίῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παραδεδεγμένον, θρασύτερον ὄντα τοῦ Κλωδίου, ἐς ὑπατείαν ἐπήλπιζε καὶ ἤλειφεν ἐπὶ τὸν Κλώδιον καὶ ψηφίσασθαι τῷ Κικέρωνι κάθοδον ἐκέλευεν, ἐλπίσας τὸν Κικέρωνα ἐλθόντα περὶ μὲν τῆς παρούσης πολιτείας οὐκέτι φθέγξεσθαι μεμνημένον, οἷα ἔπαθε, δίκας δὲ καὶ πράγματα ἐποίσειν τῷ Κλωδίῳ. Κικέρων μὲν δὴ διὰ Πομπήιον ἐκπεσὼν διὰ Πομπήιον κατῄει, ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ μάλιστα μηνὶ τῆς ἐξελάσεως· καὶ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ἀνίστη τέλεσι κοινοῖς. λαμπρῶς δʼ αὐτὸν περὶ τὰς πύλας ὑποδεχομένων πάντων, φασὶ περὶ τὰς δεξιώσεις τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην, οἷόν τι καὶ Δημοσθένει συνέβη κατιόντι, ἀναλῶσαι.
17. In the meantime Caesar, who had performed the many brilliant exploits in Gaul and Britain which have been described in my Celtic history, had returned with vast riches to Cisalpine Gaul on the river Po to give his army a short respite from continuous fighting. From this place he sent large sums of money to many persons in Rome, to those who were holding the yearly offices and to persons otherwise distinguished as governors and generals, and they went thither by turns to meet him. So many of them came that 120 lictors could be seen around him at one time, and more than 200 senators, some returning thanks for what they had already received, others asking for money or seeking some other advantage for themselves from the same quarter. All things were now possible to Caesar by reason of his large army, his great riches, and his readiness to oblige everybody. Pompey and Crassus, his partners in the triumvirate, came also. In their conference it was decided that Pompey and Crassus should be elected consuls again and that Caesar’s governorship over his provinces should be extended for five years more. Thereupon they separated and Domitius Ahenobarbus offered himself as a candidate for the consulship against Pompey. When the appointed day came, both went down to the Campus Martius before daylight to attend the comitia. Their followers got into an altercation and came to blows, and finally somebody assaulted the torchbearer of Domitius with a sword. There was a scattering straightway, and Domitius escaped with difficulty to his own house. Even Pompey’s clothing was carried home stained with blood, so great was the danger incurred by both candidates.
17. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔν τε Κελτοῖς καὶ Βρεττανοῖς πολλὰ καὶ λαμπρὰ εἰργασμένος, ὅσα μοι περὶ Κελτῶν λέγοντι εἴρηται, πλούτου γέμων ἐς τὴν ὅμορον τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ Γαλατίαν, τὴν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἠριδανὸν ποταμόν, ἧκεν, ἐκ συνεχοῦς πολέμου τὸν στρατὸν ἀναπαύσων ἐπʼ ὀλίγον. ὅθεν αὐτῷ περιπέμποντι ἐς Ῥώμην πολλὰ πολλοῖς χρήματα αἵ τε ἐτήσιοι ἀρχαὶ παρὰ μέρος ἀπήντων καὶ οἱ ἄλλως ἐπιφανεῖς ὅσοι τε ἐς ἡγεμονίας ἐθνῶν ἢ στρατοπέδων ἐξῄεσαν, ὡς ἑκατὸν μέν ποτε καὶ εἴκοσι ῥάβδους ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, βουλευτὰς δὲ πλείους διακοσίων, τοὺς μὲν ἀμειβομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων, τοὺς δὲ χρηματιουμένους, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλο τι τοιουτότροπον αὑτοῖς ἐξεργασομένους. πάντα γὰρ ἤδη διὰ τούτου ἐπράσσετο στρατιᾶς τε πολλῆς οὕνεκα καὶ δυνάμεως χρημάτων καὶ σπουδῆς ἐς ἅπαντας φιλανθρώπου. ἀφίκοντο δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ Πομπήιος καὶ Κράσσος, οἱ κοινωνοὶ τῆς δυναστείας. καὶ αὐτοῖς βουλευομένοις ἔδοξε Πομπήιον μὲν καὶ Κράσσον αὖθις ὑπατεῦσαι, Καίσαρι δʼ ἐς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὧν εἶχεν ἐθνῶν, ἄλλην ἐπιψηφισθῆναι πενταετίαν. ὧδε μὲν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων διεκρίθησαν, Πομπηίῳ δʼ ἐς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἀντιπαρήγγελλε Δομίτιος Αἰνόβαρβος· καὶ τῆς κυρίας ἡμέρας ἄμφω κατῄεσαν ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐς τὸ πεδίον ἐς τὴν χειροτονίαν. τῶν δʼ ἀμφʼ αὐτοὺς ἔριδες ἦσαν καὶ συνεπλέκοντο, μέχρι τις τὸν Δομιτίου δᾳδοῦχον ἐπάταξε ξίφει. καὶ φυγὴ μετὰ τοῦτο ἦν, Δομίτιός τε αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν διεσῴζετο μόλις, καὶ Πομπηίου τὴν ἐσθῆτά τινες ᾑμαγμένην ἔφερον οἴκαδε. παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἑκάτερος ἦλθε κινδύνου.
18. Accordingly, Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls and Caesar’s governorship was extended for five years according to the agreement. The provinces were allotted with an army to each consul in the following manner: Pompey chose Spain and Africa, but sent friends to take charge of them, he himself remaining in Rome. Crassus took Syria and the adjacent country because he wanted a war with the Parthians, which he thought would be easy as well as glorious and gainful. But when he took his departure from the city there were many unfavorable omens, and the tribunes forbade the war against the Parthians, who had done no wrong to the Romans. As he would not obey, they invoked public imprecations on him, which Crassus disregarded; wherefore he perished in Parthia, together with his son of the same name, and his army, not quite 10,000 of whom, out of 100,000, escaped to Syria. The disaster to Crassus will be described in my Parthian history. As the Romans were suffering from scarcity, they appointed Pompey the sole manager of the grain supply and gave him, as in his operations against the pirates, twenty assistants from the Senate. These he distributed in like manner among the provinces while he superintended the whole, and thus Rome was very soon provided with abundant supplies, by which means Pompey again gained great reputation and power.
18. αἱρεθέντες δʼ οὖν ὕπατοι Κράσσος τε καὶ Πομπήιος Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὑπέστησαν, τὴν ἑτέραν πενταετίαν προσεψηφίσαντο, τὰ δὲ ἔθνη διακληρούμενοι καὶ στρατιὰν ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς, ὁ μὲν Πομπήιος εἵλετο Ἰβηρίαν τε καὶ Λιβύην καὶ ἐς τάσδε τοὺς φίλους περιπέμπων αὐτὸς ὑπέμεινεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος Συρίαν τε καὶ τὰ Συρίας πλησίον ἐπιθυμίᾳ πολέμου πρὸς Παρθυαίους ὡς εὐχεροῦς δὴ καὶ ἐνδόξου καὶ ἐπικερδοῦς. ἀλλὰ τῷδε μὲν ἐξιόντι τῆς πόλεως πολλά τε ἄλλα ἀπαίσια ἐγίγνετο, καὶ οἱ δήμαρχοι προηγόρευον μὴ πολεμεῖν Παρθυαίοις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, οὐ πειθομένῳ δὲ δημοσίας ἀρὰς ἐπηρῶντο, ὧν ὁ Κράσσος οὐ φροντίσας ἀπώλετο ἐν τῇ Παρθυηνῇ σύν τε παιδὶ ὁμωνύμῳ καὶ αὐτῷ στρατῷ· μύριοι γὰρ οὐδʼ ἐντελεῖς ἐκ δέκα μυριάδων ἐς Συρίαν διέφυγον. ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν Κράσσου συμφορὰν ἡ Παρθικὴ δηλώσει γραφή, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι Πομπήιον εἵλοντο τῆς ἀγορᾶς αὐτοκράτορα εἶναι καί οἱ καθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν λῃστηρίων εἴκοσιν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ὑπηρέτας ἔδωκαν. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως ἐς τὰ ἔθνη διαθεὶς ἐπέτρεχε καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην αὐτίκα ἐνέπλησεν ἀγορᾶς δαψιλοῦς, ὅθεν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐς μέγα δόξης ἐπῆρτο καὶ δυνάμεως.
19. About this time the daughter of Caesar, who was married to Pompey, died in childbirth, and fear fell upon all lest, with the termination of this marriage connection, Caesar and Pompey with their great armies should come into conflict with each other, especially as the commonwealth had been for a long time disorderly and unmanageable. The magistrates were chosen by means of money, and faction fights, with dishonest zeal, with the aid of stones and even swords. Bribery and corruption prevailed in the most scandalous manner. The people themselves went to the elections to be bought. A case was found where a deposit of 800 talents had been made to obtain the consulship. The consuls holding office yearly could not hope to lead armies or to command in war because they were shut out by the power of the triumvirate. The baser ones strove for gain, instead of military commands, at the expense of the public treasury or from the election of their own successors. For these reasons good men abstained from office altogether. The disorder was such that at one time the republic was without consuls for eight months, Pompey conniving at the state of affairs in order that there might be need of a dictator.
19. τοῦ δʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνου καὶ ἡ Καίσαρος θυγάτηρ κύουσα τῷ Πομπηίῳ θνῄσκει. καὶ δέος ἅπασιν ἐνέπιπτεν ἀνῃρημένης τῆς ἐπιγαμίας, ὡς αὐτίκα μεγάλοις στρατοῖς Καίσαρός τε καὶ Πομπηίου διοισομένων ἐς ἀλλήλους, ἀσυντάκτου μάλιστα καὶ χαλεπῆς ἐκ πολλοῦ γεγενημένης τῆς πολιτείας· αἵ τε γὰρ ἀρχαὶ κατὰ στάσιν ἢ δωροδοκίαν σπουδῇ τε ἀδίκῳ καὶ λίθοις ἢ ξίφεσι καθίσταντο, καὶ τὸ δεκάζειν ἢ δωροδοκεῖν ἀναισχύντως τότε μάλιστα ἐπλεόνασεν, ὅ τε δῆμος αὐτὸς ἔμμισθος ἐπὶ τὰς χειροτονίας ᾔει. ὤφθη δέ που καὶ μεσεγγύημα ταλάντων ὀκτακοσίων ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐπωνύμου γενόμενον ἀρχῆς. οἵ τε ἀνὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ὕπατοι στρατεύειν μέν που καὶ πολεμεῖν ἀπεγίνωσκον, διακλειόμενοι τῇ δυναστείᾳ τῶνδε τῶν τριῶν ἀνδρῶν· ὅσοι δʼ ἦσαν αὐτῶν ἀτοπώτεροι, κέρδος ἀντὶ τῶν στρατειῶν ἐτίθεντο τὰ κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὰς τῶν ἰδίων διαδόχων χειροτονίας. οἱ δʼ ἀγαθοὶ διὰ ταῦτα καὶ πάμπαν ἐξέλιπον τὸ ἄρχειν, ὥστε ποτὲ καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ τὴν πόλιν ἄναρχον ἐκ τῆς τοιᾶσδε ἀσυνταξίας γενέσθαι, Πομπηίου πάνθʼ ὑπερορῶντος ἐπίτηδες, ἵνα ἐν χρεία γένοιντο δικτάτορος.
20. Many citizens began to talk to each other about this, saying that the only remedy for existing evils was the one-man power, but that there was need of a man who combined strength of character and mildness of temper, thereby indicating Pompey, who had a sufficient army under his command and who appeared to be both a friend of the people and a leader of the Senate by virtue of his rank, a man of temperance and self-control and easy of access, or at all events so considered. This expectation of a dictatorship Pompey discountenanced in words, but in fact he did everything secretly to promote it, and willingly overlooked the prevailing disorder and the interregnum consequent upon it. Milo, who had assisted him in his controversy with Clodius, and had acquired great popularity by the recall of Cicero, now sought the consulship, as he considered it a favorable time in view of the present interregnum; but Pompey kept postponing the comitia until Milo became disgusted, believing that Pompey was false to him, and withdrew to his native town of Lanuvium, which they say was the first city founded in Italy by Diomedes on his return from Troy, and which is situated about 150 stades from Rome.
20. καὶ πολλοὶ τοῦτο ἐς ἀλλήλους διελάλουν, ὅτι μόνον ἂν γένοιτο φάρμακον ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι κακοῖς ἡ μόναρχος ἐξουσία, χρῆναι δʼ ἑλέσθαι δυνατὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ ἤπιον, ἐνσημαινόμενοι τὸν Πομπήιον, στρατιᾶς τε ἄρχοντα ἱκανῆς καὶ φιλόδημον εἶναι δοκοῦντα καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἄγοντα διὰ τιμῆς, καὶ τὸν βίον ἐγκρατῆ καὶ σώφρονα, περί τε τὰς ἐντεύξεις εὐπρόσιτον ἢ ὄντα ἢ νομιζόμενον εἶναι. ὁ δὲ τὴν προσδοκίαν τήνδε λόγῳ μὲν ἐδυσχέραινεν, ἔργῳ δʼ ἐς αὐτὴν πάντα ἔπραττεν ἀφανῶς καὶ τὴν ἀσυνταξίαν τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ἀναρχίαν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀσυνταξίᾳ ἑκὼν ὑπερεώρα. Μίλωνός τε τὰ ἐς Κλώδιον ὑπηρετήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ ἀρεσκομένου τῷ δήμῳ διὰ τὴν Κικέρωνος κάθοδον, ὑπατείαν ὡς ἐν καιρῷ παρὰ τήνδε τὴν ἀναρχίαν μετιόντος ἀποδιέτριβε τὰς χειροτονίας, μέχρι βαρυθυμῶν ὁ Μίλων, ὡς καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν ἀπίστου γιγνομένου τοῦ Πομπηίου, ἐς τὴν πατρίδα Λανούβιον ἐξῄει, ἣν Διομήδη φασὶν ἀλώμενον ἐξ Ἰλίου πρώτην ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ πόλιν οἰκίσαι, καὶ εἰσὶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἐς αὐτὴν στάδιοι πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν.
21. Clodius happened to be coming from his own country-seat on horseback and he met Milo at Bovillae. They merely exchanged hostile scowls and passed along; but one of Milo’s servants attacked Clodius, either because he was ordered to do so or because he wanted to kill his master’s enemy, and stabbed him through the back with a dagger. Clodius’ groom carried him bleeding into a neighboring inn. Milo followed with his servants and finished him, — whether he was still alive, or already dead, is not known, — for, although he claimed that he had neither advised nor ordered the killing, he was not willing to leave the deed unfinished because he knew that he would be accused in any event. When the news of this affair was circulated in Rome, the people were thunderstruck, and they passed the night in the forum. When daylight came, the corpse of Clodius was displayed on the rostra. Some of the tribunes and the friends of Clodius and a great crowd with them seized it and carried it to the senate-house, either to confer honor upon it, as he was of senatorial birth, or as an act of contumely to the Senate for conniving at such deeds. There the more reckless ones collected the benches and chairs of the senators and made a funeral pile for him, which they lighted and from which the senate-house and many buildings in the neighborhood caught fire and were consumed with the corpse of Clodius.
21. Κλωδίου δʼ ἐξ ἰδίων χωρίων ἐπανιόντος ἐπὶ ἵππου καὶ περὶ Βοΐλλας ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ, οἱ μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἔχθραν ὑπείδοντο μόνον ἀλλήλους καὶ παρώδευσαν, θεράπων δὲ τοῦ Μίλωνος ἐπιδραμὼν τῷ Κλωδίῳ, εἴτε κεκελευσμένος εἴθʼ ὡς ἐχθρὸν δεσπότου κτείνων, ἐπάταξεν ἐς τὸ μετάφρενον ξιφιδίῳ. καὶ τὸν μὲν αἵματι ῥεόμενον ἐς τὸ πλησίον πανδοκεῖον ὁ ἱπποκόμος ἐσέφερεν, ὁ δὲ Μίλων μετὰ τῶν θεραπόντων ἐπιστὰς ἔτι ἔμπνουν ἢ καὶ νεκρὸν ἐπανεῖλεν, ὑποκρινόμενος μὲν οὐ βουλεῦσαι τὸν φόνον οὐδὲ προστάξαι· ὡς δὲ κινδυνεύσων ἐξ ἅπαντος, ἠξίου τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ἀτελὲς καταλιπεῖν. περιαγγελθέντος δʼ ἐς Ῥώμην τοῦ πάθους ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐκπλαγεὶς ἐν ἀγορᾷ διενυκτέρευε, καὶ τὸ σῶμά τινες τοῦ Κλωδίου μεθʼ ἡμέραν προύθεσαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβόλων· ἁρπάσαντες δʼ αὐτὸ τῶν τε δημάρχων ἔνιοι καὶ οἱ φίλοι τοῦ Κλωδίου καὶ πλῆθος ἄλλο σὺν ἐκείνοις, ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐκόμισαν, εἴτε ἐπὶ τιμῇ, βουλευτικοῦ γένους ὄντα, εἴτε ἐς ὄνειδος τῆς βουλῆς τοιάδε περιορώσης. καὶ τῶν παρόντων οἱ προπετέστεροι τὰ βάθρα καὶ τοὺς θρόνους τῶν βουλευτῶν συμφορήσαντες ἧψαν αὐτῷ πυράν, ὑφʼ ἧς τό τε βουλευτήριον καὶ πολλαὶ τῶν πλησίον οἰκίαι τῷ Κλωδίῳ συγκατεφλέγησαν.
22. Such was the hardihood of Milo that he was moved less by fear of punishment for the murder than by indignation at the honor bestowed upon Clodius at his funeral. He collected a crowd of slaves and rustics, and, after sending some money to be distributed among the people and buying Marcus Caelius, one of the tribunes, he came back to the city with the greatest boldness. Directly he entered, Caelius dragged him to the forum to be tried by those whom he had bribed, as though by an assembly of the people, pretending to be very indignant and not willing to grant any delay, but hoping that if those present should acquit him he would escape a more regular trial. Milo said that the deed was not premeditated, since one would not set out with such intentions encumbered with his luggage and his wife. The remainder of his speech was directed against Clodius as a desperado and a friend of desperadoes, who had set fire to the senate-house and burned it to ashes with his body. While he was still speaking the other tribunes, with the unbribed portion of the people, burst into the forum armed. Caelius and Milo escaped disguised as slaves, but there was a heavy slaughter of the others. Search was not made for the friends of Milo, but all who were met with, whether citizens or strangers, were killed, and especially those who wore fine clothes and gold rings. As the government was without order these ruffians, who were for the most part slaves and were armed men against unarmed, indulged their rage and, making an excuse of the tumult that had broken out, they turned to pillage. They abstained from no crime, but broke into houses, looking for any kind of portable property, but pretending to be searching for the friends of Milo. For several days Milo was their excuse for burning, stoning, and every sort of outrage.
22. Μίλωνι δὲ θράσος τοσόνδε περιῆν, ὡς οὐ δεδιέναι περὶ τῷ φόνῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγανακτεῖν ἐπὶ τῇ Κλωδίου περὶ τὴν ταφὴν τιμῇ. θεραπόντων οὖν καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀγροίκων πλῆθος ἀθροίσας καὶ ἐς τὸν δῆμον περιπέμψας χρήματα τῶν τε δημάρχων Μᾶρκον Καίλιον πριάμενος ἐς τὴν πόλιν κατῄει θρασύτατα. καὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Καίλιος εὐθὺς ἐσιόντα εἷλκεν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς παρʼ αὐτοῦ δεδωροδοκηκότας ὥσπερ ἐπʼ ἐκκλησίαν, ὑποκρινόμενος μὲν ἀγανακτεῖν καὶ οὐ διδόναι τῆς δίκης ἀναβολήν, ἐλπίζων δέ, εἰ αὐτὸν οἱ παρόντες μεθεῖεν, ἐκλύσειν τὴν δίκην τὴν ἀληθεστέραν. καὶ Μίλων μὲν οὐ βουλεῦσαι τὸ ἔργον εἰπών ʽοὐ γὰρ ἂν μετὰ σκευῆς καὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ ταῦτα ὁρμῆσαἰ, τὸν λοιπὸν λόγον κατὰ τοῦ Κλωδίου διετίθετο ὡς θρασυτάτου δὴ καὶ φίλου θρασυτάτων, οἳ καὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐπικατέπρησαν αὐτῷ ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος οἵ τε λοιποὶ δήμαρχοι καὶ τοῦ δήμου τὸ ἀδιάφθορον ὁπλισάμενοι ἐνέβαλον ἐς τὴν ἀγοράν. Καίλιος μὲν δὴ καὶ Μίλων δούλων ἐσθῆτας ὑποδύντες ἀπέδρασαν, πολὺς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐγίγνετο φόνος, οὐ τοὺς Μίλωνος ἔτι φίλους ἐρευνώντων, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐντυγχάνοντα ἀναιρούντων, ἀστὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ ξένον καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοι ταῖς ἐσθῆσιν ἢ σφραγῖσιν ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ διέφερον. ὡς γὰρ ἐν ἀσυντάκτῳ πολιτείᾳ σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ προφάσει τοῦδε τοῦ θορύβου προσπεσόντος θεράποντές τε ὄντες οἵ πλείους καὶ ὡπλισμένοι κατὰ ἀνόπλων ἐς ἁρπαγὰς ἐτράποντο· ἔργον τε οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἀπῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπʼ οἰκίας ἐφέροντο καὶ περιιόντες ἠρεύνων ἔργῳ μὲν τὰ εὔληπτα σφίσιν ἅπαντα, λόγῳ δὲ τοὺς φίλους τοῦ Μίλωνος· πρόφασίς τε ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ πυρὸς καὶ λίθων καὶ παντὸς ἔργου Μίλων.