--- title: "On the Consular Provinces · De provinciis consularibus" author: "Cicero" translator: "Charles Duke Yonge" languages: [la, en] shelf: "Classical Latin" section: 2 of 2 url: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-de-provinciis-consularibus/2/ cite: "Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge, On the Consular Provinces · De provinciis consularibus, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-de-provinciis-consularibus/2/" --- # On the Consular Provinces · De provinciis consularibus *Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge* Caesar should keep Gaul until his work there is done. > Latin: ed. William Peterson, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0474.phi025, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Charles Duke Yonge, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0474.phi025.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 2. Sections 26–46 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-de-provinciis-consularibus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-de-provinciis-consularibus/2/#p-N [¶0] 26. But what is the reason why in this cause men so exceedingly marvel at and find fault with my opinions when I also before now proposed and voted for many things which concerned that man's dignity more than they did the safety of the republic? I proposed and carried a supplication of fifteen days in Caesar's honour the bill being passed in the terms which I drew up. It would have been sufficient for the good of the republic to have had it last only the same number of days as the supplication in honour of Caius Marius. That could not have been accounted by the immortal gods a scanty thanksgiving which was as great as had heretofore been offered in the most important wars. Therefore that increased number of days was given to the dignity of the men. > Latin: 26. quid est quod in hac causa maxime homines admirentur et reprehendant meum consilium, cum ego idem antea multa decrerim quae magis ad hominis dignitatem quam ad rei publicae necessitatem pertinerent? quindecim dierum decrevi sententia mea. publicae satis erat tot dierum quot C. Mario; dis immortalibus non erat exigua eadem gratulatio quae ex maximis bellis; ergo ille cumulus dierum hominis est dignitati tributus. [¶1] 27. And in respect of that, I, who as consul brought forward the motion, first, for decreeing a supplication of ten days to Cnaeus Pompeius after Mithridates had been slain and the Mithridatic war been terminated,—I, in compliance with whose opinion it was that the ordinary number of days that a supplication in honour of a consul lasted was doubled (for you all agreed with me when, having had the letters of that same Pompeius read, and knowing that all wars both by sea and land were happily terminated, you decided a supplication of twelve days)—I, I say, admired the virtue and greatness of mind of Pompeius in that, when he himself had hitherto been preferred to all other men in every sort of honour, he now was giving a more ample honour to another than he himself had received. Therefore, in that supplication which I proposed, the honour was paid to the immortal gods, and to the established usages of our ancestors, and to the welfare of the republic. But the dignity of the language in which the decree was couched, and the honour and the novelty of the attendant circumstances, and the number of the days, was meant as a compliment to the renown and glory of Caesar himself. > Latin: 27. quo ego, quo consule referente primum decem dierum est supplicatio decreta Cn. Pompeio Mithridate interfecto et confecto Mithridatico bello, et cuius sententia primum duplicata est supplicatio consularis,—mihi enim estis adsensi cum, eiusdem Pompei litteris recitatis, confectis omnibus maritimis terrestribusque bellis, supplicationem dierum decem decrevistis,— sum Cn. Pompei virtutem et animi magnitudinem admiratus, quod, cum ipse ceteris omnibus esset omni honore antelatus, ampliorem honorem alteri tribuebat quam ipse erat consecutus. in illa supplicatione quam ego decrevi, res ipsa tributa est dis immortalibus et maiorum institutis et utilitati rei publicae, sed dignitas verborum, honos et novitas et numerus dierum Caesaris ipsius laudi gloriaeque concessus est. [¶2] 28. A motion was lately brought forward before our body concerning the pay of the army. I not only voted for it myself, but I laboured earnestly to induce you to vote for it; I replied to many of the arguments of those who objected to it; I supported it also by writing. In that case also, I was rather considering the dignity of the man who commanded the army, than any particular necessity that existed for the measure. For I thought that he, even without this additional supply of money, was able to maintain his army with the booty that he had already acquired, and to terminate the war. But I thought it would be unbecoming to diminish the glory and splendour of that triumph of his by any parsimony on our part. A discussion took place also about the ten lieutenants whom he wished to have appointed; and some voted altogether against giving them, others asked for precedents, others wished to adjourn the consideration of the question, and others declared their opinion in favour of it without any complimentary expressions to Caesar himself. But on that occasion, I spoke in such a manner as to let all men see that, though I thought the measure advantageous to the republic, I was promoting it more cordially out of a desire to pay due honour to the dignity of Caesar. > Latin: 28. est ad nos nuper de stipendio exercitus: non decrevi solum sed etiam ut vos decerneretis laboravi, multa dissentientibus respondi, scribendo adfui. quoque homini plus tribui quam nescio cui necessitati. enim arbitrabar etiam sine hoc subsidio pecuniae retinere exercitum praeda ante parta et bellum conficere posse; sed decus illud et ornamentum triumphi minuendum nostra parsimonia non putavi. est de decem legatis, quos alii omnino non dabant, alii exempla quaerebant, alii tempus differebant, alii sine ullis verborum ornamentis dabant: in ea quoque re sic sum locutus ut omnes intellegerent me id quod rei publicae causa sentirem facere uberius propter ipsius Caesaris dignitatem. [¶3] 29. And I who have been received in all those discussions with silent attention now that the question is about the provinces which are to be decreed to the consuls am interrupted; though in all the former transactions it was only a compliment to an individual that I urged, while now I have no motive but the consideration of the war and the general welfare of the republic. For, as for Caesar himself, what reason can there be why he should wish any longer to remain in the province, except for the purpose of not giving over to the republic the measures which have been undertaken by him before they are completely consummated? It is the delightful nature of the country, I suppose, and the splendour of the cities, and the civilized state and accomplished habits of those nations and natives,—it is a desire for victory, it is a wish to extend the boundaries of our empire, that detains him there! What is there anywhere more severe than those countries? what more uncivilized than their towns? what more barbarous than their citizens? Moreover what can be imagined more desirable than the victories which he has already gained or what can be discovered beyond the ocean? Is his return to his country likely to be disagreeable to any one? Can it be so either to the people by whom he was sent on his command, or to the senate from whom he has received so many distinctions? Does time foster his wish to see his country again, or does it rather increase his forgetfulness of it? And do those laurels of his which he has gained amid such dangers, lose their greenness by the time that elapses after their acquisition? If, then, there be any one who is not attached to that man, still such an one has no reason for recalling him from his province. It is only recalling him to glory to triumph, to receive congratulations, to receive the highest honours which the senate can bestow, to receive the thanks of the equestrian order, and to become the object of the devoted affection of the people. > Latin: 29. ego idem nunc in provinciis decernendis, qui illas omnis res egi silentio, interpellor, cum in superioribus causis hominis ornamenta ⟨adiumento⟩ fuerint, in hac me nihil aliud nisi ratio belli, nisi summa utilitas rei publicae moveat. ipse Caesar quid est cur in provincia commorari velit, nisi ut ea quae per eum adfecta sunt perfecta rei publicae tradat? eum, credo, locorum, urbium pulchritudo, hominum nationumque illarum humanitas et lepos, victoriae cupiditas, finium imperi propagatio retinet. illis terris asperius, quid incultius oppidis, quid nationibus immanius, quid porro tot victoriis praestabilius, quid Oceano longius inveniri potest? reditus in patriam habet aliquam offensionem? utrum apud populum a quo missus, an apud senatum a quo ornatus est? dies auget eius desiderium, an magis oblivionem, ac laurea illa magnis periculis parta amittit longo intervallo viriditatem? re, si qui hominem non diligunt, nihil est quod eum de provincia devocent: ad gloriam devocant, ad triumphum, ad gratulationem, ad summum honorem senatus, equestris ordinis gratiam, populi caritatem. [¶4] 30. But if he, out of his regard for the interests of the republic, does not hasten to the enjoyment of that extraordinary good fortune which is in store for him, preferring to remain and finish everything; what ought I to do as a senator,—I, who ought to think only of the advantage of the republic, even if his wishes were opposed to it? For I feel, O conscript fathers, that we at this time, while engaged in decreeing provinces to the consuls, ought to have a regard to the preservation of perpetual peace. > Latin: 30. si ille hac tam eximia fortuna propter utilitatem rei publicae frui non properat, ut omnia illa conficiat, quid ego senator facere debeo, quem, etiam si ille aliud vellet, rei publicae consulere oporteret? vero sic intellego, patres conscripti, nos hoc tempore in provinciis decernendis perpetuae pacis habere oportere rationem. quis hoc non sentit, omnia alia esse nobis vacua ab omni periculo atque etiam suspicione belli? [¶5] 31. For who is there who is not aware that all our other possessions are safe from all danger, and even from all suspicion of wars? We have for some time seen that immense sea,—by the disturbed condition of which not only our voyages by sea were impeded, but even our cities and our military marches and roads were exposed to annoyance,—now, in consequence of the valour of Cnaeus Pompeius, possessed from the ocean to the very extremity of Pontus, like one vast harbor in a safe and defensible state; and as for those nations, which by their mere numbers and the immensity of their population, were sufficient to overthrow our provinces, we have seen some of them so thinned in numbers, and others so severely checked by that same man, that Asia, which was formerly the limit of our empire, is now itself bounded on the further side by three of our provinces. I might go on speaking of every region and of every race of men. There is no nation which is not either so far destroyed as scarcely to have any existence at all, or so utterly subdued as to be quite tranquil; or else so entirely at peace with us, as to share our exultation at our victories and at the extension of our empire. > Latin: 31. diu mare videmus illud immensum, cuius fervore non solum maritimi cursus sed urbes etiam et viae militares iam tenebantur, virtute Cn. Pompei sic a populo Romano ab Oceano usque ad ultimum Pontum tamquam unum aliquem portum tutum et clausum teneri; nationes eas, quae numero hominum ac multitudine ipsa poterant in provincias nostras redundare, ita ab eodem esse partim recisas, partim repressas, ut Asia, quae imperium antea nostrum terminabat, nunc tribus novis provinciis ipsa cingatur. de omni regione, de omni genere hostium dicere: nulla gens est quae non aut ita sublata sit ut vix exstet, aut ita domita ut quiescat, aut ita pacata ut victoria nostra imperioque laetetur. [¶6] 32. The war with Gaul, O conscript fathers, has been carried on actively since Caius Caesar has been our commander-in-chief; previously, we were content to act on the defensive, and to repel attacks. For our generals at all times thought it better to limit themselves to repulsing those nations, than to provoke their hostility by any attack of our own. Even that great man, Caius Marius, whose godlike and amazing valour came to the assistance of the Roman people in many of its distresses and disasters, was content to check the enormous multitudes of Gauls who were forcing their way into Italy, without endeavouring to penetrate himself into their cities and dwelling-places. And lately, that partner of my labours, and dangers, and counsels, Caius Pomptinus, that most gallant man, crushed in battle a war of the Allobroges which rose up suddenly against us, and which was excited by that impious conspiracy, and defeated those tribes who had provoked us, and then he remained quiet, contented with the victory by which be had delivered the republic from alarm. But I see that the counsels of Caius Caesar are widely different. For he thought it his duty, not only to war against those men whom he saw already in arms against the Roman people, but to reduce the whole of Gaul under our dominion. > Latin: 32. Gallicum, patres conscripti, C. Caesare imperatore gestum est, antea tantum modo repulsum. illas nationes nostri imperatores refutandas potius bello quam lacessendas putaverunt. ille C. Marius, cuius divina atque eximia virtus magnis populi Romani luctibus funeribusque subvenit, influentis in Italiam Gallorum maximas copias repressit, non ipse ad eorum urbis sedisque penetravit. ille meorum laborum periculorum consiliorum socius, C. Pomptinus, fortissimus vir, ortum repente bellum Allobrogum atque hac scelerata coniuratione excitatum proeliis fregit eosque domuit qui lacessierant, et ea victoria contentus re publica metu liberata quievit. C. Caesaris longe aliam video fuisse rationem; non enim sibi solum cum iis quos iam armatos contra populum Romanum videbat bellandum esse duxit, sed totam Galliam in nostram dicionem esse redigendam. [¶7] 33. Therefore, he fought with the greatest success against those most valiant and powerful nations the Germans and Helvetians; and the other nations he alarmed and drove back and defeated, and accustomed to yield to the supremacy of the Roman people, so that those districts and those nations which were previously known to us neither by any one's letters, nor by the personal account of any one, nor even by vague report, have now been overrun and thoroughly examined by our own general, by our own army, and by the arms of the Roman people. Hitherto, O conscript fathers, we have only known the road into Gaul. All other parts of it were possessed by nations which were either hostile to this empire, or treacherous, or unknown to us, or, at all events, savage, barbarian, and warlike;—nations which no one ever existed who did not wish to break their power and subdue: nor has any one, from the very first rise of this empire, ever carefully deliberated about our republic, who has not thought Gaul the chief object of apprehension to this empire. But still, on account of the power and vast population of those nations, we never before have had a war with all of them; we have always been content to resist them when attacked. Now, at last, it has been brought about that there should be one and the same boundary to our empire and to those nations. > Latin: 33. cum acerrimis nationibus et maximis Germanorum et Helvetiorum proeliis felicissime decertavit, ceteras conterruit, compulit, domuit, imperio populi Romani parere adsuefecit, et quas regiones quasque gentis nullae nobis antea litterae, nulla vox, nulla fama notas fecerat, has noster imperator nosterque exercitus et populi Romani arma peragrarunt. tantum Galliae tenebamus antea, patres conscripti; ceterae partes a gentibus aut inimicis huic imperio aut infidis aut incognitis aut certe immanibus et barbaris et bellicosis tenebantur; quas nationes nemo umquam fuit quin frangi domarique cuperet. sapienter de re publica nostra cogitavit, iam inde a principio huius imperi, quin Galliam maxime timendam huic imperio putaret; sed propter vim ac multitudinem gentium illarum numquam est antea cum omnibus dimicatum. semper lacessiti: nunc denique est perfectum ut imperi nostri terrarumque illarum idem esset extremum. [¶8] 34. Nature had previously protected Italy by the Alps, not without some especial kindness of the gods in providing us with such a bulwark. For if that road had been open to the savage disposition and vast numbers of the Gauls, this city would never have been the home and chosen seat of the empire of the world. Now, indeed, they are at liberty to sink down if they please; for there is nothing beyond those lofty heights as far as the ocean itself, which can be any object of fear to Italy. But still it will be the work of one or two summers finally to bind the whole of Gaul in everlasting chains either by fear, or hope, or punishment or reward, or arms, or laws. And if our affairs there are left in an unfinished state, and while there is still some bitterness of feeling remaining, although the enemy may be pruned back severely for the present, still they will raise their heads again some time or other, and come forth with recruited strength to renew the war. > Latin: 34. Alpibus Italiam munierat antea natura non sine aliquo divino numine; nam si ille aditus Gallorum immanitati multitudinique patuisset, numquam haec urbs summo imperio domicilium ac sedem praebuisset. iam licet considant! nihil est enim ultra illam altitudinem montium usque ad Oceanum quod sit Italiae pertimescendum. tamen una atque altera aestas vel metu vel spe vel poena vel praemiis vel armis vel legibus potest totam Galliam sempiternis vinculis adstringere: impolitae vero res et acerbae si erunt relictae, quamquam sunt accisae, tamen efferent se aliquando et ad renovandum bellum revirescent. [¶9] 35. Let, then, Gaul be left in the guardianship of that man to whose valour, and good faith, and good fortune it has already been entrusted. If, in truth, he, having been distinguished by such marked kindness of Fortune, were unwilling to risk the favour of that fickle goddess too often; if he were anxious himself to return to his country, to his household gods, to that dignity which he sees in store for him in this city, to his most charming children, and to his most illustrious son-in-law; if he were impatient to be borne in triumph as a conqueror to the Capitol, crowned with the illustrious laurel of victory; if, in short, he were apprehensive of some disaster, as no event can now add so much glory to him as a mishap might deprive him of—still it would be your duty to insist on all those affairs being brought to a termination by the same man who has begun them so successfully. But when he has not yet satisfied his own desire for glory and for the safety of the republic, and as he prefers coming at a later period to reap the rewards of his toils rather than not discharging to the full the duty which the republic has committed to him; then certainly, we, for our part, ought not to recall a general who is so eager to conduct the affairs of the republic gloriously, nor to throw into confusion and to hinder his plans for the whole Gallic war, which are now almost matured and accomplished. > Latin: 35. re sit in eius tutela Gallia cuius fidei virtuti felicitati commendata est. si Fortunae muneribus amplissimis ornatus saepius eius deae periculum facere nollet, si in patriam, si ad deos penatis, si ad eam dignitatem quam in civitate sibi propositam videt, si ad iucundissimos liberos, si ad clarissimum generum redire properaret, si in Capitolium invehi victor cum illa insigni laurea gestiret, si denique timeret casum aliquem, qui illi tantum addere iam non potest quantum auferre, nos tamen oporteret ab eodem illa omnia a quo profligata sunt confici velle: cum vero ille suae gloriae iam pridem rei publicae nondum satis fecerit, et malit tamen tardius ad suorum laborum fructus pervenire quam non explere susceptum rei publicae munus, nec imperatorem incensum ad rem publicam bene gerendam revocare nec totam Gallici belli rationem prope iam explicatam perturbare atque impedire debemus. [¶10] 36. For I cannot at all approve of those opinions which have been expressed by some most illustrious men, one of whom proposes to give the consuls the further Gaul and Syria, and the other inclines to the nearer Gaul. He who proposes the further Gaul, throws all those matters into confusion about which I have just been speaking, and shows at the same time that he is advocating a law which he affirms to be no law at all; and that he is taking away that part of the province to which no interruption can be given, but is not touching that part which has a defender. The effect of his conduct also is not to meddle with that which has been conferred by the people while at the same time he a senator is anxious to take away what has been given by the senate. The other disregards all consideration of the Gallic war; he discharges the duty of a virtuous senator: though he thinks the law invalid, still he observes it; for he fixes beforehand a day for his successor to enter on his office. … But it seems to me that nothing is more inconsistent with the dignity and principles of our ancestors than for the consul, who on the first of January is to have a province, to have it promised to him in this way, and not regularly decreed to him. Suppose he were during the whole of his consulship without a province, though even before he was elected a province was decreed to him, is he to cast lots for a province, or not? > Latin: 36. illae sententiae virorum clarissimorum minime probandae sunt, quorum alter ulteriorem Galliam decernit cum Syria, alter citeriorem. ulteriorem, omnia illa de quibus disserui paulo ante perturbat; simul ostendit eam se tenere legem quam esse legem neget, et, quae pars provinciae sit cui non possit intercedi, hanc se avellere, quae defensorem habeat, non tangere; simul et illud facit, ut, quod illi a populo datum sit, id non violet, quod senatus dederit, id senator properet auferre. belli Gallici rationem habet, fungitur officio boni senatoris, legem quam non putat, eam quoque servat; praefinit enim successori diem. ⟨⟩ mihi nihil videtur alienius a dignitate disciplinaque maiorum quam ut, qui consul Kalendis Ianuariis habere provinciam debet, is ut eam desponsam non decretam habere videatur. [¶11] 37. For it is absurd not to draw lots for one,—absurd also not to get that which one has drawn by lot. Is he to march out in the robe of a commander in chief? Whither is he to march? Why, to a place where he may not arrive before a certain fixed day. All January and February he is not to have a province. At last on the first of March up will spring a province for him all on a sudden. > Latin: 37. toto in consulatu sine provincia cui fuerit, ante quam designatus est, decreta provincia. an non? et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis non habere. paludatus?? quo pervenire ante certam diem non licebit. Ianuario, Februario provinciam non habebit: Kalendis ei denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia. [¶12] 38. Nevertheless if these sentiments prevail, Piso will remain in his province. And though these are weighty considerations, still none of them are more serious than this—that it is an insulting thing for a commander in chief to be mulcted as it were by a diminution of his provinces, and we ought to take great care that such a thing should not be allowed to happen, not only not in the case of a most illustrious man, but not even in that of a man of moderate reputation. I am well aware, O conscript fathers, that you have decreed many extraordinary honours to Caius Caesar; honours which are almost unprecedented. In that he has amply merited them, you have been grateful; if I add, too, that he is a man most thoroughly attached to this order of the senate, you have been wise and provident. For this order has never heaped its distinctions and kindness on any one who has subsequently thought any dignity preferable to that which he had obtained by your favour. For it is not possible for any one to be the leading man in this body who has preferred courting the favour of the people. But all men who have done this, have either distrusted themselves on account of their consciousness of their want of worth, or else they have been driven away from a union with this order on account of the disparagement of their merits by the rest, and so they have been almost constrained to throw themselves out of this harbour on those stormy billows. And if, after they have been tossed about on those surges, and have become wearied of their voyage amid the whims of the people, having been successful in the conduct of the affairs of the republic, they show their faces again in the senate-house, and wish to gain the favours of this most honourable order, I say that they are not only not to be repelled, but are to be received with open arms, and courted. > Latin: 38. tamen his sententiis Piso in provincia permanebit. cum gravia sunt ⟨tum⟩ nihil gravius illo, quod multari imperatorem deminutione provinciae contumeliosum est, neque solum summo in viro sed etiam mediocri in homine ne accidat providendum. vos intellego, patres conscripti, multos decrevisse eximios honores C. Caesari et prope singularis. ⟨⟩ quod ita meritus erat grati, sin etiam ut quam coniunctissimus huic ordini esset, sapientes ac divini fuistis. umquam est hic ordo complexus honoribus et beneficiis suis qui ullam dignitatem praestabiliorem ea quam per vos esset adeptus putarit. umquam hic potuit esse princeps qui maluerit esse popularis. homines aut propter indignitatem suam diffisi ipsi sibi, aut propter reliquorum obtrectationem ab huius ordinis coniunctione depulsi, saepe ex hoc portu se in illos fluctus prope necessario contulerunt; qui si ex illa iactatione cursuque populari bene gesta re publica referunt aspectum in curiam atque huic amplissimae dignitati esse commendati volunt, non modo non repellendi sunt verum etiam expetendi. [¶13] 39. We are warned by the bravest man and most admirable consul who has ever existed in the memory of man, to take care that the nearer Gaul be not decreed against our will to any one after the election of those consuls who are now about to be elected, and that it be not for the future occupied forever by these men who are the constant attackers of this order, by some turbulent system of currying favour with the mob. And although I am not indifferent to the evil consequences of such a measure, O conscript fathers, especially when warned of them by a consul of the greatest wisdom, and one who is an especial guardian of peace and tranquillity, still I think that there is an evil to be regarded with even more apprehension than that,—the evil, I mean, of diminishing the honours of most illustrious and powerful citizens, and rejecting their zeal for the maintenance of this order. For even supposing that Caius Julius, having been distinguished by all sorts of extraordinary and unprecedented honours by the senate, were compelled to deliver up this province to one whom you would be very unwilling to see there, still I cannot possibly be induced to suspect that be would deprive that body of liberty by which he himself had the greatest glory conferred on him. Lastly, what disposition every one will have I know not; I am aware only of what my own hopes are. I, as a senator, am bound to take care, as far as I can, that no illustrious or powerful man shall appear to have any right to feel offended with this body. > Latin: 39. a fortissimo viro atque optimo post hominum memoriam consule ut provideamus ne citerior Gallia nobis invitis alicui decernatur post eos consules qui nunc erunt designati, perpetuoque posthac ab iis qui hunc ordinem oppugnent populari ac turbulenta ratione teneatur. ego plagam etsi non contemno, patres conscripti, praesertim monitus a sapientissimo consule et diligentissimo custode pacis atque oti, tamen vehementius arbitror pertimescendum si hominum clarissimorum ac potentissimorum aut honorem minuero aut studium erga hunc ordinem repudiaro. ut C. Iulius omnibus a senatu eximiis aut novis rebus ornatus per manus hanc provinciam tradat ei cui minime vos velitis, per quem ordinem ipse amplissimam sit gloriam consecutus, ei ne libertatem quidem relinquat, adduci ad suspicandum nullo modo possum. quo quisque animo futurus sit, nescio: quid sperem, video. hoc senator debeo, quantum possum, ne quis vir clarus aut potens huic ordini iure irasci posse videatur. [¶14] 40. These sentiments I should express out of regard to the republic, even were I ever so great an enemy to Caius Caesar. But I do not think it foreign to the present discussion, with the object of being for the future less frequently interrupted by certain persons, or less reproved in the opinion of some who forbear to interrupt me, to explain briefly what is the nature of my relations with Caesar. And in the first place, I pass over that period of familiarity and intimacy which existed between him and me, and my brother and Caius Varro, our cousin, from the time that we were all young men. After that I became deeply engaged in public affairs, my sentiments on matters of state were no different from his, that we were of entirely opposite public parties though without any interruption of our private friendship. > Latin: 40. haec, si inimicissimus essem C. Caesari, sentirem tamen rei publicae causa. non alienum esse arbitror, quo minus saepe aut interpeller a non nullis aut tacitorum existimatione reprendar, explicare breviter quae mihi sit ratio et causa cum Caesare. primum illud tempus familiaritatis et consuetudinis quae mihi cum illo, quae fratri meo, quae C. Varroni, consobrino nostro, ab omnium nostrum adulescentia fuit, praetermitto. quam sum penitus in rem publicam ingressus, ita dissensi ab illo ut in disiunctione sententiae coniuncti tamen amicitia maneremus. [¶15] 41. He, as consul, adopted measures in which he wished to have me for a partner; and if I was opposed to the measures themselves, still I could not avoid being pleased at the opinion of me which he displayed by that wish. He entreated me also to accept the office of quinquevir. He wished me to be one of three men of consular rank most closely connected with himself; and he offered me any lieutenancy or embassy I pleased, with as much honour and distinction as was agreeable to me. All which offers I rejected with great firmness in my own sentiments, but not without feeling obliged to him for them. How wisely I acted is not now the question; for many will not approve of my conduct. At all events I acted with consistency and firmness, inasmuch as though by accepting them I might have fortified myself by the most irresistible assistance against all the wickedness of my enemies and should have been able to repel the attacks of popularity hunters by the protection of popular men, I preferred to meet any fortune to encounter any violence and any in jury, rather than differ from the wise and righteous sentiments of the senate, or deviate from the line of conduct which I had marked out for myself. But a man is bound to be grateful, not only if he has received a kindness, but if he has had an opportunity of receiving one. I did not think that all those compliments and distinctions with which he was loading me became me, or were suited to the exploits which I had performed. But I saw that he regarded me with the same friendly disposition with which he looked on that chief of the citizens, his own son-in-law. > Latin: 41. ille egit eas res quarum me participem esse voluit; quibus ego si minus adsentiebar, tamen illius mihi iudicium gratum esse debebat. ille ut quinqueviratum acciperem rogavit; me in tribus sibi coniunctissimis consularibus esse voluit; mihi legationem quam vellem, quanto cum honore vellem, detulit. ego omnia non ingrato animo, sed obstinatione quadam sententiae repudiavi. sapienter, non disputo; multis enim non probabo; constanter quidem et fortiter certe, qui cum me firmissimis opibus contra scelus inimicorum munire et popularis impetus populari praesidio propulsare possem, quamvis excipere fortunam, subire vim atque iniuriam malui quam aut a vestris sanctissimis mentibus dissidere aut de meo statu declinare. non is solum gratus debet esse qui accepit beneficium, verum etiam is cui potestas accipiendi fuit. illa ornamenta quibus ille me ornabat decere me et convenire iis rebus quas gesseram non putabam; illum quidem amico animo me habere eodem loco quo principem civium, suum generum, sentiebam. [¶16] 42. He afterwards assisted my great enemy in passing over to the ranks of the plebeians, either because he was angry with me when he saw that I could not be allured, not even by all his kindness, to unite with him, or because he was unable to withstand the entreaties of Clodius. And even that was no injury to me in his opinion; for he afterwards not only advised but actually entreated me to act as his lieutenant. Even that I would not accept; not because I thought it inconsistent with my dignity, but because I had no suspicion that such wicked designs against the republic were entertained by the succeeding consuls as afterwards proved to be. Therefore I have much more reason to fear that I may be blamed for arrogance of conduct with respect to his liberality towards me, than that I should be reproached with the injuries which he has done me in spite of our friendship. > Latin: 42. ad plebem inimicum meum sive iratus mihi, quod me secum ne in beneficiis quidem videbat posse coniungi, sive exoratus. haec quidem fuit iniuria. postea me ut sibi essem legatus non solum suasit, verum etiam rogavit. id quidem accepi; non quo alienum mea dignitate arbitrarer, sed quod tantum rei publicae sceleris impendere a consulibus proximis non suspicabar. adhuc magis est mihi verendum ne mea superbia in illius liberalitate quam ne illius iniuria in nostra amicitia reprendatur. [¶17] 43. Turn your eyes to that tempest—to that season of darkness to all good men,—to that sudden and unforeseen danger which overwhelmed all things,—to that cloud which came over the republic—to the ruin and conflagration of the city—to the alarm given to Caesar with respect to all the acts of his consulship,—to the fear of massacre with which all good men were struck,—to the wickedness, and covetousness, and indigence, and audacity of the consuls! If I was not aided by him then, he was under no obligation to aid me; if I was deserted by him, perhaps he was providing for his own safety; if I was even attacked by him, as some men think, or at all events wish me to think, then our friendship was violated, I received an injury, and he has deserved that I should be his enemy. I do not deny it; but still, if he was anxious for my safety when you were all regretting me like the dearest of your sons, and if you all at the same time thought it of great importance to my cause that the inclinations of Caius Caesar should not be averse to my safety; and if I have his son in law as a witness of his good will towards me at that time, who himself stirred up all Italy in the municipal towns and the Roman people in the assembly, and you too who were always most devoted to me, in the Capitol, to take measures for my safety; if in short Cnaeus Pompeius is at the same time a witness to me of the good will which Caesar entertains for me, and a surety to him of my attachment to him; does it not appear to you that I ought rather to recollect the times that are long past and also to remember this time which is nearest to us now, and by means of these memories to eradicate that middle time so full of infamy and misery, if not from the history of events, (which indeed may be impossible,) at all events from my own mind? > Latin: 43. illa tempestas, caligo bonorum et subita atque improvisa formido, tenebrae rei publicae, ruina atque incendium civitatis, terror iniectus Caesari de eius actis, metus caedis bonis omnibus, consulum scelus, cupiditas, egestas, audacia! non sum adiutus, non debui; si desertus, sibi fortasse providit; si etiam oppugnatus, ut quidam aut putant aut volunt, violata amicitia est, accepi iniuriam, inimicus esse debui, non nego: sed si idem ille tum me salvum esse voluit cum vos me ut carissimum filium desiderabatis, et si vos idem pertinere ad causam illam putabatis voluntatem Caesaris a salute mea non abhorrere, et si illius voluntatis generum eius habeo testem, qui idem Italiam in municipiis, populum Romanum in contione, vos mei semper cupidissimos in Capitolio ad meam salutem incitavit, si denique Cn. Pompeius idem mihi testis de voluntate Caesaris et sponsor est illi de mea, nonne vobis videor et ultimi temporis recordatione et proximi memoria medium illud tristissimum tempus debere, si ex rerum natura non possim evellere, ex animo quidem certe excidere? [¶18] 44. But I, if I may not (as some people think I ought not) boast that I have sacrificed my own private feelings of indignation and enmity to the republic, which it appears to me to be the duty of a great and wise man to do, will at all events avail myself of this plea,—which is of force not so much to gain praise as to avoid reproach,—namely, that I am a grateful person, and that I am inclined to be moved, not only by such exceeding services as his, but even by a moderate display of good-will towards me. I entreat of some most gallant men, who have done me great service, that, if I have been unwilling that they should be partakers of my labours and distresses, they will also spare me from being the partaker of their enmities; especially as they have granted to me that I have a right to defend those acts of Caesar's which I neither attacked nor defended before. > Latin: 44. vero, si mihi non licet per aliquos ita gloriari, me dolorem atque inimicitias meas rei publicae concessisse, si hoc magni cuiusdam hominis et persapientis videtur, utar hoc, quod non tam ad laudem adipiscendam quam ad vitandam vituperationem valet, hominem me esse gratum, et non modo tantis beneficiis, sed etiam mediocri hominum benivolentia commoveri. viris fortissimis et de me optime meritis quibusdam peto ut, si ego illos meorum laborum atque incommodorum participes esse nolui, ne illi me suarum inimicitiarum socium velint esse, praesertim cum mihi idem illi concesserint ut etiam acta illa Caesaris, quae neque oppugnavi antea neque defendi, meo iam iure possim defendere. [¶19] 45. For the most eminent men of the state, by whose counsels I acted when I preserved the republic, and in deference to whose authority I avoided that union with Caesar to which he invited me, deny that the Julian laws, and the others which were passed during his consulship, were legally passed at all. And at the same time they say that the bill for my proscription was passed in a manner contrary to the safety of the republic, but still without any illegal disregard of the auspices. Therefore a man of the highest authority, and of the greatest eloquence, said with great positiveness that that disaster of mine was a funeral of the republic, but a funeral performed with all regular solemnity. To me myself it is altogether excessively complimentary, that my departure should be called the funeral of the republic. His other expressions I do not find any fault with, but I will assume them as a foundation for the sentiments which I feel. For if men have ventured to say that that proposition was carried in a regular manner, for which there was no precedent nor any law authorizing such a bill to be carried, merely because no one had been observing the heavens at the time, had they forgotten that, at the time that the man who carried this bill was made a plebeian by a lex curiata, it was announced that a magistrate was observing the heavens? And if it was absolutely irregular for him to be made a plebeian, how could he be made a tribune of the people? And if his tribuneship be declared valid, there is then no one of Caesar's acts which can possibly be invalid; and so, will not, not merely his tribuneship, but also other matters the most mischievous imaginable, appear to have been passed with proper regularity, if it be decided that the religious respect due to the auspices was preserved? > Latin: 45. summi civitatis viri, quorum ego consilio rem publicam conservavi, et quorum auctoritate illam coniunctionem Caesaris defugi, Iulias leges et ceteras illo consule rogatas iure latas negant: idem illam proscriptionem capitis mei contra salutem rei publicae, sed salvis auspiciis rogatam esse dicebant. vir summa auctoritate, summa eloquentia, dixit graviter casum illum meum funus esse rei publicae, sed funus iustum et indictum. ipsi omnino perhonorificum ⟨est⟩ discessum meum funus dici rei publicae: reliqua non reprendo, sed mihi ad id quod sentio adsumo. si illud iure rogatum dicere ausi sunt quod nullo exemplo fieri potuit, nulla lege licuit, quia nemo de caelo servarat, oblitine erant tum cum ille qui id egerat plebeius est lege curiata factus dici de caelo esse servatum? si plebeius omnino esse non potuit, qui tribunus plebis potuit esse? et cuius tribunatus si ratus est, nihil est quod inritum ex actis Caesaris possit esse, eius non solum tribunatus ⟨ratus⟩ sed etiam perniciosissimae res, auspiciorum religione conservata, iure latae videbuntur? [¶20] 46. Wherefore you must decide either that the Aelian law still exists, that the Fufian law has not been abrogated, and that it is not lawful for a law to be passed on every one of the dies fasti; that, when a law is being passed, there is no objection to observations of the heavens being taken, or to such an announcement being made by the magistrates, or to any one interposing his veto; that the decisions and animadversions of the censors, and that most strict inspection of morals, has not been abolished in the city by nefarious laws; that if a patrician has been tribune of the people, he has been so in violation of the most sacred laws,—if a plebeian, in disregard of the auspices: or else men must grant to me that it is not necessary for me in the case of good measures to be bound by those rules which they themselves do not adhere to in shameful ones; especially as it has been a proposal made by them to Caius Caesar several times, that he should carry the same measures in some other manner, (in some manner, that is, which the auspices required and which the law sanctioned;) and when, in the case of Clodius, the history of the auspices is just the same, and all the laws of the state have been overturned and destroyed. This is the last thing which I have to say. If I had any enmity against Caius Caesar, still at this time I ought to consult the interests of the republic, and to reserve my hostility for another time. I might even, following the precedent of most eminent men, lay aside my enmity altogether for the sake of the republic; but as I have never entertained any enmity to him, and as the idea of having been injured by him has been extinguished by services which he has done me, I, by my opinion, O conscript fathers, if the dignity of Caius Caesar is at stake, shall vote for the man;—if any honour to be paid to him is under discussion, I shall consult the unanimous feeling of the senate if the authority of your decrees is the main point to be regarded, I shall uphold the consistency of our order by voting distinctions to this same commander-in-chief;—if the everlasting consideration of the Gallic war is to be taken into the account, I shall consult the interests of the republic if I may have respect to my own private duty I shall show that I am not ungrateful. And I wish, O conscript fathers, to induce you all to approve of my sentiments; but I shall not be greatly concerned if I fail to induce those men to approve of them who shielded my enemy in spite of your authority; or those who found fault with my reconciliation with their enemy, while they themselves do not hesitate to be reconciled both to my enemy and to their own. > Latin: 46. re aut vobis statuendum est legem Aeliam manere, legem Fufiam non esse abrogatam, non omnibus fastis legem ferri licere; cum lex feratur, de caelo servari, obnuntiari, intercedi licere; censorium iudicium ac notionem et illud morum severissimum magisterium non esse nefariis legibus de civitate sublatum; si patricius tribunus plebis fuerit, contra leges sacratas, si plebeius, contra auspicia fuisse; aut mihi concedant homines oportet in rebus bonis non exquirere ea iura quae ipsi in perditis non exquirant, praesertim cum ab illis aliquotiens condicio C. Caesari lata sit ut easdem res alio modo ferret, qua condicione auspicia requirebant, leges comprobabant, in Clodio auspiciorum ratio sit eadem, leges omnes sint eversae ac perditae civitatis. illud est., si essent [inimicitiae ] mihi cum C. Caesare, tamen hoc tempore rei publicae consulere, inimicitias in aliud tempus reservare deberem; possem etiam summorum virorum exemplo inimicitias rei publicae causa deponere. cum inimicitiae fuerint numquam, opinio iniuriae beneficio sit exstincta, sententia mea, patres conscripti, si dignitas agitur Caesaris, homini tribuam; si honos quidam, senatus concordiae consulam; si auctoritas decretorum vestrorum, constantiam ordinis in eodem ornando imperatore servabo; si perpetua ratio Gallici belli, rei publicae providebo; si aliquod meum privatum officium, me non ingratum esse praestabo. hoc velim probare omnibus, patres conscripti; sed levissime feram si forte aut iis minus probaro qui meum inimicum repugnante vestra auctoritate texerunt, aut iis, si qui meum cum inimico suo reditum in gratiam vituperabunt, cum ipsi et cum meo et cum suo inimico in gratiam non dubitarint redire.