--- title: "The Early Books and Fragments" author: "Appian" translator: "Horace White" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" url: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/ cite: "Appian, tr. Horace White, The Early Books and Fragments. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/" --- # The Early Books and Fragments *Appian, tr. Horace White* What survives of the first books of Appian’s Roman History: the kings, the wars in Italy with the Samnites and the Gauls, Sicily, Numidia and Macedonia. > Greek: ed. Ludwig Mendelssohn, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0551.tlg002–tlg011, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Horace White, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0551.tlg002–tlg011, perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## Contents 1. [The Kings](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/1.md) 2. [Italy](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/2.md) 3. [The Samnite History](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/3.md) 4. [The Gallic History](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/4.md) 5. [Sicily and the Other Islands](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/5.md) 6. [Numidian Affairs](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/6.md) 7. [Macedonian Affairs](https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/7.md) ## 1. The Kings Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/1/#p-N [¶0] 1. AENEAS, the son of Anchises, the son of Capys, flourished in the Trojan war. After the capture of Troy he fled, and after long wandering arrived at that part of the Italian coast called Laurentum, where his camping-place is shown to this day, and that shore is called, after him, the Trojan beach. The Aborigines of this part of Italy were then ruled by Faunus, the son of Mars, who gave to Aeneas his daughter Lavinia in marriage, and also a tract of land four hundred stades in circuit. Here Aeneas built a town, which he named after his wife, Lavinium. Three years later, at the death of Faunus, Aeneas succeeded to the kingdom by virtue of his marriage relationship, and he called the Aborigines Latins, from his father-in-law, Latinus Faunus. Three years later still, Aeneas was killed by the Rutuli, a Tuscan tribe, in a war begun on account of his wife Lavinia, who had been previously betrothed to their king. He was succeeded in the government by Euryleon, otherwise called Ascanius, the son of Aeneas and Creusa, a daughter of Priam, to whom he had been married in Troy. But some say that the Ascanius who succeeded to the government was the son of Aeneas and Lavinia. Ascanius died four years after the founding of Alba (for he also built a city and gave it the name of Alba, and settled it with a colony from Lavinium), and Silvius succeeded to the throne. They say that this Silvius had a son named Aeneas Silvius, and he a son named Latinus Silvius, and he a son named Capys, and he a son named Capetus, and he a son named Tiberinus, and he a son named Agrippa, who was the father of the Romulus who was struck by lightning, and who left a son Aventinus, who was the father of Procas. All of these bore the surname of Silvius. Procas had two sons, the elder named Numitor, and the younger Amulius. When the elder succeeded to the throne on the death of the father, the younger took it away from him by force and violence. He also killed Egestus, his brother’s son, and he made Rhea Silvia, his brother’s daughter, a vestal, so that she might remain childless. Notwithstanding a conspiracy against his life, Numitor himself was saved because of the gentleness and clemency of his manners. Silvia having become pregnant contrary to law, Amulius cast her into prison by way of punishment, and when she had given birth to two sons he gave them to some shepherds with orders to throw the babes into the neighboring stream called the river Tiber. These boys were Romulus and Remus. Being of the lineage of Aeneas, on their mother’s side, for their father’s lineage was unknown, they always boasted their descent from the former. > Greek: 1. ἄρχεται τῆς ἱστορίας ἀπὸ Αἰνείου τοῦ Ἀγχίσου τοῦ Κάπυος, ὃς ἐν τῷ Τρωικῷ ἤκμαζε πολέμῳ, μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς Τροίας ἔφυγε, καὶ μετὰ μακρὰν πλάνην κατέπλει ἔς τινα τῆς Ἰταλίας αἰγιαλόν, Λώρεντον ἐπικαλούμενον, ἔνθα καὶ στρατόπεδον αὐτοῦ δείκνυται, καὶ τὴν ἀκτὴν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου Τροίαν καλοῦσιν. ἦρχε τότε Ἀβοριγίνων τῶν τῇδε Ἰταλῶν Φαῦνος ὁ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὃς καὶ ζεύγνυσιν Αἰνείᾳ τὴν θυγατέρα αὑτοῦ Λαουινίαν, καὶ γῆν δίδωσιν ἐκ περιόδου σταδίων τετρακοσίων. ὁ δὲ πόλιν ἔκτισε καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς Λαουίνιον ἐπωνόμασε. τρίτῳ δὲ ἔτει τοῦ Φαύνου τελευτήσαντος ἐκδέχεται τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Αἰνείας κατὰ τὸ κῆδος, καὶ τοὺς Ἀβοριγίνας ἀπὸ τοῦ κηδεστοῦ Λατίνου Φαύνου Λατίνους ἐπωνόμασε. τρίτῳ δὲ ἔτει πάλιν διὰ Λαουινίαν τὴν γυναῖκα ὑπὸ Ῥουτούλων τῶν Τυρρηνῶν, προμνηστευθεῖσαν αὐτῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἀναιρεῖται πολέμου νόμῳ ὁ Αἰνείας, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν διεδέξατο Εὐρυλέων, Ἀσκάνιος μετονομασθείς, ὃς ἐγεννήθη τῷ Αἰνείᾳ ἐκ Κρεούσης τῆς Πριάμου, τῆς ἐν Ἰλίῳ γενομένης αὐτῷ γυναικός. οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Λαουινίας Ἀσκάνιον αὐτῷ γεννηθῆναί φασι, τὸν διάδοχον τῆς ἀρχῆς. Ἀσκανίου δὲ τελευτήσαντος ἔτει τετάρτῳ μετὰ τὴν Ἄλβης οἴκισιν (καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἔκτισε πόλιν, Ἄλβην καλέσας, καὶ ἀπὸ Λαουινίου τὸν λαὸν μετῴκισεν) ἐκδέχεται τὴν ἀρχὴν Σίλουιος. καὶ Σιλουίου παῖδα Αἰνείαν Σίλουιόν φασιν, Αἰνείου δὲ Λατῖνον Σίλουιον, τοῦ δὲ Κάπυν, Κάπυος δὲ Κάπετον γενέσθαι, Καπέτου δὲ Τιβερῖνον, τοῦ δὲ Ἀγρίππαν, τοῦ δὲ Ῥωμύλον. καὶ τόνδε μὲν βληθῆναι κεραυνῷ· οὗ γενέσθαι παῖδα Ἀουεντῖνον, Ἀουεντίνου δὲ Πρόκαν γενέσθαι. καὶ πᾶσι δὲ τὸν Σίλουιον ἐπώνυμον εἶναι. τῷ δὲ Πρόκᾳ δύο ἐγενέσθην υἱοί, πρεσβύτερος μὲν Νεμέτωρ, νεώτερος δὲ Ἀμούλιος. λαβόντος δὲ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτῶντος τὴν ἀρχήν, ὁ νεώτερος ὕβρει καὶ βίᾳ κατέσχεν ἀφελόμενος. καὶ τὸν μὲν παῖδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Ἔγεστον κτείνει, τὴν θυγατέρα δὲ Ῥέαν Σιλουίαν ἱέρειαν, ἵνα ἄπαις διαμείνῃ, καθίστησι· τὸν μέντοι Νεμέτορα τῆς εἰς τὸ σῶμα ἐπιβουλῆς ἡ τῶν ἠθῶν ἐξεῖλε πραότης καὶ ἡ πολλὴ ἐπιείκεια. ἀλλʼ ἡ Σιλουία ἔκυε παρὰ τὸν νόμον. καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἀμούλιος ἐπὶ κολάσει συνελάμβανε, δύο δὲ παῖδας ἐκ τῆσδε γενομένους ποιμέσιν ἔδωκεν, εἰς τὸν πλησίον ποταμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν τὰ βρέφη· Θύβρις ἦν ὄνομα τῷ ποταμῷ, Ῥῶμος δὲ καὶ Ῥωμύλος οἱ παῖδες, ἐξ Αἰνείου ἕλκοντες μητρόθεν τὸ γένος· τὸ γὰρ τοῦ φύντος ἄδηλον. [¶1] 2. My first book contains the deeds of Rome’s seven kings, viz.: Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Marcius (a descendant of Numa), Tarquinius, Servius Tullius, and Lucius Tarquinius, a son of the other Tarquinius. The first of these was the founder and builder of Rome, and although he governed it rather as a father than as an absolute monarch, he was nevertheless slain, or, as some think, translated. The second, not less kingly, but even more so than the first, died at the age of... The third was struck by lightning. The fourth died of a disease. The fifth was murdered by some shepherds. The sixth lost his life in a similar manner. The seventh was expelled from the city and kingdom for violating the laws. From that time kingly rule came to an end, and the administration of government was transferred to consuls. > Greek: 2. ὁ μὲν πρῶτος τόμος τῶν ἑπτὰ βασιλέων, Ῥωμύλου, Νουμᾶ Πομπιλίου, Ἄγκου Ὁστιλίου καὶ Ἄγκου ἑτέρου τοῦ καὶ Μαρκίου, ἐπιγόνου Νουμᾶ, Ταρκυνίου, Σερουίου Τυλλίου, καὶ Ταρκυνίου Λευκίου τοῦ Ταρκυνίου, τούτων τῶν ἑπτὰ ἔργα τε καὶ πράξεις περιέχει. ὧν ὁ πρῶτος κτίστης τε Ῥώμης καὶ οἰκιστὴς γεγονώς, ἄρξας τε πατρικῶς μᾶλλον ἢ τυραννικῶς, ὅμως ἐσφάγη, ἢ ὡς ἄλλοι φασίν, ἠφανίσθη. ὁ δὲ δεύτερος οὐδὲν ἧττον βεβασιλευκώς, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ἐτελεύτησε ζήσας … ὁ δὲ τρίτος ἐκεραυνώθη. νόσῳ δὲ τὸν βίον ὁ τέταρτος ὑπεξῆλθεν. ὁ δὲ πέμπτος ὑπὸ ποιμένων ἐσφάγη, καὶ ὁ ἕκτος ὁμοίως σφαγῇ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον. ὁ δὲ ἕβδομος καὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῆς βασιλείας παρανομῶν ἐξηλάθη· ἐξ οὗ τῆς βασιλείας καταλυθείσης εἰς τοὺς ὑπάτους τὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς μετετέθη. [¶2] 3. Having kept careful watch against her father’s return, she (Tarpeia) promises Tatius to betray the garrison. > Greek: 3. ἡ δὲ τὸν πατέρα φυλάξασα ἀποδημοῦντα ὑπισχνεῖται Τατίῳ προδώσειν τὸ φρούριον. [¶3] 4. At the command of Tatius they threw pieces of gold at the girl until she succumbed to her wounds and was buried under the heap. > Greek: 4. κελεύσαντος δὲ Τατίου τὸν χρυσὸν ἐς τὴν παῖδα ἐλίθαζον, ἔστε τιτρωσκομένη κατεχώσθη. [¶4] 5. When Tatius waged war against Romulus, the wives of the Romans, who were daughters of the Sabines, made peace between them. Advancing to the camp of the parents they held out their hands to them and showed the infant children already born to them and their husbands, and testified that their husbands had done them no wrong. They prayed that the Sabines would take pity on themselves, their sons-in-law, their grandchildren, and their daughters, and either put an end to this wretched war between relatives, or first kill them in whose behalf it was begun. The parents, moved partly by their own difficulties and partly by pity for the women, and perceiving that what the Romans had done was not from lust but necessity, entered into negotiations with them. For this purpose Romulus and Tatius met in the street which was named from this event Via Sacra and agreed upon these conditions: that both Romulus and Tatius should be kings, and that the Sabines who were then serving in the army under Tatius, and any others who might choose to come, should be allowed to settle in Rome on the same terms and under the same laws as the Romans themselves. > Greek: 5. ὅτι τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμύλον Τατίου αἱ Ῥωμαίων γυναῖκες καὶ Σαβίνων θυγατέρες διῄ τησαν, αὐταὶ τῷ χάρακι τῶν γονέων προσελθοῦσαι, χεῖράς τε προτείνουσαι, καὶ βρέφη τὰ ἤδη σφίσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενόμενα ἐπιδεικνύουσαι, καὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι μαρτυροῦσαι μηδὲν ὑβριστικὸν ἐς αὐτὰς ἁμαρτεῖν. ἐδέοντό τε λαβεῖν τινὰ οἶκτον τοὺς Σαβίνους σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ κηδεστῶν καὶ ἐκγόνων καὶ θυγατέρων, καὶ φείσασθαι συγγενοῦς καὶ μιαροῦ πολέμου, ἢ πρώτας ἀνελεῖν αἳ τὴν αἰτίαν ἔχουσι τοῦ πολέμου. οἱ δὲ τῶν τε παρόντων ἀπορίᾳ καὶ οἴκτῳ τῶν γυναικῶν, συγγιγνώσκοντες ἤδη μὴ καθʼ ὕβριν εἰργάσθαι ταῦτα Ρωμαίους ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ χρείας, ἐς τὰς διαλλαγὰς ἐνεδίδουν. καὶ συνελθόντες Ῥωμύλος τε καὶ Τάτιος ἐς τὴν ἐξ ἐκείνου ἱερὰν γενομένην ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε συνέβησαν, βασιλεύειν μὲν ἄμφω, Τάτιόν τε καὶ Ῥωμύλον, Σαβίνους δὲ τοὺς τότε τῷ Τατίῳ συστρατεύσαντας, καὶ εἴ τινες ἄλλοι τῶν Σαβίνων ἐθέλοιεν, ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων μετοικίζεσθαι ἐπʼ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ. [¶5] 6. The general, learning this fact from one of his personal friends, communicated it to Hostilius. > Greek: 6. ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς αἰσθόμενος παρʼ ἰδιοξένων ἐξήγγειλεν Ὁστιλίῳ. [¶6] 7. Some blamed him [Tullus Hostilius] because he wrongly staked everything on the prowess of three men (the Horatii). > Greek: 7. οἱ δὲ ἐβλασφήμουν αὐτὸν ὡς κακῶς ἐπὶ τρισὶν ἀνδράσι τὰ πάντα θέμενον. [¶7] 8. [The Romans thought] that peace might be made [by Tarquinius] on the terms that the Gabini considered just. > Greek: 8. συμβάσεις ποιεῖν ἐφʼ οἷς ἂν Γάβιοι δικαιῶσιν. [¶8] 9. [Tarquinius] bought three books [from the Sibyl] at the price [previously asked] for the nine. > Greek: 9. ὠνεῖται τὰ τρία βιβλία τῆς τιμῆς τῶν ἐννέα. [¶9] 10. Horatius [Cocles] was a cripple. He failed of reaching the consulship, either in war or in peace, on account of his lameness. > Greek: 10. ὁ δὲ Ὁράτιος λελωβημένος ἦν τὰ σκέλη, ὑπατείας τε οὐκ ἔτυχεν οὔτε ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτε ἐν εἰρήνῃ διὰ τὴν ἀχρηστίαν τῶν ποδῶν. [¶10] 11. The Consuls tendered the oaths [by which they bound themselves], and said that they would yield everything rather than take back Tarquinius. > Greek: 11. οἱ ὕπατοι τὰ ὅρκια προύτεινον, καὶ ἐς πάντα ἔφασαν ἐνδώσειν μᾶλλον ἢ Ταρκύνιον προσήσεσθαι. [¶11] 12. Tarquinius incited the Sabines against the Roman people. Claudius, an influential Sabine of the town of Regillus, opposed any violation of the treaty, and being condemned for this action, he took refuge in Rome with his relatives, friends, and slaves, to the number of five thousand. To all these the Romans gave a place of habitation, and land to cultivate, and the right of citizenship. Claudius, on account of his brilliant exploits against the Sabines, was chosen a member of the Senate, and the Claudian gens received its name from him. > Greek: 12. ὅτι Ταρκύνιος Σαβίνους κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἠρέθιζε. Κλαύδιος δέ, ἀνὴρ Σαβῖνος ἐκ Ῥηγίλλου πόλεως δυνατός, οὐκ εἴα τοὺς Σαβίνους παρασπονδεῖν, ἕως κρινόμενος ἐπὶ τῷδε ἔφυγεν ἐς Ῥώμην μετὰ συγγενῶν καὶ φίλων καὶ δούλων πεντακισχιλίων. οἷς πᾶσι Ῥωμαῖοι χώραν ἐς οἰκίας ἔδοσαν καὶ γῆν ἐς γεωργίαν, καὶ πολίτας ἔθεντο. τὸν δὲ Κλαύδιον καὶ ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον κατέλεξαν, ἀποδεικνύμενον ἔργα λαμπρὰ κατὰ τῶν Σαβίνων· καὶ φυλὴν ἐπώνυμον αὐτοῦ κατέστησαν. [¶12] 13. The Latins, although allied to the Romans by treaty, nevertheless made war against them. They accused the Romans of despising them, although they were allied to them, and of the same blood. > Greek: 13. Λατῖνοι ἔνσπονδοι Ῥωμαίοις ὄντες ἐστράτευον ἐπʼ αὐτούς … οἱ δὲ Λατῖνοι ἐγκλήματα εἰς Ῥωμαίους ἐποιοῦντο τήν τε πάρεσιν αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ὄντας ἐνσπόνδους καὶ συγγενεῖς. ## 2. Italy Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/2/#p-N [¶0] I. The Volsci, in nowise terrified by the misfortunes of their neighbors, made war against the Romans and laid siege to their colonies. > Greek: I. Οὐολοῦσκοι δὲ τοῖς πταίσμασι τῶν γειτόνων οὐ καταπλαγέντες ἐστράτευον ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους, καὶ ἐπολιόρκουν τοὺς αὐτῶν κληρούχους. [¶1] II. The people refused to elect Marcius (Coriolanus) when he sought the consulship, not because they considered him unfit, but because they feared his domineering spirit. > Greek: II. ὁ δὲ δῆμος τὸν Μάρκιον μετιόντα τὴν ὑπατείαν οὐκ ἐχειροτόνησεν, οὐ τὸν ἄνδρα ἀπαξιῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸ φρόνημα δεδιὼς αὐτοὺ. [¶2] III. Marcius being inflamed against the Romans when they banished him went over to the Volsci, meditating no small revenge. > Greek: III. ο Μάρκιος πιμπράμενος ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίοις, φυγὴν καταδικασθείς, καὶ μικρὸν ἐς αὐτοὺς οὐδὲν ἐπινοῶν ἐς Οὐολούσκους ἐτράπετο. [¶3] IV. When he arrived there, having renounced his own country and kin, he did not meditate anything in particular, but intended to side with the Volsci against his country. > Greek: IV. ὅτι πατρίδα καὶ γένος ἀλλαξάμενος ἥκοι, τὸ μηδὲν ἡγησάμενος, καὶ τὰ τῶν Οὐολούσκων ἀντὶ τῆς πατρίδος αἱρήσεσθαι βουληθείς. [¶4] V. When Marcius had been banished, and had taken refuge with the Volsci, and made war against the Romans, and was encamped at a distance of only four hundred stades from the city, the people threatened to betray the walls to the enemy unless the Senate would send an embassy to him to treat for peace. The Senate reluctantly sent plenipotentiaries for this purpose. When they arrived at the camp of the Volsci and were brought into his presence and that of the Volscian chiefs, they offered oblivion and permission to return to the city if he would discontinue the war, and they reminded him that the Senate had never done him any wrong. He, while accusing the people of the many wrongs they had done to him and to the Volsci, promised nevertheless that the latter would come to terms with them if they would surrender the land and towns they had taken from the Volsci and admit them to citizenship on the same terms as the Latins. But if the vanquished were to keep what belonged to the victors, he did not see how peace could be made. Having named these conditions, he dismissed the ambassadors and gave them thirty days to consider. Then he turned against the remaining Latin towns, and having captured seven of them in the thirty days, he came back to receive the answer of the Romans. They replied that if he would withdraw his army from the Roman territory they would send an embassy to him to conclude peace on fair terms. When he refused this, they sent ten others to beg him that nothing should be done unworthy of his native country, and to allow a treaty to be made, not by his command, but of their own free will, for he should regard the honor of his country and the principles of his ancestors, who had never done him any wrong. He replied merely that he would give them three days more in order that they might think better of it. Then the Romans sent their priests to him wearing their sacred vestments to add their entreaties. To these he said that either they must obey his commands or they need not come to him again. Then the Romans prepared for a siege and brought stones and missiles upon the walls to fight off Marcius from above. Now Valeria, the daughter of Publicola, brought a company of women to Veturia, the mother of Marcius, and to Volumnia his wife. All these, clad in mourning garments and bringing their children to join in the supplication, implored that they would go out with them to meet Marcius, and beseech him to spare them and their country. The Senate allowed these women to go alone to the camp of the enemy. Marcius admiring the high courage of the city, where even the women were inspired by it, advanced to meet them, sending away the rods and axes of the lictors, out of respect for his mother. He ran forward and embraced her, brought her into the council of the Volsci, and told her to tell what she wanted. She said that, being his mother, she was as much wronged as he in his banishment from the city; that she saw that the Romans had already suffered grievously at his hands, and had paid a sufficient penalty, so much of their territory had been laid waste and so many of their towns demolished, and themselves reduced to the extremity of sending their consuls and priests, and finally his own mother and wife, as ambassadors to him, and offering to rescind the decree and to grant him forgetfulness of the past and a safe return to his home. “Do not,” she said, “cure an evil by an incurable evil. Do not be the cause of calamities that will smite yourself as well as those you injure. Whither do you carry the torch? From the fields to the city? From the city to your own hearthstone? From your own hearthstone to the temples of the gods? Have mercy, my son, on me and on your country as we plead.” After she had thus spoken Marcius replied that the country which had cast him out was not his, but rather the land which had given him shelter. Nothing was dear to him that was unjust, nor was anybody his enemy who treated him well. He told her to cast her eyes upon the men here present with whom he had exchanged the pledge of mutual fidelity, who had granted him citizenship, had chosen him their general, and had intrusted to him their private interests. He mentioned the honors bestowed upon him and the oath he had sworn, and he urged his mother to consider his friends and enemies hers also. While he was still speaking, she, in a burst of anger, and holding her hands up to heaven, invoked their household gods. “Two processions of women,” said she, “have set forth from Rome in the deepest affliction, one in the time of King Tatius, the other in that of Gaius Marcius. Of these two Tatius, a stranger and downright enemy, had respect for the women and yielded to them. Marcius scorns a like delegation of women, including his wife, and his mother besides. May no mother, unblessed in her son, ever again be reduced to the necessity of throwing herself at his feet. This I must submit to. I must prostrate myself before yours.” So speaking she flung herself on the ground. He burst into tears, sprang forward and lifted her up, exclaiming with the deepest emotion: “Mother, you have gained the victory, but it is a victory by which you have lost your son.” So saying he led back the army, in order to give his reasons to the Volsci and to make peace between the two nations. There was some hope that he might be able to persuade the Volsci, but on account of the jealousy of their leader Attius he was put to death. > Greek: V. ὅτι τοῦ Μαρκίου φυγαδευθέντος καὶ ἐς Οὐολούσκους καταφυγόντος καὶ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐκστρατεύσαντος καὶ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίους ἀποσχόντος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ στρατοπεδεύσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠπείλει τῇ βουλῇ παραδώσειν τὰ τείχη τοῖς πολεμίοις, εἰ μὴ πρεσβεύσοιντο περὶ διαλλαγῶν πρὸς Μάρκιον. ἡ δὲ μόλις ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτοκράτορας εἰρήνης πέρι Ῥωμαίοις πρεπούσης, οἳ προελθόντες ἐς τὸ Οὐολούσκων στρατόπεδον Μαρκίῳ μετὰ Οὐολούσκων ἀκροωμένῳ προύτειναν ἀμνηστίαν καὶ κάθοδον, εἰ καταλύσει τὸν πόλεμον, τῆς τε βουλῆς αὐτὸν ὑπεμίμνησκον ὡς οὐχ ἁμαρτούσης ἐς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ δήμου κατηγορήσας περὶ ὧν ἐς αὐτὸν καὶ Οὐολούσκους ἐξημαρτήκεσαν, ἐπηγγέλλετο ὅμως Οὐολούσκους αὐτοῖς διαλλάξειν, ἂν ἥν τε γῆν ἔχουσι Οὐολούσκων καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀποδῶσι, καὶ ποιήσωνται πολίτας ὥσπερ Λατίνους. ἕως δʼ ἂν ἔχωσι τὰ τῶν κρατούντων οἱ κρατούμενοι, οὐχ ὁρᾶν τίνες αὐτοῖς ἔσονται διαλύσεις. ταῦτα μετοίσοντας ἀπέλυε τοὺς πρέσβεις, καὶ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ἐς τὴν σκέψιν ἐδίδου. τραπεὶς δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Λατίνους ἑπτὰ πόλεις αὐτῶν εἷλε ταῖς τριάκοντα ἡμέραις, καὶ ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις. οἱ δὲ ἀπεκρίναντο, ἐὰν ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς ἀπαγάγῃ τὸν στρατόν, πέμψειν τοὺς συνθησομένους αὐτῷ τὰ πρέποντα. πάλιν δʼ ἀντειπόντος ἔπεμπον ἑτέρους δέκα δεησομένους μηδὲν ἀνάξιον ποιεῖν τῆς πατρίδος, μηδʼ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος ἀλλʼ ἑκουσίους ἐᾶν γίγνεσθαι τὰς συνθήκας, αἰδούμενόν τε τὴν πατρίδα, καὶ τὸ τῶν προγόνων ἀξίωμα τιμῶντα τῶν ἐς αὐτὸν οὐχ ἁμαρτόντων. ὁ δὲ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἀπεκρίνατο, τριῶν ἄλλων ἡμερῶν ἥκειν βουλευσαμένους τι κάλλιον. οἱ μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἱερέας ἔπεμπον, ταῖς ἱεραῖς ἐσθῆσιν ἐσταλμένους, ταὐτὰ τοῦ Μαρκίου δεησομένους· ὁ δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἔφη δεῖν ἢ τὰ κελευόμενα ποιεῖν, ἢ μηδʼ αὖ ἀφικνεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐς οὖν πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο, καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐπλήρουν λίθων καὶ βελῶν ὡς ἄνωθεν ἀμυνούμενοι Μάρκιον. Οὐαλερία δʼ ἡ Ποπλικόλα θυγάτηρ πολλὰς ἀγομένη γυναῖκας ἐπί τε τὴν μητέρα τοῦ Μαρκίου Οὐετουρίαν καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν γυναῖκα Οὐολουμνίαν, πένθιμα ἠμφιεσμέναι πᾶσαι, καὶ τὰ παιδία ταῖς ἱκεσίαις ἐπιφέρουσαι, συνεξελθεῖν αὑταῖς πρὸς Μάρκιον ἠξίουν αὐτάς, καὶ δεηθῆναι φείσασθαι σφῶν τε αὐτῶν καὶ τῆς πατρίδος. αἱ μὲν δὴ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπιτρεπούσης ἐξῄεσαν, μόναι γυναῖκες, ἐς ἐχθρῶν στρατόπεδον· ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος θαυμάζων τῆς εὐτολμίας τὴν πόλιν, οἷα Ῥωμαίων ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ γύναια, προσιούσαις ἀπήντα, καὶ τὰς ῥάβδους καθῄρει καὶ τοὺς πελέκεας διὰ τὴν μητέρα, προσδραμών τε ἠσπάζετο, καὶ ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Οὐολούσκων, καὶ λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν ὅ τι χρῄζοι. ἡ δὲ συνηδικῆσθαι μὲν ἐξελαυνομένῳ τῆς πόλεως, μήτηρ οὖσα, ἔφη, ὁρᾶν δʼ ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι πολλὰ πρὸς αὐτοῦ πεπόνθασιν ἤδη καὶ τίσιν ἔτισαν ἱκανήν, ὧν χώρα τε τοσαύτη διέφθαρται καὶ πόλεις ἀπολώλασι πολλαί, καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίοις ἔσχατον, παρακαλοῦσι καὶ πρέσβεις πέμπουσιν ὑπάτους καὶ ἱερέας καὶ μητέρα καὶ γυναῖκα, τό τε ἀδίκημα ἰῶνται ἀμνηστίᾳ καὶ καθόδῳ. σὺ δὲ μὴ ἀνιάτῳ κακῷ τὸ κακὸν ἰῶ, μηδὲ συμφοραῖς ἐπιχείρει κοιναῖς αὐτοῦ τε σοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀδικούντων. ποῖ φέρων οἴσεις τὸ πῦρ; μετὰ τὴν χώραν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν; μετὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίαν τὴν σήν; μετὰ τὴν ἑστίαν ἐπὶ τὰ ἱερά; δὸς χάριν, ὦ παῖ, κἀμοὶ καὶ τῇ πατρίδι παρακαλούσαις. ἡ μὲν δὴ τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος οὐκ εἴα πατρίδα καλεῖν τὴν ἐκβαλοῦσαν ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑποδεδεγμένην· οὐδὲν γὰρ εἶναι φίλιον, ἂν ἀδικῇ, οὐδὲ ἐχθρὸν εὖ ποιοῦν· καὶ τὸ τῶν παρόντων ἐκέλευεν ὁρᾶν, πίστιν τε δόντων αὐτῷ καὶ λαβόντων, καὶ πολίτην πεποιημένων καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀποφηνάντων καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐπιτρεψάντων. τιμάς τε ὅσων ἠξίωτο, καὶ ὅρκους οὓς ὤμοσεν αὐτοῖς, ἐπεξῄει, καὶ παρεκάλει τὴν μητέρα τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνοις τίθεσθαι πολεμίους καὶ φίλους. ἡ δὲ ἔτι λέγοντος ἀγανακτήσασα καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνασχοῦσα, θεοὺς γενεθλίους ἐμαρτύρατο δύο μὲν ἤδη πρεσβείας γυναικῶν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἐν μεγάλοις ἐστάλθαι κακοῖς, ἐπὶ Τατίου βασιλέως καὶ Γαΐου Μαρκίου, τούτοιν δὲ Τάτιον μέν, ὄντα ξένον καὶ ἀληθῆ πολέμιον, ἐνδοῦναι ταῖς γυναιξὶν αἰδούμενον, Μάρκιον δʼ ὑπερορᾶν πρεσβείας γυναικῶν τοσῶνδε, καὶ τῆς γεγαμημένης καὶ μητρὸς ἐπὶ ταύταις. ἄλλη μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, μηδεμία μήτηρ, ἀτυχοῦσα παιδός, ἐς ἀνάγκην ἀφίκοιτο προσπεσεῖν αὐτῷ· ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ὑφίσταμαι· προκυλίσομαί σου. καὶ λέγουσα ἐς τὸ ἔδαφος ἑαυτὴν ἐρρίπτει. ὁ δὲ ἐδάκρυσέ τε καὶ ἀνεπήδα καὶ ἀντείχετο αὐτῆς, ὑπό τε τοῦ πάθους ἐξεφώνησε, νικᾷς, ὦ μῆτερ, ἀλλὰ νίκην ἐξ ἧς τὸν υἱὸν ἀπολεῖς. ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπῆγε τῆν στρατιὰν ὡς λόγον ἀποδώσων Οὐολούσκοις καὶ τὰ ἔθνη συναλλάξων· ἐλπίς τε ἦν ὅτι καὶ ταῦτα πείσει Οὐολούσκους. κατελεύσθη δὲ φθονούμενος παρὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Ἀττίου. [¶5] Vb. Marcius did not think proper to gainsay either of these [demands]. > Greek: Vb. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος ἀντιλέγειν μὲν πρὸς οὐδὲ ἓν αὐτῶν ἐδικαίου. [¶6] VI. (The Fabii) were as much to be pitied for their misfortunes as they were worthy of praise for their bravery. For it was a great misfortune to the Romans, on account of their number, the dignity of a noble house, and its total destruction. The day on which it happened was ever after considered unlucky. > Greek: VI. ἐλεεινοὶ τοῦ πάθους, ἀξιέπαινοι τῆς ἀρετῆς γενόμενοι. μέγα γὰρ τοῦτο Ῥωμαίοις πάθος ἐγένετο καὶ πλήθους ἕνεκα καὶ ἀξιώματος εὐγενοῦς οἴκου καὶ πανωλεθρίας. καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀποφράδα τίθενται. [¶7] VII. The army was incensed against the general (Appius Claudius) from remembrance of old wrongs, and refused to obey him. They fought badly on purpose, and took to flight, putting bandages on their bodies as though they were wounded. They broke up camp and tried to retreat, putting the blame on the unskilfulness of their commander. > Greek: VII. τῷ δὲ στρατηγῷ στρατὸς ἦν δυσπειθὴς ὑπὸ μνησικακίας, ἐθελοκάκως τε ἠγωνίζοντο, καὶ ἔφευγον ἐπιδησάμενοι τὰ σώματα ὡς τετρωμένοι, καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς διέλυον, καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπεχείρουν, ἀπειρίαν ἐπικαλοῦντες τῷ στρατηγῷ. [¶8] VIII. Bad omens from Jupiter were observed after the capture of Veii. The soothsayers said that some religious duty had been neglected, and Camillus remembered that it had been forgotten to appropriate a tenth of the plunder to the god that had given the oracle concerning the lake. Accordingly the Senate decreed that those who had taken anything from Veii should make an estimate, each one for himself, and bring in a tenth of it under oath. Their religious feeling was such that they did not hesitate to add to the votive offering a tenth of the produce of the land that had already been sold, as well as of the spoils. With the money thus obtained they sent to the temple of Delphi a golden cup which stood on a pedestal of brass in the treasury of Rome and Massiliat until Onomarchus melted the cup during the Phocaean war. The pedestal is still standing. Camillus was afterwards accused before the people of being himself the author of those bad omens and portents. The people, who had been for some time set against him, fined him heavily, having no pity for him although he had recently lost a son. His friends contributed the money in order that the person of Camillus might not be disgraced. In deep grief he went into exile in the city of Ardea, praying the prayer of Achilles that the time might come when the Romans would long for Camillus. And in fact this came to pass very soon, for when the Gauls captured the city, the people fled for succor to Camillus and again chose him Dictator, as has been told in my Gallic history. > Greek: VIII. ὅτι σημειων γενομενων ἐκ Διὸς ἀηδῶν μετὰ τὴν Οὐηιεντίας ἅλωσιν, οἱ μάντεις ἔλεγον ἐκλειφθῆναί τινα πρὸς εὐσέβειαν, καὶ ὁ Κάμιλλος ἀνήνεγκεν ὅτι τὴν δεκάτην τῆς λείας ἐκλάθοιτο τῷ θεῷ τῷ χρήσαντι περὶ τῆς λίμνης ἐξελέσθαι. ἡ μὲν οὖν βουλὴ τοὺς λαβόντας ὁτιοῦν ἐκ τῆς Οὐηιέντης ἐκέλευσεν ἀποτιμήσασθαι καθʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ σὺν ὅρκῳ τὸ δέκατον εἰσενεγκεῖν, ὑπὸ δὲ εὐσεβείας οὐκ ὤκνησε καὶ τῆς γῆς ἤδη πεπραμένης, ὡς λαφύρου, τὸ δέκατον ἀναθεῖναι. κρατήρ τε ἀπὸ τῶνδε τῶν χρημάτων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἔκειτο χρύσεος ἐπὶ χαλκῆς βάσεως ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Μασσαλιητῶν θησαυρῷ, μέχρι τὸν μὲν χρυσὸν Ὀνόμαρχος ἐν τῷ Φωκικῷ πολέμῳ κατεχώνευσε, κεῖται δʼ ἡ βάσις. αὐτὸν δὲ Κάμιλλον ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τις ἐδιωκεν ὡς αἴτιον γεγονότα τῇ πόλει φασμάτων καὶ τεράτων χαλεπῶν, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸν ἄνδρα ἀποστρεφόμενος ἐζημίωσε πεντήκοντα μυριάσιν, οὐκ ἐπικλασθεὶς οὐδʼ ὅτι πρὸ τῆς δίκης αὐτῷ παῖς ἐτεθνήκει. τὰ μὲν οὖν χρήματα οἱ φίλοι συνεισήνεγκαν, ἵνα μὴ ὑβρισθείη τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Καμίλλου· αὐτὸς δὲ βαρυθυμῶν ἐς τὴν Ἀρδεατῶν πόλιν μετῴκησεν, εὐξάμενος τὴν Ἀχίλλειον εὐχήν, ἐπιποθῆσαι Ῥωμαίους Κάμιλλον ἐν καιρῷ. καὶ ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ καὶ τόδε οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον· Κελτῶν γὰρ τὴν πόλιν καταλαβόντων ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ Κάμιλλον κατέφυγε καὶ δικτάτορα αὖθις εἵλετο, ὡς ἐν ταῖς Κελτικαῖς πράξεσι συγγέγραπται. [¶9] IX. When Marcus Manlius, the patrician, saved the city of Rome from a Gallic invasion, he received the highest honors. At a later period when he saw an old man, who had often fought for his country, reduced to servitude by a money lender, he paid the debt for him. Being highly commended for this act, he released all his own debtors from their obligations. His glory being much increased thereby, he paid the debts of many others. Being much elated by his popularity, he even proposed that all debts should be cancelled, or that the people should sell the lands that had not yet been distributed and apply the proceeds for the relief of debtors. > Greek: IX. ὅτι Μάρκος Μάλλιος εὐπατρίδης, Κελτῶν ἐπελθόντων τῇ Ῥώμῃ, ταύτην περιέσωσε καὶ τιμῶν μεγίστων ἠξιώθη. ὕστερον δὲ πρεσβύτην πολλάκις ἐστρατευμένον ἀγόμενον ἐς δουλείαν ὑπὸ τοῦ δανειστοῦ γνωρίσας, ἀπέδωκε τὸ χρέος ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐφημούμενος πᾶσιν ἠφίει τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ χρήσταις τὰ ὀφλήματα. προϊὼν δὲ τῇ δόξῃ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἄλλων ἀπεδίδου. καὶ ταῖς δημοκοπίαις ἐπαιρόμενος ἐβούλευσεν ἤδη χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς κοινάς, ἢ τὸν δῆμον ἠξίου τοῖς δανείσασιν ἀποδοῦναι, τὴν γῆν ἐς τοῦτο ἀποδόμενον ἔτι οὖσαν ἀνέμητον. ## 3. The Samnite History Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/3/#p-N [¶0] I. WHEN the Roman generals Cornelius and Corvinus, and the plebian Decius, had overcome the Samnites they left a military guard in Campania to ward off the Samnite incursions. These guards, partaking of the luxury and profuseness of the Campanians, were corrupted in their habits and began to envy the riches of these people, being themselves very poor and owing alarming debts in Rome. Finally they took counsel among themselves to kill their entertainers, seize their property, and marry their wives. This infamy would perhaps have been carried out at once, had not the new general Mamercus, who was marching against the Samnites, learned the design of the Roman guard. Concealing his intentions, he disarmed some of them and dismissed them, as soldiers entitled to discharge for long service. The more villanous ones he ordered to Rome on the pretence of important business, and he sent with them a military tribune with orders to keep a secret watch over them. Both parties of soldiers suspected that their design had leaked out, and they broke away from the tribune near the town of Terracina. They set free all those who were working under sentence in the fields, armed them as well as they could, and marched to Rome to the number of about 20,000. About one day’s march from the city they were met by Corvinus who went into camp near them on the Alban mount. He remained quietly in his camp while investigating what the matter was, and did not consider it wise to attack these desperadoes. The men mingled with each other privately, the guards acknowledging with groans and tears, as among relatives and friends, that they were to blame, but declaring that the cause of it all was the debts they owed at Rome. When Corvinus understood this he shrank from the responsibility of so much civil bloodshed and advised the Senate to release these men from debt. He exaggerated the difficulty of the war if it should be necessary to put down such a large body of men, who would fight with the energy of despair. He had strong suspicions also of the result of the meetings and conferences, lest his own army, who were relatives of these men and not less oppressed with debt, should be to some extent lacking in fidelity. If he should be defeated he said that the dangers would be greatly increased; if victorious, the victory itself would be most lamentable to the commonwealth, being gained over so many of their own relatives. The Senate was moved by his arguments and decreed a cancellation of debts to all Romans, and immunity also to these revolters. The latter laid down their arms and returned to the city. > Greek: I. ὅτι οἱ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὶ Κορνήλιος καὶ Κορουῖνος, καὶ Δέκιος δημότης, Σαυνίτας νικήσαντες ὑπέλιπον Καμπανοῖς φύλακας πρὸς τὰς Σαυνιτῶν ἐπιδρομάς. οἱ δὲ φύλακες οἵδε Καμπανοῖς ἁβροδιαίτοις καὶ πολυτελέσιν οὖσι κοινωνοῦντες ἐφθείροντο τὰς γνώμας, καὶ ἐφθόνουν ὧν ἔχουσιν ἀγαθῶν, αὐτοὶ πενόμενοι καὶ τὰ χρέα δεδιότες τὰ ἐν Ῥώμῃ. τέλος δὲ ἐπεβούλευον τοὺς ξένους ἑαυτῶν ἀνελόντες ἕκαστοι τὴν περιουσίαν κατασχεῖν καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἐς γάμον προσαγαγέσθαι. καὶ τάχα ἂν ἔπραξαν αἰσχρὸν οὕτω μύσος, εἰ μὴ Μάμερκος, ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ἐπὶ Σαυνίτας ὁδεύων ἔμαθε τὸ βούλευμα τῶν φυλάκων, καὶ ἐπικρύψας τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐξώπλισε καὶ ἀφῆκεν οἷα κεκμηκότας, τοὺς δὲ πονηροτέρους ἐκέλευσεν ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπί τινα χρείαν ἐπείγεσθαι, χιλίαρχόν τε αὐτοῖς συνέπεμψεν, ᾧ εἴρητο ἀφανῶς αὐτοὺς φυλάσσειν. ἑκάτεροι δʼ ὑπώπτευον μεμηνῦσθαι, καὶ περὶ Ταρρακίνην ἀφίστανταί τε τοῦ χιλιάρχου, καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς δεδεμένους ἐκλύσαντες, καὶ ὁπλίσαντες ὡς ἐδύναντο, ἤλαυνον ἐς Ῥώμην ὁμοῦ δισμύριοι γεγονότες. ἔτι δʼ αὐτῶν ὁδὸν ἡμέρας μιᾶς ἀπεχόντων ὑπήντα Κορουῖνος, καὶ παραστρατοπεδεύσας ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοῖς Ἀλβανῶν ἠρεμεί, περισκοπῶν τε τὸ ἔργον ἔτι, καὶ μέγα ἡγούμενος ἀπεγνωκόσι μάχεσθαι. οἱ δὲ ἐπεμίγνυντο ἀλλήλοις κρύφα, καὶ ὀδυρμοὶ καὶ δάκρυα τῶν φυλάκων ἦν ὡς ἐν οἰκείοις καὶ φίλοις ἁμαρτεῖν μὲν ὁμολογούντων, τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν ἐς τὰ χρέα φερόντων τὰ ἐν Ῥώμῃ. ὧν ὁ Κορουῖνος αἰσθανόμενος, καὶ ὀκνῶν ἅψασθαι πολιτικοῦ καὶ τοσούτου φόνου, συνεβούλευσε τῇ βουλῇ τὰ χρέα τοῖς ἀνδράσι μεθεῖναι, τόν τε πόλεμον ἐξαίρων ἐπὶ μέγα, εἰ τοσῶνδε ἀνδρῶν δύναιτο κρατῆσαι μαχομένων ἐξ ἀπογνώσεως, καὶ τὰς συνόδους αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπιμιξίας ἐν ὑπονοίᾳ τιθέμενος, μὴ οὐδʼ ὁ ἴδιος αὐτῷ στρατὸς ἐς πάντα ᾖ πιστός, ἅτε συγγενεῖς ὄντες ἐκείνων, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον αὐτῶν αἰτιώμενοι τὰ χρέα. σφαλέντα δὲ κινδυνεύσειν ἔφη περὶ μειζόνων· καὶ τὴν νίκην, εἰ κρατήσειεν, ἀτυχεστάτην ἔσεσθαι τῇ πόλει κατʼ οἰκείων τοσῶνδε. οἷς ἡ βουλὴ πεισθεῖσα τὰς μὲν τῶν χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἐψηφίσατο πᾶσι Ῥωμαίοις, τοῖς δὲ τότε ἐχθροῖς καὶ ἄδειαν. οἱ μὲν δὴ τὰ ὅπλα ἀποθέμενοι κατῄεσαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν. [¶1] II. Such was the bravery of the consul Manlius Torquatus. He had a penurious father who did not care for him, but kept him at work with slaves in the fields and left him to partake of their fare. When the tribune Pomponius prosecuted him for numerous misdeeds and thought to mention among others his bad treatment of his son, young Manlius, concealing a dagger under his clothes, went to the house of the tribune and asked to see him privately as though he had something of importance to say about the trial. Being admitted, and just as he was beginning to speak, he fastened the door and threatened the tribune with instant death if he did not take an oath that he would withdraw the accusation against his father. The latter took the oath, dismissed the accusation, and explained the reason to the people. Manlius acquired great distinction from this affair, and was praised for being such a son to such a father. > Greek: II. ὅτι Μάλλιος Τορκουάτος ὁ ὕπατος τοιοῦτος ἦν τὴν ἀρετήν. τούτῳ πατὴρ ἐγεγένητο μικρολόγος καὶ ἀμελὴς ἐς αὐτόν. καὶ ἐν ἀγροῖς αὐτὸν εἶχε, μετὰ τῶν θεραπόντων ἐργαζόμενόν τε καὶ τρεφόμενον. γραψαμένου δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ἀδικήμασι Πομπωνίου δημάρχου, καὶ μέλλοντος ἐρεῖν τι καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐς τὸν παῖδα κακώσεως, ὁ παῖς ὅδε Μάλλιος ἧκεν, ἐπικρύπτων ξιφίδιον, ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ δημάρχου, καὶ τυχεῖν ἠξίωσεν αὐτοῦ μόνου ὡς δή τι λέξων χρήσιμον ἐς τὴν δίκην. ὑποδεχθεὶς δὲ καὶ λέγειν ἀρχόμενος ἐπέκλεισε τὰς θύρας, καὶ τὸ ξίφος ἐπισπάσας ἠπείλει τῷ δημάρχῳ κτενεῖν αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ ὀμόσειεν ὅτι λύσει τῷ πατρὶ τὴν δίκην. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὤμοσε καὶ διέλυσεν, ἐκθέμενος τῷ δήμῳ τὸ συμβάν· ὁ δὲ Μάλλιος ἐξ ἐκείνου λαμπρὸς ἦν, ἐπαινούμενος ὅτι τοιόσδε ἐς τοιόνδε πατέρα ἐγεγένητο. [¶2] III. With jeers he challenged him to single combat. The other [Manlius, the consul’s son] restrained himself for a while; but when he could no longer endure the provocation, he dashed on his horse against him. > Greek: III. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς μονομαχίαν προυκαλεῖτο, σκώπτων ἐς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ τέως μὲν αὑτοῦ κατεῖχε, μετὰ δέ, οὐ φέρων ἔτι τὸ ἐρέθισμα, ἀντήλασε τὸν ἵππον. [¶3] IV. While the Samnites were raiding and plundering the territory of Fregellae, the Romans captured eighty-one villages belonging to the Samnites and the Daunii, slew 21,000 of their men, and drove them out of the Fregellian country. Again the Samnites sent ambassadors to Rome bringing the dead bodies of the men whom they had executed as guilty of causing the war, and also gold taken from their store. Wherefore the Senate, thinking that they had been utterly crushed, expected that a people who had been so sorely afflicted would concede the supremacy of Italy. The Samnites accepted the other conditions, or if they disputed any, they either entreated and begged for better terms, or referred the matter to their cities. But as to the supremacy, they could not bear even to hear anything on that subject, because, they said, they had not come to surrender their towns, but to cultivate friendship. Accordingly they used their gold in redeeming prisoners, and went away angry and resolved to make trial for the supremacy hereafter. Thereupon the Romans voted to receive no more embassies from the Samnites, but to wage irreconcilable, implacable war against them until they were subjugated by force. > Greek: IV. ὅτι Σαυνῖται ἐς τὴν Φρεγελλανῶν ἐμβαλόντες ἐπόρθουν, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Σαυνιτῶν καὶ Δαυνίων ὀγδοήκοντα κώμας καὶ μίαν εἷλον, καὶ ἄνδρας ἐξ αὐτῶν χιλίους καὶ δισμυρίους ἀνελόντες ἀπανέστησαν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Φρεγέλλης. καὶ πάλιν ἐς Ῥώμην ἐπρέσβευον οἱ Σαυνῖται, νεκρὰ σώματα ἀνδρῶν φέροντες ὡς αἰτίους τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου γεγονότας ἀνῃρηκότες, καὶ χρυσίον ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκείνων περιουσίας πεπορισμένον. ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτοὺς ἡ βουλὴ πάνυ νομίζουσα τετρῦσθαι, προσεδόκα κακοπαθοῦντας ἐνδώσειν περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας. οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἐδέχοντο, καὶ εἴ τι καὶ ἀντέλεγον, ἢ παρῃτοῦντο καὶ παρεκάλουν ἢ ἐς τὰς πόλεις ἀνετίθεντο· περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι πάλιν οὐδʼ ἀκοῦσαι, οὐκ ἐκδωσόμενοι δὴ τὰς πόλεις ἔφασαν ἥκειν, ἀλλʼ ἐς φιλίαν συνάξοντες. λυσάμενοι δὴ τοῦ χρυσίου τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀπῄεσαν ὀργῇ, καὶ τὴν πεῖραν ἔχοντες τὴν περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας. [¶4] A god humbled this haughty spirit, for soon afterwards the Romans were defeated by the Samnites and compelled to pass under the yoke. The Samnites, under their general Pontius, having shut the Romans up in a defile where they were oppressed by hunger, the consuls sent messengers to him and begged that he should win the gratitude of the Romans, such as not many opportunities offer. He replied that they need not send any more messengers to him unless they were prepared to surrender their arms and their persons. There-upon a lamentation was raised as though a city had been captured, and the consuls delayed several days longer, hesitating to do an act unworthy of Rome. But when no means of rescue appeared and famine became severe, there being 50,000 young men in the defile whom they could not bear to see perish, they surrendered to Pontius and begged him either to kill them, or to sell them into slavery, or to keep them for ransom, but not to put any stigma of shame upon the persons of the unfortunate. > Greek: καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ἐψηφίζοντο μηδὲ πρεσβείας ἔτι παρὰ Σαυνιτῶν προσίεσθαι, ἀλλʼ ἄσπονδον καὶ ἀκήρυκτον πόλεμον αὐτοῖς πολεμεῖν ἕως κατὰ κράτος ἐξέλωσι, θεὸς δʼ ἐνεμέσησε τῆς μεγαληγορίας, καὶ ὕστερον ἡττήθησαν ὑπὸ Σαυνιτῶν καὶ ὑπὸ ζυγὸν ἤχθησαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι. ἐς γὰρ στενώτατον χῶρον τούτους συγκλείσαντες οἱ Σαυνῖται τοῦ Ποντίου σφῶν στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ λιμῷ πιεζομένων Ῥωμαίων, οἱ στρατηγοὶ σφῶν πρεσβευσάμενοι παρεκάλουν τὸν Πόντιον καταθέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις χάριν, ἣν οὐ πολλοὶ παρέχουσι καιροί. ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο μὴ δεῖν μηδὲ πρεσβεύειν ἔτι πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ αὑτοὺς παραδοῖεν. θρῆνος οὖν ἦν οἷα πόλεως ἁλούσης. καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ διέτριψαν μὲν ἔτι ἄλλας ἡμέρας, ὀκνοῦντες ἀνάξιόν τι τῆς πόλεως ἐργάσασθαι· ὡς δʼ οὔτε μηχανὴ σωτηρίας ἐφαίνετο, ὅ τε λιμὸς ἐπίεζεν αὐτούς, καὶ νεότης ἦν πέντε μυριάδων, ἣν ὤκνουν φθειρομένην ὑπεριδεῖν, ἐπέτρεψαν ἑαυτοὺς τῷ Ποντίῳ, καὶ παρεκάλουν, εἴτε κτείνειν εἴτε πωλεῖν εἴτε φυλάσσειν ἐπὶ λύτροις ἕλοιτο, μηδὲν ἐς σώματα ἀνδρῶν ἀτυχούντων ὑβρίσαι. [¶5] Pontius took counsel with his father, sending to Caudium to fetch him in a carriage on account of his age. The old man said to him: “My son, for a great enmity there is but one cure,—either extreme generosity or extreme severity. Severity terrifies, generosity conciliates. Regard this first and greatest victory as a treasure-house of good fortune. Release them all without punishment, without shame, without loss of any kind, so that the greatness of the benefit may inure to your advantage. I hear that they are very sensitive on the subject of their honor. Vanquished by benefits only, they will strive to surpass you in deeds of kindness. It is in your power to attain this state of kindly action as a security for everlasting peace. If this does not suit you, then kill them to the last man, not sparing one to carry the news. I advise as my choice the former, otherwise the latter is a necessity. The Romans will avenge themselves inevitably for any shame you put upon them. In that case you should strike the first blow and you will never deal them a heavier one than the slaughter of 50,000 of their young men at one time.” > Greek: ὁ δὲ τῷ πατρὶ συνεβουλεύετο, μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ Καυδίου, φερόμενον ὑπὸ γήρως ἁμάξῃ. καὶ ὁ πρεσβύτης ἔφη, ἓν ἔστιν, ὦ παῖ, μεγάλης ἔχθρας φάρμακον, εὐεργεσίας ἢ κολάσεως ὑπερβολή. αἱ μὲν οὖν κολάσεις καταπλήσσουσιν, αἱ δὲ εὐεργεσίαι προσάγονται. ἴσθι νίκην τήνδε πρώτην καὶ μεγίστην, θησαυρίζειν τὴν εὐτυχίαν· καὶ πάντας ἀπόλυσον ἀπαθεῖς, μήτʼ ἐνυβρίσας μήτʼ ἀφελόμενος μηδέν, ἵνα σῶον ᾖ σοι τὸ μέγεθος τῆς εὐεργεσίας. εἰσὶ δʼ, ὡς ἀκούω, φιλοτιμότατοι. ἀλλὰ μόναις εὐεργεσίαις ἡττώμενοι διαγωνιοῦνταί σοι περὶ τῆσδε τῆς χάριτος. ἔχεις ἐνέχυρον τήνδε τὴν εὐεργεσίαν εἰρήνης ἀθανάτου λαβεῖν. ἢν δέ σε ταῦτα μὴ πείθῃ, κτεῖνον ἅπαντας ὁμαλῶς, μηδʼ ἄγγελον ὑπολιπών. λέγω δʼ ἐκεῖνα μὲν αἱρούμενος, ταῦτα δʼ ὡς ἀναγκαῖα. Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ ὁτιοῦν ὑβρισθέντες ἀμυνοῦνταί σε πάντως· ἀμυνεῖσθαι δὲ μέλλοντας αὐτοὺς προκατάβλαπτε. μεῖζον δʼ οὐκ ἂν εὕροις βλάβος νέων ὁμοῦ πέντε μυριάδων. [¶6] When he had thus spoken his son answered: “I do not wonder, father, that you have suggested two plans absolutely opposed to each other, for you said in the beginning that you should propose extreme measures of one kind or the other. But I cannot put such a large number of men to death. I should fear the vengeance of a god and the opprobrium of mankind. Nor can I take away from the two nations all hope of mutual accommodation by doing an irreparable wrong. As to releasing them I myself do not approve of that. After the Romans have inflicted so many evils upon us and while they hold so many of our fields and towns in their possession to this day, it is impossible to let these captives go scot free. I shall not do that. Such unreasonable leniency is insanity. Now look at this matter, leaving me out of the account. The Samnites, whose sons, fathers, and brothers have been slain by the Romans, and who have lost their goods and money, want satisfaction. A victor is naturally a haughty creature and our men are greedy of gain. Who then will endure that I should neither kill, nor sell, nor even fine these prisoners, but dismiss them unharmed like meritorious persons? Therefore let us discard the two extremes—the one because it is not in my power, the other because I cannot be guilty of such inhumanity. Yet, in order to humble the pride of the Romans to some extent, and to avoid the censure of others, I will take away the arms they have always used against us, and also their money (for even their money they get from us). Then I will make them pass safe and sound under the yoke, this being the mark of shame they are accustomed to put upon others. Then I will establish peace between the two nations and select the most illustrious of their knights as hostages for its observance until the entire people ratify it. In this way I think I shall have accomplished what belongs to a victor and to a humane man. I think also that the Romans themselves will be content with these terms, which they, who lay claim to such excellence of character, have often imposed upon others.” > Greek: ὁ μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, ὁ δὲ παῖς ἀντέλεξεν· ὅτι μέν, ὦ πάτερ, ἐναντιώτατα εἶπας ἀλλήλοις, οὐ θαυμάζω· προεῖπας γὰρ ἐρεῖν ὑπερβολὰς ἑκατέρων. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ κτενῶ μὲν ἄνδρας τοσούτους, νέμεσίν τε θεοῦ φυλασσόμενος καὶ φθόνον ἀνθρώπων αἰδούμενος, καὶ τὰ ἔθνη τὰς ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀφαιρήσομαι διʼ ἀνηκέστου κακοῦ. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἀφέσεως οὐδʼ αὐτῷ μέν μοι δοκεῖ, Ῥωμαίων πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ δεδρακότων ἡμᾶς, καὶ χωρία καὶ πόλεις ἡμετέρας ἔτι νῦν ἐχόντων, τούσδε τοὺς εἰλημμένους ἀπολύειν παντὸς ἀπαθεῖς. οὐ ποιήσω· ἐμπληξία γὰρ ἡ ἄλογος φιλανθρωπία. ἐπισκόπει δέ, παρεὶς ἐμέ, καὶ τὸ τῶν Σαυνιτῶν· ὧν παῖδες καὶ πατέρες καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τεθνᾶσιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, καὶ κτήματα καὶ χρήματα ἀφῃρημένοι χρῄζουσι παραμυθίας· φύσει δὲ γαῦρον ὁ νενικηκώς, καὶ τὰ κέρδη περιβλέπονται. τίς οὖν ἀνέξεταί μου τούσδε μὴ κτείνειν μηδὲ πωλεῖν μηδὲ ζημιοῦν, ἀλλʼ ὡς εὐεργέτας ἀπαθεῖς προπέμπειν; διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα παρῶμεν τὰς ὑπερβολάς, ἐπεὶ τῆς μὲν οὐ κύριος ἐγώ, τῆς δʼ ἀπανθρωποτέρας οὐκ ἀνέχομαι· ὡς δʼ ἂν καὶ Ῥωμαίων τι τοῦ φρονήματος περιέλοιμι καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀδιάβλητος εἴην, ὅπλα μὲν αὐτούς, οἷς ἐχρήσαντο ἀεὶ καθʼ ἡμῶν, ἀφαιρήσομαι καὶ χρήματα (καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ἔχουσι παρʼ ἡμῶν), ἐκπέμψω δʼ ὑπὸ ζυγὸν σώους, ᾗ τινὶ αἰσχύνῃ καὶ αὐτοὶ κατʼ ἄλλων ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ εἰρήνην εἶναι τοῖς ἔθνεσι συνθήσομαι, τῶν τε ἱππέων ἐπιλέξομαι τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ὅμηρα τῶνδε τῶν συνθηκῶν, ἕως ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἐπιψηφίσῃ. καὶ τάδε ποιῶν ἡγοῦμαι νενικηκότος τε ἔργα ποιήσειν καὶ φιλανθρώπου, Ῥωμαίους τε ἀγαπήσειν ὅσα καὶ αὐτοί, φάσκοντες ἀρετῆς ἀντιποιεῖσθαι, πολλάκις ἐς ἄλλους ἔδρασαν. ταῦτα τοῦ Ποντίου λέγοντος ὁ πρεσβύτης ἐδάκρυσέ τε, καὶ ἐπιβὰς τῆς ἀπήνης ἐς τὸ Καύδιον ἀπήλαυνεν. [¶7] While Pontius was speaking the old man burst into tears, then seated himself in his carriage and went back to Caudium. Pontius then summoned the Roman envoys and asked them if they had any fetial priest with them. There was none present because the army had marched to undertake an irreconcilable, implacable war. Accordingly he commanded the envoys to make this announcement to the consuls and other officers of the army and to the whole multitude: “We had concluded perpetual friendship with the Romans, which you yourselves violated by giving aid to the Sidicini, our enemies. When peace was concluded again, you made war upon the Neapolitans, our neighbors. Nor did it escape us that these things were part of a plan of yours to seize the dominion of all Italy. In the first battles, where you gained the advantage on account of the unskilfulness of our generals, you showed us no moderation. Not content with devastating our country and occupying towns and villages not your own, you planted colonies in them. Moreover, when we twice sent embassies to you and made many concessions, you treated us disdainfully, and demanded that we should yield you the supremacy and obey you, as though we were not a nation to make terms with but a conquered race. Thereupon you decreed this irreconcilable, implacable war against your former friends, descendants of the Sabines whom you made your fellow-citizens. On account of your insatiable cupidity we ought not to make a treaty with you. But I, having regard for the divine wrath (which you despised), and mindful of our former relationship and friendship, will permit each one of you to pass under the yoke safe and sound with the clothes you stand in, if you swear to give up all of our lands and strongholds and withdraw your colonies from the same, and never wage war against the Samnites again.” > Greek: ὁ δὲ Πόντιος τοὺς πρέσβεις καλέσας ἤρετο εἴ τις εἰρηνοδίκης αὐτοῖς παρείη. τοῖς δὲ παρῆν οὐδεὶς ὡς ἐπὶ ἄσπονδον καὶ ἀκήρυκτον πόλεμον ἐστρατευκόσι. τοῖς οὖν ὑπάτοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄρχουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει λέγειν ἐκέλευε τοὺς πρέσβεις, ἡμεῖς ἀεὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐσπενδόμεθα φιλίαν, ἣν αὐτοὶ διελύσατε, Σιδικηνοῖς τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐχθροῖς συμμαχοῦντες. εἶτʼ αὖθις αὖ φιλίας ἡμῖν γενομένης, Νεαπολίταις ἐπολεμεῖτε τοῖς ἡμετέροις γείτοσιν. καὶ οὐκ ἠγνοοῦμεν ὅτι ταῦτʼ ἦν ὑμῖν παρασκευὴ πλεονεξίας ἐπὶ ὅλην τὴν Ἰταλίαν. ἔν τε ταῖς προτέραις μάχαις πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν προλαβόντες οὐδὲν ἐπεδείξασθε μέτριον ἐς ἡμᾶς, οὐδʼ ἠρκεῖσθε τὴν χώραν πορθοῦντες καὶ χωρία καὶ πόλεις ἔχοντες ἀλλοτρίας, καὶ κληρούχους ἐς αὐτὰ πέμποντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρεσβευσαμένων ἡμῶν δὶς πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ πολλὰ συγχωρούντων, ὑπερήφανα ἡμῖν ἄλλα ἐπετάσσετε, τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅλην ἀποθέσθαι καὶ ὑμῶν ὑπακούειν, ὥσπερ οὐ σπενδομένους ἀλλʼ ἑαλωκότας. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε ἄσπονδον καὶ ἀκήρυκτον ἐψηφίσασθε, κατʼ ἀνδρῶν ποτὲ φίλων, κατὰ Σαβίνων ἐκγόνων τῶν ὑμῖν συνοικούντων. ἕνεκα μὲν οὖν τῆς ὑμετέρας πλεονεξίας ἔδει καὶ τὰ παρʼ ἡμῶν ὑμῖν ἄσπονδα εἶναι. ἐγὼ νέμεσίν τε θεῶν αἰδούμενος, ἣν ὑμεῖς ὑπερείδεσθε, καὶ συγγενείας καὶ φιλίας τῆς ποτὲ μνημονεύων, δίδωμι ἕκαστον ὑμῶν σὺν ἱματίῳ σῶον ὑπὸ ζυγὸν ἀπελθεῖν, ἢν ὀμόσητε τήν τε γῆν καὶ τὰ χωρία πάνθʼ ἡμῖν ἀποδώσειν, καὶ τοὺς κληρούχους ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ἀπάξειν, καὶ μηδέ ποτʼ ἐπὶ Σαυνίτας στρατεύσειν. [¶8] When these terms were communicated to the camp there was wailing and lamentation, long and loud, for they considered the disgrace of passing under the yoke worse than death. Afterwards, when they heard about the knights who were to be held as hostages, there was another long lament. Yet they were compelled by want to accept the conditions. Accordingly they took the oaths, Pontius on the one side, and the two consuls, Postumius and Veturius, on the other, together with two quaestors, four division commanders, and twelve tribunes,—all the surviving officers. When the oaths had been taken, Pontius opened a passage from the defile, and having fixed two spears in the ground and laid another across the top, caused the Romans to go under it as they passed out, one by one. He also gave them some animals to carry their sick, and provisions sufficient to bring them to Rome. This method of dismissing prisoners, which they call sending under the yoke, seems to me to serve only to insult the vanquished. > Greek: ἀπαγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὀλοφυρμὸς ἦν καὶ θρῆνος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον· θανάτου γὰρ ἡγοῦντο εἶναι χείρονα τὴν ὕβριν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ ζυγῷ. ὡς δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱππέων ἐπύθοντο, αὖθις ἐθρήνουν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. ὑπὸ δὲ ἀπορίας αὐτὰ ἐδέχοντο, καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ὤμνυον ὅ τε Πόντιος καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαίων ὕπατοι, δύο ὄντες Ποστούμιός τε καὶ Οὐετούριος, καὶ ταμιαι δύο καὶ ταξιάρχαι τέσσαρες καὶ χιλίαρχοι δώδεκα, σύμπαντες ὅσοι μετὰ τοὺς διεφθαρμένους ἦρχον. γενομένων δὲ τῶν ὅρκων ὁ μὲν Πόντιος παραλύσας τι τοῦ διατειχίσματος, καὶ δυσὶ δόρασιν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐμπεπηγόσιν ἐπικάρσιον ἄλλο ἐπιθείς, ἐξέπεμπε Ῥωμαίων ἕκαστον ὑπὸ τούτῳ. καί τινα ὑποζύγια ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐς τοὺς ἀρρωστοῦντας, καὶ τροφήν, ἄχρι τῆς Ῥώμης φέρεσθαι. δύναται δʼ, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, τὸ εἶδος τῆς ἀφέσεως, ὃ καλοῦσιν οἱ τῇδε ζυγόν, ὀνειδίζειν ὡς δοριαλώτοις. [¶9] When the news of this calamity reached the city there was wailing and lamentation like a public mourning. The women mourned for those who had been saved in this ignominous way as for the dead. The senators discarded their purple-striped tunics. Feasts, marriages, and everything of that kind were prohibited for a whole year, until the calamity was retrieved. Some of the returning soldiers took refuge in the fields for shame, others stole into the city by night. The consuls entered by day according to law, and they wore their usual insignia, but they exercised no further authority. > Greek: ἀπαγγελθείσης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς ἐς τὴν πόλιν οἰμωγὴ καὶ θρῆνος ἦν ὡς ἐπὶ πένθει, καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐκόπτοντο τοὺς αἰσχρῶς περισεσωσμένους ὡς ἀποφανόντας, ἥ τε βουλὴ τὴν ἐπιπόρφυρον ἐσθῆτα ἀπέθετο, καὶ θυσίαι καὶ γάμοι, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα, ἐπέσχετο ἐπὶ τὸ ἔτος ὅλον, ἕως τὴν συμφορὰν ἀνέλαβον. τῶν δὲ ἀφειμένων οἱ μὲν ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς διέφευγον ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς, οἱ δὲ νυκτὸς ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσῄεσαν· οἱ δὲ ἄρχοντες ἡμέρας μὲν ἐσῆλθον ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπέκειτο αὐτοῖς, ἔπρασσον δὲ οὐδέν. [¶10] V. On account of admiration for his bravery a multitude of chosen youths numbering eight hundred were in the habit of following Dentatus, ready for anything. This was an embarrassment to the Senate at their meetings. > Greek: V. Δεντάτῳ κατὰ ζῆλον ἀρετῆς εἵπετο νεων λογάδων πλῆθος ὀκτακοσίων, ἐπὶ πάντα τὰ ἔργα ἕτοιμοι. καὶ βαρὺς ἦν τῇ βουλῇ παρὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας. [¶11] VI. Once a great number of the Senones, a Celtic tribe, aided the Etruscans in war against the Romans. The latter sent ambassadors to the towns of the Senones and complained that, while they were under treaty stipulations, they were furnishing mercenaries to fight against the Romans. Although they bore the caduceus, and wore the garments of their office, Britomaris cut them in pieces and flung the parts away, alleging that his own father had been slain by the Romans while he was waging war in Etruria. The consul Cornelius, learning of this abominable deed while he was on the march, abandoned his campaign against the Etruscans, dashed with great rapidity by way of the Sabine country and Picenum against the towns of the Senones, and devastated them with fire and sword. He carried their women and children into slavery, and killed all the adult youth except a son of Britomaris, whom he reserved for awful torture, and led in his triumph. When the Senones who were in Etruria heard of this calamity, they joined with the Etruscans and marched against Rome. After various mishaps these Senones, having no homes to return to, and being in a state of frenzy over their misfortunes, fell upon Domitius [the other consul], by whom most of them were destroyed. The rest slew themselves in despair. Such was the punishment meted out to the Senones for their crime against the ambassadors. > Greek: VI. ὅτι Κελτῶν Σενόνων πολὺ πλῆθος Τυρρηνοῖς συνεμάχουν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἐς τὰς Σενόνων πόλεις ἐπρέσβευον, καὶ ἐνεκάλουν ὅτι ὄντες ἔνσπονδοι μισθοφοροῦσι κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. τούσδε τοὺς πρέσβεις Βριτόμαρις μετὰ τῶν κηρυκείων καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς στολῆς κατέτεμεν ἐς πολλὰ καὶ διέρριψεν, ἐγκαλῶν ὅτι αὐτοῦ ὁ πατὴρ ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ πολεμῶν ἀνῄρητο ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων. Κορνήλιος δὲ ὁ ὕπατος τοῦ μύσους ἐν ὁδῷ πυθόμενος τὰ μὲν Τυρρηνῶν εἴασεν, ἐς δὲ τὰς Σενόνων πόλεις συντόνῳ σπουδῇ διὰ Σαβίνων καὶ Πικεντίνων ἐσβαλὼν πάντα καθῄρει καὶ ἐνεπίμπρη, καὶ τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ παιδία ἠνδραποδίζετο, τοὺς δὲ ἡβῶντας πάντας ἔκτεινε, πλὴν Βριτομάριος, ὃν δεινῶς αἰκισάμενος ἦγεν ἐς τὸν θρίαμβον. οἱ δὲ Σενόνων, ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ, πυθόμενοι ἀνῃρῆσθαι, Τυρρηνοὺς ἦγον ἐπὶ Ῥώμης. καὶ πολλῶν μεταξὺ γενομένων οἱ Σένονες, οὔτε πατρίδας ἔχοντες ἐς ἃς διαφύγωσιν, ὀργιζόμενοί τε τῶν γεγονότων, ἐνέπιπτον τῷ Δομιτίῳ καὶ διεφθάρησαν πολλοί. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διεχρῶντο μανικῶς. καὶ δίκη μὲν ἥδε παρανομίας ἐς πρέσβεις ἐγένετο Σένοσιν. [¶12] VII. Cornelius went sight-seeing along the coast of Magna Graecia with ten ships with decks. At Tarentum there was a demagogue named Philocharis, a man of obscene life, who was for that reason nicknamed Thais. He reminded the Tarentines of an old treaty by which the Romans had bound themselves not to sail beyond the promontory of Lacinium. By his passion he persuaded them to excitement against Cornelius, and they sunk four of his ships and seized one of them with all on board. They accused the Thurini of preferring the Romans to the Tarentines although they were Greeks, and held them chiefly to blame for the Romans overpassing the limits. Then they expelled the noblest citizens of Thurii, sacked the city, and dismissed the Roman garrison that was stationed there under a treaty. When the Romans learned of these events, they sent an embassy to Tarentum to demand that the prisoners who had been taken, not in war, but as mere sight-seers, should be surrendered; that the citizens of Thurii who had been expelled should be brought back to their homes; that the property that had been plundered, or the value of what had been lost, should be restored; and finally, that they should surrender the authors of these crimes, if they wished to continue on good terms with the Romans. The Tarentines made difficulties about admitting the embassy to their council at all, and when they had received them jeered at them because they did not speak Greek perfectly, and made fun of their togas and of the purple stripe on them. [The text here describes an indignity put upon Postumius, the chief of the embassy, by one Philonidas, which will not bear translation.] This spectacle was received with laughter by the bystanders. Postumius, holding out his soiled garment, said: “You will wash out this defilement with plenty of blood — you who take pleasure in this kind of jokes.” As the Tarentines made no sort of answer the embassy departed. Postumius carried the soiled garment just as it was, and showed it to the Romans. The people, deeply incensed, sent orders to AEmilius, who was waging war against the Samnites, to suspend operations for the present and invade the territory of the Tarentines, and offer them the same terms that the late embassy had proposed, and if they did not agree, to wage war against them with all his might. He made them the offer accordingly. This time they did not laugh for they saw the army. They were about equally divided in opinion until one of their number said to them as they doubted and disputed: “To surrender citizens is the act of a people already enslaved, yet to fight without allies is hazardous. If we wish to defend our liberty stoutly and to fight on equal terms, let us call on Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and designate him the leader of this war.” This was done. > Greek: VII. ὅτι Κορνήλιος ἐπὶ καταφράκτων δεκα νεῶν ἐθεᾶτο τὴν μεγάλην Ἑλλάδα, καί τις ἐν Τάραντι δημαγωγὸς Φιλόχαρις, αἰσχρῶς τε βεβιωκὼς καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο καλούμενος Θαΐς, παλαιῶν τοὺς Ταραντίνους ἀνεμίμνησκε συνθηκῶν, μὴ πλεῖν Ῥωμαίους πρόσω Λακινίας ἄκρας, παροξύνας τε ἔπεισεν ἐπαναχθῆναι τῷ Κορνηλίῳ. καὶ τέσσαρας μὲν αὐτοῦ ναῦς κατέδυσαν οἱ Ταραντῖνοι, μίαν δὲ ἔλαβον αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν. ἔς τε Θουρίους ἐγκλήματα ποιούμενοι ὅτι Ἕλληνες ὄντες ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους κατέφυγον ἀντὶ σφῶν, καὶ παρελθεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐπέκεινα αἴτιοι μάλιστα ἐγεγένηντο, τοὺς μὲν ἐπιφανεῖς αὐτῶν ἐξέβαλον, τὴν δὲ πόλιν διήρπασαν, καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων φρουροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀφῆκαν. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τούτων πυθόμενοι πρέσβεις ἐς Ταραντα πέμπουσι, τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους κελεύοντες, οὓς οὐ πολεμοῦντας ἀλλὰ θεωμένους ἔλαβον, ἀποδοῦναι, Θουρίων δʼ οὓς ἐξέβαλον, εἰς τὴν πόλιν καταγαγεῖν, ἅ τε διηρπάκεσαν αὐτούς, ἢ τὴν ζημίαν τῶν ἀπολομένων, ἀποτῖσαι, σφίσι δʼ ἐκδοῦναι τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς παρανομίας, εἰ Ῥωμαίων ἐθέλουσιν εἶναι φίλοι. οἱ δὲ τοὺς πρέσβεις μόλις ποτὲ ἐπὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπήγαγον, καὶ ἐπελθόντας ἐχλεύαζον εἴ τι μὴ καλῶς ἑλληνίσειαν· ἔσκωπτον δὲ καὶ τὴν στολὴν αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ ἐπιπόρφυρον. Φιλωνίδης δέ τις, ἀνὴρ γελοῖος καὶ φιλοσκώμμων, Ποστουμίῳ τῷ τῆς πρεσβείας ἡγουμένῳ προσελθὼν ἀπεστράφη τε, καὶ ἐπικύψας τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἀνεσύρατο τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ κατησχημόνησεν. καὶ τὸ μὲν θέατρον ἔπαιζεν ὡς ἐπὶ γελοίῳ, Ποστούμιος δὲ προτείνας τὸ μεμολυσμένον, ἐκπλυνεῖτε, ἔφη, τοῦτο αἵματι πολλῷ, τοιούτοις ἀρεσκόμενοι γέλωσιν. καὶ οὐδὲν τῶν Ταραντίνων ἀποκριναμένων ἀπῆλθον οἱ πρέσβεις. ὁ δὲ Ποστούμιος τὴν ὕβριν ἐκ τῆς ἐσθῆτος οὐκ ἀποπλύνας ἐπέδειξε Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἀγανακτῶν Αἰμιλίῳ πολεμοῦντι Σαυνίταις ἐπέστειλε τὰ μὲν Σαυνιτῶν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἐᾶν, εἰς δὲ τὴν Ταραντίνων εἰσβάλλειν, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐφʼ οἷς ἠξίουν οἱ πρέσβεις ἐς διαλλαγὰς προκαλέσασθαι, ἂν δʼ ἀπειθῶσι, πολεμεῖν κατὰ κράτος. ὁ μὲν δὴ τάδε προύτεινε τοῖς Ταραντίνοις, οἱ δὲ οὐκ ἐγέλων ἔτι τὴν στρατιὰν ὁρῶντες, ἀλλʼ ἐγίγνοντο ταῖς γνώμαις ἀγχώμαλοι, μέχρι τις ἀποροῦσι καὶ βουλευομένοις ἔφη, τὸ μὲν ἐκδοῦναί τινας ἤδη δεδουλωμένων εἶναι, τὸ δὲ πολεμεῖν μόνους ἐπισφαλές. εἰ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐλεὺθερίας ἐγκρατῶς ἑξόμεθα καὶ πολεμήσομεν ἐξ ἴσου, Πύρρον ἐξ Ἠπείρου τὸν βασιλέα καλῶμεν, καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀποφήνωμεν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου. ὃ καὶ γέγονεν. [¶13] VIII. After a shipwreck, Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, arrived at the harbor of Tarentum. The Tarentines were very much put out with the king’s officers, who quartered themselves upon the citizens by force, and openly abused their wives and children. Afterwards Pyrrhus put an end to their revels and other social gatherings and amusements as incompatible with a state of war, and ordered the citizens to severe military exercise, under penalty of death if they disobeyed. Then the Tarentines, tired out by these most unusual exercises and orders, fled the city as though it were a foreign government and took refuge in the fields. Then the king closed the gates and placed guards over them. In this way the Tarentines gained a clear perception of their own folly. > Greek: VIII. Οτι μετὰ τὸ ναυάγιον ὁ Πύρρος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Ἠπείρου ἐς τὸν Τάραντα κατήγετο, καὶ οἱ Ταραντῖνοι τότε μάλιστα τοὺς βασιλικοὺς ἐβαρύνοντο, ἐσοικιζομένους τε παρὰ σφᾶς βίᾳ, καὶ φανερῶς ἐνυβρίζοντας ταῖς αὐτῶν γυναιξὶ καὶ παισίν. ὡς δὲ καὶ τὰ συσσίτια σφῶν ὁ Πύρρος καὶ τὰς ἄλλας συνόδους καὶ διατριβὰς ὡς οὐ πρεπούσας πολέμῳ διέλυε, γυμνάσιά τε ἔνοπλα ἔτασσεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ θάνατον τοῖς ἀμελοῦσιν ὥριζε, τότε δὴ καὶ πάμπαν ἀήθεσιν ἔργοις καὶ ἐπιτάγμασι κάμνοντες οἱ Ταραντῖνοι τῆς πόλεως ὡς ἀλλοτρίας ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς ἀπεδίδρασκον. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς θύρας ἀπέκλειε, καὶ φρουρὰς ἐφίστη. καὶ οἱ Ταραντῖνοι τῆς ἀβουλίας σφῶν ᾐσθάνοντο σαφῶς. [¶14] IX. Some Roman soldiers were stationed in Rhegium for the safety and protection of the city against enemies. They, and their leader Decius, envying the good fortune of the inhabitants and seizing an opportunity when they were observing a public festival, slew them and violated their wives. They offered an excuse for this crime, that the citizens of Rhegium were about to betray the garrison to Pyrrhus. So Decius became supreme ruler instead of a prefect of the guard, and he contracted an alliance with the Mamertines, who dwelt on the other side of the strait of Sicily, and who had perpetrated the same kind of an outrage on their hosts not long before. Suffering from an affection of the eyes and distrusting the physicians of Rhegium, Decius sent for a medical man who had migrated from Rhegium to Messana so long before that it was forgotten that he was a Rhegian. The latter persuaded him that, if he wished speedy relief, he should use certain hot drugs. Having applied a burning and corrosive ointment to his eyes, he told him to bear the pain till he should come again. Then he secretly returned to Messana. Decius, after enduring the pain a long time, washed off the ointment and found that he had lost his eyesight. Fabricius was sent by the Romans to restore the city to those Rhegians who still remained. He sent the guards who had been guilty of this revolt back to Rome. They were beaten with rods in the forum, then beheaded, and their bodies cast away unburied. Decius, being placed under strict guard, in the discouragement of a blind man, committed suicide. > Greek: IX. ὅτι ὅσοι ἐν Ῥηγίῳ Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τῆς πόλεως, μή τι πάθοιεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, παρέμενον, αὐτοί τε καὶ Δέκιος ὁ ἡγεμὼν αὐτῶν, τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς τῶν Ῥηγίνων φθονήσαντες, καὶ φυλάξαντες αὐτοὺς εὐωχουμένους ἐν ἑορτῇ διέφθειραν, καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀκουσίαις συνῆσαν. πρόφασιν δὲ τῆς παρανομίας ἔφερον ὅτι Ῥηγῖνοι τὴν φρουρὰν προεδίδοσαν Πύρρῳ. καὶ Δέκιος μὲν ἀντὶ φρουράρχου τύραννος ἦν, καὶ φιλίαν ἔθετο Μαμερτίνοις τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ πορθμοῦ τοῦ Σικελικοῦ κατῳκημένοις, οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ κἀκείνοις ἐς ἰδίους ξένους ὅμοια δεδρακόσιν. ἀλγήσαντα δʼ αὐτὸν τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς, καὶ τοῖς ἐν Ῥηγίῳ ἰατροῖς ἀπιστοῦντα, μετάπεμπτος ἀπὸ Μεσσήνης ἐθεράπευε Ῥηγῖνος ἀνήρ, μετῳκηκὼς ἐς Μεσσήνην πρὸ πολλοῦ, ὅτι Ῥηγῖνος ἦν ἀγνοούμενος. οὗτος αὐτὸν ἔπεισεν ἐπὶ ἀπαλλαγῇ συντόμῳ φαρμάκων ἀνασχέσθαι θερμῶν, καὶ χρίσας τοῖς κατακαίουσι καὶ δαπανῶσιν ἐκέλευσεν ἀνασχέσθαι τοῦ πόνου μέχρι αὐτὸς ἐπανέλθοι, καὶ λαθὼν ἔπλευσεν ἐς Μεσσήνην. ὁ δʼ ἐς πολὺ τῆς ὀδύνης ἀνασχόμενος ἀπενίψατο, καὶ εὗρε τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς δεδαπανημένους. Φαβρίκιος δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ διορθώσει τῶνδε πεμφθεὶς τήν τε πόλιν τοῖς ἔτι Ῥηγίνοις λοιποῖς ἀπεδίδου, καὶ τῶν φρουρῶν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψεν, οἳ μαστιγωθέντες ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέσῃ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀπεκόπησαν καὶ ἐξερρίφησαν ἄταφοι. Δέκιος δὲ φυλασσόμενος ἀμελῶς, οἷα πηρός, ἑαυτὸν διεχρήσατο. [¶15] X. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, having gained a victory over the Romans and desiring to recuperate his forces after the severe engagement, and expecting that the Romans would be particularly desirous of coming to terms, sent to the city Cineas, a Thessalian, who was so renowned for eloquence that he had been compared with Demosthenes. When he was admitted to the senate-chamber, he extolled the king for a variety of reasons, and among others for his moderation after the victory, in that he had neither marched directly against the city nor attacked the camp of the vanquished. He offered them peace, friendship, and an alliance with Pyrrhus, provided the Tarentines should be included in the same treaty, and provided the other Greeks dwelling in Italy should remain free under their own laws, and provided the Romans would restore to the Lucanians, Samnites, Daunii, and Bruttians whatever they had taken from them in war. If they would do this, he said that Pyrrhus would restore all his prisoners without ransom. The Romans hesitated a long time, being much intimidated by the prestige of Pyrrhus and by the calamity that had befallen them. Finally Appius Claudius, surnamed the Blind (because he had lost his eyesight from old age), commanded his sons to lead him into the senate-chamber, where he said: “I was grieved at the loss of my sight; now I regret that I did not lose my hearing also, for never did I expect to see or hear deliberations of this kind from you. Have you become so forgetful of yourselves all of a sudden, by reason of one misfortune, as to take the man who brought it upon you, and those who called him hither, for friends instead of enemies, and to give back to the Lucanians and Bruttians the property that your ancestors took from them? What is this but making the Romans servants of the Macedonians? And some of you dare to call this peace instead of servitude!” Many other things in the like sense did Appius urge to arouse their spirit. If Pyrrhus wanted peace and the friendship of the Romans, let him withdraw from Italy and then send his embassy. As long as he remained let him be considered neither friend nor ally, neither judge nor arbitrator in Roman affairs. The Senate made answer to Cineas as Appius advised. They decreed the levying of two new legions for Laevinus, and made proclamation that whoever would volunteer in place of those who had been lost should put their names on the army roll. Cineas, who was still present and saw the multitude hastening to be enrolled, is reported to have said to Pyrrhus on his return: “We are waging war against a hydra.” Others say that not Cineas, but even Pyrrhus himself said this when he saw the new Roman army larger than the former one; for the other consul, Coruncanius, came from Etruria and joined his forces with those of Laevinus. It is said also that when Pyrrhus made some further inquiries about Rome, Cineas replied that it was a city of generals; and when Pyrrhus wondered at this, he corrected himself, and said that it seemed more like a city of kings. When Pyrrhus saw that there was no expectation of peace from the Senate, he marched toward Rome, laying everything waste on his way. When he had come as far as the town of Anagnia, finding his army encumbered with booty and a host of prisoners, he decided to postpone the battle. Accordingly he turned back to Campania, sending his elephants in advance, and distributed his army in winter quarters among the towns. Hither came Roman ambassadors proposing either to ransom the prisoners or to exchange them for Tarentines and his other allies whom they held. He replied that if they were ready for peace on the terms proposed by Cineas, he would release the prisoners gratuitously, but if the war was to continue, he would not give up such a large number of valiant men to fight against him. Otherwise he treated them in a kingly way. Perceiving that Fabricius, the chief of the embassy, had great influence in the city, and also that he was a very poor man, he approached him and said that if he would bring about a treaty of peace, he (Pyrrhus) would take him to Epirus, and make him his chief officer and the sharer of all his possessions; and he asked him to accept a present of money then and there, on the pretext that he was to give it to those who perfected the treaty. Fabricius burst out laughing. He made no answer as to public matters, but said: “Neither you nor your friends, O King, can take away my independence. I consider my poverty more blessed than all the riches of kings if conjoined with fear.” Others report the conversation differently, saying that Fabricius replied: “Beware lest the Epirotes share my nature and prefer me to you.” Whichever answer he made, Pyrrhus admired his high spirit. He then tried another plan for procuring peace. He allowed the prisoners to go home without guards to attend the festival of Saturn, on the condition that if the city accepted the terms offered by him they should be free, but if not that they should return to him at the end of the festival. Although the prisoners earnestly besought and urged the Senate to accept the terms, the latter ordered them, at the conclusion of the festival, to deliver themselves up to Pyrrhus on a day specified, and decreed the death penalty to those who should linger beyond that time. This order was observed by all. In this way Pyrrhus learned again that everything depended on the arbitrament of arms. > Greek: X. ὅτι ὁ Πύρρος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Ἠπείρου, νικήσας τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἀναλαβεῖν χρῄζων τὴν στρατιὰν ἐκ μάχης εὐτόνου, καὶ Ῥωμαίους ἐλπίζων ἐς διαλύσεις τότε μάλιστα ἐνδώσειν, ἔπεμπεν ἐς Ῥώμην Κινέαν τὸν Θεσσαλόν, δόξαν ἐπὶ λόγοις ἔχοντα μιμεῖσθαι τὴν Δημοσθένους ἀρετήν. καὶ παρελθὼν ὁ Κινέας ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἄλλα τε πολλὰ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐσεμνολόγει, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ ἀγῶνι μετριοπάθειαν κατελογίζετο, μήτʼ ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς ἐλάσαντος μήτʼ ἐπὶ τὸ ἡσσημένον στρατόπεδον· ἐδίδου δʼ αὐτοῖς εἰρήνην καὶ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν πρὸς Πύρρον, εἰ Ταραντίνους μὲν ἐς ταῦτα συμπεριλάβοιεν, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους Ἕλληνας τοὺς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ κατοικοῦντας ἐλευθέρους καὶ αὐτονόμους ἐῷεν, Λευκανοῖς δὲ καὶ Σαυνίταις καὶ Δαυνίοις καὶ Βρεττίοις ἀποδοῖεν ὅσα αὐτῶν ἔχουσι πολέμῳ λαβόντες. καὶ γιγνομένων ἔφη τούτων Πύρρον ἀποδώσειν αὐτοῖς τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἄνευ λύτρων. οἱ δʼ ἐνεδοίαζον ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, τῇ τε δόξῃ τοῦ Πύρρου καὶ τῷ συμβεβηκότι πάθει καταπλαγέντες, ἕως Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος, ὁ Καῖκος ἐπίκλησιν, ἤδη τετυφλωμένος, ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον τοῖς παισὶν αὑτὸν ἀγαγεῖν κελεύσας, ἠχθόμην, εἶπεν, ὅτι μὴ βλέπω· νῦν δʼ ὅτι ἀκούω. τὰ γὰρ τοιαῦτα ὑμῶν βουλεύματα ἠξίουν μήθʼ ὁρᾶν μήτʼ ἀκούειν, οἳ διʼ ἓν ἀτύχημα ἀθρόως οὕτως ἑαυτῶν ἐκλέλησθε, καὶ τὸν τοῦτο δράσαντα αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἐπαγαγομένους αὐτὸν βουλεύεσθε φίλους ἀντὶ πολεμίων θέσθαι, καὶ τὰ τῶν προγόνων κτήματα Λευκανοῖς καὶ Βρεττίοις δοῦναι. τί τοῦτʼ ἐστὶν ἢ Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ Μακεδόσι γενέσθαι; καὶ ταῦτά τινες εἰρήνην ἀντὶ δουλείας τολμῶσιν ὀνομάζειν. ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ὅμοια τούτοις ὁ Ἄππιος εἰπὼν καὶ ἐρεθίσας, ἐσηγήσατο Πύρρον, εἰ δέοιτο τῆς Ῥωμαίων φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἀπελθόντα πρεσβεύειν, παρόντα δὲ μήτε φίλον ἡγεῖσθαι μήτε σύμμαχον μήτε Ῥωμαίοις δικαστὴν ἢ διαιτητήν. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ ταῦθʼ ἅπερ καὶ Ἄππιος εἶπεν ἀπεκρίνατο Κινέᾳ. Λαιουίνῳ δʼ ἄλλα δύο τέλη καταλέγοντες ἐκήρυξαν οὕτως, εἴ τις ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων αὑτὸν ἐπιδίδωσιν, ἐς τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπογράφεσθαι. καὶ ὁ Κινέας ἔτι παρών, καὶ θεώμενος αὐτοὺς ὠθουμένους ἐς τὰς ἀπογραφάς, λέγεται πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον ἐπανελθὼν εἰπεῖν ὅτι πρὸς ὕδραν ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος. οἱ δὲ οὐ Κινέαν ἀλλὰ Πύρρον αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος, ἰδόντα τὴν στρατιὰν τῶν Ῥωμαίων τῆς προτέρας πλείονα· καὶ γὰρ ὁ ἕτερος ὕπατος τῷ Λαιουίνῳ Κορουγκάνιος ἧκεν ἐκ Τυρρηνίας μεθʼ ἧς εἶχε παρασκευῆς. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τἆλλα περὶ τῆς Ῥώμης πυνθανομένῳ Πύρρῳ Κινέας εἰπεῖν ὅτι πόλις ἐστὶ στρατηγῶν ὅλη, καὶ τοῦ Πύρρου θαυμάσαντος μεταλαβὼν φάναι, βασιλέων μᾶλλον ἢ στρατηγῶν. Πύρρος δʼ, ὡς οὐδὲν εἰρηναῖόν οἱ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπήντησεν, ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἠπείγετο, πάντα δῃῶν. καὶ φθάνει μὲν ἐς πόλιν Ἀναγνίαν, βαρεῖαν δʼ ἔχων ἤδη τὴν στρατιὰν ὑπὸ λείας καὶ πλήθους αἰχμαλώτων, ἀναθέμενος μάχην ἀνέστρεφεν ἐπὶ Καμπανίας, ἡγουμένων τῶν ἐλεφάντων, καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐς χειμασίαν κατὰ πόλεις διῄρει. Ῥωμαίων δὲ πρέσβεις αὐτὸν ἠξίουν λῦσαι τῇ πόλει τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, ἢ ἀντιλαβεῖν ὅσους ἔχουσι Ταραντίνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων αὐτοῦ. ὁ δὲ σπενδομένοις μὲν ἔφη, καθάπερ προεῖπε Κινέας, χαριεῖσθαι τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, πολεμοῦσι δʼ οὐ δώσειν ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν ἄνδρας τοιούτους καὶ τοσούτους. ἐξένιζε δʼ αὐτοὺς βασιλικῶς, καὶ τὸν τῆς πρεσβείας ἡγούμενον Φαβρίκιον πυνθανόμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει μέγα δύνασθαι καὶ δεινῶς πένεσθαι καθωμίλει, λέγων, εἰ πράξειεν αὐτῷ τὰς διαλύσεις, ὑποστράτηγον καὶ κοινωνὸν τῶν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν ἀπάξειν ἐς Ἤπειρον. χρήματά τε αὐτὸν λαβεῖν ἐντεῦθεν ἤδη παρεκάλει, πρόφασιν ὡς δώσοντα τοῖς τὴν εἰρήνην ἐργασαμένοις. ἐπιγελάσας δʼ ὁ Φαβρίκιος περὶ μὲν τῶν κοινῶν οὐδʼ ἀπεκρίνατο, τὴν δʼ ἐμήν, ἔφη, παρρησίαν οὔτε τῶν σῶν φίλων οὐδεὶς οὔτε αὐτὸς οἴσεις σύ, ὦ βασιλεῦ· καὶ τὴν πενίαν τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ μακαρίζω μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν τῶν τυράννων πλοῦτον ὁμοῦ καὶ φόβον. οἱ δὲ οὐχ οὕτω φασὶν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ὅτι μου τῆς φύσεως Ἠπειρῶται μεταλαβόντες ἐμὲ σοῦ προθήσουσιν. ὁποτέρως δʼ οὖν ἀπεκρίνατο, θαυμάσας αὐτὸν τοῦ φρονήματος ὁ Πύρρος ἑτέραν ὁδὸν ἐς τὰς διαλλαγὰς ἐπενόει, καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐς τῶν Κρονίων τὴν ἑορτὴν ἔπεμπεν ἄνευ φυλάκων, ἐφʼ ᾧ, δεχομένης μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἃ ὁ Πύρρος προτείνει, μένειν καὶ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολελύσθαι, μὴ δεχομένης δὲ ἑορτάσαντας ἐπανήκειν ἐς αὐτόν. τούτους ἡ βουλή, πάνυ παρακαλοῦντας καὶ ἐνάγοντας ἐς τὰς διαλύσεις, ἐκέλευσεν ἑορτάσαντας Πύρρῳ παραδοῦναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ, καὶ θάνατον ἐπέταξε τοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσι τῆς ἡμέρας. οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτὴν ἅπαντες ἐφύλαξαν, καὶ Πύρρῳ πολεμητέα πάντως αὖθις ἐδόκει. [¶16] XI. While Pyrrhus was perplexed by the Roman complication he was disturbed by an uprising of the Molossians. At this time also Agathocles, the king of Sicily, had just died. As Pyrrhus had married his daughter Laneia, he began to look upon Sicily as more of his concern than Italy. Still he was loath to abandon those who had summoned him to their aid, without some kind of arrangement for peace. Seizing eagerly the occasion of the sending back of a traitor who had deserted from him, he testified his gratitude to the consuls for this act and sent Cineas again to Rome to repeat his thanks for the man’s safe-keeping, and to surrender the prisoners by way of recompense,—instructing him to procure peace in whatever way he could. Cineas brought a large number of presents both for men and women, knowing that the people were fond of money and gifts, and that the women had had large influence among the Romans from the earliest times. But they warned each other against the gifts, and replied that no man or woman would accept anything. They gave Cineas the same answer as before. If Pyrrhus would withdraw from Italy and send an embassy to them without gifts, they would agree to fair terms in all respects. They treated the embassy, however, in a sumptuous manner and sent back to Pyrrhus in exchange all the Tarentines and others of his allies whom they held as prisoners. Thereupon Pyrrhus sailed for Sicily with his elephants and 8000 horse, promising his allies that he would return to Italy. Three years later he returned, for the Carthaginians had driven him out of Sicily. > Greek: XI. ὅτι τὸν Πύρρον ἤδη μὲν τὰ Ῥωμαίων κατέπλησσεν, ἐτάρασσε δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐν Μολοσσοῖς θορυβούμενα. Ἀγαθοκλῆς τε, ἄρχων Σικελίαν ἄρτι ἐτεθνήκει, οὗ θυγατέρα Λάνασσαν ἔχων ο Πύρρος ἐν ταῖς γυναιξί, τὴν νῆσον οἰκείαν ἀντὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας περιεβλέπετο. ὤκνει δʼ ὅμως ἔτι τοὺς ἐπικαλέσαντας ἄνευ τινὸς εἰρήνης καταλιπεῖν. ἄσμενος οὖν τῆς προφάσεως τῆς περὶ τὸν αὐτόμολον ἐπιβὰς ἐμαρτύρει τοῖς ὑπάτοις, καὶ Κινέαν ἔπεμπεν ἐς Ῥώμην χάριν ὁμολογήσοντα τῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἀμοιβὴν ἄγοντα, εἰρήνην τε ὅτῃ δύναιτο πράξοντα. δῶρα δʼ ὁ Κινέας ἔφερε πολλὰ μὲν ἀνδράσι πολλὰ δὲ γυναιξί, φιλοχρήματον καὶ φιλόδωρον εἶναι τὴν πόλιν πυθόμενος, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἰσχύειν παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ. οἱ δὲ περὶ μὲν τῶν δώρων ἐνεκελεύσαντο ἀλλήλοις· καί φασιν οὐδένα λαβεῖν οὐδέν, οὔτε ἄνδρα οὔτε γυναῖκα. ἀπεκρίναντο δʼ αὐτῷ, καθὰ καὶ πρότερον, ἀπελθόντα Πύρρον ἐξ Ἰταλίας πρεσβεύειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἄνευ δώρων· ἀπορήσειν γὰρ οὐδενὸς τῶν δικαίων. τοὺς δὲ πρέσβεις καὶ αὐτοὶ πολυτελῶς ἐξένιζον, καὶ Πύρρῳ τοὺς Ταραντίνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοῦ συμμάχων αἰχμαλώτους ἀντέπεμπον. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πύρρος ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐς Σικελίαν διέπλει μετά τε τῶν ἐλεφάντων … καὶ ὀκτακισχιλίων ἱππέων, ὑποσχόμενος τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπανήξειν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν. καὶ ἐπανῆλθεν ἔτει τρίτῷ, Καρχηδονίων αὐτὸν ἐξελασάντων ἐκ Σικελίας. [¶17] XII. After the battle and the armistice with the Romans, Pyrrhus sailed for Sicily promising he would return to Italy. Three years later he returned, having been driven out of Sicily by the Carthaginians, and having been a grievous burden to the Sicilians themselves by reason of the lodging and supplying of his troops, the garrisons and the tribute he had imposed on them. Enriched by these exactions he set sail for Rhegium with 110 decked ships, besides a much larger number of merchant vessels and ships of burthen. But the Carthaginians made a naval attack upon him, sunk seventy of his ships, and disabled all the rest except twelve. Fleeing with these he took vengeance on the Italian Locrians who had put to death his garrison and their commanding officer, because of outrages commited upon the inhabitants. Such savage vengeance did he take on them in the way of killing and plundering that he did not spare even the temple gifts of Proserpina, saying by way of joke that unseasonable piety was no better than superstition, and that it was good policy to obtain wealth without labor. Loaded down with spoils, a tempest overtook him, sunk some of his ships with the men in them, and cast the others ashore. The waves cast all the sacred things safe upon the Locrian beach. Wherefore Pyrrhus, perceiving too late the consequences of his impiety, restored them to the temple of Proserpina and sought to propitiate the goddess with numerous sacrifices. As the victims were unpropitious he became still more furious, and he put to death all those who had advised the temple-robbing, or had assented to it, or had taken part in it. Thus had Pyrrhus come to grief. > Greek: XII. ὅτι Πύρρος μετὰ τὴν μάχην καὶ τὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συνθήκας ἐς Σικελίαν διέπλει, ὑποσχόμενος τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκ Σικελίας ἐπανήξειν ἐς Ἰταλίαν. καὶ ἐπανῆλθεν ἔτει τρίτῳ, Καρχηδονίων αὐτὸν ἐξελασάντων ἐκ Σικελίας, ἤδη καὶ τοῖς Σικελιώταις βαρὺν ἐπί τε ξενίαις καὶ χορηγίαις καὶ φρουραῖς καὶ ἐσφοραῖς γενόμενον. ὁ μὲν δὴ πλούσιος ἐν τῶνδε γεγονὼς ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον διέπλει ναυσὶ καταφράκτοις δέκα καὶ ἑκατόν, φορτίσι δὲ καὶ ὁλκάσι πολὺ πλείοσιν· οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι διαναυμαχήσαντες αὐτῷ κατέδυσαν ναῦς ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἄπλους ἐποίησαν, πλὴν δώδεκα μόνων, αἷς ὁ Πύρρος διαφυγὼν ἐτίνυτο Λοκροὺς τοὺς ἐπιζεφυρίους, ὅτι φρουρὰν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν φρούραρχον αὐτῆς, ὑβρίσαντας ἐς αὐτούς, ἀνῃρήκεσαν. ὠμῶς δʼ αὐτοὺς καὶ πικρῶς κτείνων τε καὶ συλῶν ὁ Πύρρος οὐδὲ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τῆς Περσεφόνης ἀπέσχετο, ἐπισκώψας τὴν ἄκαιρον θεοσέβειαν εἶναι δεισιδαιμονίαν, τὸ δὲ συλλέξαι πλοῦτον ἄπονον εὐβουλίαν. ἀναχθέντα δʼ αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν σύλων χειμὼν ὑπέλαβε, καὶ τῶν νεῶν τὰς μὲν κατέδυσε καὶ διέφθειρεν αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσι, τὰς δʼ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐξέρριψεν. τὰ δὲ ἱερὰ πάντα σῶα ὁ κλύδων ἐς τοὺς Λοκρῶν λιμένας ἐπανήγαγεν, ὥστε καὶ Πύρρον ὀψὲ τῆς ἀσεβείας αἰσθόμενον ἀναθεῖναί τε αὐτὰ ἐς τὸ ἱερὸν τῇ Περσεφόνῃ, καὶ θυσίαις ἱλάσκεσθαι τὴν θεὸν πολλαῖς. τῶν δὲ ἱερῶν οὐκ ἀπαντώντων ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξεμαίνετο, καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῆς ἱεροσυλίας αὐτῷ συμβουλεύσαντας ἢ λέγοντι συνθεμένους, ἢ διακονησαμένους τὸ ἔργον, ἔκτεινεν. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πύρρος οὕτως ἐπεπράχει κακῶς. ## 4. The Gallic History Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/4/#p-N [¶0] I. AT an early period the Gauls waged war against the Romans, took Rome itself, except the Capitol, and burned it. Camillus, however, overcame and expelled them. At a later period, when they had made a second invasion, he overcame them again and enjoyed a triumph in consequence, being then in his eightieth year. A third army of Gauls which invaded Italy was destroyed by the Romans under Titus Quintius. Afterwards the Boii, the most savage of the Gallic tribes, attacked the Romans. Gaius Sulpicius, the dictator, marched against them, and is said to have used the following stratagem. He commanded those who were in the front line to discharge their javelins, and immediately crouch low; then the second, third, and fourth lines to discharge theirs, each crouching in turn so that they should not be struck by the spears thrown from the rear; then when the last line had hurled their javelins, all were to rush forward suddenly with a shout and join battle at close quarters. The hurling of so many missiles, followed by an immediate charge, would throw the enemy into confusion. The spears of the Gauls were not like javelins, but what the Romans called, four-sided, part wood and part iron, and not hard except at the pointed end. In this way the army of the Boii was completely destroyed by the Romans. Another Gallic force was defeated by Popillius, and after this Camillus, son of the former Camillus, defeated the same tribe. Afterwards AEmilius Pappus won some trophies from the Gauls. Shortly before the consulships of Marius a most numerous and warlike horde of Celtic tribes, most formidable in bodily strength, made incursions into both Italy and Gaul, and defeated some of the Roman consuls, and cut their armies in pieces. Marius was sent against them and he destroyed them all. The latest and greatest war of the Romans against the Gauls was that waged under the command of Caesar, for, in the ten years that he held command there, he fought with more than 4,000,000 barbarians, taken all together. Of these 1,000,000 were captured and as many more slain in battle. He reduced to subjection 400 tribes and more than 800 towns, which had either revolted from their allegiance or were conquered for the first time. Even before Marius, Fabius Maximus AEmilianus with a very small army killed 120,000 of them in one battle, losing only fifteen of his own men; and he did this although suffering from a recent wound, urging and encouraging his troops and showing them how to fight barbarians, now borne on a litter and now hobbling on foot leaning on the arms of others. Caesar began his war against them by gaining a victory over some 200,000 of the Helvetii and Tigurini. The latter at an earlier period had captured a Roman army commanded by Piso and Cassius and sent them under the yoke, as is related in the writings of Paulus Claudius. The Tigurini were now overcome by Labienus, Caesar’s lieutenant, and the others by Caesar himself, together with the Tricorii, who were aiding them. He also overcame the Germans under Ariovistus, a people who excelled all others, even the largest men, in size; savage, the bravest of the brave, despising death because they believe they shall live hereafter, bearing heat and cold with equal patience, living on herbs in time of scarcity, and their horses browsing on trees. It seems that they were without patient endurance in their battles, and did not fight in a scientific way or in any regular order, but with a sort of high spirit simply made an onset like wild beasts, for which reason they were overcome by Roman science and endurance. For, although the Germans made a tremendous rush and pushed the legions back a short distance, the Romans kept their ranks unbroken, and outmanœuvred them, and eventually slew 800000 of them. Afterwards Caesar fell upon the so-called Belgae as they were crossing a river, and killed so many of them that he crossed the stream on a bridge of their bodies. The Nervii defeated him by falling suddenly upon his army as it was getting itself into camp after a march. They made a very great slaughter, killing all of his tribunes and centurions. Caesar himself took refuge on a hill with his bodyguard, and there he was surrounded by the enemy. The latter being assailed in the rear by the tenth legion were destroyed, although they were 60,000 in number. The Nervii were the descendants of the Cimbri and Teutones. Caesar conquered the Allobroges also. He slaughtered 400,000 of the Usipetes and Tenchteri, armed and unarmed together. The Sicambri with 500 horse put to flight 5000 of Caesar’s horse, falling upon them unexpectedly. They subsequently paid the penalty for this in a defeat. Caesar was also the first of the Romans to cross the Rhine. He also passed over to Britain, an island larger than a very large continent, and still unknown to the men of Rome. He crossed by taking advantage of the movement of the tide. As it rose the fleet was impelled by the waves, slowly at first, then more rapidly, until finally Caesar was carried with great swiftness to Britain. In the 97th Olympiad, according to the Greek calendar, a considerable part of the Gauls who dwelt along the Rhine moved off in search of new land, that which they occupied being insufficient for their numbers. Having scaled the Alps they fell upon the territory of Clusium, a fertile part of Etruria. The Clusians had made a league with the Romans not long before, and now applied to them for aid. So the three Fabii were sent with the Clusians as ambassadors to the Gauls to order them to vacate the country that was in alliance with Rome, and to threaten them if they did not obey. The Gauls replied that they feared no mortal man in threat or war, that they were in need of land, and that they had not yet meddled with the affairs of the Romans. The Fabii urged the Clusians to make an attack upon the Gauls while they were heedlessly plundering the country. They took part in the expedition themselves and slew an immense number of the Gauls whom they caught foraging. Quintus Fabius, one of the Roman embassy, himself killed the chief of that band, stripped his body, and carried his arms back to Clusium. > Greek: I. Κελτοὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεχείρησαν πρῶτοι, καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην εἷλον ἄνευ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου, καὶ ἐμπεπρήκασιν. Κάμιλλος δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐνίκησε καὶ ἐξήλασε, καὶ μετὰ χρόνον ἐπελθόντας αὖθις ἐνίκησε, καὶ ἐθριάμβευσεν ἀπʼ αὐτῶν ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη. καὶ τρίτη δὲ Κελτῶν στρατιὰ ἐμβέβληκεν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διεφθάρκασιν ὑφʼ ἡγεμόνι Τίτῳ Κοϊντίῳ. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Βοιοί, Κελτικὸν ἔθνος θηριωδέστατον, ἐπῆλθε Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ αὐτοῖς Γάϊος Σουλπίκιος δικτάτωρ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἀπήντα, ὅς τις καὶ στρατηγήματι τοιούτῳ χρήσασθαι λέγεται· ἐκέλευσε γὰρ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου τεταγμένους ἐξακοντίσαντας ὁμοῦ συγκαθίσαι τάχιστα, μέχρι βάλωσιν οἱ δεύτεροι καὶ τρίτοι καὶ τέταρτοι, τοὺς δʼ ἀφιέντας ἀεὶ συνίζειν, ἵνα μὴ κατʼ αὐτῶν ἐνεχθείη τὰ δόρατα· βαλόντων δὲ τῶν ὑστάτων ἀναπηδᾶν ἅπαντας ὁμοῦ, καὶ σὺν βοῇ τάχιστα ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι· καταπλήξειν γὰρ ὧδε τοὺς πολεμίους τοσῶνδε δοράτων ἄφεσιν καὶ ἐπʼ αὐτῇ ταχεῖαν ἐπιχείρησιν. τὰ δὲ δόρατα ἦν οὐκ ἀπεοικότα ἀκοντίοις· ἃ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν ὑσσούς, ξύλου τετραγώνου τὸ ἥμισυ, καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σιδήρου, τετραγώνου καὶ τοῦδε καὶ μαλακοῦ χωρίς γε τῆς αἰχμῆς. καὶ οἱ Βοιοὶ οὖν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων τότε ἐφθάρησαν πανστρατιᾷ. ἄλλους δὲ πάλιν Κελτοὺς ἐνίκα Ποπίλλιος, καὶ μετʼ ἐκεῖνον τοὺς αὐτοὺς Κάμιλλος ὁ τοῦ Καμίλλου υἱός. ἔστησε δὲ κατὰ Κελτῶν καὶ Πάππος Αἰμίλιος τρόπαια. πρὸ δὲ τῶν τοῦ Μαρίου ὑπατειῶν πλεῖστόν τι καὶ μαχιμώτατον, τῇ τε ἡλικίᾳ μάλιστα φοβερώτατον χρῆμα Κελτῶν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν τε καὶ Γαλατίαν ἐσέβαλε, καί τινας ὑπάτους Ῥωμαίων ἐνίκησε καὶ στρατόπεδα κατέκοψεν· ἐφʼ οὓς ὁ Μάριος ἀποσταλεὶς ἅπαντας διέφθειρε. τελευταῖα δὲ καὶ μέγιστα τῶν ἐς Γαλάτας Ῥωμαίοις πεπραγμένων ἐστὶ τὰ ὑπὸ Γαΐῳ Καίσαρι στρατηγοῦντι γενόμενα. μυριάσι τε γὰρ ἀνδρῶν ἀγρίων, ἐν τοῖς δέκα ἔτεσιν ἐν οἷς ἐστρατήγησεν, ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, εἴ τις ὑφʼ ἓν τὰ μέρη συναγάγοι, τετρακοσίων πλείοσι, καὶ τούτων ἑκατὸν μὲν ἐζώγρησαν, ἑκατὸν δʼ ἐν τῷ πόνῳ κατέκανον. ἔθνη δὲ τετρακόσια καὶ πόλεις ὑπὲρ ὀκτακοσίας, τὰ μὲν ἀφιστάμενα σφῶν, τὰ δὲ προσεπιλαμβάνοντες, ἐκρατύναντο. πρὸ δὲ τοῦ Μαρίου καὶ Φάβιος Μάξιμος ὁ Αἰμιλιανός, ὀλίγην κομιδῇ στρατιὰν ἔχων, ἐπολέμησε τοῖς Κελτοῖς, καὶ δώδεκα μυριάδας αὐτῶν ἐν μιᾷ μάχῃ κατέκανε, πεντεκαίδεκα μόνους τῶν ἰδίων ἀποβαλών. καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι ἔπραξε πιεζόμενος ὑπὸ τραύματος ὑπογυίου, καὶ τὰ τάγματα ἐπιὼν καὶ παραθαρρύνων, καὶ διδάσκων ὅπως τοῖς βαρβάροις πολεμητέον, τὰ μὲν ἐπʼ ἀπήνης φερόμενος, τὰ δὲ καὶ βάδην χειραγωγούμενος. Καῖσαρ δὲ πολεμήσας αὐτοῖς πρῶτον μὲν Ἑλουητίους καὶ Τιγυρίους ἀμφὶ τὰς εἴκοσι μυριάδας ὄντας ἐνίκησεν. οἱ Τιγύριοι δʼ αὐτῶν χρόνῳ ἔμπροσθεν Πίσωνος καὶ Κασσίου τινὰ στρατὸν ἑλόντες ὑπὸ ζυγὸν ἐξεπεπόμφεσαν, ὡς ἐν χρονικαῖς συντάξεσι δοκεῖ Παύλῳ τῷ Κλαυδίῳ. τοὺς μὲν οὖν Τιγυρίους ὑποστράτηγος αὐτοῦ Λαβιηνὸς ἐνίκησε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ὁ Καῖσαρ, καὶ Τρικούρους ἀμύνοντας σφίσιν, ἔπειτα τοὺς μετʼ Ἀριοουίστου Γερμανούς, οἳ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη μείζους τῶν μεγίστων ὑπῆρχον καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἄγριοι καὶ τὴν τόλμαν θρασύτατοι, καὶ θανάτου καταφρονηταὶ διʼ ἐλπίδα ἀναβιώσεως, καὶ κρύος ὁμοίως ἔφερον θάλπει, καὶ πόᾳ ἐχρῶντο παρὰ τὰς ἀπορίας τροφῇ, καὶ ὁ ἵππος ξύλοις. ἦσαν δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐ φερέπονοι ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, οὐδὲ λογισμῷ ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ τινὶ ἀλλὰ θυμῷ χρώμενοι καθάπερ θηρία, διὸ καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπιστήμης καὶ φερεπονίας ἡσσῶντο. οἱ μὲν γὰρ μετὰ ὁρμῆς βαρυτάτης ἐπεπήδων αὐτοῖς, καὶ ὅλην ὁμοῦ τὴν φάλαγγα ἀνεώθουν· Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ὑπέμενον ἐν τάξει, καὶ κατεστρατήγουν αὐτούς, καὶ ὀκτακισμυρίους αὐτῶν τελευτῶντες ἀπέκτειναν. μετὰ τούτους ὁ Καῖσαρ τοῖς καλουμένοις Βέλγαις ἐπιπεσὼν ποταμόν τινα περῶσι, τοσούτους ἀπέκτεινεν ὡς τὸν ποταμὸν γεφυρωθέντα τοῖς σώμασι περᾶσαι. Νέρβιοι δὲ αὐτὸν ἐτρέψαντο, ἄρτι στρατόπεδον ἐξ ὁδοιπορίας κατασκευάζοντι αἰφνιδίως ἐπιπεσόντες, καὶ παμπόλλους ἐφόνευσαν, τοὺς δὲ ταξιάρχας καὶ λοχαγοὺς ἅπαντας· καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐς λόφον τινὰ μετὰ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν πεφευγότα περιέσχον κύκλῳ. ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ δεκάτου τάγματος αὐτοῖς ἐξόπισθεν ἐπιπεσόντος ἐφθάρησαν, ἑξακισμύριοι ὄντες. ἦσαν δὲ τῶν Κίμβρων καὶ Τευτόνων ἀπόγονοι. ἐκράτησε δὲ καὶ Ἀλλοβρίγων ὁ Καῖσαρ. Οὐσιπετῶν δὲ καὶ Ταγχαρέων τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδες, στρατεύσιμοί τε καὶ ἀστράτευτοι, συνεκόπησαν. Σούκαμβροι δὲ πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσι τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ἱππεῖς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔτρεψαν, ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσόντες, καὶ δίκην ἔδοσαν ἡττηθέντες μετὰ ταῦτα. ἐπέρασε καὶ τὸν Ῥῆνον πρῶτος Ῥωμαίων ὁ Καῖσαρ, καὶ ἐς τὴν Βρεττανίδα νῆσον, ἠπείρου τε μείζονα οὖσαν μεγίστης καὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἀνθρώποις ἄγνωστον ἔτι. ἐπέρασε δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἀμπώτεως· ἄρτι γὰρ τὸ πάθος ἥπτετο τῆς θαλάσσης, καὶ ὁ στόλος ἐσαλεύετο, ἠρέμα πρῶτον, εἶτα ὀξύτερον, μέχρι σὺν βιαίῳ τάχει διέπλευσεν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς τὴν Βρεττανίαν. [¶1] III. After the Fabii had slain this large number of Gauls, Brennus, their king, though he had refused to recognize the Roman embassy, for the purpose of intimidating the Romans selected as ambassadors to them certain Gauls who exceeded all the others in bodily size as much as the Gauls exceeded other peoples, and sent them to Rome to complain that the Fabii, while serving as ambassadors, had joined in war against him, contrary to the law of nations. He demanded that they should be given up to him for punishment unless the Romans wished to make the crime their own. The Romans acknowledged that the Fabii had done wrong, but having great respect for that distinguished family, they urged the Gauls to accept a pecuniary compensation from them. As the latter refused, they elected the Fabii military tribunes for that year, and then said to the Gallic ambassadors that they could not do anything to the Fabii now because they were now holding office, but told them to come again next year if they were still in a bad humor. Brennus and the Gauls under him considered this an insult and took it hard. Accordingly they sent around to the other Gauls asking them to make common cause of war with them. When a large number had collected in obedience to this summons they broke camp and marched against Rome. > Greek: III. ὅτι ὁ τῶν Κελτῶν βασιλεὺς Βρέννος, τῶν Φαβίων τῶν Ῥωμαίων πολλοὺς ἀνελόντων Κελτῶν, μὴ δεξάμενος τοὺς Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις, ἐπὶ τούτοις πρέσβεις ἐπιλεξάμενος ἐς κατάπληξιν, οἳ Κελτῶν ἁπάντων μεγάλων τὰ σώματα ὄντων ὑπερέβαλλον, ἐξέπεμπεν ἐς Ῥώμην, αἰτιώμενος τοὺς Φαβίους ὅτι πρεσβεύοντες παρὰ τοὺς κοινοὺς νόμους ἐπολέμησαν. ᾔτει τε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐς δίκην ἐκδότους οἱ γενέσθαι, εἰ μὴ θέλουσι Ῥωμαῖοι κοινὸν αὐτῶν εἶναι τὸ ἔργον. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι συνεγίγνωσκον μὲν τοὺς Φαβίους ἁμαρτεῖν, αἰδοῖ δὲ οἴκου διαφέροντος χρήματα τοὺς Κελτοὺς πράξασθαι παρὰ σφῶν παρεκάλουν. οὐ πειθομένων δὲ χειροτονοῦσι τοὺς Φαβίους ἐπὶ τὴν ἐτήσιον ἀρχὴν χιλιάρχους, καὶ τοῖς πρεσβεύουσι τῶν Κελτῶν ἔφασαν οὐ δύνασθαι νῦν οὐδὲν ἐς τοὺς Φαβίους ἄρχοντας ἤδη. τοῦ δʼ ἐπιόντος ἔτους ἥκειν αὐτούς, ἂν ἔτι μηνίωσιν, ἐκέλευον. Βρέννος δὲ καὶ ὅσοι Κελτῶν ἦσαν ὑπʼ ἐκείνῳ, νομίσαντες ὑβρίσθαι καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκόντες ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Κελτοὺς περιέπεμπον, ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοὺς συνεφάψασθαι τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου. καὶ πολλῶν ἀφικομένων ἄραντες ἤλαυνον ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην. [¶2] IV. He (Caedicius) promised to carry letters through the enemy’s ranks to the Capitol. > Greek: IV. ὁ δὲ ὑφίσταται γράμματα διοίσειν διὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον. [¶3] V. When Caedicius bore the decree of the Senate to Camillus, by which he was made consul, he exhorted him not to lay up against his country the injury it had done him. The latter, interrupting him, said: “I could not have prayed to the gods that the Romans might some time long for me if I had cherished any such feeling as that towards them. Now I pray the nobler prayer that I may render my country a service equal to the calamity that has befallen her.” > Greek: V. ὅτι Καιδίκιος γράμμα φέρων ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς περὶ τῆς ὑπάτου ἀρχῆς, παρεκάλει τὸν Κάμιλλον μηδὲν ἐν τῷ παρόντι μηνῖσαι τῇ πατρίδι τῆς ζημίας. ὁ δὲ ἐπισχὼν αὐτὸν ἔτι λέγοντα εἶπεν, οὐκ ἂν ηὐξάμην ἐπιποθῆσαί με Ῥωμαίους, εἰ τοιαύτην ἤλπισα τὴν ἐπιπόθησιν αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι. νῦν δὲ δικαιοτέραν εὐχὴν εὔχομαι, γενέσθαι τῇ πατρίδι χρήσιμος ἐς τοσοῦτον ἀγαθοῦ ἐς ὅσον κακοῦ περιελήλυθεν. [¶4] VI. When the Gauls could find no means for scaling the Capitol they remained quietly in camp in order to reduce the defenders by famine. A certain priest named Dorso went down from the Capitol to make a certain yearly sacrifice in the temple of Vesta, and passed safely, with the sacred utensils, through the ranks of the enemy, who were either awed by his courage or had respect for his piety and his venerable appearance. Thus he who had incurred danger for the sake of his holy office was saved by it. That this event occurred, as related, the Roman writer Cassius tells us. > Greek: VI. ὅτι Κελτοὶ μηδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ δυνηθέντες ἐπιβῆναι τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, ἠρέμουν ὡς λιμῷ τοὺς ἔνδον παραστησόμενοι. καί τις ἀπὸ τοῦ Καπιτωλίου κατέβαινεν ἱερεύς, ὄνομα Δόρσων, ἐπὶ ἐτήσιον δή τινα ἱερουργίαν ἐς τὸν τῆς Ἑστίας νεὼν στέλλων τὰ ἱερὰ διὰ τῶν πολεμίων, αἰδεσθέντων ἢ καταπλαγέντων αὐτοῦ τὴν τόλμαν ἢ τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἢ τὴν ὄψιν ἱερὰν οὖσαν. ὁ μὲν δὴ κινδυνεύειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἱερῶν ἑλόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἐσώζετο τῶν ἱερῶν. καὶ τόδε φησὶν ὧδε γενέσθαι Κάσσιος ὁ Ῥωμαῖος. [¶5] VII. The Gauls filled themselves to repletion with wine and other luxuries, being intemperate by nature, and inhabiting a country which yielded only cereals, and was unfruitful and destitute of other productions. Thus their large bodies became delicate, distended with fatness, and heavy by reason of excessive eating and drinking, and quite incapable of running or hardship; and when any exertion was required of them they speedily became exhausted by perspiration and shortness of breath. > Greek: VII. τοῦ δὲ οἴνου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄδην ἐνεπίμπλαντο οἱ Κελτοί, τήν τε φύσιν ὄντες ἀκρατεῖς, καὶ χώραν ἔχοντες, ὅτι μὴ πρὸς δημητριακοὺς καρπούς, τῶν ἄλλων ἄγονον καὶ ἀφυᾶ. τά τε σώματα αὐτοῖς μεγάλα ὄντα καὶ τρυφηλὰ καὶ σαρκῶν ὑγρῶν μεστὰ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀδηφαγίας καὶ μέθης ἐς ὄγκον καὶ βάρος ἐξεχεῖτο, καὶ πρὸς δρόμους καὶ πόνους ἀδύνατα πάμπαν ἐγίγνετο· ὑπό τε ἱδρῶτος καὶ ἄσθματος, ὅπου τι δέοι κάμνειν, ἐξελύοντο ταχέως. [¶6] VIII. He (Camillus) showed them naked to the Romans and said: “These are the creatures who assail you with such terrible shouts in battle, and clash their arms and shake their long swords and toss their hair. Behold their weakness of soul, their slothfulness and flabbiness of body, and gird yourselves to your work.” > Greek: VIII. οὓς γυμνοὺς ἐπεδείκνυε Ῥωμαίοις, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ τὴν βοὴν βαρεῖαν ἱέντες ὑμῖν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παταγοῦντες καὶ ξίφη μακρὰ καὶ κόμας αἰωροῦντες. ὧν τὸ ἄτολμον ὁρῶντες, καὶ τὸ σῶμα μαλακὸν καὶ ἄτονον, προσίεσθε τῷ ἔργῳ. [¶7] IX. The people beheld the battle from the walls, and constantly sent fresh troops to take the place of the tired ones. But the tired Gauls having to engage with fresh opponents took to disorderly flight. > Greek: IX. τὸν δὲ δῆμον ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ὁρᾶν, καὶ τοῖς πονουμένοις ἑτέρους νεαλεῖς ἐπιπέμπειν ἀεί. οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ κεκμηκότες ἀκμῆσι συμπλεκόμενοι ἔφευγον ἀτάκτως. [¶8] X. The Gaul, furious and exhausted with loss of blood, pursued Valerius, hastening in order to grapple with him. As Valerius was all the time dodging just in front of him, the Gaul fell headlong. The Romans felicitated themselves on this second single combat with the Gauls. > Greek: X. ὁ δὲ Κελτὸς ἀγανακτῶν καὶ λιφαιμῶν ἐδιωκε τὸν Οὐαλέριον, συγκαταπεσεῖν ἐπειγομενος· ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς πόδας ἀναχωροῦντος ἀεὶ τοῦ Οὐαλερίου κατέπεσε πρηνὴς ὁ Κελτός. καὶ δεύτερον τοῦτο μονομάχιον ἐπὶ Κελτοῖς ἐμεγαλαύχουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι. [¶9] XI. The Senones, although they had a treaty with the Romans, nevertheless furnished mercenaries against them, wherefore the Senate sent an embassy to them to remonstrate against this infraction of the treaty. Britomaris, the Gaul, being incensed against them on account of his father, who had been killed by the Romans while fighting on the side of the Etruscans in this very war, slew the ambassadors while they held the caduceus in their hands, and wore the garments of their office. He then cut their bodies in small pieces and scattered them in the fields. The consul Cornelius, learning of this abominable deed while he was on the march, moved with great speed against the towns of the Senones by way of the Sabine country and Picenum, and ravaged them all with fire and sword. He reduced the women and children to slavery, killed all the adult males without exception, devastated the country in every possible way, and made it uninhabitable for anybody else. He carried off Britomaris alone as a prisoner for torture. A little later the Senones (who were serving as mercenaries), having no longer any homes to return to, fell boldly upon the consul Domitius, and being defeated by him killed themselves in despair. Such punishment was meted out to the Senones for their crime against the ambassadors. > Greek: XI. ὅτι τὸ τῶν Σενόνων ἔθνος ἔνσπονδον ἦν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ ἐμισθοφόρουν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ πρέσβεις ἔπεμψεν ἐγκαλέσοντας ὅτι ὄντες ἔνσπονδοι μισθοφοροῦσι κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. τούτους Βριτόμαρις ὁ Κελτός, ἀγανακτῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατρὸς ὅτι συμμαχῶν Τυρρηνοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ διέφθαρτο, τά τε κηρύκεια φέροντας καὶ τὴν ἄσυλον ἐσθῆτα περικειμένους κατέτεμεν ἐς πολλά, καὶ τὰ μέρη τῶν σωμάτων διέρριψεν ἐς τὰ πεδία. καὶ τοῦ μύσους ὁ Κορνήλιος ἐν ὁδῷ πυθόμενος, ἐς τὰς Σενόνων πόλεις συντόνῳ σπουδῇ διὰ Σαβίνων καὶ Πικεντίνων ἐσβαλὼν ἅπαντα καθῄρει καὶ ἐνεπίμπρη, τῶν τε ἀνθρώπων τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ παιδία ἠνδραποδίζετο, τοὺς δὲ ἐν ἥβῃ πάντας ἔκτεινεν ὁμαλῶς, καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐλυμαίνετο ποικίλως καὶ ἄοικον ἐς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐποίει. Βριτόμαριν δὲ μόνον ἦγεν αἰχμάλωτον ἐπὶ λύμῃ. ὕστερον δὲ Σένονες οὐκ ἔχοντες ἔτι πατρίδας ἐς ἃς διαφύγωσι, συνέπεσον ἐς χεῖρας ὑπὸ τόλμης τῷ Δομετίῳ, καὶ ἡττώμενοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὑπʼ ὀργῆς διεχρῶντο μανικῶς. καὶ δίκη μὲν ἥδε παρανομίας ἐς πρέσβεις ἐγένετο Σένοσιν. [¶10] XII. The chiefs of the Salyi, a nation vanquished by the Romans, took refuge with the Allobroges. When the Romans asked for their surrender and it was refused, they made war on the Allobroges, under the leadership of Cnaeus Domitius. When he was passing through the territory of the Salyi, an ambassador of Bituitus, king of the Allobroges, met him, arrayed magnificently and followed by attendants likewise arrayed, and also by dogs; for the barbarians of this region use dogs also as body-guards. A musician was in the train who sang in barbarous fashion the praises of King Bituitus, and then of the Allobroges, and then of the ambassador himself, celebrating his birth, his bravery, and his wealth; for which reason chiefly their illustrious ambassadors usually take such persons along with them. But this one, although he begged pardon for the chiefs of the Salyi, accomplished nothing. > Greek: XII. ὅτι οἱ Σαλύων δυνάσται, τοῦ ἔθνους ἡττηθέντος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἐς Ἀλλόβριγας κατέφυγον. καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐξαιτοῦντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀλλόβριγας οὐκ ἐκδιδόντας, ἡγουμένου σφῶν Γναίου Δομετίου. ᾧ παροδεύοντι τὴν τῶν Σαλύων ἐντυγχάνει πρεσβευτὴς Βιτοίτου βασιλέως τῶν Ἀλλοβρίγων, ἐσκευασμένος τε πολυτελῶς, καὶ δορυφόροι παρείποντο αὐτῷ κεκοσμημένοι καὶ κύνες· δορυφοροῦνται γὰρ δὴ καὶ πρὸς κυνῶν οἱ τῇδε βάρβαροι. μουσικός τε ἀνὴρ εἵπετο, βαρβάρῳ μουσικῇ τὸν βασιλέα Βιτοῖτον, εἶτʼ Ἀλλόβριγας, εἶτα τὸν πρεσβευτὴν αὐτὸν ἔς τε γένος καὶ ἀνδρείαν καὶ περιουσίαν ὑμνῶν· οὗ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἕνεκα αὐτοὺς οἱ τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπάγονται. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν συγγνώμην αἰτῶν τοῖς Σαλύων δυνάσταις ἀπέτυχεν. [¶11] XIII. A numerous band of the Teutones bent on plunder invaded the territory of Noricum. The Roman consul, Papirius Carbo, fearing lest they should make an incursion into Italy, occupied the Alps at a place where the pass is narrowest. As they made no attempt in this direction he attacked them, complaining that they had invaded the people of Noricum, who were foreign friends of the Romans. It was the practice of the Romans to make foreign friends of any people for whom they wanted to intervene on the score of friendship, without being obliged to defend them as allies. As Carbo was approaching, the Teutones sent word to him that they had not known anything about this relationship between Rome and Noricum, and that for the future they would keep hands off. He praised the ambassadors, and gave them guides for their homeward journey, but privately charged the guides to take them by a longer route. He himself then marched by a shorter one and fell unexpectedly upon the Teutones, though they were still desisting He ordered them to leave the bodies of the Cimbri intact till daylight because he believed they were adorned with gold. > Greek: XIII. ὅτι τῶν Τευτόνων μοῖρα λῃστεύουσα πολύανδρος ἐς τὴν γῆν τῶν Νωρικῶν ἐσέβαλε, καὶ ὁ Ῥωμαίων ὕπατος Παπίριος Κάρβων δείσας μὴ ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐσβάλοιεν, ἐφήδρευε τοῖς Ἀλπείοις, ᾗ μάλιστά ἐστιν ἡ διάβασις στενωτάτη. οὐκ ἐπιχειρούντων δʼ ἐκείνων αὐτὸς ἐπέβαινεν αὐτοῖς, αἰτιώμενος ἐς Νωρικοὺς ἐσβαλεῖν, Ῥωμαίων ξένους ὄντας· ἐποιοῦντο δʼ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ξένους, οἷς ἐδίδοσαν μὲν εἶναι φίλοις, ἀνάγκη δʼ οὐκ ἐπῆν ὡς φίλοις ἐπαμύνειν. οἱ μὲν δὴ Τεύτονες πλησιάζοντι τῷ Κάρβωνι προσέπεμπον ἀγνοῆσαί τε τὴν ἐς Ῥωμαίους Νωρικῶν ξενίαν, καὶ αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ μέλλον ἀφέξεσθαι· ὁ δʼ ἐπαινέσας τοὺς πρέσβεις, καὶ δοὺς αὐτοῖς ὁδῶν ἡγεμόνας, κρύφα τοῖς ἡγουμένοις ἐνετείλατο μακροτέραν αὐτοὺς περιάγειν. τῇ βραχυτέρᾳ δὲ αὐτὸς διαδραμών, ἀδοκήτως ἀναπαυομένοις ἔτι τοῖς Τεύτοσιν ἐμπεσών, ἔδωκε δίκην ἀπιστίας, πολλοὺς ἀποβαλών. τάχα δʼ ἂν καὶ πάντας ἀπώλεσεν, εἰ μὴ ζόφος καὶ ὄμβρος καὶ βρονταὶ βαρεῖαι, τῆς μάχης ἔτι συνεστώσης ἐπιπεσοῦσαι, διέστησαν αὐτοὺς ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, καὶ ὁ ἀγὼν ὑπὸ τῆς ἄνωθεν ἐκπλήξεως διελύθη. σποράδες δὲ καὶ ὣς ἐς ὕλας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διαφυγόντες, τρίτῃ μόλις ἡμέρᾳ συνῆλθον. καὶ Τεύτονες ἐς Γαλάτας ἐχώρουν. ὁ δὲ τοῖς σώμασι τῶν Κίμβρων ἀψαυστεῖν ἐκέλευεν, ἕως ἡμέρα γένγται, πολύχρυσα εἶναι δοκῶν. [¶12] XV. Two nations, the Tigurini and the Helvetii, made an incursion into the Roman province of Gaul. When Caesar heard of this movement he built a wall along the river Rhone about a hundred and fifty stades in length to intercept them. When they sent ambassadors to him to endeavor to make a treaty, he ordered them to give him hostages and money. They replied that they were accustomed to receive these things, not to give them. As he wished to prevent them Ariovistus, the king of the Germans beyond the Rhine, crossed to this side before Caesar’s arrival and made war against the AEdui, who were friends of the Romans. > Greek: XV. ὅτι ἔθνη δύο Τιγύριοι καὶ Ἑλουήτιοι ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων Κελτικὴν ἐσέβαλον, καὶ τούτων τὸν στόλον ὁ Καῖσαρ Γάϊος πυθόμενος διετείχισεν ὅσα περὶ Ῥοδανόν ἐστι ποταμὸν ἐς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα σταδίους μάλιστα. καὶ πρεσβευσαμένοις ἐπὶ διαπείρᾳ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑπὲρ σπονδῶν ἐκέλευεν ὅμηρα δοῦναι καὶ χρήματα. ἀποκριναμένων δʼ εἰθίσθαι ταῦτα λαμβάνειν, οὐ διδόναι, βουλόμενος φθάσαι τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς Τιγυρίους ἐλάσσους ὄντας ἔπεμπε Λαβιηνόν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἑλουητίους ἐχώρει, προσλαβὼν Γαλατῶν τῶν ὀρείων ἐς δισμυρίους. καὶ γίγνεται Λαβιηνῷ τὸ ἔργον εὐμαρές, ἀδοκήτοις Τιγυρίοις περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπιπεσόντι, καὶ τρεψαμένῳ καὶ σκεδάσαντι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν ἀσυνταξίᾳ. [¶13] XVI. But when the Romans commanded him to desist, he obeyed and moved away from AEdui and desired to be accounted a friend of the Roman people also, and this was granted, Caesar being consul and voting for it. > Greek: XVI. ὅτι Ἀριόουιστος, Γερμανῶν βασιλεὺς τῶν ὑπὲρ Ῥῆνον, ἐπιβαίνων τῆς πέραν Αἰδούοις ἔτι πρὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐπολέμει φίλοις οὖσι Ῥωμαίων. τότε μὲν δή, τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις κελεύουσι πεισθείς, ἀνέζευζεν ἀπὸ τῶν Αἰδούων, καὶ φίλος ἠξίωσε Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι. καὶ ἐγένετο, ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ ψηφισαμένου. [¶14] XVII. Ariovistus, the king of the Germans, who had been voted a friend of the Roman people, came to Caesar to have a colloquy. After they had separated he wished to have another. Caesar refused it, but sent some of the leading men of the Gauls to meet him. Ariovistus cast them in chains, wherefore Caesar threatened him and made war on him, but fear fell upon the army on account of the military reputation of the Germans. > Greek: XVII. ὅτι Ἀριόουιστος ὁ Γερμανῶν βασιλεύς, φίλος γενόμενος Ῥωμαίων, ἐς λόγους ἦλθε τῷ Καίσαρι, καὶ διαχωρισθέντων ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων αὖθις συνελθεῖν ἐς λόγους ἠξίωσεν. τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος οὐ συνελθόντος, ἀλλὰ τοὺς πρωτεύοντας Γαλατῶν ἀποστείλαντος, ἔδησε τοὺς πρέσβεις. καὶ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐστράτευεν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν μετʼ ἀπειλῆς. δέος δʼ ἐμπίπτει τῷ στρατῷ κατὰ κλέος τῶν Γερμανῶν. [¶15] XVIII. It is believed that the Usipetes and the Tenchteri, German tribes, with 800 of their own horse, put to flight about 5000 of Caesar’s horse. When they sent ambassadors to Caesar he held them as prisoners and made an attack on them, and took them so completely by surprise that 400,000 of them were cut to pieces. One writer says that Cato in the Roman Senate proposed that Caesar should be surrendered to the barbarians for this deed of blood perpetrated while negotiations were pending. But Caesar in his own diary says that when the Usipetes and Tenchteri were ordered to go back forthwith to their former homes, they replied that they had sent ambassadors to the Suevi, who had driven them away, and that they were waiting for their answer; that while these negotiations were pending, they set upon his men with 800 of their horse, and by the suddenness of the attack put to flight his 5000; and that when they sent another embassy to explain this violation of good faith he suspected a similar deception, and made his attack before giving his answer. > Greek: XVIII. ὅτι Οὐσιπέται, ἔθνος Γερμανικόν, καὶ Ταγχρέαι δοκοῦσι πρότεροι σφετέροις ἱππεῦσιν ὀκτακοσίοις τρέψασθαι τῶν Καίσαρος ἱππέων ἐς πεντακισχιλίους, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ αὐτοῖς πρεσβευομένοις ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπιθέσθαι, τοὺς πρέσβεις κατασχών, καὶ τὸ πάθος ἐκείνοις ἐς τέλος αἰφνίδιον οὕτω συνενεχθῆναι ὡς τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδας τούτων συγκοπῆναι. Κάτωνά τε ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν τις συγγραφέων φησὶ γνώμην ἐσενεγκεῖν, ἐκδοῦναι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὸν Καίσαρα ὡς ἐναγὲς ἔργον ἐς διαπρεσβευσαμένους ἐργασάμενον. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις ἀναγραφαῖς τῶν ἐφημέρων ἔργων φησὶ τοὺς Οὐσιπέτας καὶ Ταγχρέας κελευομένους ἐκπηδᾶν ἐς τὰ ἀρχαῖα σφῶν, φάναι πρέσβεις ἐς τοὺς ἐκβαλόντας Σουήβους ἀπεσταλκέναι καὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις αὐτῶν ἀναμένειν, καὶ ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς διαπρεσβεύσεσιν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς ὀκτακοσίοις, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸ τρέψαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίων πεντακισχιλίους. ἐπιπρεσβευομένων δʼ αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ παρασπονδήματος ἀπολογουμένων, ὑποτοπήσας ἐνέδραν ὁμοίαν, ἐπιθέσθαι πρὸ τῶν ἀποκρίσεων. [¶16] XIX. Straightway they stirred up the Britons to violate the oath, complaining that while a treaty with them was in force the camp was still among them. > Greek: XIX. εὐθὺς ἠρέθιζον τοὺς Βρεττανοὺς παρορκῆσαι, ἔγκλημα ἔχοντας ὅτι σπονδῶν σφίσι γενομένων ἔτι παρῆν τὸ στρατόπεδον. [¶17] XX. Caesar apprehending an attack on [Quintus] Cicero turned back. > Greek: XX. δείσας ὁ Καῖσαρ περὶ τῷ Κικέρωνι ὑπέστρεφεν εἰς τοὐπίσω. [¶18] XXI. Britores seduced the AEdui from their Roman allegiance. When Caesar reproached them for this, they said that an ancient alliance had the precedence. [Here follow two fragments of only three words each.] > Greek: XXI. ὅτι ὁ Βριτόρης διέφθειρεν Αἰδούους Ῥωμαίων ἀποστῆναι, καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὀνειδίσαντος αὐτοῖς φιλίαν ἔφασαν παλαιὰν ἐφθακέναι. ## 5. Sicily and the Other Islands Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/5/#p-N [¶0] I. BOTH Romans and Carthaginians were destitute of money; and the Romans could no longer build ships, being exhausted by taxes, yet they levied foot soldiers and sent them to Africa and Sicily from year to year, while the Carthaginians sent an embassy to Ptolemy, the son of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, king of Egypt, seeking to borrow 2000 talents. He was on terms of friendship with both Romans and Carthaginians, and he sought to bring about peace between them. As he was not able to accomplish this, he said: “It behooves one to assist friends against enemies, but not against friends.” > Greek: I. ὅτι ἀποροῦντες Ῥωμαῖοί τε καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι χρηματων, οἱ μὲν οὐκέτι ἐναυπήγουν, τετρυμένοι διὰ τὰς ἐσφοράς, ἀλλὰ πεζὴν στρατιὰν καταλέγοντες ἐξέπεμπον ἐς Λιβύην καὶ ἐς Σικελίαν ἀνὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον, Καρχηδόνιοι δʼ ἐς Πτολεμαῖον ἐπρεσβεύοντο, τὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου, βασιλέα Αἰγύπτου, δισχίλια τάλαντα κιχρώμενοι. τῷ δʼ ἦν ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ Καρχηδονίους φιλία, καὶ συναλλάξαι σφᾶς ἐπεχείρησεν ἀλλήλοις. οὐ δυνηθεὶς δʼ ἔφη χρῆναι φίλοις κατʼ ἐχθρῶν συμμαχεῖν, οὐ κατὰ φίλων. [¶1] II. When the Carthaginians had met with two disasters on land at the same time, and two at sea where they had considered themselves much the superior, and were already short of money, ships, and men, they sought an armistice from Lutatius and having obtained it sent an embassy to Rome to negotiate a treaty on certain limited conditions. With their own embassy they sent Atilius Regulus, the consul, who was their prisoner, to urge his countrymen to agree to the terms. When he came into the senate-chamber, clad as a prisoner in Punic garments, and the Carthaginian ambassadors had retired, he exposed to the Senate the desperate state of Carthaginian affairs, and advised that either the war should be prosecuted vigorously, or that more satisfactory conditions of peace should be insisted on. For this reason, after he had returned voluntarily to Carthage, the Carthaginians put him to death by enclosing him in a standing posture in a box the planks of which were stuck full of iron spikes so that he could not possibly lie down. Nevertheless peace was made on conditions more satisfactory to the Romans. The conditions were these: All Roman prisoners and deserters held by the Carthaginians were to be delivered up; Sicily and the small neighboring islands to be surrendered to the Romans; the Carthaginians not to initiate any war against Syracuse or its ruler, Hiero, nor to recruit mercenaries in any part of Italy; the Carthaginians to pay the Romans a war indemnity of 2000 Euboïc talents in twenty years, in yearly instalments payable at Rome. The Euboïc talent is equal to 7000 Alexandrine drachmas. So ended the first war between the Romans and the Carthaginians for the possession of Sicily, having lasted twenty-four years, in which the Romans lost 700 ships and the Carthaginians 500. In this way the chief part of Sicily (all of it that had been held by the Carthaginians) passed into the possession of the Romans. The latter levied tribute on the Sicilians, and apportioned certain naval charges among their towns, and sent a praetor each year to govern them. On the other hand Hiero, the ruler of Syracuse, who had coöperated with them in this war, was declared to be their friend and ally. When this war was ended the Gallic mercenaries demanded of the Carthaginians the pay still due to them for their service in Sicily, together with the presents that Hamilcar had promised to give them. The African soldiers, although they were Carthaginian subjects, demanded the same things, on account of their service in Sicily, and this they did the more arrogantly as they saw that the Carthaginians were weakened and humbled; they were angry also on account of the killing of 3000 of their own number whom the Carthaginians had crucified for deserting to the Romans. When the Carthaginians refused the demands of both Gauls and Africans, they joined together and seized the city of Tunis, and also Utica, the largest city in Africa after Carthage. Starting thence they detached the rest of Africa, and brought over to their side some Numidians, and received into their ranks a vast number of fugitive slaves, and pillaged the Carthaginian possessions in every direction. Being pressed by enemies on all sides the Carthaginians appealed to the Romans for aid against the Africans. The Romans did not send them a military force, but allowed them to draw supplies from Italy and Sicily, and to recruit mercenaries in Italy for this war only. They also sent deputies to Africa to arrange peace if they could, but they returned without accomplishing anything. The Carthaginians prosecuted the war vigorously. > Greek: II. ὅτι οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι δὶς ἐν τῇ γῇ τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου καὶ δὶς ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ παθόντες, ἐν ᾗ δὴ καὶ πάνυ προύχειν ἐνόμιζον, καὶ χρημάτων ἀποροῦντες ἤδη καὶ νεῶν καὶ ἀνδρῶν, ᾔτουν ἀνοχὰς παρὰ τοῦ Λουτατίου, καὶ λαβόντες ἐπρεσβεύοντὸ ἐς Ῥώμην περὶ διαλλαγῶν ἐπὶ βραχυτέροις, συνέπεμπόν τε τοῖς πρέσβεσιν Ἀτίλιον Ῥῆγλον τὸν ὕπατον, αἰχμάλωτον ὄντα σφῶν, δεησόμενον τῆς πατρίδος ἐπὶ τοῖσδε συνθέσθαι. ὁ δὲ ἧκε μὲν ὡς αἰχμάλωτος ἐσταλμένος φοινικικῶς, ὑπολειφθεὶς δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἐν τῷ βουλευτηρίῳ τετρῦσθαι τὰ Καρχηδονίων ἐδήλου, καὶ παρῄνεσεν ἢ πολεμεῖν ἐγκρατῶς ἢ ἐπὶ πλείοσι συνθέσθαι. καὶ τόνδε μὲν ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἑκόντα ἐπανελθόντα ἔκτειναν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι, κέντρα σιδήρεα σανίσιν ἐνηρμοσμένα πάντοθεν ἑστῶτι περιθέντες, ἵνα μηδαμόσε δύναιτο ἐπικλίνεσθαι, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπὶ πλείοσι συνέθεντο. καὶ ἦν ἐφʼ οἷς συνέθεντο, τὰ μὲν αἰχμάλωτα Ῥωμαίων καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους, ὅσοι παρὰ Καρχηδονίοις εἰσί, Ῥωμαίοις εὐθὺς ἀποδοῦναι, καὶ Σικελίας Ῥωμαίοις ἀποστῆναι καὶ τῶν βραχυτέρων νήσων ὅσαι περὶ Σικελίαν, Συρακοσίοις δὲ ἢ Ἱέρωνι τῷ Συρακουσῶν τυράννῳ πολέμου Καρχηδονίους μὴ κατάρχειν, μηδὲ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ξενολογεῖν, ποινὴν δὲ τοῦ πολέμου Ῥωμαίοις ἐνεγκεῖν τάλαντα Εὐβοϊκὰ δισχίλια ἐν ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι, τὸ μέρος ἑκάστου ἔτους ἐς Ῥώμην ἀναφέροντας. ἔχει δὲ τὸ Εὐβοϊκὸν τάλαντον Ἀλεξανδρείους δραχμὰς ἑπτακισχιλίας. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος περὶ Σικελίας Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πόλεμος, ἔτεσιν εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρσιν αὐτοῖς γενόμενος, ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα. καὶ ἀπώλοντο νῆες ἐν αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίων ἑπτακόσιαι, Καρχηδονίων δὲ πεντακόσιαι. Σικελίας δὲ οὕτω τοῦ πλέονος Ῥωμαῖοι κατέσχον, ὅσου Καρχηδόνιοι κατεῖχον· φόρους τε αὐτοῖς ἐπέθεσαν, καὶ τέλη τὰ θαλάσσια ταῖς πόλεσι μερισάμενοι στρατηγὸν ἐτήσιον ἔπεμπον ἐς Σικελίαν. Ἱέρωνα δὲ τὸν Συρακοσίων τύραννον, ἀνθʼ ὧν αὐτοῖς ἐς τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον συνεπεπράχει, φίλον καὶ σύμμαχον ἔθεντο. καταλυθέντος δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦδε, Κελτοὶ Καρχηδονίους τόν τε μισθὸν ᾔτουν τὸν ἔτι ὀφειλόμενον σφίσιν ἐκ Σικελίας, καὶ δωρεὰς ὅσας ὑπέσχητο αὐτοῖς δώσειν Ἀμίλχας. ᾔτουν δὲ καὶ Λίβυες, ὑπήκοοι μὲν ὄντες οἵδε Καρχηδονίων, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐν Σικελίᾳ στρατείας ἐπὶ φρονήματος γεγονότες καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἀσθενεῖς καὶ ταπεινοὺς ὁρῶντες· ἐχαλέπαινόν τε αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀναιρέσεως τῶν τρισχιλίων, οὓς ἐσταυρώκεσαν τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους μεταβολῆς οὕνεκα. διωθουμένων δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἑκατέρους, κατέλαβον ἄμφω Τύνητα πόλιν καὶ Ἰτύκην, ἣ μεγίστη Λιβύης ἐστὶ μετὰ Καρχηδόνα· ὅθεν ὁρμώμενοι τήν τε ἄλλην ἀφίστανον καὶ τῶν Νομάδων τινὰς ἔπειθον καὶ δούλων πολὺ πλῆθος ἀποδιδρασκόντων ὑπεδέχοντο, τά τε Καρχηδονίων πάντα ἐλεηλάτουν. οἱ δὲ πανταχόθεν πολεμούμενοι συμμάχους ἐπὶ τοὺς Λίβυας Ῥωμαίους ἐπεκαλοῦντο. καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι στρατιὰν μὲν αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἔπεμψαν, ἀγορὰν δʼ ἔκ τε Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας ἐπάγεσθαι καὶ ξενολογεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐς μόνον τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν. ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς Λιβύην, εἰ δύναιντο διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον· οἳ ἐπανῆλθον ἄπρακτοι. καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι ἐγκρατῶς εἴχοντο τοῦ πολέμου. [¶2] III. Hippocrates and Epicydes, two brothers, were generals of the Syracusans. They had been for a long time incensed against the Romans, and when they could not stir up their fellow-countrymen to war, they went over to the Leontines, who had some differences with the Syracusans. They accused their own countrymen of renewing a separate league with the Romans, although Hiero had made one to include the whole of Sicily. The Leontines were much stirred up by this. The Syracusans made proclamation that if anybody would bring them the head of Hippocrates or of Epicydes, they would give him its weight in gold. But the Leontines chose Hippocrates as their general. > Greek: III. ὅτι Ἱπποκράτης καὶ Ἐπικύδης, ἀδελφὼ μὲν ἀλλήλων, στρατηγὼ δὲ Συρακοσίων, Ῥωμαίοις ἐκ πολλοῦ δυσχεραίνοντες, ἐπεὶ τὰς Συρακούσας οὐκ ἴσχυον ἐκπολεμῶσαι, κατέφυγον ἐς Λεοντίνους διαφερομένους τοῖς Συρακοσίοις, καὶ κατηγόρουν τῆς πατρίδος ὅτι τὰς σπονδὰς Ἱέρωνος ἐφʼ ὅλῃ Σικελίᾳ πεποιημένου μόνοι Συρακόσιοι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀνακαινίσειαν. οἱ δὲ ἠρεθίζοντο. καὶ Συρακόσιοι μὲν ἐπεκήρυσσον, εἴ τις Ἱπποκράτους ἢ Ἐπικύδους κομίσειε τὴν κεφαλήν, ἰσόσταθμον αὐτῷ χρυσίον ἀντιδώσειν, Λεοντῖνοι δὲ αὑτῶν Ἱπποκράτη στρατηγὸν ᾑροῦντο. [¶3] IV. The Sicilians, who had been for a long time embittered against the Roman general Marcellus, on account of his severity, were still more excited against him because he had gained entrance to Syracuse by treachery. For this reason they joined themselves to Hippocrates, and took an oath together that none of them would make peace without the others, and sent him supplies and an army of 20,000 foot and 5000 horse. > Greek: IV. ὅτι Σικελοὶ καὶ τέως ἀγανακτοῦντες ἐπὶ τῇ ὠμότητι Μαρκέλλου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, μᾶλλόν τι καὶ τῷδε τῷ ἔργῳ συνεταράσσοντο, ἐφʼ ᾧ κατὰ προδοσίαν ἐς Συρακούσας ἐσῆλθεν. καὶ πρὸς Ἱπποκράτη μετετίθεντο, καὶ συνώμνυντο μὴ διαλύσασθαι χωρὶς ἀλλήλων, ἀγοράν τε αὐτῷ καὶ στρατιὰν ἔπεμπον, ἐς δισμυρίους πεζοὺς καὶ ἱππέας πεντακισχιλίους. [¶4] V. Marcellus was in such bad odor that nobody would trust him except under oath, for which reason, when the Tauro-menians gave themselves up to him, he made an agreement and confirmed it with an oath, that he would not station any guard in their city nor require the inhabitants to serve as soldiers. > Greek: V. ὅτι διαβεβλημένῳ τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ οὐκ ἐπίστευον χωρὶς ὅρκων. διὸ καὶ Ταυρομενίων προσχωρούντων οἱ, συνέθετο καὶ ὤμοσε μήτε φρουρήσειν τὴν πόλιν μήτε στρατολογήσειν ἀπʼ αὐτῆς. [¶5] VI. The island of Crete seemed to be favorably disposed towards Mithridates, king of Pontus, from the beginning, and it was said that they furnished him mercenaries when he was at war with the Romans. It is believed also that they recommended to the favor of Mithridates the pirates who then infested the sea, and openly assisted them when they were pursued by Marcus Antonius. When Antonius sent legates to them on this subject, they made light of the matter and gave him a disdainful answer. Antonius forthwith made war against them, and although he did not accomplish much, he gained the title of Creticus for his work. He was the father of the Mark Antony who, at a later period, fought against Octavius Caesar at Actium. When the Romans declared war against the Cretans, on account of these things, the latter sent an embassy to Rome to treat for peace. The Romans ordered them to surrender Lasthenes, the author of the war against Antonius, and to deliver up all their pirate ships and all the Roman prisoners in their hands, together with 300 hostages, and to pay 4000 talents of silver. As the Cretans would not accept these conditions, Metellus was chosen as the general against them. He gained a victory over Lasthenes at Cydonia. The latter fled to Gnossus, and Panares delivered over Cydonia to Metellus on condition of his own safety. While Metellus was besieging Gnossus, Lasthenes set fire to his own house there, which was full of money, and fled from the place. Then the Cretans sent word to Pompey the Great, who was conducting the war against the pirates, and against Mithridates, that if he would come they would surrender themselves to him. As he was then busy with other things, he commanded Metellus to withdraw from the island, as it was not seemly to continue a war against those who offered to give themselves up, and he said that he would come to receive the surrender of the island later. Metellus paid no attention to this order, but pushed on the war until the island was subdued, making the same terms with Lasthenes as he had made with Panares. Metellus was awarded a triumph and the title of Creticus with more justice than Antonius, for he actually subjugated the island. > Greek: VI. ὅτι Κρήτη ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχειν ἐδόκει Μιθριδάτῃ βασιλεύοντι Πόντου, καὶ αὐτῷ μισθοφορῆσαι πολεμοῦντι Ῥωμαίοις ἐλέγετο. ἔδοξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς πλεύσασι τότε λῃσταῖς ἐς χάριν τοῦ Μιθριδάτου συλλαβεῖν καὶ συμμαχῆσαι σαφῶς διωκομένοις ὑπὸ Μάρκου Ἀντωνίου. πρεσβευσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἀντωνίου πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπεριδεῖν καὶ ὑπερηφάνως ἀποκρίνασθαι. καὶ πολεμῆσαι μὲν αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῷδε Ἀντώνιος, καὶ οὐ πρᾶξαι καλῶς, χρηματίσαι δʼ ὅμως διὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν Κρητικός. καὶ ἦν ὅδε πατὴρ Μάρκου Ἀντωνίου τοῦ πολεμήσαντος ὕστερον Καίσαρι τῷ κληθέντι Σεβαστῷ περὶ Ἄκτιον. ψηφισαμένων δὲ Ῥωμαίων Κρησὶ πολεμεῖν διὰ τάδε, οἱ Κρῆτες ἐπρέσβευσαν ἐς Ῥώμην περὶ διαλλαγῶν. οἱ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευον ἐκδοῦναί τε αὐτοῖς Λασθένη τὸν πολεμήσαντα Ἀντωνίῳ, καὶ τὰ σκάφη τὰ λῃστικὰ πάντα παραδοῦναι, καὶ ὅσα Ῥωμαίων εἶχον αἰχμάλωτα, καὶ ὅμηρα τριακόσια καὶ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα τετρακισχίλια. οὐ δεξαμένων δὲ ταῦτα Κρητῶν ᾑρέθη στρατηγὸς ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς Μέτελλος. καὶ νικᾷ μὲν ὁ Μέτελλος ἐν Κυδωνίᾳ Λασθένη, καὶ φυγόντος ἐς Κνωσσὸν Πανάρης Μετέλλῳ τὴν Κυδωνίαν παρέδωκεν ἐπὶ συνθήκῃ, μηδὲν παθεῖν αὐτός. Μετέλλου δὲ Κνωσσὸν περικαθημένου, ὁ Λασθένης τὴν οἰκίαν χρημάτων πλήσας κατέφλεξε, καὶ διέφυγεν ἀπὸ τῆς Κνωσσοῦ. καὶ οἱ Κρῆτες ἐς Πομπήιον Μάγνον, στρατηγοῦντα τοῦ λῃστικοῦ καὶ Μιθριδατείου πολέμου, πέμψαντες ἔφασαν ἑαυτοὺς ἐλθόντι ἐπιτρέψειν. ὁ δὲ ἀσχόλως τότε ἔχων ἐκέλευε τὸν Μέτελλον, ὡς οὐ δέον ἔτι πολεμεῖν τοῖς ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιτρέπουσιν, ἐξανίστασθαι τῆς νήσου· παραλήψεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸς αὐτὴν ἐπελθών. ὁ δὲ οὐ φροντίσας ἐπέμεινε τῷ πολέμῳ, μέχρι ὑπηγάγετο αὐτήν, Λασθένει συνθέμενος ὅμοια Πανάρει. καὶ ἐθριάμβευσε, καὶ Κρητικὸς ἐκλήθη ὅδε δικαιότερον Ἀντωνίου, τὴν νῆσον ἐξεργασάμενος. [¶6] VII. The patrician Clodius, surnamed Pulcher, which means handsome, was in love with Caesar’s wife. He arrayed himself in woman’s clothes from head to foot, being still without a beard, and gained admission to Caesar’s house as a woman in the night, at a time when the mysteries [of the Bona Dea] were celebrated, to which only women were admitted. Having lost his guide, and being detected by others by the sound of his voice, he was hustled out. > Greek: VII. ὅτι Κλώδιος ὁ πατρίκιος, ὁ ποῦλχερ ἐπίκλην, τοῦτʼ ἔστιν εὐπρεπής, τῆς Γαΐου Καίσαρος γυναικὸς ἤρα. καὶ ἁρμόσασθαι αὑτὸν ἐς γυναῖκα ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἐς ἄκρους πόδας, ἔτι ὄντα ἀγένειον, καὶ ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Γαΐου παρελθεῖν οἷα γυναῖκα νυκτός, ὅτε μόναις γυναιξὶν ἐξῆν ἐσελθεῖν, μυστηρίων ἀγομένων. πλανηθέντα δὲ τῆς ὁδηγούσης, κατάφωρον ὑπʼ ἄλλων ἐκ τῆς φωνῆς γενόμενον ἐξελαθῆναι. ## 6. Numidian Affairs Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/6/#p-N [¶0] I. BOMILCAR being under accusation fled before his trial, and with him Jugurtha, who uttered that famous saying about bribetakers, that “the whole city of Rome could be bought if a purchaser could be found for it.” > Greek: I. ὅτι Βομίλχας κατηγορούμενος ἔφυγε πρὸ δίκης, καὶ Ἰογόρθας σὺν αὐτῷ, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ περιφερόμενον ἐς τοὺς δωροδοκοῦντας εἰπών, ὅτι Ῥωμαίων ἡ πόλις ἐστὶν ὠνία πᾶσα, εἴ τις ὠνητὴς αὐτῆς εὑρεθείη. [¶1] II. Metellus went back to the African province, where he was accused by the soldiers of slothfulness toward the enemy and of cruelty toward his own men, because he punished offenders severely. > Greek: II. ὅτι Μέτελλος ἀνεζεύγνυεν ἐς Λιβύην τὴν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις αἰτίαν ἔχων παρὰ τῷ στρατῷ βραδυτῆτος ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἐπὶ σφίσιν ὠμότητος· σφόδρα γὰρ τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας ἐκόλαζεν. [¶2] III. Metellus put the whole senate of Vacca to death because they had betrayed the Roman garrison to Jugurtha, and with them, also, Turpilius, the prefect of the guard, a Roman citizen, who was under suspicion of being in league with the enemy. After Jugurtha had delivered up to Metellus certain Thracian and Ligurian deserters, the latter cut off the hands of some, and others he buried in the earth up to their stomachs, and after transfixing them with arrows and darts set fire to them while they were still alive. > Greek: III. ὅτι Μέτελλος Βαγαίων ἀνῄρει τὴν βουλὴν ὅλην ὡς τὴν φρουρὰν προδόντας Ἰογόρθᾳ, καὶ τὸν φρούραρχον Τουρπίλιον, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαῖον οὐκ ἀνυπόπτως ἑαυτὸν ἐγχειρίσαντα τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐπαπκέτεινε τῇ βουλῇ. Θρᾷκας δὲ καὶ Λίγυας αὐτομόλους λαβὼν παρὰ Ἰογόρθα, τῶν μὲν τὰς χεῖρας ἀπέτεμνε, τοὺς δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν μέχρι γαστρὸς κατώρυσσε, καὶ περιτοξεύων ἢ ἐσακοντίζων ἔτι ἐμπνέουσι πῦρ ὑπετίθει. [¶3] IV. When Marius arrived at Cirta messengers came to him from Bocchus asking that he would send somebody to hold a conference with him. He accordingly sent Aulus Manlius, his lieutenant, and Cornelius Sulla, his quaestor. To them Bocchus said that he fought against the Romans on account of the acts of Marius, who had taken from him the territory which he himself had taken from Jugurtha. To this complaint of Bocchus, Manlius replied that the Romans had taken this territory from Syphax by the law of war, and had made a present of it to Masinissa, and that such gifts were made by the Romans to be kept by those who received them during the pleasure of the Senate and people of Rome. Nor did the Romans take back their gifts without reason. Masinissa was dead, and Jugurtha, who had murdered his grandchildren, was at war with the Romans. “It is not right,” he said, “that an enemy should keep the gift that we made to a friend, nor should you think that you can take from Jugurtha property that belongs to the Romans.” These were the words of Manlius concerning the territory in question. > Greek: IV. ὅτι τοῦ Μαρίου ἐς Κίρταν ἀφικομένου πρέσβεις Βόκχου παρῆσαν, οἳ πεμφθῆναί τινας ἐς λόγους Βόκχῳ παρεκάλουν. καὶ ἐπέμφθησαν Αὖλός τε Μάλλιος ὁ πρεσβευτὴς καὶ Κορνήλιος Σύλλας ὁ ταμίας, οἷς ὁ Βόκχος ἔφη Ῥωμαίοις πολεμῆσαι διὰ Μάριον· γῆν γὰρ ἣν αὐτὸς Ἰογόρθαν ἀφείλετο, πρὸς Μαρίου νῦν ἀφῃρῆσθαι. Βόκχος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐνεκάλει, Μάλλιος δʼ ἔφη τὴν γῆν τήνδε Ῥωμαίους ἀφελέσθαι Σύφακα πολέμου νόμῳ καὶ δοῦναι Μασσανάσσῃ δωρεάν, διδόναι δὲ Ῥωμαίους τὰς δωρεὰς ἔχειν τοῖς λαβοῦσιν ἕως ἂν τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δοκῇ. οὐ μὴν ἀλόγως μεταγνῶναι· Μασσανάσσην τε γὰρ ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ τοὺς Μασσανάσσου παῖδας Ἰογόρθαν κατακαίνοντα Ῥωμαίοις πολέμιον γενέσθαι. οὐκ οὖν ἔτι εἶναι δίκαιον οὔτε τὸν πολέμιον ἔχειν δωρεὰν ἣν ἔδομεν φίλῳ, οὔτε σὲ δοκεῖν Ἰογόρθαν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων. καὶ Μάλλιος μὲν τάδε περὶ τῆς γῆς ἔλεξεν. [¶4] V. Bocchus sent another embassy who were to solicit peace from Marius and urge Sulla to assist them in the negotiation. These ambassadors were despoiled by robbers on the road, but Sulla received them kindly and entertained them until Marius returned from Gaetulia. Marius advised them to urge Bocchus to consult with Sulla as to all his affairs. Accordingly, when Bocchus was inclined to betray Jugurtha he sent messengers around to the neighboring Ethiopians (who extend from eastern Ethiopia westward to the Mauritanian Mount Atlas) under pretence of raising a new army, and then asked Marius to send Sulla to him for a conference, and Marius did so. In this way Bocchus himself, and his friend Magdalses, and a certain freedman of Carthage, named Cornelius, deceived Apsar, the friend of Jugurtha, who had been left in Bocchus’ camp to keep watch on his doings. > Greek: V. ὅτι ὁ Βόκχος ἑτέρους ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις, οἳ Μαρίου μὲν ἔμελλον περὶ εἰρήνης δεήσεσθαι, Σύλλα δὲ ἵνα συμπράξειεν ἐς τὰς διαλύσεις. λῃστευθέντας δʼ ἐν ὁδῷ τοὺς πρέσβεις τούσδε ὁ Σύλλας ὑπεδέξατο, καὶ ξενίζει μέχρι Μάριον ἀπὸ Γαιτούλων ἐπανελθεῖν. παρῄνει δὲ Βόκχον διδάσκειν ὅτι χρὴ Σύλλᾳ πείθεσθαι περὶ ἁπάντων. ἐνδιδοὺς οὖν ἤδη πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Ἰογόρθα προδοσίαν ὁ Βόκχος, ἐς μὲν ὑπόκρισιν ἐπʼ ἄλλον στρατὸν περιέπεμπεν ἐς Αἰθίοπας τοὺς γείτονας, οἳ ἐπὶ ἑσπέραν ἀπὸ τῶν ἑώων Αἰθιόπων διήκουσιν ἐς τὸ Μαυρούσιον ὄρος ὃ καλοῦσιν Ἄτλαντα, Μάριον δʼ ἠξίου Σύλλαν οἱ πέμψαι συνελθεῖν ἐς λόγους. καὶ Μάριος μὲν ἔπεμπε τὸν Σύλλαν, Ἄψαρα δὲ Ἰογόρθα φίλον, ἐν Βόκχου καταλελειμμένον ἐφορᾶν τὰ γιγνόμενα, αὐτός τε Βόκχος καὶ Μαγδάλσης φίλος Βόκχου, καί τις ἐξελεύθερος ἀνδρὸς Καρχηδονίου, Κορνήλιος, ἐνήδρευσαν ὧδε. ## 7. Macedonian Affairs Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-early-books-and-fragments/7/#p-N [¶0] I. THE Romans paid no attention to Philip, the Macedonian, when he began war against them. They were so busy about other things that they did not even think of him, for Italy was still scourged by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, and they were at war in Africa, Carthage, and Spain, and were restoring order in Sicily. Philip himself, moved by a desire of enlarging his dominions, although he had suffered nothing whatever at the hands of the Romans, sent an embassy, the chief of which was Xenophanes, to Hannibal in Italy, proposing to aid him in Italy if he would promise to assist him in the subjugation of Greece. Hannibal agreed to this arrangement and took an oath to support it, and sent an embassy in return to receive the oath of Philip. A Roman trireme intercepted the ambassadors of both on their return and carried them to Rome. Thereupon Philip in his anger attacked Corcyra, which was in alliance with Rome. > Greek: I. ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦ Φιλίππου τοῦ Μακεδόνος τοῦ πολεμήσαντος αὐτοῖς πέρι πάμπαν ἐπολυπραγμόνουν οὐδέν, οὐδὲ σφίσιν ἐνθύμιος ἦν ὅλως πονουμένης ἔτι τῆς Ἰταλίας ὑπὸ Ἀννίβου τοῦ Καρχηδονίων στρατηγοῦ, καὶ αὐτοὶ μεγάλοις στρατοῖς Λιβύην καὶ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Ἰβηρίαν περικαθήμενοι, καὶ καθιστάμενοι Σικελίαν. αὐτὸς δὲ Φίλιππος ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμίᾳ μείζονος, οὐδέν τι προπαθών, ἔπεμπε πρὸς Ἀννίβαν ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν πρέσβεις, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Ξενοφάνης, ὑπισχνούμενος αὐτῷ συμμαχήσειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, εἰ κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ σύνθοιτο κατεργάσασθαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα. συμβάντος δʼ ἐς ταῦτα τοῦ Ἀννίβου καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ συνθήκῃ ὀμόσαντος, πρέσβεις τε ἀντιπέμψαντος ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρκους τοῦ Φιλίππου, Ῥωμαίων τριήρης ἔλαβε τοὺς ἑκατέρων πρέσβεις ἀναπλέοντας, καὶ ἐς Ῥώμην ἐκόμισεν. ἐφʼ ᾧ Φίλιππος ἀγανακτῶν Κερκύρᾳ προσέβαλεν, ἣ Ῥωμαίοις συνεμάχει. [¶1] II. The Sibylline books induced the Romans to make war against Philip by these lines: “The Macedonians boast their descent from Argive kings. Philip will be the arbiter of weal or woe to you. The elder of that name shall give rulers to cities and peoples, but the younger shall lose every honor, and shall die the subject of a western race.” > Greek: II. ότι ἐνῆγε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τὰ Σιβύλλεια εἰς τὸν Φιλίππου πόλεμον. ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα· αὐχοῦντες βασιλεῦσι Μακηδόνες Ἀργεάδῃσιν, ὑμῖν κοιρανέων ἀγαθὸν καὶ πῆμα Φίλιππος. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν πρότερος πόλεσιν λαοῖσί τʼ ἄνακτας θήσει, ὁ δʼ ὁπλότερος τιμὴν ἀπὸ πᾶσαν ὀλέσσει, δμηθεὶς δʼ ἑσπερίοισιν ὑπʼ ἀνδράσιν ἐνθάδʼ ὀλεῖται. [¶2] III. Ambassadors from Ptolemy, king of Egypt, and with them others from Chios and Mitylene, and from Amynander, king of the Athamanes, assembled at two different times at the place where the Aetolians were accustomed to call their cities together for consultation, to compose the differences between the Romans, the Aetolians, and Philip. But as Sulpicius said that it was not in his power to conclude peace, and wrote privately to the Senate that it was for the advantage of the Romans that the Aetolians should continue the war against Philip, the Senate forbade the treaty and sent 10,000 foot and 1000 horse to assist the Aetolians. With their help the Aetolians took Ambracia, which Philip recovered, not long afterward, on their departure. Again the ambassadors assembled and said that it was very evident that Philip and the Aetolians, by their differences, were subjecting the Greeks to servitude to the Romans, because they were accustoming the latter to make frequent attempts upon Greece. When Sulpicius rose to reply to them the crowd would not hear him, but shouted that the ambassadors had told the truth. Finally the Aetolians took the initiative and made peace with Philip by themselves without the Romans, and messengers were sent to Rome by Philip himself and by the commander of the Roman forces in order to come to an agreement. Peace was made between them on the condition that neither party should do any injury to the friends of the other. This was the result of the first trial of strength between them, and neither of them believed that the treaty would be lasting, since it was not based on good-will. > Greek: III. ὅτι Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλεύοντος Αἰγύπτου πρέσβεις, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἕτεροι παρά τε Χίων καὶ Μιτυληναίων καὶ Ἀμυνάνδρου τοῦ Ἀθαμάνων βασιλέως, δίς, ἔνθα περ οἱ Αἰτωλοὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπισκεψομένας ἐκάλουν, συνῆλθον ἐπὶ διαλλαγῇ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Φιλίππου. Σουλπικίου δʼ εἰπόντος οὐκ εἶναι κυρίου περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης τι κρῖναι, καὶ ἐς τὴν βουλὴν κρύφα ἐπιστέλλοντος ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις συμφέρει πολεμεῖν Αἰτωλοὺς Φιλίππῳ, ἡ μὲν βουλὴ τὰς συνθήκας ἐκώλυσε, καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἔπεμπε συμμαχίαν πεζοὺς μυρίους καὶ ἱππέας χιλίους, μεθʼ ὧν οἱ Αἰτωλοὶ κατέλαβον Ἀμβρακίαν, ἣν οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον αὐτῶν Φίλιππος ἀποπλευσάντων ἀνέλαβεν. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις αὖθις συνῆλθον, καὶ πολλὰ φανερῶς ἔλεγον, ὅτι Φίλιππος καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ διαφερόμενοι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐς δουλείαν Ῥωμαίοις ὑποβάλλουσιν, ἐθίζοντες αὐτοὺς τῆς Ἑλλάδος θαμινὰ πειρᾶσθαι. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ μὲν Σουλπίκιος ἀντιλέξων ἀνίστατο, τὸ δὲ πλῆθος οὐκ ἤκουσεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκεκράγεσαν τοὺς πρέσβεις εὖ λέγειν. καὶ τέλος Αἰτωλοί τε πρῶτοι κατὰ σφᾶς, ἄνευ Ῥωμαίων, Φιλίππῳ συνέβησαν, καὶ πρέσβεις αὐτοῦ Φιλίππου καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ διαλλαγαῖς ἀφίκοντο ἐς Ῥώμην. καὶ ἐγένοντο συνθῆκαι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Φιλίππῳ, μηδετέρους ἀδικεῖν τοὺς ἑκατέρωθεν φίλους. ἐς μὲν δὴ τοῦτʼ ἔληξεν ἡ Φιλίππου καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐς ἀλλήλους πεῖρα πρώτη, καὶ τὰς συνθήκας οὐδέτεροι βεβαίους, οὐδʼ ἀπʼ εὐνοίας, ἐδόκουν πεποιῆσθαι. [¶3] IV. Not long afterward Philip, having ordered a fleet to be prepared by his maritime subjects, took Samos and Chios and devasted a part of the territory of King Attalus. He even attempted Pergamus itself, not sparing temples or sepulchres. He also ravaged Peraea, which belonged to the Rhodians, who had been promoters of the treaty of peace. With another part of his army he ravaged Attica and laid siege to Athens, as though none of these countries concerned the Romans. It was reported also that a league had been made between Philip and Antiochus, king of Syria, to the effect that Philip should help Antiochus to conquer Egypt and Cyprus, of which Ptolemy IV., surnamed Philopator, who was still a boy, was the ruler; and that Antiochus should help Philip to gain Cyrene, the Cyclades islands, and Ionia. This rumor, so disquieting to all, the Rhodians communicated to Rome. After the Rhodians, ambassadors of Athens came complaining of the siege instituted by Philip. The Aetolians also had repented of their treaty, and they complained of Philip’s bad faith toward them and asked to be inscribed again as allies. The Romans reproached the Aetolians for their recent defection, but they sent ambassadors to the kings ordering Antiochus not to invade Egypt, and Philip not to molest the Rhodians, or the Athenians, or Attalus, or any other ally of theirs. To them Philip made answer that it would be well if the Romans would abide by the treaty of peace they had entered into with him. Thus was the treaty dissolved and a Roman army hastened to Greece, Publius commanding the land forces and Lucius the fleet. > Greek: IV. ὅτι μετʼ οὐ πολὺ Φίλιππος μὲν τῶν ὑπηκόων τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσης στόλον ἐπαγγείλας, Σάμον καὶ Χίον εἷλε, καὶ μέρος τῆς Ἀττάλου γῆς ἐπόρθησε, καὶ αὐτῆς ἀπεπείρασε Περγάμου, μὴ φειδόυενος ἱερῶν ἢ τάφων, τήν τε Ῥοδίων περαίαν ἐδῄου διαλλακτήρων οἱ γεγονότων, καὶ ἑτέρῳ μέρει στρατοῦ τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐλυμαίνετο καὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἐπολιόρκει, ὡς οὐδὲν τῶνδε Ῥωμαίοις προσηκόντων. λόγος τε ἦν ὅτι Φίλιππος καὶ Ἀντίοχος ὁ Σύρων βασιλεὺς ὑπόσχοιντο ἀλλήλοις, Ἀντιόχῳ μὲν ὁ Φίλιππος συστρατεύσειν ἐπί τε Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἐπὶ Κύπρον, ὧν τότε ἦρχεν ἔτι παῖς ὢν Πτολεμαῖος ὁ τέταρτος, ᾧ φιλοπάτωρ ἐπώνυμον ἦν, Φιλίππῳ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἐπὶ Κυρήνην καὶ τὰς Κυκλάδας νήσους καὶ Ἰωνίαν. καὶ τήνδε τὴν δόξαν, ἐκταράσσουσαν ἅπαντας Ῥόδιοι μὲν Ῥωμαίοις ἐμήνυσαν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς Ῥοδίων Ἀθηναίων πρέσβεις ᾐτιῶντο Φίλιππον τῆς πολιορκίας. καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ μεταγιγνώσκοντες κατηγόρουν ὡς καὶ περὶ σφᾶς ἀπίστου γεγονότος, ἠξίουν τε αὖθις ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους ἐγγραφῆναι. Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ Αἰτωλοῖς ἐμέμψαντο τῆς οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ μεταβολῆς, πρέσβεις δʼ ἐς τοὺς βασιλέας ἔπεμπον, οἳ προηγόρευον αὐτοῖς Ἀντίοχον μὲν Αἰγύπτῳ μὴ ἐπιχειρεῖν, Φίλιππον δὲ μηδὲν ἐς Ῥοδίους ἢ Ἀθηναίους ἢ Ἄτταλον ἢ ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ Ῥωμαίων φίλον ἁμαρτάνειν. τούτοις ὁ Φίλιππος ἀπεκρίνατο Ῥωμαίοις ἕξειν καλῶς, ἂν ἐμμένωσιν ᾗ συνέθεντο πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰρήνῃ. οὕτω μὲν αἱ γενόμεναι σπονδαὶ ἐλέλυντο, καὶ στρατιὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἠπείγετο, στρατηγοῦντος Ποπλίου καὶ ναυαρχοῦντος Λευκίου. [¶4] V. Philip, king of Macedon, had a conference with Flamininus, which had been brought about by the ambassadors of the Epirots. When Flamininus ordered Philip to retire to Greece, not on account of the Romans, but of the Greek cities themselves and to make good the damage he had done to the aforesaid cities.... A shepherd promised to guide an army well equipped for the climb by a mountain path in three days’ time. > Greek: V. ὅτι ὁ Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς τῷ Φλαμινίνῳ … σητει, συναγόντων αὐτοὺς Ἠπειρωτῶν πρέσβεων. ὡς δὲ ὁ Φλαμινῖνος Φίλιππον ἐκέλευσεν ἐκστῆναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐ Ῥωμαίοις ἀλλὰ ταῖς πόλεσιν αὐταῖς, καὶ τὰς βλάβας ταῖς προειρημέναις ἀποδοθῆναι, ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος τὰ μὲν … ποιμὴν ὑπέσχετο στρατὸν εὔζωνον ἄξειν ὁδὸν ἀτριβῆ τρισὶν ἡμέραις. [¶5] VII. Lucius Quintius [Flamininus] sent envoys to the Achaean League to persuade them, together with the Athenians and Rhodians, to abandon Philip and join the Romans, and to ask them to furnish aid as allies. But they, being troubled by a civil war and also by one with Nabis, the neighboring tyrant of Lacedaemon, were divided in mind and hesitated. The greater part of them preferred the alliance of Philip and sided against the Romans on account of certain outrages against Greece committed by Sulpicius, the former commander. When the Roman faction urged their views with vehemence, most of their opponents left the assembly in disgust, and the remainder, being forced to yield by the smallness of their number, entered into an alliance with Lucius and followed him at once to the siege of Corinth, bringing their engines with them. > Greek: VII. ὅτι Λεύκιος Κοΐντιος ἐς τὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν σύλλογον ἀπέστειλε πρέσβεις, οἳ μετὰ Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ῥοδίων ἔπειθον αὐτοὺς μεταθέσθαι πρὸς σφᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου, διεπρεσβεύετο δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος αἰτῶν βοήθειαν ὡς συμμάχους. οἱ δὲ ἐνοχλούμενοι μὲν οἰκείῳ καὶ γείτονι πολέμῳ Νάβιδος τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων τυράννου, διεστῶτες δὲ ταῖς γνώμαις ἠπόρουν, καὶ οἱ πλείονες ᾑροῦντο τὰ Φιλίππου καὶ ἀπεστρέφοντο Ῥωμαίους διά τινα ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Σουλπικίου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ παρανομήματα. ἐγκειμένων δὲ βιαίως τῶν ῥωμαϊζόντων, οἱ πολλοὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπεχώρουν δυσχεραίνοντες, καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ διὰ τὴν ὀλιγότητα ἐκβιασθέντες συνέθεντο τῷ Λευκίῳ, καὶ εὐθὺς ἠκολούθουν ἐπὶ Κόρινθον μηχανήματα φέροντες. [¶6] VIII. Flamininus came into conference with Philip a second time at the Malian gulf. When the Rhodians, the Aetolians, and Amynander, king of the Athamanes, made their complaints against Philip, Flamininus ordered him to remove his garrison from Phocis, and required both parties to send ambassadors to Rome. When this was done the Greeks asked the Roman Senate to require Philip to remove from their country the three garrisons which he called the fetters of Greece: the one at Chalcis, which threatened the Bœotians, the Eubœans, and the Locrians; the one at Corinth, which closed the door of the Peloponnesus; and the third at Demetrias, which lay, as it were, in ambush for the Aetolians and the Magnesians. The Senate asked Philip’s ambassadors what the king’s views were respecting the garrisons. When they answered that they did not know, the Senate said that Flamininus should decide the question and do what he considered just. So the ambassadors took their departure from Rome. Flamininus and Philip, being unable to come to any agreement, resumed hostilities. > Greek: VIII. ὅτι Φλαμινῖνος αὖθις συνῆλθεν ἐς λόγους Φιλίππῳ κατὰ τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον, ἔνθα κατηγορούντων τοῦ Φιλίππου Ῥοδίων καὶ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Ἀμυνάνδρου τοῦ Ἀθαμᾶνος ἐκέλευσε Φίλιππον ἐξάγειν τὰς φρουρὰς ἐκ Φωκίδος, καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥώμην ἀμφοτέρους ἀποστεῖλαι. γενομένων δὲ τούτων, οἱ μὲν Ἕλληνες ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἠξίουν τὸν Φίλιππον ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὰς τρεῖς φρουρὰς ἃς αὐτὸς πέδας ἐκάλει τῆς Ἑλλάδος, τὴν μὲν ἐν Χαλκίδι· Βοιωτοῖς καὶ Εὐβοεῦσι καὶ Λοκροῖς ἐπικειμένην, τὴν δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ καθάπερ πύλαις τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἀποκλείουσαν, καὶ τρίτην ἐν Δημητριάδι τὴν Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ Μάγνησιν ἐφεδρεύουσαν· ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τοὺς Φιλίππου πρέσβεις ἤρετο τί φρονοίη περὶ τῶνδε τῶν φρουρῶν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἀποκριναμένων δὲ ἀγνοεῖν, Φλαμινῖνον ἔφη κρινεῖν, καὶ πράξειν ὅ τι ἂν δίκαιον ἡγῆται. οὕτω μὲν οἱ πρέσβεις ἐκ Ῥώμης ἐπανῄεσαν, Φλαμινῖνος δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος ἐς οὐδὲν συμβαίνοντες ἀλλήλοις αὖθις ἐς πόλεμον καθίσταντο. [¶7] IX. Philip, being defeated again, sent a herald to Flamininus to sue for peace, and again Flamininus granted him a conference, whereat the Aetolians were greatly displeased and accused him of being bribed by the king, and complained of his sudden change of mind as to all these matters. But he thought that it would not be to the advantage of the Romans, or of the Greeks, that Philip should be deposed and the Aetolian power made supreme. Perhaps, also, the unexpected greatness of the victory made him satisfied. Having agreed upon a place where Philip should come, he directed the allies by cities to deliver their opinions. Some of them were disposed to be moderate, viewing suspiciously the mysteries of fortune as evinced in the calamities of Philip, and considering this disaster that had befallen him due not so much to weakness as to bad luck. But Alexander, the presiding officer of the Aetolians, said, “Flamininus cannot be ignorant that this victory will be of no advantage to the Romans or the Greeks unless the kingdom of Philip is overthrown.” Flamininus replied, “Alexander cannot be ignorant of the custom of the Romans, who never destroy an enemy at once, but have spared many offenders, as recently the Carthaginians, restoring their property to them and making allies of those who had done them wrong. You forget also that there are many barbarous tribes on the border of Macedonia, who would make easy incursions into Greece if the Macedonian kings were taken away. Wherefore, I think that the Macedonian government should be left to protect you against the barbarians, but Philip must retire from those Greek places that he has hitherto refused to give up, and must pay the Romans 200 talents for the expenses of the war, and give hostages of the most noble families, including his own son, Demetrius. Until the Senate ratifies these conditions there shall be an armistice of four months.” Philip accepted all these conditions, and the Senate, when it learned the facts, ratified the peace, but considered the terms granted by Flamininus too lenient, and, accordingly, decreed that all the Greek cities that had been under Philip’s rule should be free, and that he should withdraw his garrisons from them before the next celebration of the Isthmian games; that he should deliver to Flamininus all his ships, except one with six benches of oars and five small ones with decks; that he should pay the Romans 500 talents of silver down, and remit to Rome 500 more in ten years, in annual instalments; and that he should surrender all prisoners and deserters in his hands. These conditions were added by the Senate and Philip accepted them all, by which it was made plain that those named by Flamininus were much too lenient. They sent to him as counsellors ten men (as was customary at the end of a war), with whose aid he should regulate the new acquisitions. When he had arranged these things with them he went to the Isthmian games, and, the stadium being full of people, he commanded silence by trumpet and directed the herald to make this proclamation, “The Roman people and Senate, and Flamininus, their general, having vanquished the Macedonians and Philip, their king, order that Greece shall be free from foreign garrisons, not subject to tribute, and shall live under her own customs and laws.” Thereupon there was great shouting and rejoicing and a scene of rapturous tumult; and groups here and there called the herald back in order that he might repeat his words for them. They threw crowns and fillets upon the general and voted statues for him in their cities. They sent ambassadors with golden crowns to the Capitol at Rome to express their gratitude, and inscribed themselves as allies of the Roman people. Such was the end of the second war between the Romans and Philip. Not long afterward Philip lent aid in Greece to the Romans in their war against King Antiochus. As they were moving against Antiochus in Asia, passing through Thrace and Macedonia by a difficult road, he escorted them with his own troops, supplied them with food and money, repaired the roads, bridged the unfordable streams, and dispersed the hostile Thracians, until he had conducted them to the Hellespont. In return for these favors the Senate released his son Demetrius, who had been held by them as a hostage, and remitted the payments of money still due from him. But these Thracians fell upon the Romans when they were returning from their victory over Antiochus, when Philip was no longer with them, carried off booty and killed many — by which it was plainly shown how great a service Philip had rendered them when they were going. That war being ended, many of the Greeks charged Philip with doing or omitting various things, in disregard of the orders given by Flamininus when he settled the affairs of Greece. To answer these charges Demetrius went as an envoy to Rome in his father’s behalf, the Romans being well pleased with him aforetime, when he had been a hostage, and Flamininus strongly recommending him to the Senate. As he was a very young man and somewhat flustered, they directed him to read his father’s memorandum in which were written down, one by one, the things already done and those yet to be done, although decided upon contrary to justice; for, indeed, his unjust acts were prominent in the thought of many. Nevertheless, the Senate, having regard to his late zeal in the matter of Antiochus, said that it would pardon him, but added that it did so on account of Demetrius. Philip, having been confessedly most useful to them in the war with Antiochus, when he might have done them the greatest damage if he had cooperated with Antiochus, as the latter asked him to, expecting much on this account and now seeing himself discredited and accused, and considered worthy of pardon rather than of gratitude, and even this merely on account of Demetrius, was indignant and angry, but concealed his feelings for a time. Afterwards, in a certain arbitration before the Romans, they transferred much of his territory to Eumenes, seeking all the time to weaken him. Then, at once, he began secretly preparing for war. > Greek: IX. ὅτι ἡττηθεὶς πάλιν ὁ Φίλιππος περὶ συμβάσεων ἐπεκηρυκεύετο πρὸς Φλαμινῖνον, ὁ δʼ αὖθις αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν ἐς λόγους συνεχώρει, πολλὰ μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δυσχεραινόντων, καὶ διαβαλλόντων αὐτὸν ἐς δωροδοκίαν, καὶ καταγιγνωσκόντων τῆς ἐς ἅπαντα εὐχεροῦς μεταβολῆς, ἡγούμενος δʼ οὔτε Ῥωμαίοις συμφέρειν οὔτε τοῖς Ἕλλησι Φιλίππου καθαιρεθέντος ἐπιπολάσαι τὴν Αἰτωλῶν βίαν. τάχα δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ παράδοξον τῆς νίκης ἀγαπᾶν ἐποίει. συνθέμενος δὲ χωρίον οἷ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐπελθεῖν ἔδει τοὺς συμμάχους ἐκέλευσε γνώμην προαποφήνασθαι κατὰ πόλεις. τὰ μὲν δὴ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων φιλάνθρωπα ἦν, τό τε τῆς τύχης ἄδηλον ἐξ ὧν ἔπαθεν ὁ Φίλιππος ὑφορωμένων, καὶ τὸ πταῖσμα τοῦτο οὐ κατʼ ἀσθένειαν ἀλλὰ πλέον ἐκ συντυχίας αὐτὸν παθεῖν ἡγουμένων· Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν πρόεδρος ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη τὸν Φλαμινῖνον ὅτι μηδὲν ἄλλο μήτε Ῥωμαίοις μήθʼ Ἕλλησι συνοίσει πλὴν ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν Φιλίππου. ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη τὴν Ῥωμαιων φύσιν, οἳ οὐδένα πω τῶν ἐχθρῶν εὐθὺς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἀνέτρεψαν, ἀλλὰ πολλῶν ἐς αὐτοὺς ἁμαρτόντων, καὶ Καρχηδονίων ἔναγχος, ἐφείσαντο, τὰ σφέτερα αὐτοῖς ἀποδόντες καὶ φίλους ποιησάμενοι τους ἠδικηκότας. ἀγνοεῖς δʼ, ἔφη, καὶ τοῦθʼ, ὅτι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἔθνη πολλά, ὅσα βάρβαρα τὴν Μακεδονίαν περικάθηται, εἴ τις ἐξέλοι τοὺς Μακεδόνων βασιλέας, ἐπιδραμεῖται ῥᾳδίως. ὅθεν ἐγὼ δοκιμάζω τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἐᾶν τῶν Μακεδόνων προπολεμεῖν ὑμῶν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους, Φίλιππον δὲ ἐκστῆναι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὧν πρότερον ἀντέλεγε χωρίων, καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου δαπάνην ἐσενεγκεῖν τάλαντα διακόσια, ὅμηρά τε δοῦναι τὰ ἀξιολογώτατα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Δημήτριον, μέχρι δὲ ταῦθʼ ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπικυρώσει, τετραμήνους ἀνοχὰς γενέσθαι. δεξαμένου δὲ πάντα τοῦ Φιλίππου, τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην ἡ βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ἐπεκύρωσε, τὰς δὲ προτάσεις τὰς Φλαμινίνου σμικρύνασα καὶ φαυλίσασα, ἐκέλευσε τὰς πόλεις ὅσαι ἦσαν Ἑλληνίδες ὑπὸ Φιλίππῳ, πάσας ἐλευθέρας εἶναι, καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἀπʼ αὐτῶν Φίλιππον ἐξαγαγεῖν πρὸ τῶν ἐπιόντων Ἰσθμίων, ναῦς τε ὅσας ἔχει, χωρὶς ἑξήρους μιᾶς καὶ σκαφῶν πέντε καταφράκτων, παραδοῦναι τῷ Φλαμινίνῳ, καὶ ἀργυρίου τάλαντα Ῥωμαίοις ἐσενεγκεῖν πεντακόσια μὲν αὐτίκα πεντακόσια δὲ ἔτεσι δέκα, ἑκάστου τὸ μέρος ἔτους ἐς Ῥώμην ἀναφέροντα, ἀποδοῦναι δὲ καὶ αἰχμάλωτα καὶ αὐτόμολα αὐτῶν ὅσα ἔχοι. τάδε μὲν ἡ βουλὴ προσέθηκε, καὶ Φίλιππος ἐδέξατο ἅπαντα· ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα ἡ σμικρολογία Φλαμινίνου καταφανὴς ἐγένετο. συμβούλους δʼ ἔπεμπον αὐτῷ, καθάπερ εἰώθεσαν ἐπὶ τοῖς λήγουσι πολέμοις, δέκα ἄνδρας, μεθʼ ὧν αὐτὸν ἔδει τὰ εἰλημμένα καθίστασθαι. καὶ τάδε μὲν διετίθετο σὺν ἐκείνοις, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐς τὸν τῶν Ἰσθμίων ἀγῶνα ἐπελθών, πληθύοντος τοῦ σταδίου, σιωπήν τε ἐσήμηνεν ὑπὸ σάλπιγγι, καὶ τὸν κήρυκα ἀνειπεῖν ἐκέλευσεν· ὁ δῆμος ὁ Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος καὶ Φλαμινῖνος ὁ στρατηγός, Μακεδόνας καὶ βασιλέα Φίλιππον ἐκπολεμήσαντες, ἀφιᾶσι τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀφρούρητον ἀφορολόγητον ἰδίοις ἤθεσι καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι. πολλῆς δʼ ἐπὶ τούτῳ βοῆς καὶ χαρᾶς γενομένης θόρυβος ἥδιστος ἦν, ἑτέρων μεθʼ ἑτέρους τὸν κήρυκα καὶ παρὰ σφᾶς ἀνειπεῖν μετακαλούντων. στεφάνους τε καὶ ταινίας ἐπέβαλλον τῷ στρατηγῷ, καὶ ἀνδριάντας ἐψηφίζοντο κατὰ πόλεις. πρέσβεις τε μετὰ χρυσῶν στεφάνων ἔπεμπον ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, οἳ χάριν ὡμολόγουν, καὶ ἐς τοὺς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους ἀνεγράφοντο. καὶ δεύτερος ὅδε πόλεμος Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Φιλίππῳ ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα. οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ συνεμάχησε Ῥωμαίοις ὁ Φίλιππος ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι κατʼ Ἀντιόχου βασιλέως, περῶντάς τε ἐπὶ Ἀντίοχον ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν διὰ Θρᾴκης καὶ Μακεδονίας ὁδὸν οὐκ εὐμαρῆ παρέπεμπεν οἰκείοις τέλεσι καὶ τροφαῖς, ὁδοποιῶν καὶ ποταμοὺς δυσπόρους ζευγνὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπικειμένους Θρᾷκας διακόπτων, ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἤγαγεν. ἐφʼ οἷς ἡ μὲν βουλὴ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῷ Δημήτριον παρὰ σφίσιν ὁμηρεύοντα ἀπέλυσε, καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἀφῆκεν ὧν ἔτι ὤφειλεν· οἱ δὲ Θρᾷκες οἵδε Ῥωμαίους ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπʼ Ἀντιόχῳ νίκης, ἐπανιόντας, οὐκέτι Φιλίππου παρόντος, τήν τε λείαν ἀφείλοντο καὶ πολλοὺς διέφθειραν, ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπεδείχθη ὅσον αὐτοὺς ἀνιόντας ὤνησεν ὁ Φίλιππος. Ἐκτελεσθέντος δὲ τοῦ κατʼ Ἀντιόχου πολέμου πολλοὶ κατηγόρουν τοῦ Φιλίππου, τὰ μὲν ἀδικεῖν αὐτόν, τὰ δὲ οὐ ποιεῖν ὧν ὥρισε Φλαμινῖνος, ὅτε διετίθετο τὴν Ἑλλάδα. καὶ Δημήτριος ἐς ἀντιλογίαν ἐπρέσβευεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, κεχαρισμένος μὲν ἔκπαλαι Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμηρείας, Φλαμινίνου δὲ αὐτὸν τῇ βουλῇ γνωρίζοντος ἰσχυρῶς. νεώτερον δʼ ὄντα καὶ θορυβούμενον ἐκέλευσαν τὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπομνήματα ἀναγνῶναι, ἐν οἷς ἦν ἐφʼ ἑκάστου, τὰ μὲν ἤδη γεγονέναι, τὰ δὲ γενήσεσθαι, καίπερ ἀδίκως ὡρισμένα· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο προσέκειτο πολλοῖς. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ τὴν ὑπόγυον αὐτοῦ ἐς Ἀντίοχον προθυμίαν αἰδουμένη, συγγιγνώσκειν τε ἔφη, καὶ προσεπεῖπε διὰ Δημήτριον. ὁ δʼ ὁμολογουμένως αὐτοῖς ἐς τὸν Ἀντιόχου πόλεμον χρησιμώτατός τε γεγονώς, καὶ βλαβερώτατος ἂν φανεὶς εἰ Ἀντιόχῳ παρακαλοῦντι συνέπραξε, πολλὰ ἐλπίσας ἐπὶ τῷδε, καὶ ὁρῶν αὑτὸν ἀπιστούμενον καὶ κατηγορούμενον καὶ συγγνώμης ἀντὶ χαρίτων ἀξιούμενον, καὶ τῆσδε διὰ Δημήτριον, ἤχθετο καὶ ἠγανάκτει, καὶ ἐπέκρυπτεν ἄμφω. ὡς δὲ καὶ ἐν δίκῃ τινὶ Ῥωμαῖοι πολλὰ τῶν Φιλίππου πρὸς Εὐμένη μετέφερον, ἀσθενοποιοῦντες ἀεὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ἐς πόλεμον ἤδη λανθάνων ἡτοιμάζετο. [¶8] X. Philip utterly destroyed all forces that sailed against him, lest the Romans should say that the Macedonian power was weakening. > Greek: X. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος τοὺς ἐπιπλέοντας διέφθειρεν, ἵνα μὴ Ῥωμαίοις λέγοιεν τὰ Μακεδόνων ἐκτετρῦσθαι. [¶9] XI. The Romans were suspicious of Perseus (the son of Philip) on account of his rapidly growing power, and they were especially disturbed by his nearness to the Greeks and their friendship for him, due to hatred of the Romans, which the Roman generals had caused. Afterward the ambassadors, who were sent to the Bastarnae, reported that they had observed that Macedonia was strongly fortified and had abundant war material, and that its young men were well drilled; and these things also disturbed the Romans. When Perseus perceived this he sent other ambassadors to allay the suspicion. At this time also Eumenes, king of that part of Asia lying about Pergamus, fearing Perseus on account of his own former enmity to Philip, cane to Rome and accused him publicly before the Senate, saying that he had always been hostile to the Romans; that he had killed his brother for being friendly to them; that he had aided Philip in collecting material for war against them, which material, when he became king, he did not desist from collecting, but added much more to it; that he was conciliating the Greeks in every possible way and furnishing military aid to the Byzantines, the Aetolians, and the Bœotians; that he had possessed himself of the great stronghold of Thrace and had stirred up dissensions among the Thessalians and the Perrhaebi when they wanted to send an embassy to Rome. > Greek: XI. ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι ταχέως αὐξανόμενον τὸν Περσέα ὑφεωρῶντο· καὶ μάλιστα αὐτοὺς ἠρέθιζεν ἡ τῶν Ἑλλήνων φιλία καὶ γειτνίασις, οἷς ἔχθος ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἐπεποιήκεσαν οἱ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοί. ὡς δὲ καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις οἱ ἐς Βαστέρνας ἀπεσταλμένοι τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἔφασκον ἰδεῖν ἀσφαλῶς ὠχυρωμένην καὶ παρασκευὴν ἱκανὴν καὶ νεότητα γεγυμνασμένην, Ῥωμαίους καὶ τάδε διετάρασσεν. αἰσθόμενος δʼ ὁ Περσεὺς ἑτέρους ἔπεμπε πρέσβεις, τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἐκλύων. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Εὐμένης ὁ τῆς περὶ τὸ Πέργαμον Ἀσίας βασιλεύς, ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον ἔχθρας δεδιὼς Περσέα ἧκεν ἐς Ῥώμην, καὶ κατηγόρει φανερῶς αὐτοῦ, παρελθὼν ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον, ὅτι Ῥωμαίοις δυσμενὴς γένοιτο ἀεί, καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οἰκείως ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔχοντα ἀνέλοι, καὶ Φιλίππῳ τε παρασκευὴν τοσήνδε κατʼ αὐτῶν συναγαγόντι συμπράξειε, καὶ βασιλεὺς γενόμενος οὐδὲν ἐκλύσειεν αὐτῆς ἀλλὰ καὶ προσεξεργάσαιτο ἕτερα, καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀμέτρως θεραπεύοι, Βυζαντίοις τε καὶ Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ Βοιωτοῖς συμμαχήσας, καὶ Θρᾴκην κατακτῷτο, μέγα ὁρμητήριον, καὶ Θετταλοὺς καὶ Περραιβοὺς διαστασιάσειε βουλομένους τι πρεσβεῦσαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς. [¶10] “And of your two friends and allies”, he said, “he drove Abrupolis out of his kingdom and conspired to kill Arthetaurus, the Illyrian chief, and gave shelter to his murderers.” Eumenes also slandered him on account of his marriages, both of which were with royal families, and for his bridal processions escorted by the whole fleet of Rhodes. He even made his industry a crime and his sobriety of life (being so young), and his being beloved and praised by so many in so short a time. Of the things that could excite their jealousy, envy, and fear even more strongly than direct accusations, Eumenes omitted nothing, and he urged the Senate to beware of a youthful enemy so highly esteemed and so near to them. > Greek: καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων, ἔφη, φίλων καὶ συμμάχων Ἀβρούπολιν μὲν ἀφῄρηται τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἀρθέταυρον δʼ ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς δυνάστην καὶ ἔκτεινεν ἐπιβουλεύσας, καὶ τοὺς ἐργασαμένους ὑποδέδεκται. διέβαλλε δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπιγαμίας βασιλικὰς ἄμφω γενομένας, καὶ τὰς νυμφαγωγίας ὅλῳ τῷ Ῥοδίων στόλῳ παραπεμφθείσας. ἔγκλημα δʼ ἐποίει καὶ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ νηφάλιον τῆς διαίτης, ὄντος οὕτω νέου, καὶ ὅτι πρὸς πολλῶν ὀξέως ἐν ὀλίγῳ ἀγαπῷτο καὶ ἐπαινοῖτο. ζήλου τε καὶ φθόνου καὶ δέους μᾶλλον ἢ ἐγκλημάτων οὐδὲν ὁ Εὐμένης ἀπολιπών, ἐκέλευε τὴν σύγκλητον ὑφορᾶσθαι νέον ἐχθρὸν εὐδοκιμοῦντα καὶ γειτονεύοντα. [¶11] The Senate, in fact, did not like to have on their flank a sober-minded, laborious, and popular king, an hereditary enemy to themselves, attaining eminence so suddenly. So, making a pretended accusation of the things alleged by Eumenes, they decided to make war against Perseus, but kept the matter a secret among themselves. When Harpalus, who had been sent by Perseus to answer the charge of Eumenes, and a certain ambassador of the Rhodians, desired to discuss the matter in the presence of Eumenes, who was still there, they were not admitted; but after his departure they were received. These, being angry at such treatment, and using too much freedom of speech, exasperated still more the Romans, who were already meditating war against Perseus and the Rhodians. Many senators, however, blamed Eumenes for causing so great a war on account of his own private grudges and fears, and the Rhodians refused to receive only his among all the representatives of the kings sent to their festival of the sun. > Greek: ἡ δʼ ἔργῳ μὲν οὐκ ἀξιοῦσα βασιλέα σώφρονα καὶ φιλόπονον καὶ ἐς πολλοὺς φιλάνθρωπον, ἀθρόως οὕτως ἐπαιρόμενον καὶ πατρικὸν ὄντα σφίσιν ἐχθρόν, ἐν πλευραῖς ἔχειν, λόγῳ δʼ ἃ προύτεινεν ὁ Εὐμένης αἰτιωμένη, πολεμεῖν ἔκρινε τῷ Περσεῖ. καὶ τοῦτʼ ἀπόρρητον ἔτι ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ποιούμενοι, Ἅρπαλόν τε πεμφθέντα παρὰ Περσέως ἐς ἀντιλογίαν Εὐμένους, καὶ Ῥοδίων τινὰ πρεσβευτήν, βουλομένους ἐς ὄψιν τὸν Εὐμένη διελέγχειν, παρόντος μὲν ἔτι τοῦ Εὐμένους οὐ προσήκαντο, μεταστάντος δὲ ἐδέξαντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῷδε πρῶτον ἀγανακτοῦντές τε καὶ παρρησίᾳ χρώμενοι πλέον πολεμεῖν βουλομένους ἤδη Ῥωμαίους Περσεῖ καὶ Ῥοδίοις μᾶλλον ἐξηγρίωσαν· τῶν δὲ βουλευτῶν πολλοὶ τὸν Εὐμένη διʼ αἰτίας εἶχον ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ δέους αἴτιον τοσοῦδε πολέμου γενόμενον. καὶ Ῥόδιοι τὴν θεωρίαν αὐτοῦ, μόνου βασιλέων, ἐς τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Ἡλίου πεμπομένην οὐκ ἐδέξαντο. [¶12] When Eumenes was returning to Asia he went up from Cirrha to Delphi to sacrifice, and there four men, hiding behind a wall, made an attempt upon his life. Other causes besides this were advanced by the Romans for a war against Perseus, although it had not yet been decreed, and ambassadors were sent to the allied kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masinissa, and Ptolemy of Egypt, also to Greece Thessaly, Epirus, Acarnania, and to such of the islands as they could perhaps draw to their side. This specially troubled the Greeks, some because fond of Perseus as a Philhellene, and some because compelled to enter into agreement with the Romans. > Greek: αὐτὸς δʼ ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπανιὼν ἐκ Κίρρας ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀνέβαινε θύσων, καὶ αὐτῷ τέσσαρες ἄνδρες ὑπὸ τὸ τειχίον ὑποστάντες ἐπεβούλευον. καὶ ἄλλας δέ τινας αἰτίας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς τὸν Περσέως πόλεμον ὡς οὔπω κεκριμένον προσελάμβανον, καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς τοὺς φίλους βασιλέας, Εὐμένη καὶ Ἀντίοχον καὶ Ἀριαράθην καὶ Μασσανάσσην καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Αἰγύπτου, περιέπεμπον, ἑτέρους δʼ ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Θεσσαλίαν καὶ Ἤπειρον καὶ Ἀκαρνανίαν, καὶ ἐς τὰς νήσους, ὅσας δύναιντο προσαγαγέσθαι· ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐτάραττεν, ἡδομένους μὲν τῷ Περσεῖ φιλέλληνι ὄντι, ἀναγκαζομένους δʼ ἐνίους Ῥωμαίοις ἐς συμβάσεις χωρεῖν. [¶13] When Perseus learned these facts he sent other ambassadors to Rome, who said that the king was surprised and wished to know for what reason they had abandoned the agreement and sent around legates against himself, their ally. If they were offended at anything, they ought to discuss the matter first. The Senate then accused him of the things that Eumenes had told them, and also of what Eumenes had suffered, and especially that Perseus had taken possession of Thrace and had collected an army and war material, which were not the doings of one desiring peace. Again he sent ambassadors who, deeply grieved, spoke as follows in the senate-chamber: “To those who are seeking an excuse for war, O Romans, anything will serve for a pretext, but if you have respect for treaties, — you who profess so much regard for them, — what have you suffered at the hands of Perseus that you should bring war against him? It cannot be because he has an army and war material. He does not hold them against you, nor do you prohibit other kings from having them, nor is it wrong that he should take precautions against those under his rule, and against his neighbors, and foreigners who might have designs against him. But to you, Romans, he sent ambassadors to confirm the peace and only recently renewed the treaty.” > Greek: ὧν ὁ Περσεὺς αἰσθόμενος ἔπεμπεν ἐς Ῥώμην, ἀπορῶν τε καὶ πυνθανόμενος τί παθόντες ἐκλήθονται τῶν συγκειμένων καὶ πρέσβεις κατʼ αὐτοῦ περιπέμπουσιν ὄντος φίλου, δέον, εἰ καί τι μέμφονται, λόγῳ διακριθῆναι. οἱ δʼ ἐνεκάλουν ὅσα Εὐμένης εἴποι καὶ πάθοι, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι Θρᾴκην κατακτῷτο, καὶ στρατιὰν ἔχοι καὶ παρασκευὴν οὐκ ἠρεμήσοντος ἀνδρός. ὁ δʼ αὖθις ἔπεμπεν ἑτέρους, οἳ ἐς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἀπαχθέντες ἔλεγον ὧδε· τοῖς μὲν προφάσεως ἐς πόλεμον, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, δεομένοις ἱκανὰ πάντα ἐς τὴν πρόφασιν ἐστίν. εἰ δʼ αἰδεῖσθε συνθήκας οἱ πολὺν ἀξιοῦντες αὐτῶν λόγον ἔχειν, τί παθόντες ὑπὸ Περσέως αἴρεσθε πόλεμον; οὐ γὰρ ὅτι στρατιὰν ἔχει καὶ παρασκευήν. οὐ γὰρ ἔχει ταῦτα καθʼ ὑμῶν. οὐδὲ τοὺς ἄλλους κεκτῆσθαι βασιλέας κωλύετε· οὐδʼ ἄδικον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν ἐς τοὺς ἀρχομένους καὶ τὰ περίοικα, καὶ εἴ τις ἔξωθεν ἐπιβουλεύοι. πρὸς δὲ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ῥωμαῖοι, ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης ἐπρέσβευσε καὶ τὰς συνθήκας ἔναγχος ἀνεκαίνισεν. ἀλλʼ Ἀβρούπολιν ἐξέβαλε τῆς ἀρχῆς. ἐπιδραμόντα γε τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἀμυνόμενος. καὶ τοῦτʼ αὐτὸς ὑμῖν ἐδήλωσε Περσεύς, καὶ τὰς συνθήκας αὐτῷ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀνενεώσασθε, οὔπω διαβάλλοντος Εὐμένους. [¶14] “But, you say, he drove Abrupolis out of his kingdom. Yes, in self-defence, for he had invaded our territory. This fact Perseus himself explained to you, and afterward you renewed the treaty with him, as Eumenes had not yet slandered him. The affair of Abrupolis antedates the treaty and seemed to you just, when you ratified it. You say that he made war on the Dolopians, but they were his own subjects. It is hard if he is to be obliged to give an account to you of what he does with his own. He gives it nevertheless, being moved by his high regard for you and for his own reputation. The Dolopians put their governor to death with torture, and Perseus asks what you would have done to any of your subjects who had been guilty of such a crime. But the slayers of Arthetaurus lived on in Macedonia! Yes, by the common law of mankind, the same under which you give asylum to fugitives from other countries. But when Perseus learned that you considered this a crime he forbade them his kingdom entirely.” > Greek: τὸ μὲν δὴ περὶ Ἀβρούπολιν καὶ πρεσβύτερόν ἐστι τῶν συνθηκῶν, καὶ παρʼ ὑμῖν, ὅτε συνετίθεσθε, δίκαιον ἐφάνη. Δόλοψι γὰρ ἐπεστράτευσεν οὖσι τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς, καὶ δεινὸν εἰ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λογισμὸν ὑμῖν ὀφλήσει. δίδωσι δʼ ὅμως, περὶ πολλοῦ ποιούμενος ὑμᾶς τε καὶ δόξαν ἀγαθήν. ἔκτειναν δʼ οἱ Δόλοπες οἵδε τὸν ἡγούμενον αὐτῶν αἰκισάμενοι, καὶ ζητεῖ Περσεὺς τί ἂν ὑμεῖς ἐδράσατε τοὺς ὑπηκόους τοιαῦτα πράξαντας. ἀλλʼ Ἀρθέταυρόν τινες ἀνελοντες ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ διέτριβον. κοινῷ γε πάντων ἀνθρώπων νόμῳ, καθὰ καὶ ὑμεῖς τοὺς ἑτέρωθεν φεύγοντας ὑποδέχεσθε. μαθὼν δὲ καὶ τοῦθʼ ὅτι ἔγκλημα ποιεῖσθε, ἐξεκήρυξεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅλης. Βυζαντίοις δὲ καὶ Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ Βοιωτοῖς οὐ καθʼ ὑμῶν ἀλλὰ καθʼ ἑτέρων συνεμάχησεν. [¶15] “He gave aid to the Byzantines, the Aetolians, and the Bœotians, not against you, but against others. Of these things our ambassadors advised you beforehand, and you did not object until Eumenes uttered his slander against us, which you did not allow our ambassadors to answer in his presence. But you accuse Perseus of the plot against him at Delphi. How many Greeks, how many barbarians, have sent ambassadors to you to complain against Eumenes, to all of whom he is an enemy because so base a man! As for Erennius of Brundusium, who would believe that Perseus would choose a Roman citizen, your friend and patron, to administer poison to the Senate, as though he could destroy the Senate by means of him, or by destroying some of them render the others more favorable to himself? Erennius has lied to those who are inciting you to war, furnishing them a plausible pretext. Eumenes, moved by hatred, envy, and fear, does not scruple to make it a crime on the part of Perseus that he is liked by so many people, that he is a Philhellene, and that he leads the life of a temperate ruler, free from drunkenness and luxury. And you endure to listen to such stuff from this accuser!” > Greek: καὶ ταῦτα πάλαι ὑμῖν ἡμέτεποι πρέσβεις ἐμήνυον, καὶ οὐκ ἐμέμφεσθε μέχρι τῆς Εὐμένους διαβολῆς, ἣν οὐκ εἰάσατε τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἐς ὄψιν αὐτὸν ἐλέγξαι. ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τὴν ἐν Δελφοῖς αὐτῷ γενομένην προσγράφετε Περσεῖ, πόσων Ἑλλήνων, πόσων δὲ βαρβάρων κατʼ Εὐμένους πρεσβευσάντων πρὸς ὑμᾶς οἷς πᾶσιν ἐχθρός ἐστι τοιοῦτος ὤν. Ἐρέννιον δὲ τὸν ἐν Βρεντεσίῳ τίς ἂν πιστεύσειεν ὅτι Περσεύς, Ῥωμαῖον ὄντα καὶ φίλον ὑμέτερον καὶ πρόξενον, εἴληφεν ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς βουλῆς φαρμακείαν, ὡς ἀναλῶσαι τὴν σύγκλητον διʼ αὐτοῦ δυνάμενος, ἢ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους εὐμενεστέρους ἕξων διὰ τοὺς ἀναιρουμένους; ἀλλʼ Ἐρέννιος μὲν ἐψεύσατο τοῖς ἐπιτρίβουσιν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ὑμᾶς πρόφασιν εὐσχήμονα διδούς, Εὐμένης δʼ ὑπʼ ἔχθρας τε καὶ φθόνου καὶ δέους οὐδὲ ταῦτʼ ὤκνησεν ἐγκαλέσαι Περσεῖ, ὅτι πολλοῖς ἔθνεσι κεχαρισμένος καὶ φιλέλλην, καὶ σωφρόνως ἀντὶ μέθης καὶ τρυφῆς ἄρχει. καὶ ταῦθʼ ὑμεῖς αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ὑπέστητε ἀκροάσασθαι. τοιγάρτοι τὴν ἐκείνου διαβολὴν αὔξετε καθʼ ὑμῶν ὡς οὐ φέροντες σώφρονας καὶ δικαίους καὶ φιλοπόνους γείτονας. [¶16] “Beware lest his slanders multiply against yourselves, if you cannot endure temperate, honest, and industrious neighbors. Perseus challenges Erennius and Eumenes and anybody else to scrutiny and trial before you. He reminds you of his father’s zeal and assistance to you against Antiochus the Great. You realized it very well at the time; it would be base to forget it now. He invokes the treaties that you made with his father and with himself, and he does not hesitate to exhort you to fear the gods by whom you swore, and not to bring an unjust war against your allies and not to make nearness, sobriety, and preparation causes of complaint. It is not worthy of you to be stirred by envy and fear like Eumenes. On the contrary, it will be the part of wisdom for you to spare neighbors who are diligent and, as Eumenes says, are well prepared!” > Greek: Περσεὺς δʼ Ἐρέννιον μὲν καὶ Εὐμένη, καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος ἐθέλοι, προκαλεῖται παρʼ ὑμῖν ἐς ἐξέτασιν καὶ κρίσιν, ὑμᾶς δʼ ἀναμιμνήσκει μὲν τῆς ἐς Ἀντίοχον τὸν μέγαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἑαυτοῦ προθυμίας καὶ βοηθείας, ἧς ἐπιγιγνομένης καλῶς ᾐσθάνεσθε, αἰσχρὸν δὲ παρελθούσης ἐπιλαθέσθαι, προφέρει δὲ συνθήκας πατρῴας τε καὶ ἰδίας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑμῖν γενομένας. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε οὐκ ὀκνεῖ καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὑμᾶς, θεοὺς οὓς ὠμόσατε αἰδεῖσθαι, καὶ μὴ πολέμου κατάρχειν ἀδίκως ἐς φίλους, μηδʼ ἔγκλημα ποιεῖσθαι γειτνίασιν καὶ σωφροσύνην καὶ παρασκευήν, οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον, ὡς Εὐμένους, καὶ ὑμῶν ἅπτεσθαι φθόνον ἢ φόβον. τὸ δὲ ἐναντίον ἐστὶ σῶφρον, φείδεσθαι γειτόνων ἐπιμελῶν, καὶ ὡς Εὐμένης φησίν, εὖ παρεσκευασμένων. [¶17] When the ambassadors had thus spoken the Senate gave them no answer, but made a public declaration of war, and the consul ordered the ambassadors to depart from Rome the same day and from Italy within thirty days. The same orders were proclaimed to all Macedonian residents. Consternation mingled with anger followed this action of the Senate, that, on a few hours’ notice, so many people were compelled to depart together, who were not able to find animals in so short a time, or to carry all their goods themselves. Some, in their confusion, could not reach a lodging-place, but passed the night in the middle of the roads. Others threw themselves on the ground at the city gates with their wives and children. Everything happened that was likely to follow such an unexpected decree, for it was unexpected to them on account of the pending negotiation. > Greek: οἱ μὲν δὴ πρέσβεις τοιαῦτα εἶπον, οι δὲ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἀποκρινάμενοι τὸν πόλεμον ἐς τὸ φανερὸν ἐκύρουν. καὶ ὁ ὕπατος ἐκέλευε τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐκ μεν τῆς πόλεως αὐτῆς ἡμέρας, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἰταλίας τριάκοντα ἄλλαις ἐξιέναι. τὰ δὲ αὐτὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιδημοῦσι Μακεδόνων ἐκήρυττεν. καὶ θόρυβος αὐτίκα μετὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐπίφθονος ἦν, ἐν ὀλίγαις ὥραις ἐλαυνομένων τοσῶνδε ὁμοῦ, καὶ οὐδὲ ὑποζύγια εὑρεῖν ἐν οὕτω βραχεῖ διαστήματι, οὐδὲ πάντα φέρειν δυναμένων. ὑπὸ δὲ σπουδῆς οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἔφθανον ἐπὶ τοὺς σταθμούς, ἀλλʼ ἐν μέσαις ἀνεπαύοντο ταῖς ὁδοῖς, οἱ δὲ παρὰ ταῖς πύλαις μετὰ παίδων ἑαυτοὺς ἐρρίπτουν καὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν. πάντα τε ἐγίγνετο ὅσα εἰκος ἐν αἰφνιδίῳ καὶ τοιῷδε κηρύγματι· αἰφνίδιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐφαίνετο διὰ τὰς ἔτι πρεσβείας. [¶18] XII. After his victory Perseus, either to make sport of Crassus, and by way of joke, or to test his present state of mind, or fearing the power and resources of the Romans, or for some other reason, sent messengers to him to treat for peace, and promised to make many concessions which his father, Philip, had refused. In this promise he seemed to be rather joking with him and testing him. But Crassus replied that it would not be worthy of the dignity of the Roman people to come to terms with him unless he should surrender Macedonia and himself to them. Being ashamed that the Romans were the first to retreat, Crassus called an assembly, in which he praised the Thessalians for their brave conduct in the catastrophe, and falsely accused the Aetolians and the other Greeks of being the first to fly; and these men he sent to Rome. > Greek: XII. ὅτι μετὰ τὴν νίκην ὁ Περσεύς, εἴτʼ ἐπιγελῶν Κράσσῳ καὶ τωθάζων αὐτόν, εἴτʼ ἀποπειρώμενος ὅπως ἔτι φρονήματος ἔχοι, εἴτε τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμίν τε καὶ παρασκευὴν ὑφορώμενος, εἴθʼ ἑτέρῳ τῳ λογισμῷ, προσέπεμπεν αὐτῷ περὶ διαλλαγῶν, καὶ πολλὰ δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖτο ὧν ὁ πατὴρ Φίλιππος οὐ συνεχώρει· ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον ὕποπτος ἦν ἐπιγελῶν καὶ πειρώμενος. ὁ δὲ Περσεῖ μὲν ἀπεκρίνατο Ῥωμαίων ἀξίας οὐκ εἶναι διαλύσεις αὐτῷ, εἰ μὴ καὶ Μακεδόνας καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτρέψειε Ῥωμαίοις· αἰδούμενος δʼ ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς ἥττης κατῆρξαν, ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν Θεσσαλοῖς μὲν ἐμαρτύρησεν ὡς ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς περὶ τὴν συμφορὰν γενομένοις, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ καὶ ἑτέρων Ἑλλήνων κατεψεύσατο ὡς πρώτων τραπέντων. καὶ τούτους ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψεν. [¶19] XIII. Both armies employed the rest of the summer in collecting corn, Perseus threshing in the fields and the Romans in their camp. > Greek: XIII. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν τοῦ θέρους ἀμφότεροι περὶ σιτολογίαν ἐγίγνοντο, Περσεὺς μὲν ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις ἁλωνευόμενος, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ. [¶20] XIV. He (Q. Marcius) was foremost in labor, although sixty years of age and very corpulent. > Greek: XIV. ὃς δὲ πρῶτος ἐξῆρχε τοῦ πόνου, ἑξηκοντούτης ὢν καὶ βαρὺς τὸ σῶμα καὶ πιμελής. [¶21] XV. Then somebody ran to Perseus, while he was refreshing himself with a bath, and told him [that the enemy was approaching]. He sprang out of the water, exclaiming that he had been captured before the battle. > Greek: XV. τότε δὲ ἔθει τις δρόμῳ δηλώσων τῷ Περσεῖ λουομένῳ καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἀναλαμβάνοντι. ὁ δὲ ἐξήλατο τοῦ ὕδατος βοῶν ὅτι ἑαλώκοι πρὸ τῆς μάχης. [¶22] XVI. Perseus, having already gradually plucked up courage after his flight, wickedly put to death Nicias and Andronicus, whom he had sent with orders to throw his money into the sea and to burn his ships; because after the ships and money had been saved he knew that they were witnesses of his disgraceful panic and might tell others of it. And from that time, by a sudden change, he became cruel and reckless toward everybody. Nor did he show any soundness or wisdom of judgment thereafter, but he, who had before been most persuasive in council and shrewd in calculation and courageous in battle, barring his inexperience, when fortune began to change became suddenly and unaccountably timid and imprudent, as well as changeable and maladroit in all things. Thus we see many who lose their usual discretion when reverses come. > Greek: XVI. ὅτι Περσεὺς ἀναθαρρῶν ἤδη κατʼ ὀλίγον μετὰ τὴν φυγήν, Νικίαν καὶ Ἀνδρόνικον, οὓς ἐπὶ τὸν καταποντισμὸν τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τὸν ἐμπρησμὸν τῶν νεῶν ἐπεπόμφει, περιποιήσας αὑτῷ καὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ χρήματα, συνίστορας ἡγούμενος αἰσχροῦ φόβου καὶ ἑτέροις ἐξαγγελεῖν, ἀπέκτεινεν ἀθεμίστως, καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦδε εὐθὺς ἐκ μεταβολῆς ὠμὸς καὶ εὐχερὴς ἐς ἅπαντας ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς οὐδʼ εὔβουλόν οἱ ἔτι ἦν, ἀλλʼ ὁ πιθανώτατος ἐς εὐβουλίαν καὶ λογίσασθαι δεξιὸς καὶ εὐτολμότατος ἐς μάχας, ὅσα γε μὴ σφάλλοιτο διʼ ἀπειρίαν, ἀθρόως τότε καὶ παραλόγως ἐς δειλίαν καὶ ἀλογιστίαν ἐτράπετο, καὶ ταχὺς καὶ εὐμετάθετος ἄφνω καὶ σκαιὸς ἐς πάντα ἐγένετο, ἀρχομένης αὐτὸν ἐπιλείπειν τῆς τύχης. ὅπερ ἔστι πολλοὺς ἰδεῖν, μεταβολῆς προσιούσης ἀλογωτέρους γιγνομένους ἑαυτῶν. [¶23] XVII. The Rhodians sent ambassadors to Marcius to congratulate him on the state of affairs in his war with Perseus. Marcius advised the ambassadors to persuade the Rhodians to send legates to Rome to bring about peace between the Romans and Perseus. When the Rhodians heard these things they changed their minds, thinking that the affairs of Perseus were not in such bad shape, for they could not imagine that Marcius would have given this advice without the concurrence of the Romans. But he did this and many other things on his own motion, by reason of cowardice. The Rhodians nevertheless sent ambassadors to Rome and others to Marcius. > Greek: XVII. ὅτι Ῥόδιοι πρέσβεις ἐς Μάρκιον ἔπεμψαν, συνηδόμενοι τῶν γεγονότων [Περσεῖ]. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος τοὺς πρέσβεις ἐδίδασκε Ῥοδίους πεῖσαι πέμψαντας ἐς Ῥώμην διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Περσεῖ. καὶ Ῥόδιοι πυθόμενοι μετέπιπτον ὡς οὐ φαύλως ἔχοντος τοῦ Περσέως· οὐ γὰρ εἴκαζον ἄνευ Ῥωμαίων ταῦτα Μάρκιον ἐπισκήπτειν. ὁ δʼ ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τάδε καὶ ἕτερα πολλὰ διʼ ἀτολμίαν ἔπραττεν. Ῥόδιοι μὲν οὖν καὶ ὣς πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον ἐς Ῥώμην, καὶ ἑτέρους πρὸς Μάρκιον. [¶24] XVIII. Genthius, king of a tribe of Illyrians bordering on Macedonia, having formed an alliance with Perseus in consideration of 300 talents, of which he had received a part down, made an attack upon Roman Illyria, and when the Romans sent Perpenna and Petilius as ambassadors to inquire about it, he put them in chains. When Perseus learned this he decided not to pay the rest of the money, thinking that now the Romans would make war on him for this outrage. He also sent legates to the Getae on the other side of the Danube, and he offered money to Eumenes if he would come over to his side, or negotiate for him a peace with Rome, or help neither party in the contest. He hoped either that Eumenes would do some one of these things, which could not be kept secret from the Romans, or that he should cause Eumenes to be suspected by the very attempt. Eumenes refused to come over to his side, and he demanded 1500 talents for negotiating a peace, or 1000 for remaining neutral. But now Perseus, learning that 10,000 foot and as many horse were coming to him as mercenaries from the Getae, began forthwith to despise Eumenes, and said that he would pay nothing for his neutrality, for that would be a disgrace to both of them, but for negotiating a peace he would not fail to pay, and would deposit the money in Samothrace until the treaty was concluded, so fickle and penurious in all matters had he become in his infatuation. Nevertheless, one of the things that he hoped for took place: Eumenes fell under suspicion at Rome. When the Getae had crossed the Danube, it was claimed that there was due to Clœlius, their leader, 1000 gold staters and, also, ten to each horseman and five to each foot-soldier, the whole amounting to a little over 150,000 pieces of gold. Perseus sent messengers to them bearing military cloaks, gold necklaces, and horses for the officers, and 10,000 staters. When he was not far from their camp he sent for Clœlius. The latter asked the messengers whether they had brought the gold, and when he learned that they had not, he ordered them to go back to Perseus. When Perseus learned this, he was again misled by his evil genius, and complained among his friends of the fickleness and bad faith of the Getae, and pretended to be afraid to receive 20,000 of them in his camp. He said that he could hardly subdue 10,000 of them if they should rebel. While saying these things to his friends, he offered other fictions to the Getae and asked for half of their force, promising to give them the gold that he had on hand — so inconsistent was he, and so anxious about the money that he had ordered to be thrown into the sea a little while before. Clœlius, seeing the messengers returning, asked in a loud voice whether they had brought the gold, and when they wanted to talk about something else he ordered them to speak of the gold first. When he learned that they did not have it, he led his army home without waiting to hear another word from them. Thus Perseus deprived himself of this powerful force of auxiliaries, which had opportunely arrived. He was so foolish, also, that while wintering with a large army at Phila he made no incursion into Thessaly, which furnished supplies to the Romans, but sent a force to Ionia to prevent the bringing of supplies to them from that quarter. > Greek: XVIII. ὅτι Γένθιος βασιλεὺς Ἰλλυριῶν ἑνὸς ἔθνους προσοίκου Μακεδόσι, Περσεῖ συμμαχῶν ἐπὶ τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις, ὧν τι καὶ προειλήθει, ἐσέβαλεν ἐς τὴν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις Ἰλλυρίδα, καὶ πρέσβεις περὶ τούτων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντας Περπένναν καὶ Πετίλιον ἔδησεν. ὧν ὁ Περσεὺς αἰσθόμενος οὐκέτι τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν χρημάτων ἔπεμπεν ὡς ἤδη καὶ διʼ αὐτὸν Ῥωμαίοις πεπολεμωμένον. ἐς δὲ Γέτας ἔπεμπε τοὺς ὑπὲρ Ἴστρον, καὶ Εὐμένους ἀπεπείρασεν ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἢ μεταθέσθαι πρὸς αὑτόν, ἢ διαλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἢ ἀμφοτέροις ἐκστῆναι τοῦ ἀγῶνος, εὖ μὲν εἰδὼς οὐ λησόμενα ταῦτα Ῥωμαίους, ἐλπίζων δʼ ἢ πράξειν τι αὐτῶν ἢ τῇ πείρᾳ διαβαλεῖν τὸν Εὐμένη. ὁ δὲ μεταθήσεσθαι μὲν οὐκ ἔφη, τάλαντα δʼ ᾔτει τῆς μὲν διαλύσεως χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια, τῆς δὲ ἡσυχίας χίλια. καὶ ὁ Περσεὺς ἤδη Γετῶν αὑτῷ προσιέναι μισθοφόρους μυρίους ἱππέας καὶ μυρίους πεζοὺς πυθόμενος, αὐτίκα τοῦ Εὐμένους κατεφρόνει, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἡσυχίας οὐκ ἔφη δώσειν οὐδέν (αἰσχύνην γὰρ φέρειν ἀμφοῖν), τὰ δὲ τῆς διαλύσεως οὐ προδώσειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν Σαμοθρᾴκῃ καταθήσειν μέχρι γένοιτο ἡ διάλυσις, εὐμετάβολος ἤδη καὶ μικρολόγος ὑπὸ θεοβλαβείας ἐς πάντα γενόμενος. ἑνὸς δὲ ὧν ἤλπισεν ὅμως οὐκ ἀπέτυχε, Ῥωμαίοις Εὐμένους ὑπόπτου γενομένου. Γετῶν δὲ τὸν Ἴστρον περασάντων, ἐδόκει Κλοιλίῳ μὲν τῷ ἡγεμόνι δοθῆναι χιλίους χρυσοῦς στατῆρας, ἱππεῖ δʼ ἑκάστῳ δέκα, καὶ τὰ ἡμίσεα πεζῷ· καὶ τοῦτο σύμπαν ἦν ὀλίγῳ πλέον πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδων χρυσίου. ὁ δὲ χλαμύδας μέν τινας ἐπήγετο καὶ ψέλια χρυσᾶ καὶ ἵππους ἐς δωρεὰν τοῖς ἡγουμένοις, καὶ στατῆρας φερομένους μυρίους, καὶ πλησιάσας μετεπέμπετο Κλοίλιον. ὁ δὲ τοὺς ἐλθόντας, εἰ φέρουσι τὸ χρυσίον, ἤρετο, καὶ μαθὼν οὐκ ἔχοντας ἀναστρέφειν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν. ὧν ὁ Περσεὺς πυθόμενος, πάλιν αὐτὸν ἐλαύνοντος θεοῦ, κατηγόρει τῶν Γετῶν ἐν τοῖς φίλοις ἐκ μεταβολῆς ὡς φύσεως ἀπίστου, καὶ ὑπεκρίνετο μὴ θαρρεῖν δισμυρίους αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑποδέξασθαι, μόλις δʼ ἔφη μυρίους, ὧν καὶ νεωτεριζόντων κρατῆσαι δύνασθαι. ταῦτα δὲ τοῖς φίλοις εἰπὼν ἕτερα τοῖς Γέταις ἐπλάττετο, καὶ τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς στρατιᾶς ᾔτει, τὸ χρυσίον τὸ γιγνόμενον ὑπισχνούμενος δώσειν. τοσαύτης ἀνωμαλίας ἔγεμε, φροντίζων χρημάτων τῶν πρὸ βραχέος ἐς θάλασσαν μεθειμένων. ὁ δὲ Κλοίλιος τοὺς ἀφικομένους ἰδὼν ἤρετο μετὰ βοῆς εἰ τὸ χρυσίον κεκομίκασι, καὶ βουλομένους τι λέγειν ἐκέλευε πρῶτον εἰπεῖν περὶ τοῦ χρυσίου. ὡς δʼ ἔμαθεν οὐκ ἔχοντας, οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος αὐτῶν οὐδʼ ἀκοῦσαι, τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπῆγεν ὀπίσω. καὶ Περσεὺς ἀφῄρητο καὶ τῆσδε συμμαχίας, πολλῆς τε καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν ἐλθούσης. ὑπὸ δʼ ἀφροσύνης, ἐν Φίλᾳ χειμάζων καὶ στρατὸν ἔχων πολὺν Θεσσαλίαν μὲν οὐκ ἐπέτρεχεν, ἣ Ῥωμαίοις ἐχορήγει τροφάς, ἐς δὲ τὴν Ἰωνίαν ἔπεμπε κωλύειν τὴν ἀγορὰν τὴν ἐκεῖθεν αὐτοῖς φερομένην. [¶25] XIX. Some divinity was jealous of the prosperity of Paulus when he had reached such a pinnacle of fortune. Of his four sons he gave the two elder, Maximus and Scipio, for adoption into other families. The two younger ones died, one of them three days before his triumph and the other five days after it. Paulus alluded to this among other things in his address to the people. When he came to the forum to give an account of his doings, according to the custom of generals, he said, “I sailed from Brundusium to Corcyra in one day. Five days I was on the road from Corcyra to Delphi, where I sacrificed to the god. In five days more I arrived in Thessaly and took command of the army. Fifteen days later I overthrew Perseus and conquered Macedonia. All these strokes of good fortune coming so rapidly led me to fear the approach of some calamity to the army or to you. When the army was made safe, I feared for you on account of the invidiousness of fate. Now that the calamity falls upon me, in the sudden loss of my two sons, I am the most unfortunate of men for myself, but free from anxiety as to you.” Having spoken thus, Paulus became the object of universal admiration, and commiseration on account of his children; and he died not long after. > Greek: XIX. ὅτι Παύλῳ ἐπʼ εὐτυχίας τοσῆσδε γενομένῳ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐφθόνησε τῆς εὐτυχίας. καί οἱ τεσσάρων παίδων ὄντων τοὺς μὲν πρεσβυτέρους αὐτῶν ἐς θέσιν ἄλλοις ἐδεδώκει, Μάξιμόν τε καὶ Σκιπίωνα, τοὺς δὲ νεωτέρους ἄμφω συνέβη, τὸν μὲν πρὸ τριῶν ἡμερῶν τοῦ θριάμβου τὸν δὲ μετὰ πέντε, ἀποθανεῖν. καὶ τοῦτʼ οὐδενὸς ἧττον ὁ Παῦλος κατελογίσατο τῷ δήμῳ. ἔθους γὰρ ὄντος τοῖς στρατηγοῖς καταλέγειν τὰ πεπραγμένα, παρελθὼν ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν εἶπεν ἐς μὲν Κέρκυραν ἐκ Βρεντεσίου διαπλεῦσαι μιᾶς ἡμέρας, ἐκ δὲ Κερκύρας πέντε μὲν ἐς Δελφοὺς ὁδεῦσαι καὶ θῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, πέντε δὲ ἄλλαις ἐς Θεσσαλίαν παραγενέσθαι καὶ παραλαβεῖν τὸν στρατόν, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης πεντεκαίδεκα ἄλλαις ἑλεῖν Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας παραλαβεῖν. οὕτω δὲ ὀξέως ἁπάντων ἐπιτυχὼν δεῖσαι μή τι τῷ στρατῷ συμπέσοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπανιόντι. διασωθέντος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ περὶ ὑμῶν ἐδεδοίκειν, ἔφη· φθονερὸς γὰρ ὁ δαίμων. ἐς ἐμὲ δὲ ἀποσκήψαντος τοῦ κακοῦ, καὶ ἀθρόως μοι τῶν δύο παίδων ἀποθανόντων, ἐπʼ ἐμαυτῷ μέν εἰμι βαρυσυμφορώτατος, ἐπὶ δὲ ὑμῖν ἀμέριμνος. ταῦτʼ εἰπών, καὶ καταθαυμαζόμενος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, οἰκτιζόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς τέκνοις, μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπέθανεν.