6.36. After he had gained this success, Domitius hastened to the camp of Antiochus and overpowered the forces guarding it. In the meantime Antiochus, after pursuing for a long distance that part of the Roman legionaries opposed to him, came to the Roman camp, where he found no guard, either of cavalry or light-armed troops (for Domitius, thinking that the river afforded sufficient protection, had not provided any). But a military tribune, the prefect of the camp, hastened to meet him with a body of fresh troops and checked his advance, and the fugitives took new courage from their comrades and rallied. The king returned haughty as one who had gained a victory, knowing nothing of what had taken place elsewhere. When Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, with a large body of horse, threw himself in his way, Antiochus easily cut through them, but he disregarded the enemy, who took to flight before they had received much damage. When he discovered his defeat and saw the field of battle strewn with the bodies of his own men, horses, and elephants, and his camp already captured, he fled precipitately, arriving at Sardis about mid-night. From Sardis he went to the town Ceaenaen, which they call Apamea, whither he had been informed that his son had fled. On the following day he retreated to Syria, leaving officers in Celaenae to collect the remains of his army. He also sent ambassadors to the consul to treat for peace. The latter was engaged in burying his own dead, stripping those of the enemy, and collecting prisoners. Of the Roman dead there were found twenty-four knights and 300 foot-soldiers from the city, being mostly those whom Antiochus had slain. Eumenes lost only fifteen of his horse. It is believed that the loss of Antiochus, including prisoners, was 50,000. It was not easy to number them on account of their multitude. Some of his elephants were killed and fifteen were captured.
6.36. καὶ ταύτῃ μὲν ὁ Δομίτιος ἐκράτει, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῦ Ἀντιόχου φθάσας ἐβιάζετο τοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ φυλάσσοντας· ὁ δὲ Ἀντίοχος ἐς πολὺ διώκων παρʼ οὓς ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς φάλαγγος ἐτέτακτο, οὐδενὸς οὐδʼ ἐκείνοις ἱππέων ἢ ψιλοῦ παρόντος ἐς ἐπικουρίαν (οὐ γὰρ παρετετάχει Δομίτιος, ἡγούμενος οὐ δεήσεσθαι διὰ τὸν ποταμόν), μέχρι τοῦ Ῥωμαίων χάρακος ἦλθεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸν ὅ τε χιλίαρχος ὁ τοῦ χάρακος φύλαξ, ἀκμῆσι τοῖς φύλαξιν ὑπαντιάσας, ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς καὶ οἱ φεύγοντες τοῖς ἀναμιχθεῖσι θαρροῦντες ἐπεστρέφοντο, ἐπανῄει σοβαρὸς ὁ Ἀντίοχος ὡς ἐπὶ νίκῃ, οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐπὶ θάτερα πεπυσμένος. Ἄτταλος δʼ αὐτόν, ὁ Εὐμένους ἀδελφός, ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς ὑπαντιάζει. καὶ τούσδε μὲν εὐμαρῶς ὁ Ἀντίοχος διακόψας διέδραμε, καὶ παρατρεχόντων ἔτι καὶ μικρὰ λυπούντων οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν· ὡς δὲ κατεῖδε τὴν ἧτταν καὶ τὸ πεδίον ἅπαν νεκρῶν ἰδίων πλῆρες, ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων καὶ ἐλεφάντων, τό τε στρατόπεδον εἰλημμένον ἤδη κατὰ κράτος, τότε δὴ καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἔφυγεν ἀμεταστρεπτί, καὶ μέχρι μέσων νυκτῶν ἐς Σάρδεις παρῆλθεν. παρῆλθε δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ Σάρδεων ἐς Κελαινάς, ἣν Ἀπάμειαν καλοῦσιν, οἷ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπυνθάνετο συμφυγεῖν. τῆς δʼ ἐπιούσης ἐς Συρίαν ἐκ Κελαινῶν ἀνεζεύγνυ, τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐν Κελαιναῖς καταλιπὼν ὑποδέχεσθαί τε καὶ ἀθροίζειν τοὺς διαφυγόντας. περι τε καταλύσεως τοῦ πολέμου πρέσβεις ἔπεμπε πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον. ὁ δὲ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἔθαπτε, καὶ ἐσκύλευε τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τὰ αἰχμάλωτα συνῆγεν. ἐφάνησαν δὲ νεκροὶ Ῥωμαίων μὲν τῶν ἐξ ἄστεος ἱππεῖς εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρες καὶ πεζοὶ τριακόσιοι μάλιστα, οὓς ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἔκτεινεν, Εὐμένους δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα ἱππεῖς μόνοι. Ἀντιόχου δέ, σὺν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις εἰκάζοντο ἀπολέσθαι περὶ πεντακισμυρίους· οὐ γὰρ εὐμαρὲς ἦν ἀριθμῆσαι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος. καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων οἱ μὲν ἀνῄρηντο, πεντεκαίδεκα δʼ αἰχμάλωτοι ἐγεγένητο.
7.37. After this brilliant victory, to many people quite unexpected (for it did not seem at all likely that the smaller force, fighting in a strange land, would overcome a much larger one so completely, and especially the Macedonian phalanx which was then in a high state of discipline and valor, and had the reputation of being formidable and invincible), the friends of Antiochus began to blame him for his rashness in quarrelling with the Romans and for his want of skill and his bad judgment from the beginning. They blamed him for giving up the Chersonesus and Lysimacheia with their arms and apparatus without making any defence against the enemy, and for leaving the Hellespont unguarded, when even the Romans would not have expected to force a passage easily. They accused him of his latest blunder in rendering the strongest part of his army useless by its cramped position, and for putting his reliance on the promiscuous multitude of raw recruits rather than on men who had become skilled in military affairs by long training, and had been hardened by many wars to the highest state of valor and endurance. While these discussions were going on among the friends of Antiochus, the Romans were in high spirits and considered no tasks too hard for them now, under favor of the gods and their own courage, for it brought them great confidence in their own good fortune that such a small number, meeting the enemy on the march, in the first battle, in a foreign country, should have overcome a much greater number, composed of so many peoples, with all the royal preparations, including valiant mercenaries and the renowned Macedonian phalanx, and the king himself, ruler of this vast empire and surnamed the Great, — all in a single day. It became a common saying among them, “There was a king — Antiochus the Great!”
7.37. ὡς δʼ ἐπὶ νίκῃ λαμπροτάτῃ καὶ παραλόγως τισὶ δοκούσῃ γενέσθαι (οὐ γὰρ εἰκὸς ἐνόμιζον ὀλιγωτέρους πολὺ πλειόνων ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ γῇ παρὰ τοσόνδε κρατῆσαι, καὶ μάλιστα φάλαγγος Μακεδόνων, εὖ γεγυμνασμένης καὶ εὐανδρούσης τότε μάλιστα, καὶ δόξαν ἄμαχόν τε καὶ φοβερὰν ἐχούσης), οἱ μὲν Ἀντιόχου φίλοι τὴν προπέτειαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐς Ῥωμαίους διαφορᾶς καὶ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀπειρίαν τε καὶ ἀβουλίαν ἐπεμέμφοντο, Χερρόνησόν τε καὶ Λυσιμάχειαν αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ τοσῇδε παρασκευῇ μεθέντος ἐκ χειρῶν πρὶν καὶ ἐς πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου φυλακὴν ἐκλιπόντος, Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἂν εὐμαρῶς ἐλπισάντων βιάσασθαι τὴν διάβασιν. κατεμέμφοντο δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τελευταίαν ἀφροσύνην, ἀχρεῖον ἐν στενῷ τὸ κράτιστον τοῦ στρατοῦ πεποιηκότος, καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα θεμένου ἐν πλήθει συγκλύδων ἀνδρῶν ἀρτιπολέμων μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν ἀνδράσι διὰ μελέτην καὶ χρόνον ἐργάταις τε οὖσι πολέμου καὶ ἐκ τοσῶνδε πολέμων τὸ φρόνημα ἐς εὐτολμίαν καὶ θάρσος ηὐξημένοις. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἦν τὰ περὶ Ἀντιόχου λογοποιούμενα, Ῥωμαίοις δʼ ἐπῇρτο τὰ φρονήματα, καὶ οὐδὲν ἔτι σφίσιν ἡγοῦντο εἶναι δυσεργὲς ὑπό τε ἀρετῆς καὶ θεῶν ἐπικουρίας· καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐς δόξαν εὐτυχίας ἔφερεν ὅτι οὕτω γε ὀλίγοι τε πολλῶν καὶ ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ ἐν πρώτῃ μάχῃ καὶ ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ γῇ τοσῶνδε ἐθνῶν καὶ παρασκευῆς βασιλικῆς, καὶ μισθοφόρων ἀρετῆς, καὶ δόξης Μακεδόνων, καὶ βασιλέως αὐτοῦ μεγίστην τε ἀρχὴν κεκτημένου καὶ ἐπίκλησιν μεγάλου, κεκρατηκότες ἦσαν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ. πολύ τε σφίσιν ἦν τὸ ἔπος ἐν τοῖς λόγοις, ἦν βασιλεὺς Ἀντίοχος ὁ μέγας.
7.38. While the Romans were thus congratulating them selves the consul gave audience to the ambassadors of Antiochus, his brother, Publius, having recovered his health and returned from Elae. These wanted to know on what terms Antiochus could be a friend of the Roman people. To them Publius made the following reply: “The grasping nature of Antiochus has been the cause of his present and past misfortunes. While he was the possessor of a vast empire, which the Romans did not object to, he seized Cœle-Syria, which belonged to Ptolemy, his own relative and our friend. Then he invaded Europe, which did not concern him, subjugated Thrace, fortified the Chersonesus, and rebuilt Lysimacheia. He passed thence into Greece and took away the liberty of the people whom the Romans had lately freed, and kept on this course till he was defeated in battle at Thermopylae, and put to flight. Even then he did not forego his grabbing propensity, for, although frequently beaten at sea, he did not seek peace until we had crossed the Hellespont. Then he scornfully rejected the conditions offered to him, and, again collecting a vast army and uncounted supplies, he continued the war against us, determined to come to an engagement with his betters, until he plunged into this great calamity. We might properly impose a severer punishment on him for his obstinacy in fighting us so persistently, but we are not accustomed to abuse our own prosperity or to aggravate the misfortunes of others. We will offer him the same conditions as before, adding a few which will be equally for our own and his future advantage. He must abandon Europe altogether and all of Asia this side of the Taurus, the boundaries to be fixed hereafter; he shall surrender all the elephants he has, and such number of ships as we may prescribe, and for the future keep no elephants and only so many ships as we allow; must give twenty hostages, whom the consul will select, and pay for the cost of the present war, incurred on his account, 500 Euboïc talents down and 2500 more when the Senate ratifies the treaty; and 12,000 more during twelve years, each yearly installment to be delivered in Rome. He shall also surrender to us all prisoners and deserters, and to Eumenes whatever remains of the possessions he acquired by his agreement with Attalus, the father of Eumenes. If Antiochus accepts these conditions without guile we will grant him peace and friendship subject to the Senate’s ratification.”
7.38. τοιάδε μὲν δὴ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι περὶ σφῶν ἐμεγαλαύχουν· ὁ δὲ ὕπατος, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ ῥαΐσας ὁ ἀδελφὸς Πόπλιος ἦλθεν ἀπὸ τὴς Ἐλαίας, ἐχρημάτιζε τοῖς Ἀντιόχου πρέσβεσιν. οἱ μὲν δὴ μαθεῖν ἠξίουν ὅ τι ποιῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀντίοχος ἔσται Ῥωμαίοις φίλος· ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος αὐτοῖς ὧδε ἀπεκρίνατο· αἴτιος μὲν αὑτῷ διὰ πλεονεξίαν Ἀντίοχος καὶ τῶν νῦν καὶ τῶν πρότερον γεγονότων, ὃς ἀρχὴν μεγίστην ἔχων τε, καὶ Ῥωμαίων αὐτὸν ἐώντων ἔχειν, Πτολεμαίου συγγενοῦς ἰδίου καὶ Ῥωμαίοις φίλου Συρίαν τὴν κοίλην ἀφείλετο, καὶ ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην οὐδὲν αὐτῷ προσήκουσαν ἐμβαλὼν Θρᾴκην κατεστρέφετο καὶ Χερρόνησον ὠχύρου καὶ Λυσιμάχειαν ἤγειρεν, ἔς τε τὴν Ἑλλάδα διελθὼν ἐδουλοῦτο τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἄρτι αὐτονόμους ἀφειμένους, μέχρι περὶ Θερμοπύλας ἡττήθη μάχῃ. καὶ φυγὼν οὐδʼ ὣς ἔληξε τῆς πλεονεξίας, ἀλλὰ κἀν τῇ θαλάττῃ πολλάκις ἐλαττωθεὶς σπονδῶν μέν, ἄρτι τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἡμῶν πεπερακότων, ἐδεήθη, διὰ δὲ ὑπεροψίαν τὰ προτεινόμενα ὑπερεῖδε, καὶ στράτευμα αὖθις πολὺ καὶ παρασκευὴν ἄπειρον ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς συναγαγὼν ἐπολέμει, βιαζόμενος ἐς πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν τοῖς ἀμείνοσι, μέχρι συνηνέχθη μεγάλῳ κακῷ. ἡμᾶς δὲ εἰκὸς μὲν ἦν αὐτῷ μείζονα τὴν ζημίαν ἐπιθεῖναι, βιασαμένῳ πολλάκις Ῥωμαίοις ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν· ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὑβρίζομεν ταῖς εὐπραξίαις, οὐδʼ ἐπιβαροῦμεν τοῖς ἑτέρων ἀτυχήμασιν. δίδομεν δὲ ὅσα καὶ πρότερον αὐτῷ προὐτείνομεν, μικρὰ ἄττα προσθέντες, ὅσα καὶ ἡμῖν ἔσται χρήσιμα καὶ αὐτῷ λυσιτελῆ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐς ἀσφάλειαν, ἀπέχεσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν τῆς Εὐρώπης ὅλης καὶ Ἀσίας τῶν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου (καὶ τούτοις ὅροι τεθήσονται), παραδοῦναι δʼ ἐλέφαντας ὅσους ἔχει καὶ ναῦς ὅσας ἂν ἐπιτάξωμεν, ἔς τε λοιπὸν ἐλέφαντας μὲν οὐκ ἔχειν, ναῦς δὲ ὅσας ἂν ὁρίσωμεν, δοῦναι δὲ καὶ εἴκοσιν ὅμηρα, ἃ ἂν ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐπιγράψῃ, καὶ χρήματα ἐς τὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου δαπάνην, διʼ αὐτὸν γενομένου, τάλαντα Εὐβοϊκὰ αὐτίκα μὲν ἤδη πεντακόσια, καὶ ὅταν τάσδε τὰς σπονδὰς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπιψηφίσῃ, δισχίλια καὶ πεντακόσια, δώδεκα δʼ ἔτεσιν ἄλλοις ἕτερα μύρια καὶ δισχίλια, τὸ μέρος ἑκάστου ἔτους ἀναφέροντα ἐς Ῥώμην· ἀποδοῦναι δʼ ἡμῖν αἰχμάλωτα καὶ αὐτόμολα πάντα, καὶ Εὐμένει ὅσα λοιπὰ τῆς πρὸς Ἄτταλον τὸν Εὐμένους πατέρα συνθήκης ἔχει. ταῦτα Ἀντιόχῳ πράττοντι ἀδόλως δίδομεν εἰρήνην τε καὶ φιλίαν, ὅταν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπιψηφίσῃ.
7.39. All the terms offered by Scipio were accepted by the ambassadors. That part of the money which was to be paid down, and the twenty hostages, were furnished. Among the latter was Antiochus, the younger son of Antiochus. The Scipios and Antiochus both sent messengers to Rome. The Senate ratified their acts, and a treaty was written carrying out Scipio’s views, a few things being added or made plain that had been left indefinite. The boundaries of the dominions of Antiochus were to be the two promontories of Calycadnus and Sarpedonium, beyond which he should not sail for purposes of war. He should have only twelve war-ships for the purpose of keeping his subjects under control, but he might have more if he were attacked. He should not recruit mercenaries from Roman territory nor entertain fugitives from the same, and the hostages should be changed every third year, except the son of Antiochus. This treaty was engraved on brazen tablets and deposited in the Capitol (where it was customary to deposit such treaties), and a copy of it was sent to Manlius Vulso, Scipio’s successor in the command. He administered the oath to the ambassadors of Antiochus at Apamea in Phrygia, and Antiochus did the same to the tribune, Thermus, who was sent for this purpose. This was the end of the war between Antiochus the Great and the Romans, and some thought that it was by reason of the favor extended by Antiochus to Scipio’s son that it went no farther.
7.39. τοσάδε προύτεινεν ὁ Σκιπίων, καὶ πάντα ἐδέχοντο οἱ πρέσβεις. το τε μέρος αὐτίκα τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τὰ εἴκοσιν ὅμηρα ἐκομίζετο, καὶ ἦν αὐτῶν Ἀντίοχος ο νεώτερος υἱὸς Ἀντιόχου. ἐς δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην οἵ τε Σκιπίωνες καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ τοῖς ἐγνωσμένοις συνετίθεντο. καὶ ἐγράφοντο συνθῆκαι τοὺς Σκιπίωνος λόγους βεβαιοῦσαί τε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀορίστων ἐπιλέγουσαι, καὶ βραχέα ἄττα προσεπιλαμβάνουσαι, ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας, Καλύκαδνόν τε καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον, καὶ τάσδε μὴ παραπλεῖν Ἀντίοχον ἐπὶ πολέμῳ, ναῦς δὲ καταφράκτους ἔχειν δώδεκα μόνας, αἷς ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους πολέμου κατάρχειν· πολεμούμενον δὲ καὶ πλέοσι χρῆσθαι· μηδένα δʼ ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ξενολογεῖν, μηδὲ φυγάδας ἐξ αὐτῆς ὑποδέχεσθαι, καὶ τὰ ὅμηρα διὰ τριετίας ἐναλλάσσειν, χωρίς γε τοῦ παιδὸς Ἀντιόχου. ταῦτα συγγραψάμενοί τε καὶ ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἐς δέλτους χαλκᾶς ἀναθέντες, οὗ καὶ τὰς ἄλλας συνθήκας ἀνατιθέασιν, ἔπεμπον ἀντίγραφα Μαλλίῳ Οὐούλσωνι τῷ διαδεδεγμένῳ τὴν Σκιπίωνος στρατηγίαν. ὁ δʼ ὤμνυ τοῖς Ἀντιόχου πρέσβεσι περὶ Ἀπάμειαν τῆς Φρυγίας, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἐπὶ τοῦτο πεμφθέντι Θέρμῳ χιλιάρχῳ. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ Ἀντιόχῳ μεγάλῳ τοῦ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πολέμου τέλος ἦν. καὶ ἐδόκει μέχρι τοῦδε προελθεῖν μόνου διὰ χάριν τὴν ἐς τὸν παῖδα τὸν Σκιπίωνος Ἀντιόχῳ γενομένην·
7.40. When Scipio returned, some persons accused him of this, and two tribunes of the people brought a charge of corruption and betrayal of the public interest against him. He made light of it and scorned the accusation, and as his trial was set for the day which happened to be the anniversary of his victory over Carthage, he sent victims for sacrifice to the Capitol in advance of his coming, and then made his appearance in court clad in festive garments instead of the mournful and humble garb customary to those under accusation, whereby he made a profound impression on all and predisposed them favorably as to a high-minded citizen conscious of his own rectitude. When he began to speak he made no mention of the accusation against him, but detailed the events of his life, what he had done, the wars he had waged for his country, how he had carried on each, and how often he had been victorious. It delighted the listeners to hear this grand discourse. When he came to the overthrow of Carthage he was roused to the highest pitch of eloquence and filled the multitude, as well as himself, with noble rage, saying, “On this very day, O citizens, I won the victory and laid at you feet Carthage, that had lately been such an object of terror to you. Now I am going up to the Capitol to offer the sacrifice appointed for the day. As many of you as love your country join me in the sacrifice, which is offered for your own good.” Having finished his speech he went to the Capitol, having made no allusion to the charge against him. The crowd followed him, including most of the judges, with joyful acclamations, which were continued while he was performing the sacrifice. The accusers were nonplussed and did not dare to call him to trial again, as that was to no purpose, or to charge him with demagogism, because they knew that his whole life had been above the reach of suspicion or calumny.
7.40. καί τινες τὸν Σκιπίωνα ἐπανελθόντα διέβαλλον ἐπὶ τῷδε, καὶ δήμαρχοι δύο δωροδοκίας αὐτὸν ἐγράψαντο καὶ προδοσίας. ὁ δὲ ἀδοξῶν καὶ ὑπερορῶν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος, ἐπεὶ συνῆλθε τὸ δικαστήριον ἧς ἡμέρας ποτὲ Καρχηδόνα παρεστήσατο, θυσίαν προύπεμψεν ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, καὶ ἐς τὸ δικαστήριον αὐτὸς παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ λαμπροῦ σχήματος ἀντὶ οἰκτροῦ καὶ ταπεινοῦ τῶν ὑπευθύνων, ὡς εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῷδε πάντας ἐκπλῆξαί τε καὶ ἐς εὔνοιαν, ὡς ἐπὶ χρηστῷ δὴ συνειδότι μεγαλοφρονούμενον, προσαγαγέσθαι. λέγειν δὲ ἀρξάμενος τῆς μὲν κατηγορίας οὐδʼ ἐπεμνήσθη, τὸν δὲ βίον ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ἐπιτηδεύματα καὶ ἔργα πάντα ἐπεξῄει, καὶ πολέμους ὅσους ἐπολέμησεν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, καὶ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ὡς ἐπολέμησεν, ὁσάκις τε ἐνίκησεν, ὡς ἐγγενέσθαι τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις τι καὶ ἡδονῆς διὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν τῆς σεμνολογίας. ἐπεὶ δέ ποτε προῆλθεν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα, ἐξάρας ἐς φαντασίαν τάδε μάλιστα, καὶ ὁρμῆς αὐτός τε ἐμπλησθεὶς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐμπλήσας, εἶπεν ὅτι τῆσδε τῆς ἡμέρας ἐγὼ τάδε ἐνίκων καὶ Καρχηδόνα ὑμῖν, ὦ πολῖται, περιεποίουν, τὴν τέως ὑμῖν ἐπιφοβωτάτην. ἄπειμι δὴ θύσων τῆς ἡμέρας ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον· καὶ ὑμῶν ὅσοι φιλοπόλιδες, τῆς θυσίας μοι, γιγνομένης ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν συνάψασθε. ταῦτα ἔφη, καὶ ἐς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἔθει, μηδὲν τῆς δίκης φροντίσας. εἵπετο δʼ αὐτῷ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ οἱ πλέονες τῶν δικαστῶν σὺν εὐφήμῳ βοῇ, καὶ θύοντι ὅμοια ἐπεφώνουν. οἱ κατήγοροι δὲ ἠποροῦντο, καὶ οὔτε αὐτῷ τὴν δίκην αὖθις ὡς ἀτέλεστον ἐτόλμησαν ἐπιγράψαι, οὔτε μέμψασθαι δημοκοπίας, δυνατώτερον αὐτοῦ τὸν βίον εἰδότες ὑπονοίας τε καὶ διαβολῆς.
7.41. In this way Scipio disdained to notice an accusation unworthy of his career, being wiser, as I think, than Aristides when charged with theft, or Socrates when accused as he was. Each of these under a like calumny made no reply, unless Socrates said what Plato makes him say. Scipio was more lofty-minded than Epaminondas, too, when he held the office of Bœotarch with Pelopidas and one other. The Thebans gave each of them an army and sent them to assist the Arcadians and Messenians, in war against the Lacedaemlonians, but recalled them on account of certain calumnies, before they had accomplished what they intended to do. Yet they did not turn over the command to their successors for six months, nor until they had driven out the Lacedaemonian garrisons and substituted Arcadians in their places. Epaminondas had compelled his colleagues to take this course and had undertaken that they should be held guiltless. When they returned home the prosecuting officers put them on trial for their lives, separately (for the law made it a capital offence to withhold by force a command which had been assigned to another), but the other two escaped punishment by exciting pity and by long speeches, putting the blame on Epaminondas, who had authorized them to say this and who so testified while they were speaking. He was tried last. “I acknowledge,” he said, “that I retained the command beyond my time, contrary to law, and that I coerced those whom you have just acquitted. Nor do I deprecate the death penalty, since I have broken the law. I only ask, for my past services, that you inscribe on my tomb, ‘Here lies the victor of Leuctra. Although his country had not dared to face this enemy, or even a stranger that wore the Doric cap, he led his fellow-citizens to the very doors of Sparta. His country put him to death for violating the laws for her own good.’” After saying this he stepped down from the rostrum and offered to surrender his person to those who wished to drag him to punishment. The judges, moved to shame by the speech, and to admiration of the defence, and to reverence for the man who had spoken, did not wait to take the vote, but ran out of the court-room. The reader may compare these cases together as he likes.
7.41. ὁ μὲν δὴ Σκιπίων ὧδε ἐγκλήματος ἀναξίου τῶν βεβιωμένων οἱ κατεφρόνησε, σοφώτερον, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, Ἀριστείδου περὶ κλοπῆς καὶ Σωκράτους περὶ ὧν ἐνεκαλεῖτο οὐδὲν εἰπόντων ὑπʼ ἀδοξίας ὁμοίας, ἢ Σωκράτους εἰπόντος ἃ δοκεῖ Πλάτωνι, μεγαλοφρονέστερον δὲ ἄρα καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδου, ὃς ἐβοιωτάρχει μὲν ἅμα Πελοπίδᾳ καὶ ἑτέρῳ, ἐξέπεμψαν δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ Θηβαῖοι, στρατὸν ἑκάστῳ δόντες, ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀρκάσι καὶ Μεσσηνίοις πολεμουμένοις ὑπὸ Λακώνων, οὔπω δʼ ὅσα ἐπενόοουν ἐργασαμένους ἐπὶ διαβολῇ μετεκάλουν. οἱ δὲ τοῖς διαδόχοις σφῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπὶ μῆνας ἓξ οὐ μεθῆκαν, ἕως τὰ Λακεδαιμονίων φρούρια καθεῖλον καὶ ἐπέστησαν αὖθις ἕτερα τῶν Ἀρκάδων, Ἐπαμεινώνδου τοὺς συστρατήγους ἐς τοῦτο ἀναγκάζοντός τε, καὶ ὑποδεχομένου τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῖς ἀζήμιον ἔσεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπανελθοῦσιν οἱ κατήγοροι, καθʼ ἕνα διώκοντες, ἐτιμῶντο θανάτου (θανάτῳ γὰρ ὁ νόμος ἐζημίου τὸν ἐκ βίας ἀρχὴν ἄρξαντα ἀλλοτρίαν), οἱ μὲν ἕτεροι διέφυγον οἴκτῳ τε χρώμενοι καὶ λόγοις πλείοσι, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐς τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἀναφέροντες, αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγειν ὑποθέμενον αὐτοῖς καὶ λέγουσιν ἐπιμαρτυροῦντα· ὁ δὲ κρινόμενος τελευταῖος ὁμολογῶ, ἔφη, παρανόμως ἄρξαι τόνδε τὸν χρόνον, καὶ οὓς ἀπελύσατε νῦν, ἐγὼ συναναγκάσαι. καὶ οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸν θάνατον παρανομήσας. αἰτῶ δʼ ὑμᾶς ἀντὶ τῶν προβεβιωμένων μοι κατὰ τὸν τάφον ἐπιγράψαι· οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ περὶ Λεῦκτρα νικήσας καὶ τὴν πατρίδα, τοὺς ἐχθροὺς οὐχ ὑπομένουσαν, οὐδʼ εἴ τις ξένος ἔχοι Λακωνικὸν πῖλον, ἐπὶ τὴν Σπάρτην αὐτὴν προαγαγών. οὗτος ὑπὸ τῆς πατρίδος ἀνῄρηται, παρανομήσας ἐπὶ συμφέροντι τῆς πατρίδος. ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν κατέβη τε τοῦ βήματος, καὶ παρεδίδου τὸ σῶμα τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἀπαγαγεῖν. οἱ δικασταὶ δὲ τῷ τε ὀνείδει τοῦ λόγου καὶ θαύματι τῆς ἀπολογίας καὶ αἰδοῖ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀπολογουμένου, τὰς ψήφους οὐχ ὑποστάντες λαβεῖν, ἐξέδραμον ἐκ τοῦ δικαστηρίου.
7.42. Manlius, who succeeded Scipio as consul, went to the countries taken from Antiochus and regulated them. The Tolistoboii, one of the Galatian tribes in alliance with Antiochus, had taken refuge on Mount Olympus in Mysia. With great difficulty Manlius ascended the mountain and pursued them as they fled until he had killed and hurled over the rocks so large a number that it was impossible to count them. He took 40,000 of them prisoners and burned their arms, and as it was impossible to take about with him so many captives while the war was continuing, he gave them to the neighboring barbarians. Among the Tectosagi and the Trocmi he fell into danger by ambush and barely escaped. He came back against them, however, and found them packed together in a great crowd in camp. He enclosed them with his light-armed troops and rode around ordering his men to shoot them at a distance, but not to come in contact with them. The crowd was so dense that no dart missed its mark. He killed 8000 of them and pursued the remainder beyond the river Halys. Ariarthes, king of Cappadocia, who had sent military aid to Antiochus, became alarmed and sent entreaties, and 200 talents in money besides, by which means he kept Manlius out of his country. The latter returned to the Hellespont with vast treasures, uncounted money, and an army laden with spoils.
7.42. τάδε μὲν δή τις, ὡς ἐθέλοι, συγκρίνειν ἔχει· Μάλλιος δὲ ὁ τοῦ Σκιπίωνος διάδοχος τὴν ἀφαιρεθεῖσαν Ἀντιόχου γῆν ἐπιὼν καθίστατο, καὶ Γαλατῶν τῶν Ἀντιόχῳ συμμαχησάντων Τολιστοβοίους, ἀναφυγόντας ἐς τὸν Μύσιον Ὄλυμπον, ἐπιμόχθως τοῦ ὄρους ἐπιβὰς ἐτρέπετο φεύγοντας, ἕως ἔκτεινε καὶ κατεκρήμνισεν ὅσους ἀριθμήσασθαι διὰ τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἐγένετο, αἰχμαλώτους δʼ ἔλαβεν ἐς τετρακισμυρίους, ὧν τὰ μὲν ὅπλα κατέκαυσε, τὰ δὲ σώματα, οὐ δυνάμενος τοσόνδε πλῆθος ἐν πολέμοις περιάγεσθαι, τοῖς ἐγγὺς βαρβάροις ἀπέδοτο. ἐν δὲ Τεκτοσάγαις τε καὶ Τρόκμοις ἐκινδύνευσε μὲν ἐξ ἐνέδρας, καὶ ἔφυγεν· ἐπανελθὼν δὲ ἐς αὐλιζομένους τε καὶ βεβυσμένους ὑπὸ πλήθους περιέστησε τοὺς ψιλοὺς αὐτοῖς, καὶ περιτρέχων ἐκέλευεν ἐσακοντίζειν μήτε προσπλεκομένους μήτε πλησιάζοντας. οὐδενὸς δὲ βέλους ἀτυχοῦντος διὰ τὴν πυκνότητα τῶν πολεμίων, ἔκτεινεν ἐς ὀκτακισχιλίους, καὶ ἐδίωξε τοὺς λοιποὺς ὑπὲρ Ἅλυν ποταμόν. Ἀριαράθου δὲ τοῦ Καππαδοκῶν βασιλέως, καὶ τοῦδε συμμάχους πέμψαντος Ἀντιόχῳ, δεδιότος τε καὶ δεομένου καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα πέμψαντος ἐπὶ τῇ δεήσει τὴν χώραν οὐκ ἐπέδραμεν, ἀλλʼ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπανῆλθε σὺν γάζῃ τε πολλῇ καὶ χρήμασιν ἀπείροις καὶ λείᾳ βαρυτάτῃ καὶ στρατῷ καταγόμῳ.
7.43. Manlius had done well so far, but he managed very badly afterward. He scorned to go home by water in the summer time. He made no account of the burden he was carrying. He neglected to keep the army in good discipline while on the march, because it was not going to war, but returning home with its spoils. He marched by a long, narrow, and difficult road through Thrace in a stifling heat. Nor did he send word to Philip of Macedonia to meet and escort him. He did not divide his army into parts, so that it might move more lightly and have what was needed more handy. Nor did he keep his baggage in good order for easy defence. He led his army higgledy-piggledy, all strung out, with the baggage in the centre of the line, so that neither the vanguard nor the rear-guard could render assistance quickly by reason of the length and narrowness of the road. So, when the Thracians attacked him in flank from all directions, he lost a large part of the spoils, and of the public money, and of the army itself. He escaped into Macedonia with the remainder — by which means it became very plain how great a service Philip had rendered by escorting the Scipios, and how Antiochus had blundered in abandoning the Chersonesus. Manlius passed from Macedonia into Thessaly, and thence into Epirus, crossed to Brundusium, dismissed what was left of his army to their homes, and returned to Rome.
7.43. τάδε μὲν καλῶς ἐπέπρακτο τῷ Μαλλίῳ· τὸ δʼ ἐντεῦθεν ἀλόγως πάμπαν ὥρᾳ θέρους πλεῦσαι μὲν ὑπερεῖδεν, οὔτε τὸ βάρος ὧν ἐπήγετο ποιησάμενος ἐνθύμιον, οὔτʼ ἐπειγόμενος διαπονεῖν ἢ γυμνάζειν ὁδοιπορίαις ἔτι στρατὸν οὐκ ἐς πόλεμον ὁρμῶντα ἀλλʼ ἐς οἰκείαν μετὰ λαφύρων ἐπανιόντα, διὰ δὲ Θρᾴκης ὥδευε, στενὴν καὶ μακρὰν καὶ δύσβατον ὁδόν, πνίγους ὥρᾳ, οὔτʼ ἐς Μακεδονίαν Φιλίππῳ προεπιστείλας ἀπαντᾶν, ἵνα παραπέμψειεν αὐτόν, οὔτε τὸν στρατὸν ἐς μέρη πολλὰ διελών, ἵνα κουφότερον βαδίζοι καὶ τὰ χρήσιμα εὐμαρέστερα ἔχοι, οὔτε τὰ σκευοφόρα συντάξας ἐς λόχους ὀρθίους, ἵνʼ εὐφυλακτότερα ᾖ. ἀλλʼ ἀθρόως ἦγεν ἅπαντας ἐπὶ μῆκος πολύ, καὶ τὰ σκευοφόρα εἶχεν ἐν μέσῳ, μήτε τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοῖς δυναμένων ἐπικουρεῖν μήτε τῶν ὄπισθεν ὀξέως διὰ μῆκος ὁμοῦ καὶ στενότητα τῆς ὁδοῦ. ὅθεν αὐτῷ πανταχόθεν ἐς τὰ πλάγια τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ἐπικειμένων, πολὺ μέρος ἀπώλεσε τῆς τε λείας καὶ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων καὶ αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ στρατοῦ. μετὰ δὲ τῶν ὑπολοίπων ἐς Μακεδονίαν διεσώθη. ᾧ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα ἐγένετο καταφανὲς ὅσον ὤνησε παραπέμπων τοὺς Σκιπίωνας ὁ Φίλιππος, καὶ ὅσον ἥμαρτεν Ἀντίοχος ἐκλιπὼν τὴν Χερρόνησον. ὁ δὲ Μάλλιος ἔκ τε Μακεδονίας Θεσσαλίαν διελθὼν καὶ ἐκ Θεσσαλίας Ἤπειρον ἐς Βρεντέσιον ἐπέρα, καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν στρατιὰν ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα διαφεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐς Ῥώμην.
7.44. The Rhodians and Eumenes, king of Pergamus, were very proud of their share in the alliance against Antiochus. Eumenes set out for Rome in person and the Rhodians sent envoys. The Senate gave to the Rhodians Lycia and Caria, which they took away from them soon afterward, because in the war with Perseus, king of Macedonia, they showed themselves rather favorable to him. They bestowed upon Eumenes all the rest of the territory taken from Antiochus, except the Greek cities in Asia. Of the latter, those that were formerly tributary to Attalus, the father of Eumenes, were ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes, while those which formerly paid to Antiochus were released from tribute altogether and made independent. In this way the Romans disposed of the lands they had gained in the war.
7.44. Ῥόδιοι δὲ καὶ Εὐμένης ὁ Περγάμου βασιλεὺς μέγα φρονοῦντες ἐπὶ τῇ κατʼ Ἀντιόχου συμμαχίᾳ, Εὐμένης μὲν αὐτὸς ἐς Ῥώμην ἐστέλλετο, Ῥόδιοι δὲ πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον. ἡ βουλὴ δὲ Ῥοδίοις μὲν ἔδωκε Λυκίους τε καὶ Κᾶρας, οὓς οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἀπέστησεν αὐτῶν ὡς Περσεῖ τῷ Μακεδόνι μᾶλλον ἢ σφίσι πολεμοῦσι τῷ Περσεῖ προθυμοτέρων γενομένων, Εὐμένει δὲ παρέσχον ὅσα λοιπὰ ἀφῄρηντο Ἀντίοχον, χωρὶς Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς. τούτων δὲ ὅσοι μὲν Ἀττάλῳ τῷ πατρὶ Εὐμένους ἐτέλουν φόρους, ἐκέλευσαν Εὐμένει συμφέρειν, ὅσοι δʼ Ἀντιόχῳ πρῶτον ἐτέλουν, ἀπέλυσαν τῶν φόρων καὶ αὐτονόμους ἀφῆκαν.
8.45. Afterward, on the death of Antiochus the Great, his son Seleucus succeeded him. He gave his son Demetrius as a hostage in place of his brother Antiochus. When the latter arrived at Athens on his way home, Seleucus was assassinated as the result of a conspiracy of a certain Heliodorus, one of the court officers. When Heliodorus sought to possess himself of the government he was driven out by Eumenes and Attalus, who installed Antiochus therein in order to secure his good-will; for, by reason of certain bickerings, they had already grown suspicious of the Romans. Thus Antiochus, the son of Antiochus the Great, ascended the throne of Syria. He was called Epiphanes (the Illustrious) by the Syrians, because when the government was seized by usurpers he showed himself to be their true sovereign. By cementing the friendship and alliance of Eumenes he governed Syria and the neighboring nations with a firm hand. He appointed Timarchus as satrap of Babylon and Heraclides as treasurer, two brothers, both of whom had been his favorites. He made an expedition against Artaxias, king of Armenia, and took him prisoner.
8.45. ὧδε μὲν Ρωμαῖοι διέθεντο τὰ δορίκτητα, Ἀντιόχου δʼ ὕστερον τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως τελευτήσαντος γίγνεται Σέλευκος ὁ υἱὸς διάδοχος· καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὅδε Ἀντίοχον ἐξέλυσε τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις ὁμηρείας, ἀντιδοὺς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ παῖδα Δημήτριον. Ἀντιόχου δʼ ἐπανιόντος ἐκ τῆς ὁμηρείας καὶ ὄντος ἔτι περὶ Ἀθήνας, ὁ μὲν Σέλευκος ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς Ἡλιοδώρου τινὸς τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ἀποθνήσκει, τὸν δʼ Ἡλιόδωρον Εὐμένης καὶ Ἄτταλος ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν βιαζόμενον ἐκβάλλουσι, καὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐς αὐτὴν κατάγουσιν, ἑταιριζόμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα· ἀπὸ γὰρ τινῶν προσκρουμάτων ἤδη καὶ οἵδε Ῥωμαίους ὑπεβλέποντο. οὕτω μὲν Ἀντίοχος ὁ Αντιόχου τοῦ μεγάλου Συρίας ἐπεκράτησεν· ὅτῳ παρὰ τῶν Σύρων ἐπώνυμον ἦν ἐπιφανής, ὅτι τῆς ἀρχῆς ἁρπαζομένης ὑπὸ ἀλλοτρίων βασιλεὺς οἰκεῖος ὤφθη. συνθέμενος δὲ φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν Εὐμένει, Συρίας καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν ἐθνῶν ἐγκρατῶς ἦρχε, σατράπην μὲν ἔχων ἐν Βαβυλῶνι Τίμαρχον, ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς προσόδοις Ἡρακλείδην, ἀδελφὼ μὲν ἀλλήλοιν, ἄμφω δὲ αὐτοῦ γενομένω παιδικά. ἐστράτευσε δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Ἀρταξίαν τὸν Ἀρμενίων βασιλέα.
8.46. Epiphanes died, leaving a son, Antiochus, nine years of age, to whom the Syrians gave the name of Eupator, in commemoration of his father’s bravery. The boy was educated by Lysias. The Senate was glad that this Antiochus, who had early shown himself high spirited, died young. When Demetrius, the son of Seleucus and nephew of Antiochus Epiphanes (grandson of Antiochus the Great and first cousin of this boy), at this time a hostage at Rome, and twenty-three years old, asked that he should be installed in the kingdom as belonging to him rather than to the boy, the Senate would not allow it. They thought that it would be more for their advantage that Syria should be governed by an immature boy than by a full-grown man. Learning that there were many elephants in Syria and more ships than had been allowed to Antiochus in the treaty, they sent ambassadors thither, who killed the elephants and burned the ships. It was a pitiful sight, the killing of these rare and tame beasts and the burning of the ships. A certain Leptines of Laodicea was so exasperated by the sight that he stabbed Gnaeus Octavius, the chief of this embassy, while he was anointing himself in the gymnasium at that place, and Lysias buried him.
8.46. καὶ αὐτὸν ἑλὼν ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐνναετὲς παιδίον ἀπολιπών, Ἀντίοχον, ᾧ προσέθηκαν ὄνομα εὐπάτωρ οἱ Σύροι διὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν. καὶ τὸ παιδίον ἔτρεφε Λυσίας. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἥσθη φανέντος ἐν ὀλίγῳ τοῦ Ἀντιόχου γεννικοῦ καὶ ταχέως ἀποθανόντος. Δημήτριόν τε τὸν Σελεύκου μὲν υἱὸν Ἀντιόχου δὲ τοῦ ἐπιφανοῦς ἀδελφιδοῦν, υἱωνὸν δὲ τοῦ μεγάλου Ἀντιόχου, ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα τῷδε τῷ παιδίῳ, ὁμηρεύοντα ἔτι ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ ἔτος ἄγοντα τρίτον ἐπὶ τοῖς εἴκοσιν, ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καταχθῆναι παρακαλοῦντα ὡς αὑτῷ μᾶλλον προσήκουσαν, οὐ κατῆγον, οὐ συμφέρειν σφίσιν ἡγούμενοι τελειότερον ἄρχειν Σύρων ἀντὶ παιδὸς ἀτελοῦς. πυνθανόμενοι δʼ ἐν Συρίᾳ στρατόν τʼ ἐλεφάντων εἶναι καὶ ναῦς πλείονας τῶν ὡρισμένων Ἀντιόχῳ, πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον, οἳ τοὺς ἐλέφαντας συγκόψειν ἔμελλον καὶ τὰς ναῦς διαπρήσειν. οἰκτρὰ δὲ ἡ ὄψις ἦν ἀναιρουμένων θηρίων ἡμέρων τε καὶ σπανίων, καὶ νεῶν ἐμπιπραμένων· καί τις ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ Λεπτίνης τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἐνεγκών, Γναῖον Ὀκτάουιον τὸν τῶνδε τῶν πρέσβεων ἡγεμόνα, ἀλειφόμενον ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ, διεχρήσατο. καὶ τὸν μὲν Ὀκτάουιον ἔθαπτεν ὁ Λυσίας, Δημήτριος δὲ αὖθις ἐς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐσελθὼν ἐδεῖτο τῆς γοῦν ὁμηρείας μόνης ἀπολυθῆναι, ὡς Ἀντιόχου μὲν ἀντιδοθείς, Ἀντιόχου δʼ ἀποθανόντος.
8.47. Demetrius came before the Senate again and asked at all events to be released as a hostage, since he had been given as a substitute for Antiochus, who was now dead. When his request was not granted he escaped secretly by boat. As the Syrians received him gladly, he ascended the throne after having put Lysias to death and the boy with him. He removed Heraclides from office and killed Timarchus, who rebelled and who had administered the government of Babylon badly in other respects. For this he received the surname of Soter (the Protector), which was first bestowed upon him by the Babylonians. When he was firmly established in the kingdom he sent a crown valued at 10,000 pieces of gold to the Romans as the gift of their former hostage, and also delivered up Leptines, the murderer of Octavius. They accepted the crown, but not Leptines, because they intended to hold the Syrians responsible for that crime. Demetrius took the government of Cappadocia away from Ariarthes and gave it to Olophernes, who was supposed to be the brother of Ariarthes, receiving 1000 talents therefor. The Romans, however, decided that as brothers both Ariarthes and Olophernes should reign together.
8.47. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐκ ἐτύγχανεν οὐδὲ τοῦδε, λαθὼν ἐξέπλευσε, καὶ δεξαμένων αὐτὸν ἀσμένως τῶν Σύρων ἦρχε, τόν τε Λυσίαν καὶ τὸ παιδίον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ διαφθείρας, καὶ Ἡρακλείδην ἐκβαλών, καὶ Τίμαρχον ἐπανιστάμενον ἀνελών, καὶ τἆλλα πονηρῶς τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ἡγούμενον· ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ σωτήρ, ἀρξαμένων τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, ὠνομάσθη. κρατυνάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Δημήτριος στέφανόν τε Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ χρυσῶν μυρίων, χαριστήριον τῆς ποτὲ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὁμηρείας, καὶ Λεπτίνην τὸν ἀνδροφόνον Ὀκταουίου. οἱ δὲ τὸν μὲν στέφανον ἐδέχοντο, Λεπτίνην δὲ οὐκ ἔλαβον, ὡς δή τι τοῦτʼ ἔγκλημα τοῖς Σύροις ταμιευόμενοι. Δημήτριος δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Καππαδοκῶν ἀρχῆς Ἀριαράθην ἐκβαλών, Ὀλοφέρνην ἐπὶ χιλίοις ταλάντοις ἀντʼ αὐτοῦ κατήγαγεν, ἀδελφὸν εἶναι δοκοῦντα Ἀριαράθου. καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐδόκει μέν, ὡς ἀδελφούς, Ἀριαράθην καὶ Ὀλοφέρνην βασιλεύειν ὁμοῦ.
8.48. These princes were deprived of the kingdom — and their successor, Ariobarzanes, also, a little later — by Mithridates, king of Pontus. The Mithridatic war grew out of this event, among others, — a very great war, full of vicissitudes to many nations and lasting nearly forty years. During this time Syria had many kings, succeeding each other at brief intervals, but all of the royal lineage, and there were many changes and revolts from the dynasty. The Parthians, who had previously revolted from the rule of the Seleucidae, seized Mesopotamia, which had been subject to that house. Tigranes, the son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, who had annexed many neighboring principalities, and from these exploits had acquired the title of King of Kings, attacked the Seleucidae because they would not acknowledge his supremacy. Antiochus Pius was not able to withstand him. Tigranes conquered all of the Syrian peoples this side of the Euphrates as far as Egypt. He took Cilicia at the same time (for this was also subject to the Seleucidae) and put his general, Magadates, in command of all these conquests for fourteen years.
8.48. ἐκπεσόντων δὲ καὶ τῶνδε καὶ Ἀριοβαρζάνου μετʼ αὐτοὺς οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ὑπὸ Μιθριδάτου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ βασιλέως, ὁ Μιθριδάτειος πόλεμος ἐπὶ τῷδε καὶ ἐφʼ ἑτέροις ἤρξατο συνίστασθαι, μέγιστός τε καὶ πολυτροπώτατος ἔθνεσι πολλοῖς γενόμενος, καὶ παρατείνας ἐς ἔτη μάλιστα τεσσαράκοντα, ἐν οἷς πολλαὶ μὲν ἀρχαὶ Σύροις ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου γένους ὀλιγοχρόνιοι πάμπαν ἐγένοντο, πολλαὶ δὲ τροπαὶ καὶ ἐπαναστάσεις ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια. Παρθυαῖοί τε προαποστάντες ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Σελευκιδῶν ἀρχῆς Μεσοποταμίαν ἐς ἑαυτοὺς περιέσπασαν, ἣ τοῖς Σελευκίδαις ὑπήκουεν. καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἀρμενίας Τιγράνης ὁ Τιγράνους ἔθνη πολλὰ τῶν περιοίκων ἰδίοις δυνάσταις χρώμενα ἑλών, βασιλεὺς ἀπὸ τοῦδε βασιλέων ἡγεῖτο εἶναι, καὶ τοῖς Σελευκίδαις ἐπεστράτευεν οὐκ ἐθέλουσιν ὑπακούειν. οὐχ ὑποστάντος δʼ αὐτὸν Ἀντιόχου τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς, ὁ Τιγράνης ἦρχε Συρίας τῆς μετʼ Εὐφράτην, ὅσα γένη Σύρων μέχρι Αἰγύπτου. ἦρχε δὲ ὁμοῦ καὶ Κιλικίας (καὶ γὰρ ἥδε τοῖς Σελευκίδαις ὑπήκουε), Μαγαδάτην στρατηγὸν ἐπιτάξας ἅπασιν, ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα.
8.49. When the Roman general, Lucullus, was pursuing Mithridates, who had taken refuge in the territory of Tigranes, Magadates went with his army to Tigranes’ assistance. Thereupon Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Pius, entered Syria clandestinely and assumed the government with the consent of the people. Nor did Lucullus, who first made war on Tigranes and wrested his newly acquired territory from him, object to Antiochus exercising his ancestral authority. But Pompey, the successor of Lucullus, when he had overthrown Mithridates, allowed Tigranes to reign in Armenia and expelled Antiochus from the government of Syria, although he had done the Romans no wrong. The real reason for this was that it was easy for Pompey, with an army under his command, to rob an unarmed king, but the pretence was that it was unseemly for the Seleucidae, whom Tigranes had dethroned, to govern Syria, rather than the Romans who had conquered Tigranes.
8.49. Λευκόλλου δὲ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ Μιθριδάτην διώκοντος ἐς τὸν Τιγράνην ὑποφεύγοντα, ὁ Μαγαδάτης ᾔει μετὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ Τιγράνῃ βοηθήσων, καὶ ἐν τῷδε παραδὺς ἐς τὴν Συρίαν Ἀντίοχος ὁ Ἀντιόχου τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς ἦρχε τῶν Σύρων ἑκόντων. καὶ αὐτῷ Λεύκολλος μέν, ὁ Τιγράνῃ πρῶτός τε πολεμήσας καὶ τῆς ἐπικτήτου γῆς αὐτὸν ἐξελάσας, οὐκ ἐφθόνησεν ἀρχῆς πατρῴας· Πομπήιος δέ, ὁ ἐπὶ Λευκόλλῳ Μιθριδάτην ἐξελών, Τιγράνῃ μὲν Ἀρμενίας συνεχώρησεν ἄρχειν, Ἀντίοχον δὲ ἐξέβαλε τῆς Σύρων ἀρχῆς, οὐδὲν ἐς Ῥωμαίους ἁμαρτόντα, ἔργῳ μὲν ὅτι ἦν εὔκολον αὐτῷ, στρατιὰν ἔχοντι, πολλὴν ἀρχὴν ἄνοπλον ἀφελέσθαι, λόγῳ δὲ ὅτι τοὺς Σελευκίδας, ὑπὸ Τιγράνους ἐκπεσόντας, οὐκ εἰκὸς ἦν ἔτι Συρίας ἄρχειν μᾶλλον ἢ Ῥωμαίους Τιγράνην νενικηκότας.
8.50. In this way the Romans, without fighting, came into possession of Cilicia and both inland Syria and Cœle-Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, and all the other countries bearing the Syrian name from the Euphrates to Egypt and the sea. The Jewish nation still resisted, and Pompey conquered them, sent their king, Aristobulus, to Rome, and destroyed their greatest, and to them holiest, city, Jerusalem, as Ptolemy, the first king of Egypt, had formerly done. It was afterward rebuilt and Vespasian destroyed it again, and Hadrian did the same in our time. On account of these rebellions the tribute imposed upon all Jews is heavier per capita than upon the generality of taxpayers. The annual tax on the Syrians and Cilicians is one per cent. of the valuation of the property of each. Pompey put the various nations that had belonged to the Seleucidae under kings or chiefs of their own. In like manner he confirmed the four chiefs of the Galatians in Asia, who had coöperated with him in the Mithridatic war, in their tetrarchies. Not long afterward they all came gradually under the Roman rule, mostly in the time of Augustus.
8.50. οὕτω μὲν δὴ Κιλικίας τε καὶ Συρίας τῆς τε μεσογείου καὶ κοίλης καὶ Φοινίκης καὶ Παλαιστίνης, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα Συρίας ἀπὸ Εὐφράτου μέχρι Αἰγύπτου καὶ μέχρι θαλάσσης ὀνόματα, ἀμαχὶ Ῥωμαῖοι κατέσχον. ἓν δὲ γένος ἔτι τὸ Ἰουδαίων ἐνιστάμενον ὁ Πομπήιος ἐξεῖλε κατὰ κράτος, καὶ τὸν βασιλέα Ἀριστόβουλον ἔπεμψεν ἐς Ῥώμην, καὶ τὴν μεγίστην πόλιν Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ ἁγιωτάτην αὐτοῖς κατέσκαψεν, ἣν δὴ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ πρῶτος Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς καθῃρήκει, καὶ Οὐεσπασιανὸς αὖθις οἰκισθεῖσαν κατέσκαψε, καὶ Ἀδριανὸς αὖθις ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ. καὶ διὰ ταῦτʼ ἐστὶν Ἰουδαίοις ἅπασιν ὁ φόρος τῶν σωμάτων βαρύτερος τῆς ἄλλης περιοικίας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Σύροις καὶ Κίλιξιν ἐτήσιος, ἑκατοστὴ τοῦ τιμήματος ἑκάστῳ. Πομπήιος μὲν οὖν τῶνδε τῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς Σελευκίδαις γενομένων ἐθνῶν τοῖς μὲν … ἐπέστησεν οἰκείους βασιλέας ἢ δυνάστας, καθὰ καὶ Γαλατῶν τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ τοῖς τέσσαρσι δυνάσταις ἐβεβαίωσε τὰς τετραδαρχίας, συμμαχήσασίν οἱ κατὰ Μιθριδάτου. καὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον καὶ τάδε περιῆλθεν ἐς Ῥωμαίους, ἐπὶ Καίσαρος μάλιστα τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ, κατὰ μέρη.
8.51. Pompey now put Scaurus, who had been his quaestor in the war, in charge of Syria, and the Senate afterward appointed Marcius Philippus as his successor and Lentulus Marcellinus as the successor of Philippus, both being of praetorian rank. Much of the biennial term of each was consumed in warding off the attacks of the neighboring Arabs. It was on account of these events in Syria that Rome began to appoint for Syria proconsuls, so-called, with power to levy troops and engage in war like consuls. The first of these sent out with an army was Gabinius. As he was in readiness to begin the war, Mithridates, king of the Parthians, who had been driven out of his kingdom by his brother, Orodes, persuaded Gabinius to turn his forces from the Arabs against the Parthians. At the same time Ptolemy XI., king of Egypt, who likewise had lost his throne, prevailed upon him by a large sum of money to turn his arms from the Parthians against Alexandria. Gabinius overcame the Alexandrians and restored Ptolemy to power, but was himself banished by the Senate for invading Egypt without their authority, and undertaking a war considered ill-omened by the Romans; for it was forbidden by the Sibylline books. I think that Crassus succeeded Gabinius in the government of Syria — the same who met with a great disaster when waging war against the Parthians. While Lucius Bibulus was in command of Syria after Crassus, the Parthians made an incursion into that country. While the government was in charge of Saxa, the successor of Bibulus, they overran the country as far as Ionia, the Romans being then occupied by the civil wars. I shall deal with these events more particularly in my Parthian history.
8.51. Συρίας δʼ εὐθὺς ὁ Πομπήιος Σκαῦρον τὸν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἑαυτῷ γενόμενον ταμίαν ἔταξεν ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ ἡ βουλὴ Φίλιππον ἐπὶ Σκαύρῳ τὸν Μάρκιον, καὶ Μαρκελλῖνον Λέντλον ἐπὶ τῷ Φιλίππῳ, ἄμφω στρατηγικοὺς κατʼ ἀξίωσιν. ἀλλὰ τῶνδε μὲν ἑκατέρῳ διετὴς ἐτρίφθη χρόνος, τοὺς γειτονας ἐνοχλοῦντας Ἄραβας ἀμυνομένῳ. καὶ τοῦδε χάριν ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα ἐγένοντο Συρίας στρατηγοὶ τῶν τὰ ἐπώνυμα ἀρξάντων ἐν ἄστει, ἵνα ἔχοιεν ἐξουσίαν καταλόγου τε στρατιᾶς καὶ πολέμου οἷα ὕπατοι. καὶ πρῶτος ἐκ τῶνδε ἐπέμφθη Γαβίνιος μετὰ στρατιᾶς. καὶ πολεμεῖν αὐτὸν ὁρμῶντα Μιθριδάτης μὲν ὁ Παρθυαίων βασιλεύς, ἐξελαυνόμενος τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπʼ Ὀρώδου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, μετῆγεν ἐξ Ἀράβων ἐπὶ Παρθυαίους, Πτολεμαῖος δὲ αὐτόν, ὁ ἑνδέκατος Αἰγύπτου βασιλεύς, ἐκπεσὼν καὶ ὅδε τῆς ἀρχῆς, μετέπεισε χρήμασι πολλοῖς ἀντὶ Παρθυαίων ἐπὶ Ἀλεξανδρέας ὁρμῆσαι. καὶ κατήγαγε μὲν τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ Γαβίνιος, Ἀλεξανδρεῦσι πολεμήσας, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ τῷ ἄνευ ψηφίσματος ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἐμβαλεῖν, ἐπὶ πολέμῳ Ῥωμαίοις ἀπαισίῳ νομιζομένῳ· ἦν γάρ τι Σιβύλλειον αὐτοῖς ἀπαγορεῦον. ἐπὶ δὲ Γαβινίῳ μοι δοκεῖ Κράσσος ἄρξαι Σύρων, ὅτῳ πολεμούντι Παρθυαίοις ἡ μεγάλη συμφορὰ γίγνεται. καὶ ἐπὶ Λευκίου Βύβλου μετὰ Κράσσον στρατηγοῦντος Συρίας ἐς τὴν Συρίαν ἐσέβαλον οἱ Παρθυαῖοι. Σάξα δὲ μετὰ Βύβλον ἡγουμένου καὶ τὰ μέχρι Ἰωνίας ἐπέδραμον, ἀσχολουμένων Ῥωμαίων ἐς τὰ ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους ἐμφύλια.
9.52. In this book of Syrian history I have told how the Romans came into possession of Syria, and how they brought it to its present condition. It will not be amiss to tell how the Macedonians, who ruled Syria before the Romans, acquired the same country. After the Persians, Alexander became the sovereign of Syria as well as of all other peoples whom he found. He died leaving one son very small and another yet unborn. The Macedonians, who were loyal to the race of Philip, chose Ardiaeus, the brother of Alexander, as king during the minority of Alexander’s sons, although he was considered to be hardly of sound mind, and they changed his name from Ardiaeus to Philip. They also kept careful guard over the wife, who was enceinte. Meanwhile Alexander’s friends continued in charge of the conquered nations, divided into satrapies, which Perdiccas parcelled among them by the authority of King Philip. Not long afterward, when the true kings died, these satraps became kings. The first satrap of Syria was Laomednon of Mitylene, who derived his authority from Perdiccas and from Antipater, who succeeded the latter as prime minister. To this Laomedon, Ptolemy, the satrap of Egypt, came with a fleet and offered him a large sum of money if he would hand over Syria to him, because it was well situated for defending Egypt and for attacking Cyprus. When Laomedon refused Ptolemy seized him. Laomedon bribed his guards and escaped to Alcetas in Caria. Thus Ptolemy ruled Syria for a while, left a garrison there, and returned to Egypt.
9.52. ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν ἐντελῶς ἐν τῇ Παρθικῇ συγγραφῇ λέξω· τῆς δὲ βίβλου τῆσδε οὔσης Συριακῆς, ὅπως μὲν ἔσχον Συρίαν Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ συνέστησαν ἐς τὰ νῦν ὄντα, εἴρηται, οὐκ ἀπεικὸς δὲ τὰ Μακεδόνων ἐπιδραμεῖν. οἳ πρὸ Ῥωμαίων Συρίας ἐβασίλευον. Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν δὴ βασιλεὺς ἦν ἐπὶ Πέρσαις Σύρων, ὁ καὶ πάντων βασιλεὺς ὅσων εἶδεν· Ἀλεξάνδρου δʼ ἀποθανόντος ἐπὶ παισὶ τῷ μὲν βραχεῖ πάνυ τῷ δὲ ἔτι κυϊσκομένῳ, οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες, πόθῳ τοῦ Φιλιππείου γένους, εἵλοντο σφῶν βασιλεύειν Ἀριδαῖον τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου, καίπερ οὐκ ἔμφρονα νομιζόμενον εἶναι, μετονομάσαντες δὴ Φίλιππον ἀντὶ Ἀριδαίου, τρεφομένων ἔτι τῶν παίδων Ἀλεξάνδρου ἐφύλαξαν γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν κύουσαν), οἱ φίλοι δʼ ἐς σατραπείας ἐνείμαντο τὰ ἔθνη, Περδίκκου διανέμοντος αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ Φιλίππῳ. καὶ οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον τῶν βασιλέων ἀποθανόντων βασιλεῖς ἐγένοντο οἱ σατράπαι. Σύρων δὴ πρῶτος γίγνεται σατράπης Λαομέδων ὁ Μιτυληναῖος ἔκ τε Περδίκκου καὶ ἐξ Ἀντιπάτρου τοῦ μετὰ τὸν Περδίκκαν προστατεύσαντος τῶν βασιλέων. Λαομέδοντα δʼ ἐπιπλεύσας Πτολεμαῖος ὁ τῆς Αἰγύπτου σατράπης ἔπειθε πολλοῖς χρήμασιν ἐγχειρίσαι οἱ τὴν Συρίαν, προβολήν τε οὖσαν Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἐπιχείρημα κατὰ Κύπρου. καὶ οὐ πειθόμενον συλλαμβάνει· ὁ δὲ τοὺς φύλακας διαφθείρας πρὸς Ἀλκέταν ἔφυγεν ἐς Καρίαν. καί τινα χρόνον ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἦρχε Συρίας, καὶ φρουρὰς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καταλιπὼν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπέπλει.
9.53. Antigonus was satrap of Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia. Having been left as overseer of all Asia when Antipater went to Europe, he besieged Eumenes, the satrap of Cappadocia, who had been publicly declared an enemy of the Macedonians. The latter fled and brought Media under his power, but Antigonus afterward captured and killed him. When he returned he was received magnificently by Seleucus, the satrap of Babylon. One day Seleucus punished one of the governors without consulting Antigonus, who was present, and the latter became angry and demanded an accounting of his money and possessions. As Seleucus was inferior to Antigonus in power he fled to Ptolemy in Egypt. Thereupon Antigonus removed Blitor, the governor of Mesopotamia, from office, because he allowed Seleucus to escape, and took upon himself the government of Babylon, Mesopotamia, and all the countries from Media to the Hellespont, Antipater having died in the meantime. The other satraps at once became envious of his possession of so large a share of the territory; for which reason chiefly, and at the instance of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Lysimachus, the satrap of Thrace, and Cassander, the son of Antipater and leader of the Macedonians after his father’s death, entered into a league with each other. They sent a joint embassy to Antigonus and demanded that he should share with them and with the other Macedonians who had lost their satrapies, his newly acquired lands and money. Antigonus treated their demand with scorn, and they jointly made war against him. Antigonus prepared to meet them. He drove out all of Ptolemy’s garrisons in Syria and stripped him of all the possessions that he still retained in Phoenicia and Cœle-Syria.
9.53. Ἀντίγονος δʼ ἦν Φρυγίας μὲν καὶ Λυκίας καὶ Παμφυλίας σατράπης, ἐπίσκοπος δʼ εἶναι τῆς ὅλης Ἀσίας ἐξ Ἀντιπάτρου περῶντος ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην ἀπολελειμμένος Εὐμένη τὸν Καππαδοκίας σατράπήν, ψηφισαμένων εἶναι πολέμιον τῶν Μακεδόνων, ἐπολιόρκει. ὁ δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκφεύγει, καὶ τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐκρατύνετο ἑαυτῷ. ἀλλʼ Εὐμένη μὲν κτείνει καταλαβὼν ὁ Ἀντίγονος, καὶ ἐπανιὼν ὑπεδέχθη λαμπρῶς ὑπὸ Σελεύκου σατραπεύοντος ἐν Βαβυλῶνι. ὑβρίσαντος δέ τινα τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοῦ Σελεύκου, καὶ οὐ κοινώσαντος Ἀντιγόνῳ παρόντι, χαλεπήνας ὁ Ἀντίγονος ᾔτει λογισμοὺς χρημάτων τε καὶ κτημάτων. ὁ δὲ ἀσθενέστερος ὢν Ἀντίγονου πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἐς Αἴγυπτον ὑπεχώρει. καὶ ὁ Ἀντίγονος εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῇ φυγῇ τοῦ Σελεύκου Βλίτορά τε, Μεσοποταμίας ἡγούμενον, παρέλυσε τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὅτι Σέλευκον μεθῆκεν ἀπιόντα, καὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν καὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐκ Μήδων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἔθνη, καθίστατο ἑαυτῷ, ἤδη καὶ Ἀντιπάτρου τεθνεῶτος. ἐπίφθονός τε εὐθὺς ἐκ τῶνδε τοῖς ἄλλοῖς σατράπαις ἐγίγνετο, γῆς ἄρχων τοσῆσδε. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα τῷ Σελεύκῳ παρακαλοῦντι συνέθεντο Πτολεμαῖός τε καὶ Λυσίμαχος ὁ Θρᾴκης σατράπης καὶ Κάσσανδρος ὁ Ἀντιπάτρου, Μακεδόνων ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ ἡγούμενος· καὶ ὁμοῦ πρεσβευσάμενοι τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἠξίουν τὴν ἐπίκτητον αὐτῷ γενομένην γῆν τε καὶ χρήματα πρός τε σφᾶς νείμασθαι καὶ πρὸς ἑτέρους Μακεδόνας, οἳ τῶν σατραπειῶν ἐξεπεπτώκεσαν. ἐπιχλευάσαντος δὲ αὐτοὺς τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου οἱ μὲν ἐς πόλεμον καθίσταντο κοινόν, ὁ δὲ ἀντιπαρεσκευάζετο, καὶ ἐξέβαλλε τὰς φρουρὰς ὅσαι ἔτι ἦσαν ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ Πτολεμαίου, καὶ Φοινίκης τε καὶ τῆς λεγομένης κοίλης τὰ ἔτι ὑπήκοα τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀθρόως περιέσπα.