---
title: "The Syrian Wars · Συριακή"
author: "Appian"
translator: "Horace White"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 1 of 4
url: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-syrian-wars/1/
cite: "Appian, tr. Horace White, The Syrian Wars · Συριακή, section 1. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/appian-syrian-wars/1/"
---

# The Syrian Wars · Συριακή

*Appian, tr. Horace White*

Rome against Antiochus the Great, and the history of the Seleucid kings.

> Greek: ed. Ludwig Mendelssohn, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0551.tlg013, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Horace White, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0551.tlg013.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 1. Chapters 1–4

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/appian-syrian-wars/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/appian-syrian-wars/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. ANTIOCHUS (the son of Seleucus and grandson of Antiochus), king of the Syrians, the Babylonians, and other nations, was the sixth in succession from that Seleucus who succeeded Alexander in the government of the Asiatic countries around the Euphrates. He invaded Media and Parthia, and other countries that had revolted from his ancestors, and performed many exploits, from which he was named Antiochus the Great. Elated by his successes, and by the title which he had derived from them, he invaded Cœle-Syria and a portion of Cilicia and took them away from Ptolemy Philopator [Epiphanes], king of Egypt, who was still a boy. As there was nothing small in his views he marched among the Hellespontines, the Aeolians, and the Ionians as though they belonged to him as the ruler of Asia; and, indeed, they had been formerly subjects of the Asiatic kings. Then he crossed over to Europe, brought Thrace under his sway, and reduced by force those who would not obey him. He fortified Chersonesus and rebuilt Lysimacheia, which Lysimachus, who ruled Thrace in the time of Alexander, built as a stronghold against the Thracians themselves, but which they destroyed after his death. Antiochus repeopled it, calling back the citizens who had fled, redeeming those who had been sold as slaves, bringing in others, supplying them with cattle, sheep, and agricultural implements, and omitting nothing that might contribute to its speedy completion as a stronghold; for the place seemed to him to be admirably situated to hold all of Thrace in subjection, and a convenient base of supplies for other operations that he contemplated.

> Greek: 1.1. Ἀντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου τοῦ Ἀντιόχου, Σύρων καὶ Βαβυλωνίων καὶ ἑτέρων ἐθνῶν βασιλεύς, ἕκτος δὲ ἀπὸ Σελεύκου τοῦ μετʼ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀσίας τῆς περὶ Εὐφράτην βεβασιλευκότος, ἐσβαλὼν ἐς Μηδίαν τε καὶ Παρθυηνὴν καὶ ἕτερα ἔθνη ἀφιστάμενα ἔτι πρὸ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα δράσας, καὶ μέγας Ἀντίοχος ἀπὸ τοῦδε κληθείς, ἐπαιρόμενος τοῖς γεγονόσι καὶ τῇ διʼ αὐτὰ προσωνυμίᾳ, Συρίαν τε τὴν κοίλην καὶ Κιλικίας ἔστιν ἃ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ φιλοπάτορος, Αἰγύπτου βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος, ἐπιδραμὼν περιέσπασε, καὶ μικρὸν οὐδὲν ἐνθυμούμενος Ἑλλησποντίους ἐπῄει καὶ Αἰολέας καὶ Ἴωνας ὡς οἷ προσήκοντας ἄρχοντι τῆς Ἀσίας, ὅτι καὶ πάλαι τῶν τῆς Ἀσίας βασιλέων ὑπήκουον. ἔς τε τὴν Εὐρώπην διαπλεύσας Θρᾴκην ὑπήγετο καὶ τὰ ἀπειθοῦντα ἐβιάζετο, Χερρόνησόν τε ὠχύρου, καὶ Λυσιμάχειαν ᾤκιζεν, ἣν Λυσίμαχος μὲν ὁ Θρᾴκης ἐπὶ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ βασιλεύσας ἔκτισεν ἐπιτείχισμα τοῖς Θρᾳξὶν εἶναι, οἱ Θρᾷκες δʼ ἀποθανόντος τοῦ Λυσιμάχου καθῃρήκεσαν. καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος συνῴκιζε, τούς τε φεύγοντας τῶν Λυσιμαχέων κατακαλῶν, καὶ εἴ τινες αὐτῶν αἰχμάλωτοι γεγονότες ἐδούλευον ὠνούμενος, καὶ ἑτέρους προσκαταλέγων, καὶ βοῦς καὶ πρόβατα καὶ σίδηρον ἐς γεωργίαν ἐπιδιδούς, καὶ οὐδὲν ἐλλείπων ἐς ταχεῖαν ἐπιτειχίσματος ὁρμήν· πάνυ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ χωρίον ἐφαίνετο λαμπρῶς ἔχειν ἐπὶ ὅλῃ Θρᾴκῃ, καὶ ταμιεῖον εὔκαιρον ἐς τὰ λοιπὰ ὧν ἐπενόει πάντων ἔσεσθαι.

[¶1] 1.2. Here the open disagreements between him and the Romans began, for as he passed among the Greek cities thereabout most of them joined him and received his garrisons, because they feared capture by him. But the inhabitants of Smyrna and Lampsacus, and some others who still resisted, sent ambassadors to Flamininus, the Roman general, who had lately overthrown Philip the Macedonian in a great battle in Thessaly; for the affairs of the Macedonians and of the Greeks were closely linked together at certain times and places, as I have shown in my Grecian history. Accordingly, certain embassies passed between Antiochus and Flamininus and tested each other to no purpose. The Romans and Antiochus had been suspicious of each other for a long time, the former surmising that he would not keep quiet because he was so much puffed up by the extent of his dominions and the acme of fortune that he had reached. Antiochus, on the other hand, believed that the Romans were the only people who could put a stop to his increase of power and prevent him from passing over to Europe. Still, there was no outward cause of enmity between them until ambassadors came to Rome from Ptolemy Philopator complaining that Antiochus had taken Syria and Cilicia away from him. The Romans gladly seized this occasion as one well suited to their purposes, and sent to Antiochus ostensibly to bring about a reconciliation between him and Ptolemy, but really to find out his designs and to check him as much as they could.

> Greek: 1.2. ταῦτα δʼ αὐτῷ διαφορᾶς φανερᾶς καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἦρξεν. ὡς γὰρ δὴ μετῄει τὰς τῇδε Ἑλληνίδας πόλεις, οἱ μὲν πλέονες αὐτῷ προσετίθεντο καὶ φρουρὰς ἐσεδέχοντο δέει τῷ τῆς ἁλώσεως, Σμυρναῖοι δὲ καὶ Λαμψακηνοὶ καὶ ἕτεροι ἔτι ἀντέχοντες ἐπρεσβεύοντο ἐς Φλαμινῖνον τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγόν, ἄρτι Φιλίππου τοῦ Μακεδόνος μεγάλῃ μάχῃ περὶ Θετταλίαν κεκρατηκότα· ἐγίγνετο γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὰ Μακεδόνων καὶ τὰ Ἑλλήνων ἐπίμικτα ἀλλήλοις ἀνὰ μέρη καὶ χρόνους, ὥς μοι ἐν τῇ Ἑλληνικῇ γραφῇ δεδήλωται. καὶ γίγνονταί τινες Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Φλαμινίνῳ διαπρεσβεύσεις τε ἐς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀπόπειραι ἀτελεῖς. ἐκ πολλοῦ δὲ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος ὑπόπτως εἶχον ἀλλήλοις, οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἀτρεμήσειν ὑπολαμβάνοντες Ἀντίοχον ἐπαιρόμενον ἀρχῆς τε μεγέθει καὶ εὐπραξίας ἀκμῇ, ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίους οἱ μόνους αὐξομένῳ μάλιστα ἐμποδὼν ἔσεσθαι, καὶ κωλύσειν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην περαιούμενον. οὐδενὸς δέ πω φανεροῦ γεγονότος αὐτοῖς ἐς ἔχθραν ἀφίκοντο πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥώμην παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ φιλοπάτορος, αἰτιωμένου Συρίαν τε καὶ Κιλικίαν Ἀντίοχον αὐτὸν ὑφελέσθαι. καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς ἀφορμῆς ἐπέβαινον ἄσμενοι, κατὰ καιρὸν σφίσι γενομένης, καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἔστελλον, οἳ λόγῳ μὲν ἔμελλον συναλλάξειν Πτολεμαῖον Ἀντιόχῳ, ἔργῳ δὲ κατασκέψεσθαι τὴν ὁρμὴν Ἀντιόχου καὶ κωλύσειν ὅσα δύναιντο.

[¶2] 1.3. Gnaeus, the chief of the embassy, demanded that Antiochus should allow Ptolemy, who was a friend of the Roman people, to rule over all the countries that his father had left to him, and that the cities of Asia that had been part of the dominions of Philip should be independent, for it was not right that Antiochus should usurp powers of which the Romans had deprived Philip. “We are wholly at a loss to know,” he said, “why Antiochus should come from Media bringing such a fleet and such an army from the upper country to the Asiatic coast, make an incursion into Europe, build cities there, and subdue Thrace, unless these are the preparations for another war.” Antiochus replied that Thrace had belonged to his ancestors, that it had fallen away from them when they were occupied elsewhere, and that he had resumed possession because he had leisure to do so. He had built Lysimacheia as the future seat of government of his son Seleucus. He would leave the Greek cities of Asia independent if they would acknowledge the gratitude therefor as due to himself and not to the Romans. “I am a relative of Ptolemy,” he said, “and I shall be his father-in-law, although I am not so now, and I will see to it that he renders gratitude to you. I am at a loss to know by what right you meddle with the affairs of Asia when I never interfere with those of Italy.” And so they separated without coming to any understanding, and both sides broke into more open threats.

> Greek: 1.3. τούτων δὴ τῶν πρέσβεων Γναῖος ἡγούμενος ἠξίου τὸν Ἀντίοχον Πτολεμαίῳ μέν, ὄντι Ῥωμαίων φίλῳ, συγχωρεῖν ἄρχειν ὅσων ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῷ κατέλιπε, τὰς δʼ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεις, ὧν Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδὼν ἦρχεν, αὐτονόμους ἐᾶν· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον Ἀντίοχον κρατεῖν ὧν Φίλιππον ἀφείλοντο Ῥωμαῖοι. ὅλως δʼ ἀπορεῖν ἔφη τί τοσοῦτον στόλον ὁ Ἀντίοχος καὶ τοσαύτην στρατιὰν ἄγων ἄνωθεν ἐκ Μήδων ἔλθοι τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἔς τε τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐσβάλοι, καὶ πόλεις ἐν αὐτῇ κατασκευάζοιτο, καὶ Θρᾴκην ὑπάγοιτο, εἰ μὴ ταῦτά ἐστιν ἑτέρου πολέμου θεμέλια. ὁ δʼ ἀπεκρίνατο Θρᾴκην μέν, τῶν προγόνων αὑτοῦ γενομένην τε καὶ διʼ ἀσχολίας ἐκπεσοῦσαν, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ σχολῆς ὢν ἀναλαμβάνειν, καὶ Λυσιμάχειαν ἐγείρειν οἰκητήριον Σελεύκῳ τῷ παιδὶ εἶναι, τὰς δʼ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεις αὐτονόμους ἐάσειν, εἰ τὴν χάριν οὐ Ῥωμαίοις ἀλλʼ ἑαυτῷ μέλλοιεν ἕξειν. Πτολεμαίῳ δʼ, ἔφη, καὶ συγγενής εἰμι καὶ ὅσον οὔπω καὶ κηδεστὴς ἔσομαι, καὶ χάριν ὑμῖν αὐτὸν ὁμολογεῖν παρασκευάσω. ἀπορῶ δὲ κἀγὼ τίνι Ῥωμαῖοι δικαίῳ τὴν Ἀσίαν πολυπραγμονοῦσιν, ἐμοῦ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οὐ πολυπραγμονοῦντος.

[¶3] 1.4. A rumor having spread abroad that Ptolemy Philopator was dead, Antiochus hastened to Egypt in order to seize the country while bereft of a ruler. While on this journey Hannibal the Carthaginian met him at Ephesus. He was now a fugitive from his own country on account of the accusations of his enemies, who reported to the Romans that he was hostile to them, that he wanted to bring on a war, and that he could never enjoy peace. This was a time when the Carthaginians were leagued with the Romans by treaty. Antiochus received Hannibal in a magnificent manner on account of his great military reputation, and kept him near himself. At Lycia he learned that Ptolemy was alive. So he gave up the idea of seizing Egypt and turned his attention to Cyprus, hoping to take it instead of Egypt, and sailed thither with all speed. Encountering a storm at the mouth of the river Sarus and losing many of his ships, some of them with his soldiers and friends, he sailed back to Seleucia in Syria to repair his damaged fleet. There he celebrated the nuptials of his children, Antiochus and Laodice, whom he had joined together in marriage.

> Greek: 1.4. οὕτω μὲν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων ἄπρακτοι διεκρίθησαν, ἀπορρηγνύντες ἤδη τὰς ἀπειλὰς ἐς τὸ φανερώτερον· λόγου δὲ καὶ δόξης ἐμπεσούσης ὅτι Πτολεμαῖος ὁ φιλοπάτωρ ἀποθάνοι, κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἀπῄει ὡς Αἴγυπτον ἔρημον ἄρχοντος ἁρπασόμενος. καὶ αὐτῷ κατὰ Ἔφεσον Ἀννίβας ὁ Καρχηδόνιος συμβάλλει, φεύγων τὴν πατρίδα διʼ ἐχθρῶν διαβολάς, οἳ Ῥωμαίοις αὐτὸν ἔφασκον εἶναι δύσερίν τε καὶ φιλοπόλεμον καὶ οὔποτε εἰρηνεύειν δυνάμενον. τότε δʼ ἦν ὅτε Καρχηδόνιοι Ῥωμαίοις ὑπήκουον ἔνσπονδοι. Ἀννίβαν μὲν δὴ διώνυμον ἐπὶ στρατηγίαις ὄντα ὁ Ἀντίοχος ὑπεδέχετο λαμπρῶς καὶ εἶχεν ἀμφʼ αὑτόν· περὶ δὲ τὴν Λυκίαν Πτολεμαῖον περιεῖναι μαθὼν Αἰγύπτου μὲν ἀπέγνω, Κύπρον δʼ ἐλπίσας αἱρήσειν ἀντὶ Αἰγύπτου διέπλει κατὰ τάχος ἐπʼ αὐτήν. χειμῶνι δʼ ἀμφὶ τὸν Σάρον ποταμὸν συμπεσών, καὶ πολλὰς τῶν νεῶν ἀποβαλών, ἐνίας δʼ αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ φίλοις, ἐς Σελεύκειαν τῆς Συρίας κατέπλευσε, καὶ τὸν στόλον κατεσκεύαζε πεπονημένον. γάμους τε τῶν παίδων ἔθυεν, Ἀντιόχου καὶ Λαοδίκης, ἀλλήλοις συναρμόζων.

[¶4] 1.5. Now, determining no longer to conceal his intended war with the Romans, he formed alliances by marriage with the neighboring kings. To Ptolemy in Egypt he sent his daughter Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, giving with her Cœle-Syria as a dowry, which he had taken away from Ptolemy himself, thus flattering the young king in order to keep him quiet during the war with the Romans. To Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, he sent his daughter Antiochis, and the remaining one to Eumenes, king of Pergamus. But the latter, seeing that Antiochus was about to engage in war with the Romans and that he wanted to form a marriage connection with him on this account, refused her. To his brothers, Attalus and Philetaerus, who were surprised that he should decline marriage relationship with so great a king, who was also his neighbor and who made the first overtures, he showed that the coming war would be of doubtful issue at first, but that the Romans would prevail in the end by their courage and perseverance. “If the Romans conquer,” said he, “I shall be firmly seated in my kingdom. If Antiochus is the victor, I may expect to be stripped of all my possessions by my powerful neighbor, or, if I am allowed to reign, to be ruled over by him.” For these reasons he rejected the proffered marriage.

> Greek: 1.5. ἤδη δὲ τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον ἐγνωκὼς ἀποκαλύπτειν, ἐπιγαμίαις τοὺς ἐγγὺς βασιλέας προκατελάμβανε, καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ μὲν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἔστελλε Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Σύραν ἐπίκλησιν, προῖκα Συρίαν τὴν κοίλην ἐπιδιδούς, ἣν αὐτὸς ἀφῄρητο τοῦ Πτολεμαίου, θεραπεύων ἤδη τὸ μειράκιον, ἵνʼ ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀτρεμῇ· Ἀντιοχίδα δʼ ἔπεμπεν Ἀριαράθῃ τῷ Καππαδοκῶν βασιλεῖ, καὶ τὴν ἔτι λοιπὴν Εὐμένει τῷ Περγάμου βασιλεῖ. ὁ δέ (ἑώρα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἤδη Ῥωμαίοις τε πολεμησείοντα καὶ πρὸς τήνδε τὴν χρείαν τὸ κῆδος αὑτῷ συναπτόμενον) ἠρνήσατο, καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς Ἀττάλῳ τε καὶ Φιλεταίρῳ, θαυμάζουσιν ὅτι κῆδος βασιλέως τοσοῦδε καὶ γείτονος, αὐτοῦ τε κατάρχοντος καὶ δεομένου, παραιτοῖτο, ἐπεδείκνυ τὸν ἐσόμενον πόλεμον ἐν μὲν ἀρχῇ τι παρʼ ἀμφοῖν ἕξειν ἰσοπαλές, σὺν χρόνῳ δʼ ὑπεροίσειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων διʼ εὐψυχίαν καὶ ταλαιπωρίαν. ἐγὼ δʼ, ἔφη, Ῥωμαίων μὲν ἐπικρατούντων βεβαίως τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐμῆς ἄρξω, Ἀντιόχου δὲ νικῶντος ἐλπὶς μὲν ἀφαιρεθήσεσθαι πάντα πρὸς γείτονος, ἐλπὶς δὲ καὶ ἔχοντα βασιλεύσειν βασιλεύομενον ὑπʼ ἐκείνου.

[¶5] 2.6. Then Antiochus went down to the Hellespont and crossed over to Chersonesus and possessed himself of a large part of Thrace by conquest or surrender. He freed the Greeks who were under subjection to the Thracians, and conciliated the Byzantines in many ways, because their city was admirably situated at the outlet of the Euxine Sea. By gifts and by fear of his warlike preparations he brought the Galatians into his alliance, because he considered them formidable by reason of their bodily size. Then he went back to Ephesus and sent as ambassadors to Rome Lysias, Hegesianax, and Menippus. They were sent really to find out the intentions of the Senate, but for the sake of appearances Menippus said, “King Antiochus, while strongly desirous of the friendship of the Romans and willing to be their ally if they wish, is surprised that they urge him to give up the cities of Ionia and to remit tribute for certain states, and not to interfere with certain of the affairs of Asia and to leave Thrace alone, though it has always belonged to his ancestors. Yours are not the exhortations of friends, but resemble orders given by victors to the vanquished.” The Senate, perceiving that the embassy had come to make a test of their disposition, replied curtly, “If Antiochus will leave the Greeks in Asia free and independent, and keep away from Europe, he can be the friend of the Roman people if he desires.” Such was the answer of the Romans, and they gave no reason for their rejoinder.

> Greek: 2.6. ὁ μὲν δὴ τοιοῖσδε λογισμοῖς τοὺς γάμους ἀπεώσατο, ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος αὖθις ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου κατῄει, καὶ περιπλεύσας ἐς Χερρόνησον πολλὰ καὶ τότε τῆς Θρᾴκης ὑπήγετό τε καὶ κατεστρέφετο. Ἕλληνας δʼ, ὅσοι τοῖς Θρᾳξὶν ὑπήκουον, ἠλευθέρου, καὶ Βυζαντίοις ἐχαρίζετο πολλὰ ὡς ἐπίκαιρον ἐπὶ τοῦ στόματος πόλιν ἔχουσιν. Γαλάτας τε δώροις καὶ καταπλήξει τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐς συμμαχίαν ὑπήγετο, ἀξιομάχους ἡγούμενος ἔσεσθαί οἱ διὰ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν σωμάτων. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐς Ἔφεσον κατῇρε, καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥώμην ἔπεμπε Λυσίαν τε καὶ Ἡγησιάνακτα καὶ Μένιππον, οἳ τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ τῆς βουλῆς ἀποπειράσειν ἔμελλον, τῷ λόγῳ δʼ ὁ Μένιππος ἔφη τὸν βασιλέα περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων φιλίαν ἐσπουδακότα, καὶ βουλόμενον αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ σύμμαχον ἂν ἀξιῶσι, θαυμάζειν ὅτι κελεύουσι τῶν ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ πόλεων ἀφίστασθαι, καὶ φόρους τισὶν ἀφιέναι, καὶ τῆς Ἀσίας ἔνια μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν, καὶ Θρᾴκην ἐᾶν ἀεὶ τῶν προγόνων αὐτοῦ γενομένην· ἅπερ οὐ τοῖς φίλοις ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἡττημένοις τοὺς κεκρατηκότας ἐπικελεύειν. οἱ δὲ τῆς πρεσβείας συνιέντες ἐπὶ διαπείρᾳ σφῶν ἀφιγμένης, διὰ βραχέος ἀπεκρίναντο αὐτοῖς, ἐὰν Ἀντίοχος αὐτονόμους τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐᾷ τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀπέχηται, Ῥωμαίοις αὐτὸν ἔσεσθαι φίλον, ἂν ἐθέλῃ.

[¶6] 2.7. As Antiochus intended to invade Greece first and thence begin his war against the Romans, he communicated his design to Hannibal. The latter said that as Greece had been wasted for a long time, the task would be easy; but that wars which were waged at home were the hard ones to bear, by reason of the scarcity which they caused, and that those which took place in foreign territory were much easier to endure. Antiochus could never vanquish the Romans in Greece, where they would have plenty of home-grown corn and all needed material. Hannibal urged him to occupy some part of Italy and make his base of operations there, so that the Romans might be weakened both at home and abroad. “I have had experience of Italy,” he said, “and with 10,000 men I can occupy some convenient place and write to my friends in Carthage to stir up the people to revolt. As they are already discontented with their condition, and harbor ill-will toward the Romans, they will be filled with courage and hope if they hear that I am ravaging Italy again.” Antiochus listened eagerly to this advice, and as he considered a Carthaginian accession a great advantage (as it would have been) for his war, directed him to write to his friends at once.

> Greek: 2.7. τοσάδε μὲν ἀπεκρίναντο Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν οὐκ ἐπέθεσαν· ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἐς πρώτην ἐπινοῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐσβαλεῖν, κἀκεῖθεν ἄρξασθαι τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου, ὑπετίθετο τὴν γνώμην τῷ Καρχηδονίῳ Ἀννίβᾳ· ὁ δʼ ἔφη τὴν μὲν Ἑλλάδα ἐκ πολλοῦ τετρυμένην ἔργον εὐχείρωτον εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ πολέμους ἅπασι χαλεποὺς μὲν οἴκοι διὰ λιμὸν τὸν ἐπιγιγνόμενον, ἔξω δὲ κουφοτέρους· καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων οὔ ποτε Ἀντίοχον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καθαιρήσειν, ἀγορᾶς τε οἰκείας καὶ παρασκευῆς ἱκανῆς εὐπορούντων. ἐκέλευεν οὖν τι προλαβεῖν τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ πολεμεῖν ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενον, ἵνα Ῥωμαίοις ἀσθενέστερα ᾖ καὶ τὰ οἴκοι καὶ τὰ ἔξω. ἔχω δʼ ἐμπείρως, ἔφη, τῆς Ἰταλίας, καὶ μυρίοις ἀνδράσι δύναμαι καταλαβεῖν αὐτῆς τὰ ἐπίκαιρα, ἔς τε Καρχηδόνα τοῖς φίλοις ἐπιστεῖλαι τὸν δῆμον ἐς ἀπόστασιν ἐγεῖραι, δυσφοροῦντα τέως ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀπίστως ἔχοντα, τόλμης τε καὶ ἐλπίδος ἐμπλησόμενον, εἰ πύθοιντό με πορθοῦντᾳ τὴν Ἰταλίαν αὖθις. ὁ δʼ ἄσμενος ἀκούσας τοῦ λόγου, καὶ μέγα, ὥσπερ ἦν, ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἡγούμενος Καρχηδόνα προσλαβεῖν, αὐτίκα αὐτὸν ἐπιστέλλειν τοῖς φίλοις ἐκέλευεν.

[¶7] 2.8. Hannibal did not write the letters, since he did not consider it yet safe to do so, as the Romans were searching out everything and the war was not yet openly declared, and he had many opponents in Carthage, and the city had no fixed or sound policy, — the very lack of which caused its destruction, not long afterward. But he sent Aristo, a Tyrian merchant, to his friends, on the pretext of trading, to tell them that when he should invade Italy they should rouse Carthage to avenge her wrongs. Aristo did this, but when Hannibal’s enemies learned that he was in the city they raised a tumult as though a revolution was impending, and searched everywhere to find him. In order that Hannibal’s friends might not be particularly accused, he posted letters in front of the senate-chamber secretly by night, saying that Hannibal exhorted the whole senate to rescue the country with the help of Antiochus. Having done this he sailed away. In the morning the friends of Hannibal were relieved of their fears by this afterthought of Aristo, which implied that he had been sent to the whole senate. The city was filled with all kinds of tumult, the people feeling bitterly toward the Romans, but despairing of accomplishing anything indirectly. Such was the situation of affairs in Carthage.

> Greek: 2.8. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐπέστειλε μέν (οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγεῖτό πω, Ῥωμαίων τε πάντʼ ἀνερευνωμένων, καὶ τοῦ πολέμου μή πω φανεροῦ γεγονότος, καὶ πολλῶν οἱ διαφερομένων ἐν Καρχηδόνι, καὶ τῆς πολιτείας οὐδὲν βέβαιον οὐδʼ εὐσταθὲς ἐχούσης, ἃ καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον ἀνέτρεψε τὴν Καρχηδόνα), Ἀρίστωνα δʼ ἔμπορον Τύριον ἐπὶ προφάσει τῆς ἐμπορίας ἔπεμπε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἀξιῶν, ὅταν αὐτὸς ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐμβάλῃ, τότε ἐκείνους τὴν Καρχηδόνα ἐς ἄμυναν ὧν ἐπεπόνθεσαν ἐγείρειν. καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἀρίστον οὕτως ἔπραξεν, οἱ δὲ τοῦ Ἀννίβου ἐχθροί, αἰσθόμενοι τῆς Ἀρίστωνος ἐπιδημίας, ἐθορύβουν ὡς ἐπὶ νεωτέροις ἔργοις, καὶ τὸν Ἀρίστωνα ἐζήτουν περιιόντες. ὁ δέ, ἵνα τὴν διαβολὴν μὴ ἐξαίρετον ἔχοιεν οἱ Ἀννίβου φίλοι, προύθηκε νυκτὸς λαθὼν γράμματα πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου, ὅτι πάντας ὁ Ἀννίβας τοὺς βουλευτὰς παρακαλοίη τῇ πατρίδι συνάρασθαι μετʼ Ἀντιόχου. καὶ τοῦτο πράξας ἀπέπλευσεν. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸ μὲν δέος ἐξῄρητο τῶν Ἀννίβου φίλων ἐκ τῆς Ἀρίστωνος ἐπινοίας, ὡς πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν γερουσίαν ἀπεσταλμένου, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἐπεπλήρωτο θορύβου ποικίλου, δυσμενῶς μὲν ἔχουσα Ῥωμαίοις, λήσεσθαι δʼ οὐ προσδοκῶσα.

[¶8] 2.9. In the meantime Roman ambassadors, and among them Scipio, who had humbled the Carthaginian power, were sent, like those of Antiochus, to ascertain his designs and to form an estimate of his strength. Learning that the king had gone to Pisidia, they waited for him at Ephesus. There they entered into frequent conversations with Hannibal, Carthage being then at peace with them and war with Antiochus not yet declared. They reproached Hannibal for flying his country when the Romans had nothing to complain against him, or against the other Carthaginians, under the terms of the last treaty. They did this in order to cast suspicion on Hannibal in the mind of the king by the protracted conversations and intercourse. Hannibal, although a most profound military genius, did not perceive their design, but the king, when he learned what had been going on, did suspect him, and was more reluctant to give him his confidence thereafter. There was also some jealousy and envy added, lest Hannibal should carry off the glory of the exploits.

> Greek: 2.9. καὶ τὰ μὲν Καρχηδονίων ὧδε εἶχε, Ῥωμαίων δὲ πρέσβεις, ἕτεροί τε καὶ Σκιπίων ὁ Καρχηδονίους ἀφελόμενος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἐς ὁμοίαν πεμφθέντες Ἀντιόχου τῆς τε γνώμης ἀπόπειραν καὶ τῆς παρασκευῆς κατάσκεψιν, ἐπεὶ τὸν βασιλέα ηὗρον οἰχόμενον ἐς Πισίδας, ἐν Ἐφέσῳ περιέμενον, ἔνθα συνῄεσαν θαμινὰ ἐς λόγους τῷ Ἀννίβᾳ, Καρχηδόνος τε σφίσιν ἔτι οὔσης ἐνσπόνδου καὶ οὔπω φανερῶς Ἀντιόχου πολεμίου, καταμεμφόμενοι τὸν Ἀννίβαν ὅτι τὴν πατρίδα φύγοι, Ῥωμαίων οὐδὲν οὔτε ἐς αὐτὸν οὔτε ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Καρχηδονίους ἐπὶ ταῖς συνθήκαις ἁμαρτόντων. ἔπρασσον δὲ ταῦθʼ, ὕποπτον ἐργαζόμενοι γενέσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἐκ τῆς συνεχοῦς σφῶν ὁμιλίας τε καὶ συνόδου. καὶ τοῦθʼ ὁ μὲν στρατηγικώτατος Ἀννίβας οὐχ ὑπενόησεν, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πυθόμενος ὑπώπτευσε, καὶ ἀμβλύτερος ἦν τἀπὸ τοῦδε πιστεύειν ἔτι τῷ Ἀννίβᾳ· καὶ γάρ τι καὶ ζήλου προὐπῆν ἐς αὐτὸν ἤδη καὶ φθόνου, μὴ τῶν γιγνομένων τὸν ἔπαινον Ἀννίβας ἀποφέροιτο.

[¶9] 2.10. It is said that at one of their meetings in the gymnasium Scipio and Hannibal had a conversation on the subject of generalship, in the presence of a number of bystanders, and that Scipio asked Hannibal whom he considered the greatest general, to which the latter replied, “Alexander of Macedon.” To this Scipio assented since he also yielded the first place to Alexander. Then he asked Hannibal whom he placed next, and he replied, “Pyrrhus of Epirus,” because he considered boldness the first qualification of a general; “for it would not be possible,” he said, “to find two kings more enterprising than these.” Scipio was rather nettled by this, but nevertheless he asked Hannibal to whom he would give the third place, expecting that at least the third would be assigned to him; but Hannibal replied, “To myself; for when I was a young man I conquered Spain and crossed the Alps with an army, the first after Hercules. I invaded Italy and struck terror into all of you, laid waste 400 of your towns, and often put your city in extreme peril, all this time receiving neither money nor reënforcements from Carthage.” As Scipio saw that he was likely to prolong his self-laudation he said, laughing, “Where would you place yourself, Hannibal, if you had not been defeated by me?” Hannibal, now perceiving his jealousy, replied, “In that case I should have put myself before Alexander.” Thus Hannibal continued his self-laudation, but flattered Scipio in a delicate manner by suggesting that he had conquered one who was the superior of Alexander.

> Greek: 2.10. λέγεται δʼ ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς διατριβαῖς ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ λεσχηνεῦσαί ποτε πρὸς ἀλλήλους Σκιπίωνα καὶ Ἀννίβαν περὶ στρατηγίας πολλῶν ἐφεστώτων, καὶ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος ἐρομένου τίς δοκοίη οἱ στρατηγὸς ἄριστος γενέσθαι, τὸν Ἀννίβαν εἰπεῖν, ὁ Μακεδὼν Ἀλέξανδρος. Σκιπίωνα δʼ ἡσυχάσαι μὲν ἐπὶ τῷδʼ, ἐξιστάμενον ἄρα Ἀλεξανδρῳ, ἐπανερέσθαι δὲ τίς εἴη δεύτερος μετʼ Ἀλέξανδρον. καὶ τὸν φάναι, Πύρρος ὁ Ἠπειρώτης, τὴν ἀρετὴν ἄρα τὴν στρατηγικὴν ἐν τόλμῃ τιθέμενον· οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν μεγαλοτολμοτέρους τῶνδε τῶν βασιλέων. δακνόμενον δʼ ἤδη τὸν Σκιπίωνα ὅμως ἐπανερέσθαι ἔτι τίνι διδοίη τὰ τρίτα, ταχὺ γοῦν ἐλπίζοντα ἕξειν τὰ τρίτα. τὸν δέ, ἐμαυτῷ, φάναι· νέος γὰρ ὢν ἔτι Ἰβηρίας τε ἐκράτησα, καὶ στρατῷ τὰ Ἄλπεια ὄρη μεθʼ Ἡρακλέα πρῶτος ὑπερῆλθον, ἔς τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὑμῶν οὐδενός πω θαρροῦντος, ἐμβαλὼν τετρακόσια ἀνέστησα ἄστη, καὶ περὶ τῇ πόλει τὸν ἀγῶνα πολλάκις ὑμῖν ἐπέστησα, οὔτε μοι χρημάτων οὔτε στρατιᾶς ἐπιπεμπομένης ἐκ Καρχηδόνος. ὡς δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Σκιπίων εἶδεν ἀπομηκύνοντα τὴν σεμνολογίαν, ἔφη γελάσας, ποῦ δʼ ἂν ἑαυτὸν ἔταττες, ὦ Ἀννίβα, μὴ νενικημένος ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ; τὸν δέ φασιν, αἰσθανόμενον ἤδη τῆς ζηλοτυπίας, εἰπεῖν ὅτι ἔγωγε ἔταξα ἂν ἐμαυτὸν πρὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Ἀννίβας ἐπέμεινέ τε τῇ σεμνολογίᾳ, καὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα λαθὼν ἐθεράπευσεν ὡς καθελόντα τὸν ἀμεινονα Ἀλεξάνδρου·

[¶10] 2.11. At the end of this conversation Hannibal invited Scipio to be his guest, and Scipio replied that he would be so gladly if Hannibal were not living with Antiochus, who was held in suspicion by the Romans. Thus did they, in a manner worthy of great commanders, cast aside their enmity at the end of their wars. Not so Flamininus, for, at a later period when Hannibal had fled after the defeat of Antiochus and was wandering around Bithynia, Flamininus sent an embassy to King Prusias on other matters, and, although he had no grievance against Hannibal, and had no orders from the Senate, and Hannibal was no longer for-midable to them, Carthage having fallen, he caused Prusias to put him to death by poison. There was a story that an oracle had once said: “Libyssan earth shall cover Hannibal’s remains.” So he believed that he should die in Libya. But there is a river Libyssus in Bithynia, and the adjoining country takes the name of Libyssa These things I have placed side by side as memorials of the magnanimity of Hannibal and Scipio and of the smallness of Flamininus.

> Greek: 2.11. διαλυομένης δὲ τῆς συνόδου Σκιπίωνα μὲν ὁ Ἀννίβας ἐπὶ ξένια ἐκάλει, Σκιπίων δὲ ἐλθεῖν ἂν ἔφη μάλα προθύμως, εἰ μὴ συνῆσθα νῦν Ἀντιόχῳ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ὑπόπτως ἔχοντι. ὧδε μὲν ἐκεῖνοι, τῆς στρατηγίας ἀξίως, τὴν ἔχθραν ὡρίζοντο τοῖς πολέμοις, Φλαμινῖνος δʼ ἀνομοίως. ἡττηθέντος γὰρ ὕστερον Ἀντιόχου φεύγοντα τὸν Ἀννίβαν καὶ ἀλώμενον περὶ Βιθυνίαν, πρεσβεύων, ἐφʼ ἕτερα πρὸς Προυσίαν, οὔτε τι πρὸς τοῦ Ἀννίβου προπαθών, οὔτε Ῥωμαίων ἐντειλαμένων, οὔτε φοβερὸν ἔτι αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι δυνάμενον Καρχηδόνος κατεστραμμένης, ἔκτεινε διὰ τοῦ Προυσίου φαρμάκῳ, λεγόμενον μὲν ἐσχηκέναι ποτὲ χρησμὸν ὧδε ἔχοντα Λίβυσσα κρύψει βῶλος Ἀννίβου δέμας, καὶ οἰόμενον ἐν Λιβύῃ τεθνήξεσθαι, ποταμὸς δʼ ἔστι Λίβυσσος ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ, καὶ πεδίον ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Λίβυσσα. καὶ τάδε μὲν ἐς ὑπόμνημα τῆς Ἀννίβου καὶ Σκιπίωνος μεγαλονοίας καὶ Φλαμινίνου σμικρότητος παρεθέμην.

[¶11] 3.12. Antiochus, on his return from Pisidia to Ephesus, entered upon the business with the Roman ambassadors and promised to leave the Rhodians, the Byzantines, the Cyzicaeans, and the other Greeks of Asia free and independent if the Romans would make a treaty with him, but he would not release the Aetolians and the Ionians, since they had long been accustomed to obey the barbarian kings of Asia. The Roman ambassadors came to no agreement with him — in fact, they had not come to make an agreement, but to find out his purposes. So they returned to Rome. There-upon an Aetolian embassy came to Antiochus, of which Thoas was the principal member, offering him the command of the Aetolian forces and urging him to embark for Greece at once, as everything was in readiness there. They would not allow him to wait for the army that was coming from upper Asia, but by exaggerating the strength of the Aetolians and promising the alliance of the Lacedaemonians and of Philip of Macedon in addition, who was angry with the Romans, they urged his crossing. He assembled his forces very hastily, nor did even the news of his son’s death in Syria delay him at all. He sailed to Eubœa with 10,000 men, who were all that he had in hand at the time. He took possession of the whole island, which surrendered to him through fear. Michithio, one of his generals, fell upon the Romans at Delium (a place sacred to Apollo), killed some of them, and took the rest prisoners.

> Greek: 3.12. ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἐκ Πισιδῶν ἐς τὴν Ἔφεσον ἐπανῄει, καὶ χρηματίσας τοῖς Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεσι Ῥοδίους μὲν καὶ Βυζαντίους καὶ Κυζικηνούς, καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν εἰσὶν Ἕλληνες, αὐτονόμους ἐπηγγείλατο ἐάσειν, εἰ γίγνοιντο αὑτῷ συνθῆκαι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, Αἰολέας δὲ καὶ Ἴωνας οὐ συνεχώρει ὡς ἐκ πολλοῦ καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις βασιλεῦσι τῆς Ἀσίας εἰθισμένους ὑπακούειν. οἱ μὲν δὴ Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις ἐς οὐδὲν αὐτῷ συμβαίνοντες (οὐ γὰρ ἐπʼ ἔργῳ συμβάσεων ἐληλύθεσαν ἀλλʼ ἐς ἀπόπειραν) ᾤχοντο ἐς Ῥώμην· Ἀντιόχῳ δʼ ἧκον Αἰτωλῶν πρέσβεις, ὧν Θόας ἦρχεν, αὐτοκράτορά τε στρατηγὸν Αἰτωλῶν Ἀντίοχον ἀποφαίνοντες, καὶ διαπλεῖν ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἤδη παρακαλοῦντες ὡς ἐπὶ ἔργον ἕτοιμον. οὐδὲ εἴων ἀναμένειν τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας τῆς ἄνω κατιοῦσαν, ἀλλὰ τὰ Αἰτωλῶν ὑπερεπαίροντες, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπαγγελλόμενοι σφίσι καὶ Φίλιππον ἐπὶ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸν Μακεδόνα, Ῥωμαίοις μηνίοντα, συμμαχήσειν, ἐπέσπερχον ἐς τὴν διάβασιν. ὁ δʼ ἠρεθίζετο μάλα κουφόνως, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῷ προσαγγελθέντος ἐν Συρίᾳ τεθνάναι τῆς ὁρμῆς τι ἐνδούς, διέπλει μετὰ μυρίων ὧν τότε εἶχε μόνων ἐς Εὔβοιαν. καὶ τήνδε μὲν αὐτὸς παρεστήσατο ἅπασαν, ἐνδοῦσαν ὑπὸ ἐκπλήξεως· Μικιθίων δέ, αὐτοῦ στρατηγός, τοῖς περὶ Δήλιον Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιπεσὼν (ἱερὸν δʼ ἐστὶ τὸ χωρίον Ἀπόλλωνος) τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἔκτεινε, τοὺς δʼ ἐζώγρησεν.

[¶12] 3.13. Amynander, king of the Athamanes, leagued himself with Antiochus for the following reason. A certain Macedonian, named Alexander, who had been educated at Megalopolis and admitted to citizenship there, pretended that he was a descendant of Alexander the Great, and to make people believe his fables he named his two sons Philip and Alexander and his daughter Apama. The latter he betrothed to Amynander. Her brother Philip conducted her to the nuptial ceremony, and when he saw that Amynander was weak and inexperienced he remained there and took charge of the government by virtue of this connection. By holding out to this Philip the hope that he would restore his ancestral kingdom of Macedonia to him, Antiochus secured the alliance of the Athamanes. He secured that of the Thebans also by going to Thebes and making a speech to the people. He was emboldened to enter upon this great war relying most rashly on the Thebans, Amynander, and the Aetolians, and he made a reconnoissance of Thessaly to determine whether he should invade it at once or after the winter had passed. As Hannibal expressed no opinion on the subject, Antiochus, before coming to a decision, asked him his thought.

> Greek: 3.13. Ἀμύνανδρός τε, ὁ Ἀθαμάνων βασιλεύς, ἐς συμμαχίαν Ἀντιόχῳ συνῆλθε διὰ τοιᾶσδε προφάσεως. τῶν τις Μακεδόνων Ἀλέξανδρος, ἐν Μεγάλῃ πόλει τραφεὶς καὶ τῆς αὐτόθι πολιτείας ἀξιωθείς, ἐτερατεύετο γένος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῷ Φιλίππου προσήκειν, γενομένους τέ οἱ παῖδας ὠνόμασεν, ἐς πίστιν ὧν ἐλογοποίει, Φίλιππόν τε καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ Ἀπάμαν, ἣν Ἀμυνάνδρῳ πρὸς γάμον ἠγγύησεν. ἀγαγὼν δʼ αὐτὴν Φίλιππος ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐς τὸν γάμον, ἐπεὶ τὸν Ἀμύνανδρον εἶδεν ἀσθενῆ καὶ πραγμάτων ἄπειρον, παρέμενε, τὴν ἀρχὴν διὰ τὸ κῆδος διοικῶν. τοῦτον οὖν τὸν Φίλιππον ὁ Ἀντίοχος τότε ἐπελπίζων ἐς τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχὴν ὡς οἰκείαν οἱ κατάξειν, προσέλαβε τοὺς Ἀθαμᾶνας ἐς τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἐπὶ δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ Θηβαίους, αὐτὸς ἐς Θήβας παρελθών τε καὶ δημηγορήσας. ὁ μὲν δὴ Θηβαίοις τε καὶ Ἀμυνάνδρῳ καὶ Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπὶ τοσῷδε πολέμῳ μάλα ματαίως ἐθάρρει, καὶ ἐς Θεσσαλίαν ἐσκόπει πότερον εὐθὺς ἢ μετὰ χειμῶνα δέοι στρατεύειν· Ἀννίβαν δʼ ἐπὶ τῇ σκέψει τῇδε ἡσυχάζοντα ἐκέλευε γνώμην πρῶτον ἐσενεγκεῖν.

[¶13] 3.14. Hannibal replied, “It is not difficult to reduce the Thessalians either now or at the end of winter, if you wish. Exhausted by much suffering they will change now to you, and again to the Romans, if any misfortune befalls you. We have come here without any army of our own, trusting to the Aetolians, who said that the Lacedaemonians and Philip would join us. Of these I hear that the Lacedaemonians are as hostile to us as the Achaeans are, and as for Philip I do not see him here helping you, although he can turn the scale of this war for whichever side he favors. I hold the same opinion as before, that you should call in an army from Asia as quickly as possible and not put any reliance on Amynander or the Aetolians. When your army comes, carry the war into Italy so that they may be distracted by evils at home, and thus harm you as little as possible, and make no advance movement for fear of what may befall themselves. The plan I spoke of before is no longer available, but you ought to employ half of your fleet in ravaging the shores of Italy and keep the other half lying in wait for opportunities, while you station yourself with all your land forces at some point in Greece near to Italy, making a feint of invasion and invading it at any time if you can. Try by every means to make an alliance with Philip, because he can be of the greatest service to whichever side he espouses. If he will not consent, send your son Seleucus against him by way of Thrace so that Philip likewise may be distracted by troubles at home, and prevented from furnishing aid to the enemy.” Such were the counsels of Hannibal, and they were the best of all that were offered; but, moved by jealousy of his reputation and judgment, the other counsellors, and the king himself no less, cast them all aside lest Hannibal should seem to excel them in generalship, and lest the glory of the exploits should be his — except that Polyxenidas was sent to Asia to bring an army.

> Greek: 3.14. ὁ δʼ ἔφη, Θεσσαλοὺς μὲν οὐ δυσχερές, εἴτε νῦν εἴτε μετὰ χειμῶνα ἐθέλοις, ὑπάγεσθαι. τὸ γὰρ ἔθνος ἐκ πολλοῦ πεπονηκὸς ἔς τε σὲ νῦν καὶ ἐς Ῥωμαίους αὖ, εἴ τι γίγνοιτο νεώτερον, μεταβαλεῖται. ἤλθομεν δʼ ἄνευ τῆς οἰκείας δυνάμεως, Αἰτωλοῖς ἐπάγουσι πεισθέντες ὅτι καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Φίλιππος ἡμῖν συμμαχήσουσιν· ὧν Λακεδαιμονίους μὲν καὶ πολεμεῖν ἡμῖν ἀκούω μετʼ Ἀχαιῶν, Φίλιππον δὲ οὐχ ὁρῶ σοι παρόντα, δυνατὸν ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ῥοπήν, ὁποτέρωσε προσθοῖτο, ποιῆσαι. τῆς δὲ γνώμης ἔχομαι τῆς αὐτῆς, τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας καλεῖν ὅτι τάχιστα, καὶ μὴ ἐν Ἀμυνάνδρῳ καὶ Αἰτωλοῖς τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν, ὅταν δʼ ἀφίκηται, τὴν Ἰταλίαν πορθεῖν, ἵνα τοῖς οἰκείοις κακοῖς περισπώμενοι τὰ σὰ λυπῶσιν ἥκιστα, καὶ περὶ τῶν σφετέρων δεδιότες μηδαμοῦ προΐωσιν. ὁ δὲ τρόπος οὐκέθʼ ὅμοιος ᾧ προύλεγον, ἀλλὰ χρὴ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τῶν νεῶν τὰ παράλια τῆς Ἰταλίας πορθεῖν, τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ ναυλοχεῖν ἐφεδρεῦον ἐς τὰ συμφερόμενα, αὐτὸν δὲ δὲ τῷ πεζῷ παντὶ προκαθήμενον τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀγχοῦ τῆς Ἰταλίας, δόξαν ἐμποιεῖν ἐσβολῆς, καὶ εἰ δύναιό ποτε, καὶ ἐσβαλεῖν. Φίλιππον δὲ πειρᾶσθαι μὲν προσάγεσθαι μηχανῇ πάσῃ, πλεῖστον ἐς ἑκατέρους ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ δυνάμενον· ἢν δʼ ἀπειθῇ, τὸν σὸν υἱὸν αὐτῷ Σέλευκον ἐπιπέμπειν διὰ Θρᾴκης, ἵνα καὶ ὅδε περισπώμενος οἰκείοις κακοῖς μηδὲν ᾖ τοῖς πολεμίοις χρήσιμος. τοσάδε μὲν ὁ Ἀννίβας εἶπε, καὶ ἦν ἄριστα πάντων· ὑπὸ δὲ φθόνου τῆς τε δόξης αὐτοῦ καὶ συνέσεως οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ αὐτὸς οὐχ ἧσσον ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵνα μὴ δοκοίη σφῶν ὁ Ἀννίβας τῇ στρατηγίᾳ προφέρειν, μηδὲ ἡ δόξα τῶν ἐσομένων ἐκείνου γένοιτο, μεθῆκαν ἅπαντα, πλὴν ὅτι Πολυξενίδας ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπέμφθη.

[¶14] 3.15. When the Romans heard of the irruption of Antiochus into Greece and the killing and capture of Romans at Delium, they declared war. In this way the war between them, which had been smouldering a long time, first actually broke out. So great was the dominion of Antiochus, ruler of many powerful nations of upper Asia, and of all but a few on the sea-coast, who had now invaded Europe; so formidable was his reputation and so complete his preparation, so many and so famous had been his exploits against other peoples, from which he had earned the title of Great, that the Romans anticipated that this war would be long and severe for them. They had their suspicions also of Philip of Macedon, whom they had lately conquered, and of the Carthaginians also, lest they should prove false to the treaty because Hannibal was cooperating with Antiochus. Other subject peoples were under suspicion lest revolution should break out among them in consequence of the fame of Antiochus. For these reasons they sent forces into all the provinces to watch them without provoking hostilities. With them were sent commanders called six-axe men (praetors), so called because the consuls had twelve bundles of rods and axes (as the kings before them had), whereas the praetors had only half the dignity of the consuls and half the number of insignia of office. As in cases of great peril they showed their anxiety for Italy also, lest there should be some weakening or revolt against them there. They sent a large force of infantry to Tarentum to guard against an attack in that quarter, and also a fleet to patrol the coast. So great was the alarm caused by Antiochus at first. When everything appertaining to the government at home was arranged, they raised an army to serve against Antiochus, 20,000 from the city and double that number from the allies, to cross the Adriatic in the early spring. Thus they employed the whole winter in making preparations for war.

> Greek: 3.15. Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ἐπεὶ τῆς ἐσβολῆς τῆς ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα Ἀντιόχου καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Δηλίου Ῥωμαίων ἀναιρέσεώς τε καὶ αἰχμαλωσίας ἐπύθοντο, πολεμεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Ἀντιόχου τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμος, ἐκ πολλοῦ διʼ ὑπονοίας ἀλλήλοις γενόμενος, τότε πρῶτον ἀπερρήγνυτο ἐς ἔργον· οἷα δʼ Ἀντιόχου τῆς τε Ἀσίας τῆς ἄνω πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐθνῶν καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ, χωρὶς ὀλίγων, ὅλης ἐπικρατοῦντος, ἔς τε τὴν Εὐρώπην διαβεβηκότος ἤδη, καὶ δόξαν ἐπίφοβον καὶ παρασκευὴν ἱκανὴν ἔχοντος, πολλά τε ἄλλα καθʼ ἑτέρων ἐξειργασμένου λαμπρά, διʼ ἃ καὶ μέγας ἦν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ, τὸν πόλεμον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι χρόνιον σφίσι καὶ μέγαν ἔσεσθαι προσεδόκων. φίλιππόν τε τὸν Μακεδόνα διʼ ὑποψίας εἶχον, ἄρτι ὑπὸ σφῶν καταπεπολεμημένον, καὶ Καρχηδονίους, μὴ οὐ πιστοὶ σφίσιν ὦσιν ἐπὶ ταῖς συνθήκαις, Ἀννίβου συνόντος Ἀντιόχῳ. τούς τε ἄλλους σφῶν ὑπηκόους ὑπονοοῦντες, μὴ καὶ παρὰ τούτων τι νεώτερον ἐς τὴν Ἀντιόχου δόξαν γένοιτο, στρατιὰν ἐς ἅπαντας, ἐφεδρεύειν εἰρηνικῶς αὐτοῖς, καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ, περιέπεμπον, οὓς αὐτοὶ καλοῦσιν ἑξαπελέκεας, ὅτι τῶν ὑπάτων δυώδεκα πελέκεσι καὶ δυώδεκα ῥάβδοις, ὥσπερ οἱ πάλαι βασιλεῖς, χρωμένων, τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς ἀξιώσεως ἔστι τοῖσδε τοῖς στρατηγοῖς καὶ τὰ ἡμίσεα παράσημα. ὡς δʼ ἐν μεγάλῳ φόβῳ, καὶ περὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐδείμαινον, μὴ οὐδʼ αὐτὴ σφίσιν ᾖ πιστὴ ἢ βέβαιος ἐπʼ Ἀντιόχῳ. πεζὸν δὴ πολὺν ἐς Τάραντα διέπεμπον, ἐφεδρεύειν τοῖς ἐπιοῦσι, καὶ νεῶν στόλος τὴν παράλιον περιέπλει. τοσόσδε φόβος ἦν Ἀντιόχου τὰ πρῶτα. ὡς δὲ αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν συνετετάχατο πάντα, ἐπʼ αὐτὸν Ἀντίοχον ἤδη κατέλεγον ἀπὸ μὲν σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐς δισμυρίους ἄνδρος, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων τὸ διπλάσιον, ὡς ἅμα τῷ ἦρι τὸν Ἰόνιον διαβαλοῦντες.

[¶15] 3.16. Antiochus marched against the Thessalians and came to Cynoscephalae, where the Macedonians had been defeated by the Romans, and finding the remains of the dead still unburied, gave them a magnificent funeral. Thus he curried favor with the Macedonians and accused Philip before them of leaving unburied those who had fallen in his service. Until now Philip had been wavering and in doubt which side he should espouse, but when he heard of this he joined the Romans at once. He invited Baebius, their nearest general, to a rendezvous and gave pledges anew of faithful alliance against Antiochus. Baebius praised him for this, and felt emboldened to send Appius Claudius straightway with 2000 foot through Macedonia into Thessaly. When Appius arrived at Tempe and from that point saw Antiochus besieging Larissa, he kindled a large number of fires to conceal the smallness of his force. Antiochus thought that Baebius and Philip had arrived, and became panic-stricken, abandoned the siege on a pretext of bad weather, and retreated to Chalcis. There he fell in love with a pretty girl, and, although he was above fifty years of age and was supporting the burden of so great a war, he celebrated his nuptials with her, gave a public festival, and allowed his army to spend the whole winter in idleness and luxury. When spring came he made a descent upon Acarnania, where he perceived that idleness had unfitted his army for every kind of duty. Then he repented himself Of his marriage and his public festival. Nevertheless he reduced a part of Acarnania and was besieging the rest of its strongholds when he learned that the Romans were making a passage of the Adriatic. Then at once he returned to Chalcis.

> Greek: 3.16. καὶ οἱ μὲν τὸν χειμῶνα ὅλον ἐν τούτῳ παρασκευῆς ἦσαν, ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ Θετταλούς, καὶ γενόμενος ἐν Κυνὸς κεφαλαῖς, ἔνθα τὸ πταῖσμα τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐγεγένητο, τὰ λείπανα τῶν τότε πεσόντων ἄταφα ἔτι ὄντα μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἔθαπτε, δημοκοπῶν ἐς Μακεδόνας, καὶ Φίλιππον αὐτοῖς διαβάλλων οὐ θάψαντα τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πεσόντας. ὧν πυθόμενος ὁ Φίλιππος, ἐνδοιάζων ἔτι καὶ περισκοπῶν ὁποτέρωσε προσθοῖτο, αὐτίκα εἵλετο τὰ Ῥωμαίων, Βαίβιόν τε στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν, ἄρχοντά τινος πλησίον στρατοῦ, καλέσας ἐλθεῖν ἔς τι χωρίον, πίστεις αὖθις ἐδίδου Ῥωμαίοις ἀδόλως συμμαχήσειν κατʼ Αντιόχου. ἐφʼ οἷς αὐτὸν ὁ Βαίβιος ἐπῄνει, καὶ θαρρήσας αὐτίκα ἔπεμπε διὰ τῆς Μακεδονίας Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον μετὰ δισχιλίων πεζῶν ἐς Θεσσαλίαν. καὶ ὁ Ἄππιος ἀπὸ τῶν Τεμπῶν Ἀντίοχον Λαρίσῃ παρακαθ ήμενον ἰδὼν πῦρ πολὺ ἤγειρεν, ἐπικρύπτων τὴν ὀλιγότητα. καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος, ὡς Βαιβίου καὶ Φιλίππου παρόντων διαταραχθείς, ἐξέλιπε τὴν πολιορκίαν, πρόφασιν τὸν χειμῶνα ποιούμενος, καὶ ἐς Χαλκίδα παρῆλθεν, ἔνθα κόρης εὐπρεποῦς ἔρωτι ἁλούς, ὑπὲρ ἔτη πεντήκοντα γεγονὼς καὶ τοσόνδε πόλεμον διαφέρων, ἔθυε γάμους καὶ πανηγύρεις ἦγε, καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἐς πᾶσαν ἀργίαν καὶ τρυφὴν ἐπὶ τὸν χειμῶνα ὅλον ἀνῆκεν. ἀρχομένου δʼ ἦρος ἐμβαλὼν ἐς Ἀκαρνανίαν ᾔσθετο μὲν τῆς ἀργίας τοῦ στρατοῦ δυσέργου πρὸς ἅπαντα ὄντος, καὶ τότε τῶν γάμων αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς πανηγύρεως μετέμελεν· ὑπαγαγόμενος δʼ ὅμως τινὰ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πολιορκῶν, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα Ῥωμαίους ἐπύθετο περᾶν τὸν Ἰόνιον, ἐς Χαλκίδα ἀνεζεύγνυ.

[¶16] 4.17. The Romans crossed hastily from Brundusium to Apollonia with the forces that were then ready, being 2000 horse, 20,000 foot, and a few elephants, under the command of Acinius Manius Glabrio. They marched to Thessaly and relieved the besieged cities. They expelled the enemy’s garrisons from the towns of the Athamanes and made a prisoner of that Philip of Megalopolis who was still expecting the throne of Macedonia. They also captured about 3000 of the soldiers of Antiochus. While Manius was doing these things, Philip made a descent upon Athamania and brought the whole of it under subjection, King Amynander fleeing to Ambracia. When Antiochus learned these facts, he was terrified by the rush of events and by the suddenness of the change of fortune, and he now perceived the wisdom of Hannibal’s advice. He sent messenger after messenger to Asia to hasten the coming of Polyxenidas. Then from all sides he drew in what forces he had. These amounted to 10,000 foot and 500 horse of his own, besides some allies, with which he occupied Thermopylae in order to put this difficult pass between himself and the enemy while waiting for the arrival of his army from Asia. The passage at Thermopylae is long and narrow, flanked on the one side by a rough and inhospitable sea and on the other by a deep and impassable morass. It is overhung by two mountain peaks, one called Tichius and the other Callidromus. The place also contains some hot springs, whence comes the name Thermopylae (the Hot Gates).

> Greek: 4.17. Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ ὑπὸ σπουδῆς τοῖς τότε ἑτοίμοις ἱππεῦσι δισχιλίοις καὶ πεζοῖς δισμυρίοις καὶ ἐλέφασί τισιν, ἡγουμένου σφῶν Ἀκιλίου Μανίου Γλαβρίωνος, ἐς Ἀπολλωνίαν ἐκ Βρεντεσίου διαβαλόντες ἐπὶ Θεσσαλίας ἐβάδιζον καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐξέλυον τῶν πολιορκιῶν, ἐν ὅσαις δʼ ἦσαν ἤδη Ἀθαμάνων φρουραί, τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξέβαλλον. καὶ τὸν Μεγαλοπολίτην Φίλιππον αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβον, ἐλπίζοντα ἔτι τὴν Μακεδόνων ἀρχήν. εἷλον δὲ καὶ τῶν Ἀντιοχείων ἐς τρισχιλίους. ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Μάνιος εἰργάζετο, καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ἐς Ἀθαμανίαν ἐμβαλὼν πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ὑπήκοον ἔλαβεν, Ἀμυνάνδρου φυγόντος ἐς Ἀμβρακίαν. ὧν ὁ Ἀντίοχος αἰσθανόμενός τε, καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῶν γιγνομένων καταπλαγείς, ἔδεισεν ὡς ἐπὶ αἰφνιδίῳ καὶ ταχείᾳ μεταβολῇ, καὶ τῆς εὐβουλίας Ἀννίβου τότε ᾔσθετο, ἔς τε τὴν Ἀσίαν ἄλλους ἐπʼ ἄλλοις ἔπεμπεν ἐπισπέρχειν Πολυξενίδαν ἐς τὴν διάβασιν, αὐτὸς δʼ ὅσους εἶχε, πανταχόθεν συνεκάλει. γενομένων δʼ αὐτῷ τῶν μὲν οἰκείων πεζῶν μυρίων καὶ ἱππέων πεντακοσίων, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις καὶ τινῶν συμμάχων, Θερμοπύλας κατέλαβεν ὡς τὴν δυσχωρίαν προβαλούμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας ἀναμενῶν. δίοδος δʼ ἐστὶν αἱ Θερμοπύλαι στενὴ καὶ ἐπιμήκης, καὶ αὐτὴν περιέχει τῇ μὲν θάλασσα τραχεῖα καὶ ἀλίμενος, τῇ δὲ ἕλος ἄβατόν τε καὶ βαραθρῶδες. κορυφαί τε εἰσὶν ἐν αὐτῇ δύο ὀρῶν ἀπόκρημνοι, καὶ τούτων μὲν Τειχιοῦντα καλοῦσι τὴν δὲ Καλλίδρομον. ἔχει δὲ ὁ τόπος θερμῶν ὑδάτων πηγάς, καὶ Θερμοπύλαι ἀπὸ τοῦδʼ ἐπικλῄζονται.

[¶17] 4.18. There Antiochus built a double wall on which he placed engines. He sent Aetolian troops to occupy the summits of the mountains to prevent anybody from coming around secretly by way of the hill called Atropos, as Xerxes had come upon the Spartans under Leonidas, the mountain paths at that time being unguarded. One thousand Aetolians occupied each mountain. The remainder encamped by themselves near the city of Heraclea. When Manius saw the enemy’s preparations he gave the signal for battle on the morrow and ordered two of his tribunes, Marcus Cato and Lucius Valerius, to select such forces as they pleased and to go around the mountains by night and drive the Aetolians from the heights as best they could. Lucius was repulsed from Mount Tichius by the Aetolians, who at that place fought well, but Cato, who moved against Mount Callidromus, fell upon the enemy while they were still asleep, about the last watch. Nevertheless there was a stiff fight here, as he was obliged to climb over high rocks and precipices in the face of an opposing enemy. Meantime Manius was leading his army against Antiochus’ front in straight lines, as this was the only way possible in the narrow pass. The king placed his light-armed troops and peltasts in front of the phalanx, and drew up the phalanx itself in front of the camp, with the archers and slingers on the right hand next to the foot-hills, and the elephants, with the guard that always accompanied them, on the left near the sea.

> Greek: 4.18. τεῖχος οὖν ἐνταῦθα διπλοῦν ὁ Ἀντίοχος ᾠκοδομήσατο, καὶ τὰς μηχανὰς ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐπέθηκεν. ἔς τε τὰς κορυφὰς τῶν ὀρῶν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀνέπεμψε, μή τις λάθοι κατὰ τὴν λεγομένην ἀτραπὸν περιελθών, ᾗ δὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις τοῖς ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδαν Ξέρξης ἐπέθετο, ἀφυλάκτων τότε τῶν ὀρῶν ὄντων. Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ χιλίους μὲν ἑκατέρῳ τῶνδε τῶν ἄκρων ἐπέστησαν, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς ἐστρατοπέδευον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν περὶ πόλιν Ἡράκλειαν. ὁ δὲ Μάνιος ἐπεὶ κατεῖδε τὴν τῶν πολεμίων παρασκευήν, σημεῖον ἔδωκεν ἐς ἕω μάχης· καὶ δύο τῶν χιλιάρχων, Μᾶρκον Κάτωνα καὶ Λεύκιον Οὐαλέριον, ἐκέλευσε νυκτός, ἐπιλεξαμένους ἑκάτερον ὁπόσους ἐθέλοι, τὰ ὄρη περιελθεῖν καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων, ὅπῃ δύναιντο, βιάσασθαι. τούτων ὁ μὲν Λεύκιος ἀπεκρούσθη τοῦ Τειχιοῦντος, ἀγαθῶν ἐνταῦθα τῶν Αἰτωλῶν γενομένων· ὁ δὲ Κάτων τῷ Καλλιδρόμῳ παραστρατοπεδεύσας, κοιμωμένοις ἔτι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐπέπεσε περὶ ἐσχάτην φυλακήν, καὶ πολὺς ἀμφʼ αὐτὸν ἐγίγνετο ἀγών, βιαζόμενον ἐς ὑψηλὰ καὶ ἀπόκρημνα κωλυόντων τῶν πολεμίων. ἤδη δὲ καὶ Μάνιος ἐπῆγε τὴν στρατιὰν Ἀντιόχῳ κατὰ μέτωπον, ἐς λόχους ὀρθίους διῃρημένην· ὧδε γὰρ μόνως ἐν στενοῖς ἐδύνατο. καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς μὲν ψιλοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς προμάχεσθαι τῆς φάλαγγος ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὴν δʼ ἔστησε πρὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, ἐπὶ δεξιὰ δʼ αὐτῆς τοὺς σφενδονήτας καὶ τοξότας ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπωρειῶν, τοὺς δʼ ἐλέφαντας ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, καὶ τὸ στῖφος ὃ μετʼ αὐτῶν ἀεὶ συνετάσσετο, παρὰ τῇ θαλάσσῃ.

[¶18] 4.19. Battle being joined, the light-armed troops assailed Manius first, rushing in from all sides. He received their onset bravely, first yielding and then advancing and driving them back. The phalanx opened and let the light-armed men pass through. It then closed and pushed forward, the long pikes set densely together in order of battle, with which the Macedonians from the time of Alexander and Philip have struck terror into enemies who have not dared to encounter the thick array of long pikes presented to them. At this juncture the Aetolians were seen fleeing from Callidromus with loud cries, and leaping down into the camp of Antiochus. At first neither side knew what had happened, and there was confusion among both in their uncertainty but when Cato made his appearance pursuing the Aetolians with shouts of victory and was already close above the camp of Antiochus, the king’s forces, who had been hearing for some time back fearful accounts of the Roman style of fighting, and who knew that they themselves had been enervated by idleness and luxury all winter, took fright. Not knowing how large Cato’s force was, it was magnified to their minds by terror. Fearing for the safety of their camp they fled to it in disorder, with the intention of defending it against the enemy. But the Romans were close at their heels and entered the camp with them. Then there was another flight of the Antiocheans as disorderly as the first. Manius pursued them as far as Scarphia, killing and taking prisoners. Returning thence he plundered the king’s camp, and by merely showing himself drove out the Aetolians who had broken into the Roman camp during his absence.

> Greek: 4.19. γενομένης δʼ ἐν χερσὶ τῆς μάχης, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τὸν Μάνιον οἱ ψιλοὶ πανταχόθεν περιτρέχοντες ἐλύπουν· ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοὺς φιλοπόνως δεχόμενός τε καὶ ἀναχωρῶν καὶ αὖθις ἐπιὼν ἐτρέψατο, τοὺς μὲν ψιλοὺς ἡ φάλαγξ ἡ τῶν Μακεδόνων διαστᾶσα ἐς αὑτὴν ἐδέξατο καὶ συνελθοῦσα ἐκάλυψε, καὶ τὰς σαρίσσας ἐν τάξει πυκνὰς προὐβάλοντο, ᾧ δὴ μάλιστα οἱ Μακεδόνες ἐξ Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου κατεπλήσσοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀντίοις δόρασι πολλοῖς καὶ μακροῖς οὐ τολμῶντας πελάζειν. αἰφνίδιον δʼ ὤφθη τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐκ τοῦ Καλλιδρόμου φυγὴ καὶ βοή, καθαλλομένων ἐς τὸ Ἀντιόχου στρατόπεδον. τὸ μὲν δὴ πρῶτον ἑκατέροις ἄγνοιά τε τοῦ γιγνομένου καὶ θόρυβος ἦν ὡς ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ· ὡς δὲ ὁ Κάτων ἐπεφαίνετο διώκων αὐτοὺς μετὰ πολλῆς βοῆς, καὶ ὑπὲρ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐγίγνετο ἤδη τὸ Ἀντιόχου, ἔδεισαν οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως, περί τε τῆς Ῥωμαίων μάχης ἐπιφόβως ἐκ πολλοῦ πυνθανόμενοι, καὶ σφᾶς εἰδότες ὑπὸ ἀργίας καὶ τρυφῆς διʼ ὅλου τοῦ χειμῶνος ἐς δυσεργίαν διεφθαρμένους. τούς τε σὺν τῷ Κάτωνι σαφῶς μὲν οὐ καθορῶντες ὁπόσοι τινὲς εἶεν ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ φόβου πλείους νομίζοντες εἶναι, καὶ περὶ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ δείσαντες, ἀκόσμως ἐς αὐτὸ κατέφυγον ὡς ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμυνούμενοι. Ῥωμαῖοι δʼ αὐτοῖς παραθέοντες συνεσέπεσον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ ἦν ἄλλη φυγὴ τῶν Ἀντιοχείων ἐκεῖθεν ἄκοσμος. ὁ δὲ Μάνιος μέχρι μὲν ἐπὶ Σκάρφειαν ἐδίωκαν αὐτοὺς κτείνων τε καὶ ζωγρῶν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σκαρφείας ἐπανιὼν διήρπαζε τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐπιδραμόντας τῷ Ῥωμαίων χάρακι παρὰ τὴν ἀπουσίαν αὐτῶν ἐξήλασεν ἐπιφανείς.