---
title: "Against Verres · In Verrem"
author: "Cicero"
translator: "Charles Duke Yonge"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 1 of 31
url: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-in-verrem/1/
cite: "Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge, Against Verres · In Verrem, section 1. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-in-verrem/1/"
---

# Against Verres · In Verrem

*Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge*

Cicero prosecutes the governor who plundered Sicily for three years: the first speech won the case, the five books of the second show Verres’ crimes one by one.

> Latin: ed. William Peterson, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0474.phi005, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Charles Duke Yonge, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0474.phi005.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 1. Actio Prima · sections 1–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-in-verrem/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-in-verrem/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1. After the last oration it was decided that Cicero was to conduct the prosecution against Verres; accordingly, a hundred and ten days were allowed to him to prepare the evidence, with which object he went himself to Sicily to examine witnesses, and to collect facts in support of his charges, taking with him his cousin Lucius Cicero as an assistant, and in this journey, contrary to all precedent, he bore his own expenses, resolving to put the island to no charge on his account. At Syracuse the praetor, Metellus, endeavoured to obstruct him in his inquiries, but the magistrates received him with great respect, and, declaring to him that all that they had previously done in favour of Verres (for they had erected a gilt statue of him, and had sent a testimonial of his good conduct and kind government of them to Rome) had been extorted from them by intrigue and terror, they delivered into his hands authentic accounts of many injuries their city had received from Verres, and they revoked by a formal decree the public praises which they had given him. Messana, however, continued firm in its engagements to Verres, and denied Cicero all the honours to which he was entitled. When he finished his investigations, apprehending that he might be waylaid by the contrivance of Verres, he returned by sea to Rome, where he found intrigues carrying on to protract the affair as much as possible, in order to delay the decision of it till the year following, when Hortensius and Metellus were to be the consuls, and the brother of Metellus was to be praetor, by whose united authority the prosecution might be stifled: and it was now so late in the year that there was not time to bring the trial to an end, if the ordinary couse of proceeding was to be adhered to. But Cicero, determined to bring on the decision while Glabrio continued to be praetor, abandoned his idea of making a long speech, and of taking up time in dilating on and enforcing the different counts of the indictment, and resolved to do nothing more than produce his witnesses, and offer them to examination; and this novel method of conducting the case, together with the powerful evidence produced, which he could not invalidate, so confounded Hortensius, that he could find nothing to say in his client's defence, who in despair went of his own accord into banishment. The object of Cicero in this oration is to show that it is out of sheer necessity that he does this, and that he is driven to such a proceeding by the intrigues of the opposite party. He therefore exhorts the judges not to be intimidated or cajoled into a dishonest decision, and threatens the opposite party with punishmet for endeavouring to corrupt the judges. That which was above all things to be desired, O judges, and which above all things was calculated to have the greatest influence towards allaying the unpopularity of your order, and putting an end to the discredit into which your judicial decisions have fallen, appears to have been thrown in your way, and given to you not by any human contrivance, but almost by the interposition of the gods, at a most important crisis of the republic. For an opinion has now become established, pernicious to us, and pernicious to the republic, which has been the common talk of every one, not only at Rome, but among foreign nations also,—that in the courts of law as they exist at present, no wealthy man, however guilty he may be, can possibly be convicted. Now at this time of peril to your order and to your tribunals, when men are ready to attempt by harangues, and by the proposal of new laws, to increase the existing unpopularity of the senate, Caius Verres is brought to trial as a criminal, a man condemned in the opinion of every one by his life and actions, but acquitted by the enormousness of his wealth according to his own hope and boast. I, O judges, have undertaken this cause as prosecutor with the greatest good wishes and expectation on the part of the Roman people, not in order to increase the unpopularity of the senate, but to relieve it from the discredit which I share with it. For I have brought before you a man, by acting justly in whose case you have an opportunity of retrieving the lost credit of your judicial proceedings, of regaining your credit with the Roman people, and of giving satisfaction to foreign nations; a man, the embezzler of the public funds, the petty tyrant of Asia and Pamphylia, the robber who deprived the city of its rights, the disgrace and ruin of the province of Sicily. And if you come to a decision about this man with severity and a due regard to your oaths, that authority which ought to remain in you will cling to you still; but if that man's vast riches shall break down the sanctity and honesty of the courts of justice, at least I shall achieve this, that it shall be plain that it was rather honest judgment that was wanting to the republic, than a criminal to the judges, or an accuser to the criminal. I, indeed, that I may confess to you the truth about myself, O judges, though many snares were laid for me by Caius Verres, both by land and sea, which I partly avoided by my own vigilance, and partly warded off by the zeal and kindness of my friends, yet I never seemed to be incurring so much danger, and I never was in such a state of great apprehension, as I am now in this very court of law.

> Latin: 1. erat optandum maxime, iudices, et quod unum ad invidiam vestri ordinis infamiamque iudiciorum sedandam maxime pertinebat, id non humano consilio sed prope divinitus datum atque oblatum vobis summo rei publicae tempore videtur. enim iam opinio perniciosa rei publicae vobisque periculosa, quae non modo apud nos sed apud exteras nationes omnium sermone percrebruit, his iudiciis quae nunc sunt pecuniosum hominem, quamvis sit nocens, neminem posse damnari. in ipso discrimine ordinis iudiciorumque vestrorum, cum sint parati qui contionibus et legibus hanc invidiam senatus inflammare conentur, reus in iudicium adductus est C. Verres, homo vita atque factis omnium iam opinione damnatus, pecuniae magnitudine sua spe et praedicatione absolutus. ego causae, iudices, cum summa voluntate et exspectatione populi Romani actor accessi, non ut augerem invidiam ordinis, sed ut infamiae communi succurrerem. enim hominem in quo reconciliare existimationem iudiciorum amissam, redire in gratiam cum populo Romano, satis facere exteris nationibus possetis, depeculatorem aerari, vexatorem Asiae atque Pamphyliae, praedonem iuris urbani, labem atque perniciem provinciae Siciliae. quo si vos severe ac religiose iudicaveritis, auctoritas ea quae in vobis remanere debet haerebit; sin istius ingentes divitiae iudiciorum religionem veritatemque perfregerint, ego hoc tamen adsequar, ut iudicium potius rei publicae quam aut reus iudicibus aut accusator reo defuisse videatur. ut de me confitear, iudices, cum multae mihi a C. Verre insidiae terra marique factae sint, quas partim mea diligentia devitarim, partim amicorum studio officioque reppulerim, numquam tamen neque tantum periculum mihi adire visus sum neque tanto opere pertimui ut nunc in ipso iudicio.

[¶1] 4. Nor does the expectation which people have formed of my conduct of this prosecution, nor this concourse of so vast a multitude as is here assembled, influence me (though indeed I am greatly agitated by these circumstances) so much as his nefarious plots which he is endeavouring to lay at one and the same time against me, against you, against Marcus Gabrio the praetor, and against the allies, against foreign nations, against the senate, and even against the very name of senator; whose favourite saying it is that they have got to fear who have stolen only as much as is enough for themselves, but that he has stolen so much that it may easily be plenty for many; that nothing is so holy that it cannot be corrupted, or so strongly fortified that it cannot be stormed by money.

> Latin: 4. tantum me exspectatio accusationis meae concursusque tantae multitudinis, quibus ego rebus vehementissime perturbor, commovet quantum istius insidiae nefariae, quas uno tempore mihi, vobis, M’. Glabrioni, populo Romano, sociis, exteris nationibus, ordini, nomini denique senatorio facere conatur; qui ita dictitat, iis esse metuendum qui quod ipsis solis satis esset surripuissent, se tantum eripuisse ut id multis satis esse possit; nihil esse tam sanctum quod non violari, nihil tam munitum quod non expugnari pecunia possit.

[¶2] 5. But if he were as secret in acting as he is audacious in attempting, perhaps in some particular he might some time or other have escaped our notice. But it happens very fortunately that to his incredible audacity there is joined a most unexampled folly. For as he was unconcealed in committing his robberies of money, so in his hope of corrupting the judges he has made his intentions and endeavours visible to every one. He says that once only in his life has he felt fear: at the time when he was first impeached as a criminal by me; because he was only lately arrived from his province, and was branded with unpopularity and infamy, not modern but ancient and of long standing; and, besides that, the time was unlucky, being very ill-suited for corrupting the judges.

> Latin: 5. quam audax est ad conandum tam esset obscurus in agendo, fortasse aliqua in re nos aliquando fefellisset; verum hoc adhuc percommode cadit, quod cum incredibili eius audacia singularis stultitia coniuncta est; nam ut apertus in corripiendis pecuniis fuit, sic in spe corrumpendi iudici perspicua sua consilia conatusque omnibus fecit. ait se in vita pertimuisse,—tum cum primum a me reus factus sit; quod, cum e provincia recens esset, invidiaque et infamia non recenti sed vetere ac diuturna flagraret, tum ad iudicium corrumpendum tempus alienum offenderet.

[¶3] 6. Therefore, when I had demanded a very short time to prosecute my inquiries in Sicily, he found a man to ask for two days less to make investigations in Achaia; not with any real intention of doing the same with his diligence and industry, that I have accomplished by my labour, and daily and nightly investigations. For the Achaean inquisitor never even arrived at Brundusium. I in fifty days so traveled over the whole of Sicily that I examined into the records and injuries of all the tribes and of all private individuals, so that it was easily visible to every one, that he had been seeking out a man not really for the purpose of bringing the defendant whom he accused to trial, but merely to occupy the time which ought to belong to me.

> Latin: 6. cum ego diem inquirendi in Siciliam perexiguam postulavissem, invenit iste qui sibi in Achaiam biduo breviorem diem postularet; non ut is idem conficeret diligentia et industria sua quod ego meo labore et vigiliis consecutus sum, —etenim ille Achaicus inquisitor ne Brundisium quidem pervenit, ego Siciliam totam quinquaginta diebus sic obii ut omnium populorum privatorumque litteras iniuriasque cognoscerem; ut perspicuum cuivis esse posset hominem ab isto quaesitum esse non qui reum suum adduceret, sed qui meum tempus obsideret.

[¶4] 7. Now that most audacious and most senseless man thinks this. He is aware that I am come into court so thoroughly prepared and armed, that I shall fix all his thefts and crimes not only in your ears, but in the very eyes of all men. He sees that many senators are witnesses of his audacity, he sees that many Roman knights are so too, and many citizens, and many of the allies besides to whom he has done unmistakable injuries. He sees also that very numerous and very important deputations have come here at the same time from most friendly cities, armed with the public authority and evidence collected by their states.

> Latin: 7. homo audacissimus atque amentissimus hoc cogitat. me ita paratum atque instructum in iudicium venire ut non modo in auribus vestris, sed in oculis omnium sua furta atque flagitia defixurus sim; videt senatores multos esse testis audaciae suae, videt multos equites Romanos, frequentis praeterea civis atque socios, quibus ipse insignis iniurias fecerit, videt etiam tot tam gravis ab amicissimis civitatibus legationes cum publicis auctoritatibus convenisse.

[¶5] 8. And though this is the case, still he thinks so ill of all virtuous men, to such an extent does he believe the decisions of the senators to be corrupt and profligate, that he makes a custom of openly boasting that it was not without reason that he was greedy of money, since he now finds that there is such protection in money, and that he has bought (what was the hardest thing of all) the very time of his trial, in order to be able to buy everything else more easily; so that, as he could not by any possibility shirk the force of the accusations altogether, he might avoid the most violent gusts of the storm.

> Latin: 8. cum ita sint, usque eo de omnibus bonis male existimat, usque eo senatoria iudicia perdita profligataque esse arbitratur, ut hoc palam dictitet, non sine causa se cupidum pecuniae fuisse, quoniam in pecunia tantum praesidium experiatur esse; sese, id quod difficillimum fuerit, tempus ipsum emisse iudici sui, quo cetera facilius emere postea posset; ut, quoniam criminum vim subterfugere nullo modo poterat, procellam temporis devitaret.

[¶6] 9. But if he had placed any hope at all, not only in his cause, but in any honourable defence, or in the eloquence or in the influence of any one, he would not be so eager in collecting and catching at all these things; he would not scorn and despise the senatorial body to such a degree, as to procure a man to be selected out of the senate at his will to be made a criminal of, who should plead his cause before him, while he in the meantime was preparing whatever he had need of.

> Latin: 9. non modo in causa, verum in aliquo honesto praesidio aut in alicuius eloquentia aut gratia spem aliquam conlocasset, profecto non haec omnia colligeret atque aucuparetur; non usque eo despiceret contemneretque ordinem senatorium ut arbitratu eius deligeretur ex senatu qui reus fieret, qui, dum hic quae opus essent compararet, causam interea ante eum diceret.

[¶7] 10. And what the circumstances are on which he founds his hopes, and what hopes he builds on them, and what he is fixing his mind on. I see clearly. But how he can have the confidence to think that he can effect anything with the present praetor, and the present bench of Judges, I cannot conceive. This one thing I know, which the Roman people perceived too when he rejected the judges, that his hopes were of that nature that he placed all his expectations of safety in his money; and that if this protection were taken from him, he thought nothing would be any help to him. In truth, what genius is there so powerful, what faculty of speaking, what eloquence so mighty, as to be in any particular able to defend the life of that man, convicted as it is of so many vices and crimes, and long since condemned by the inclinations and private sentiments of every one?

> Latin: 10. ego rebus quid iste speret et quo animum intendat facile perspicio; quam ob rem vero se confidat aliquid proficere posse hoc praetore et hoc consilio intellegere non possum. Vnum illud intellego, quod populus Romanus in reiectione iudicum iudicavit, ea spe istum fuisse praeditum ut omnem rationem salutis in pecunia constitueret, hoc erepto praesidio ut nullam sibi rem adiumento fore arbitraretur. quod est ingenium tantum, quae tanta facultas dicendi aut copia, quae istius vitam tot vitiis flagitiisque convictam, iam pridem omnium voluntate iudicioque damnatam, aliqua ex parte possit defendere?

[¶8] 11. And, to say nothing of the stains and disgraces of his youth, what other remarkable event is there in his quaestorship, that first step to honour, except that Cnaeus Carbo was robbed by his quaestor of the public money? that the consul was plundered and betrayed? his army deserted? his province abandoned? the holy nature and obligations imposed on him by lot violated?—whose lieutenancy was the ruin of all Asia and Pamphylia, in which provinces he plundered many houses, very many cities, all the shrines and temples; when he renewed and repeated against Cnaeus Dolabella his ancient wicked tricks when he had been quaestor, and did not only in his danger desert, but even attack and betray the man to whom he had been lieutenant, and proquaestor, and whom he had brought into odium by his crimes;

> Latin: 11. ut adulescentiae maculas ignominiasque praeteream, quaestura, primus gradus honoris, quid aliud habet in se nisi Cn. Carbonem spoliatum a quaestore suo pecunia publica, nudatum et proditum consulem, desertum exercitum, relictam provinciam, sortis necessitudinem religionemque violatam? cuius legatio exitium fuit Asiae totius et Pamphyliae, quibus in provinciis multas domos, plurimas urbis, omnia fana depeculatus est, tum cum in Cn. Dolabellam suum scelus illud pristinum renovavit et instauravit quaestorium, cum eum, cui et legatus et pro quaestore fuisset, et in invidiam suis maleficiis adduxit, et in ipsis periculis non solum deseruit, sed etiam oppugnavit ac prodidit;

[¶9] 12. —whose only praetorship was the destruction of the sacred temples and the public works, and, as to his legal decisions, was the adjudging and awarding of property contrary to all established rules and precedents. But now he has established great and numerous monuments and proofs of all his vices in the province of Sicily, which he for three years so harassed and ruined that it can by no possibility be restored to its former condition, and appears scarcely able to be at all recovered after a long series of years, and a long succession of virtuous praetors.

> Latin: 12. cuius praetura urbana aedium sacrarum fuit publicorumque operum depopulatio, simul in iure dicundo bonorum possessionumque contra omnium instituta addictio et condonatio. vero omnium vitiorum suorum plurima et maxima constituit monumenta et indicia in provincia Sicilia, quam iste per triennium ita vexavit ac perdidit ut ea restitui in antiquum statum nullo modo possit, vix autem per multos annos innocentisque praetores aliqua ex parte recreari aliquando posse videatur.

[¶10] 13. While this man was praetor the Sicilians enjoyed neither their own laws, nor the degrees of our senate, nor the common rights of every nation. Every one in Sicily has only so much left as either escaped the notice or was disregarded by the satiety of that most avaricious and licentious man. No legal decision for three years was given on any other ground but his will; no property was so secure to any man, even if it had descended to him from his father and grandfather, but he was deprived of it at his command; enormous sums of money were exacted from the property of the cultivators of the soil by a new and nefarious system. The most faithful of the allies were classed in the number of enemies. Roman citizens were tortured and put to death like slaves; the greatest criminals were acquitted in the courts of justice through bribery; the most upright and honourable men, being prosecuted while absent, were condemned and banished without being heard in their own defence; the most fortified harbours, the greatest and strongest cities, were laid open to pirates and robbers; the sailors and soldiers of the Sicilians, our own allies and friends, died of hunger; the best built fleets on the most important stations were lost and destroyed, to the great disgrace of the Roman people.

> Latin: 13. praetore Siculi neque suas leges neque nostra senatus consulta neque communia iura tenuerunt: tantum quisque habet in Sicilia quantum hominis avarissimi et libidinosissimi aut imprudentiam subterfugit aut satietati superfuit. res per triennium nisi ad nutum istius iudicata est, nulla res tam patria cuiusquam atque avita fuit quae non ab eo imperio istius abiudicaretur. pecuniae ex aratorum bonis novo nefarioque instituto coactae, socii fidelissimi in hostium numero existimati, cives Romani servilem in modum cruciati et necati, homines nocentissimi propter pecunias iudicio liberati, honestissimi atque integerrimi absentes rei facti indicta causa damnati et eiecti, portus munitissimi, maximae tutissimaeque urbes piratis praedonibusque patefactae, nautae militesque Siculorum, socii nostri atque amici, fame necati, classes optimae atque opportunissimae cum magna ignominia populi Romani amissae et perditae.

[¶11] 14. This same man while praetor plundered and stripped those most ancient monuments, some erected by wealthy monarchs and intended by them as ornaments for their cities; some, too, the work of our own generals, which they either gave or restored as conquerors to the different states in Sicily. And he did this not only in the case of public statues and ornaments, but he also plundered all the temples consecrated in the deepest religious feelings of the people. He did not leave, in short, one god to the Sicilians which appeared to him to be made in a tolerably workmanlike manner, and with any of the skill of the ancients. I am prevented by actual shame from speaking of his nefarious licentiousness as shown in rapes and other such enormities; and I am unwilling also to increase the distress of those men who have been unable to preserve their children and their wives unpolluted by his wanton lust.

> Latin: 14. iste praetor monumenta antiquissima partim regum locupletissimorum, quae illi ornamento urbibus esse voluerunt, partim etiam nostrorum imperatorum, quae victores civitatibus Siculis aut dederunt aut reddiderunt, spoliavit nudavitque omnia. hoc solum in statuis ornamentisque publicis fecit, sed etiam delubra omnia sanctissimis religionibus consecrata depeculatus est, deum denique nullum Siculis, qui ei paulo magis adfabre atque antiquo artificio factus videretur, reliquit. stupris vero et flagitiis nefarias eius libidines commemorare pudore deterreor; simul illorum calamitatem commemorando augere nolo quibus liberos coniugesque suas integras ab istius petulantia conservare non licitum est.

[¶12] 15. But, you will say, these things were done by him in such a manner as not to be notorious to all men. I think there is no man who has heard his name who cannot also relate wicked actions of his; so that I ought rather to be afraid of being thought to omit many of his crimes, than to invent any charges against him. And indeed I do not think that this multitude which has collected to listen to me wishes so much to learn of me what the facts of the case are, as to go over it with me, refreshing its recollection of what it knows already. And as this is the case, that senseless and profligate man attempts to combat me in another manner. He does not seek to oppose the eloquence of any one also to me, he does not rely on the popularity, or influence, or authority of any one. He pretends that he trusts to these things; but I see what he is really aiming at; (and indeed he is not acting with any concealment.) He sets before me empty titles of nobility, that is to say the names of arrogant men, who do not hinder me so much by being noble, as assist me by being notorious,—he pretends to rely on their protection; when he has in reality been contriving something else this long time.

> Latin: 15. “enim haec ita commissa sunt ab isto ut non cognita sint ab omnibus.” esse arbitror neminem, qui nomen istius audierit, quin facta quoque eius nefaria commemorare possit, ut mihi magis timendum sit ne multa crimina praetermittere quam ne qua in istum fingere existimer. enim mihi videtur haec multitudo, quae ad audiendum convenit, cognoscere ex me causam voluisse, sed ea quae scit mecum recognoscere. cum ita sint, iste homo amens ac perditus alia mecum ratione pugnat. id agit ut alicuius eloquentiam mihi opponat; non gratia, non auctoritate cuiusquam, non potentia nititur. his se rebus confidere; sed video quid agat; neque enim agit occultissime. inania mihi nobilitatis, hoc est hominum adrogantium nomina, qui non tam me impediunt quod nobiles sunt, quam adiuvant quod noti sunt: simulat se eorum praesidio confidere, cum interea aliud quiddam iam diu machinetur.

[¶13] 16. What hope he now has, and what he is endeavouring to do, I will now briefly explain to you, O judges. But first of all, remark, I beg you, how the matter has been arranged by him from the beginning. When he first returned from the province, he endeavoured to get rid of this prosecution by corrupting the judges at a great expense; and this object he continued to keep in view till the conclusion of the appointment of the judges. After the judges were appointed—because in drawing lots for them the fortune of the Roman people had defeated his hopes, and because in rejecting some, my diligence had defeated his impudence—the whole attempt at bribery was abandoned.

> Latin: 16. spem nunc habeat in manibus et quid moliatur breviter iam, iudices, vobis exponam; sed prius ut ab initio res ab eo constituta sit, quaeso, cognoscite. Vt primum e provincia rediit, redemptio est huius iudici facta grandi pecunia. in condicione atque pacto usque ad eum finem dum iudices reiecti sunt: posteaquam reiectio iudicum facta est, quod et in sortitione istius spem fortuna populi Romani et in reiciendis iudicibus mea diligentia istorum impudentiam vicerat, renuntiata est tota condicio. se res habebat.

[¶14] 17. The affair was going on admirably; lists of your names and of the whole tribunal were in every one's hands. It did not seem possible to mark the votes of these men with any distinguishing mark or colour or spot of dirt; and that fellow, from having been brisk and in high spirits, became on a sudden so downcast and humbled, that he seemed to be condemned not only by the Roman people but even by himself. But lo! all of a sudden, within these few days, since the consular comitia have taken place, he has gone back to his original plan with more money, and the same plots are now laid against your reputation and against the fortunes of every one, by the instrumentality of the same people; which fact at first, O judges, was pointed out to me by a very slight hint and indication; but afterwards, when my suspicions were once aroused, I arrived at the knowledge of all the most secret counsels of that party without any mistake.

> Latin: 17. nominum vestrorum consilique huius in manibus erant omnium; nulla nota, nullus color, nullae sordes videbantur his sententiis adlini posse, cum iste repente ex alacri atque laeto sic erat humilis atque demissus ut non modo populo Romano, sed etiam sibi ipse condemnatus videretur. autem repente his diebus paucis comitiis consularibus factis eadem illa vetera consilia pecunia maiore repetuntur, eaedemque vestrae famae fortunisque omnium insidiae per eosdem homines comparantur. res primo, iudices, pertenui nobis argumento indicioque patefacta est: post aperto suspicionis introitu ad omnia intima istorum consilia sine ullo errore pervenimus.

[¶15] 18. For as Hortensius the consul elect was being attended home again from the Campus by a great concourse and multitude of people, Caius Curio fell in with that multitude by chance,—a man whom I wish to name by way of honour rather than of disparagement. I will tell you what, if he had been unwilling to have it mentioned, he would not have spoken of in so large an assembly so openly and undisguisedly; which, however, shall be mentioned by me deliberately and cautiously, that it may be seen that I pay due regard to our friendship and to his dignity.

> Latin: 18. ut Hortensius consul designatus domum reducebatur e campo cum maxima frequentia ac multitudine, fit obviam casu ei multitudini C. Curio, quem ego hominem honoris potius quam contumeliae causa nominatum volo; etenim ea dicam quae ille, si commemorari noluisset, non tanto in conventu tam aperte palamque dixisset; quae tamen a me pedetemptim cauteque dicentur, ut et amicitiae nostrae et dignitatis illius habita ratio esse intellegatur.

[¶16] 19. He sees Verres in the crowd by the arch of Fabius; he speaks to the man, and with a loud voice congratulates him on his victory. He does not say a word to Hortensius himself, who had been made consul, or to his friends and relations who were present attending on him; but he stops to speak to this man, embraces him, and bids him cast off all anxiety. “I give you notice,” said he, “that you have been acquitted by this day's comitia.” And as many most honourable men heard this, it is immediately reported to me; indeed, every one who saw me mentioned it to me the first thing. To some it appeared scandalous, to others ridiculous; ridiculous to those who thought that this cause depended on the credibility of the witnesses, on the importance of the charges, and on the power of the judges, and not on the consular comitia; scandalous to those who looked deeper, and who thought that this congratulation had reference to the corruption of the judge.

> Latin: 19. ad ipsum fornicem Fabianum in turba Verrem; 19 appellat hominem et ei voce maxima gratulatur; ipsi Hortensio, qui consul erat factus, propinquis necessariisque eius, qui tum aderant, verbum nullum facit; cum hoc consistit, hunc amplexatur, hunc iubet sine cura esse. “”, inquit, “tibi te hodiernis comitiis esse absolutum.” cum tam multi homines honestissimi audissent, statim ad me defertur; immo vero ut quisque me viderat narrabat. Aliis illud indignum, aliis ridiculum videbatur: ridiculum iis qui istius causam in testium fide, in criminum ratione, in iudicum potestate, non in comitiis consularibus positam arbitrabantur, indignum iis qui altius perspiciebant et hanc gratulationem ad iudicium corrumpendum spectare videbant.

[¶17] 20. In truth, they argued in this manner—the most honourable men spoke to one another and to me in this manner—that there were now manifestly and undeniably no courts of justice at all. The very criminal who the day before thought that he was already condemned, is acquitted now that his defender has been made consul. What are we to think then? Will it avail nothing that all Sicily, all the Sicilians, that all the merchants who have business in that country, that all public and private documents are now at Rome? Nothing, if the consul elect wills it otherwise. What! will not the judges be influenced by the accusation, by the evidence, by the universal opinion of the Roman people? No. Everything will be governed by the power and authority of one man. I will speak the truth, O judges. This thing agitated me greatly; for every good man was speaking in this way—“That fellow will be taken out of your hands; but we shall not preserve our judicial authority much longer; for who, when Verres is acquitted, will be able to make any objection to transferring it from us?”

> Latin: 20. sic ratiocinabantur, sic honestissimi homines inter se et mecum loquebantur, aperte iam et perspicue nulla esse iudicia. reus pridie iam ipse se condemnatum putabat, is, posteaquam defensor eius consul est factus, absolvitur? igitur? quod tota Sicilia, quod omnes Siculi, omnes negotiatores, omnes publicae privataeque litterae Romae sunt, nihilne id valebit? invito consule designato.? iudices non crimina, non testis, non existimationem populi Romani sequentur?; omnia in unius potestate ac moderatione vertentur. loquar, iudices. me haec res commovebat; optimus enim quisque ita loquebatur “quidem tibi eripietur, sed nos non tenebimus iudicia diutius; etenim quis poterit Verre absoluto de transferendis iudiciis recusare?”

[¶18] 21. It was a grievous thing to every one, and the sudden elation of that profligate man did not weigh with them as much as that fresh congratulation of a very honourable one. I wished to dissemble my own vexation at it; I wished to conceal my own grief of mind under a cheerful countenance, and to bury it in silence. But lo! on the very days when the praetors elected were dividing their duties by lot, and when it fell to the share of Marcus Metellus to hold trials concerning extortion, information is given me that that fellow was receiving such congratulations, that he also sent men home to announce it to his wife.

> Latin: 21. omnibus molestum; neque eos tam istius hominis perditi subita laetitia quam hominis amplissimi nova gratulatio commovebat. dissimulare me id moleste ferre, cupiebam animi dolorem vultu tegere et taciturnitate celare. autem illis ipsis diebus, cum praetores designati sortirentur et M. Metello obtigisset ut is de pecuniis repetundis quaereret, nuntiatur mihi tantam isti gratulationem esse factam ut is domum quoque pueros mitteret qui uxori suae nuntiarent.

[¶19] 22. And this too in truth displeased me; and yet I was not quite aware what I had so much to fear from this allotment of the praetor's duties. But I ascertained this one thing from trustworthy men from whom I received all my intelligence; that many chests full of Sicilian money had been sent by some senator to a Roman knight, and that of these about ten chests had been left at that senator's house, with the statement that they were left to be used in the comitia when I expected to be elected aedile, and that men to distribute this money among all the tribes had been summoned to attend him by night.

> Latin: 22. ne haec quidem mihi res placebat; neque tantopere quid in hac sorte metuendum mihi esset intellegebam. Vnum illud ex hominibus certis, ex quibus omnia comperi, reperiebam, fiscos compluris cum pecunia Siciliensi a quodam senatore ad equitem Romanum esse translatos; ex his quasi X fiscos ad senatorem illum relictos esse comitiorum meorum nomine; divisores omnium tribuum noctu ad istum vocatos.

[¶20] 23. Of whom one, who thought himself under the greatest obligations to me, came to me that same night; reports to me the speech which that fellow had addressed to them; that he had reminded them how liberally he had treated them formerly when he was candidate for the praetorship, and at the last consular and praetorian comitia; and in the second place that he had promised them immediately whatever money they required, if they could procure my rejection from the aedileship. That on this some of them said that they did not dare attempt it; that others answered that they did not think it could be managed; but that one bold friend was found, a man of the same family as himself, Quintus Verres, of the Romilian tribe, of the most perfect school of bribers, the pupil and friend of Verres' father, who promised that, if five hundred thousand sesterces were provided, he would manage it; and that there were some others who said that they would cooperate with him. And as this was the case, he warned me beforehand with a friendly disposition, to take great care.

> Latin: 23. quibus quidam, qui se omnia mea causa facere debere arbitrabatur, eadem illa nocte ad me venit; demonstrat qua iste oratione usus esset; commemorasse istum quam liberaliter eos tractasset iam antea, cum ipse praeturam petisset, et proxumis consularibus praetoriisque comitiis; deinde continuo esse pollicitum quantam vellent pecuniam, si me aedilitate deiecissent. alios negasse audere, alios respondisse non putare id perfici posse; inventum tamen esse fortem amicum ex eadem familia, Q. Verrem Romilia, ex optima divisorum disciplina, patris istius discipulum atque amicum, qui HS quingentis milibus depositis id se perfecturum polliceretur, et fuisse tamen non nullos qui se una facturos esse dicerent. cum ita essent, sane benivolo animo me ut magnopere caverem praemonebat.

[¶21] 24. I was disquieted about many most important matters at one and the same moment, and with very little time to deliberate. The comitia were at hand; and at them I was to be opposed at immense expenditure of money. This trial was at hand; the Sicilian treasurers menaced that matter also. I was afraid, from apprehension about the comitia, to conduct the matters relating to the trial with freedom; and because of the trial, I was unable to attend with all my heart to my canvass. Threatening the agents of bribery was out of the question, because I saw that they were aware that I was hampered and fettered by this trial.

> Latin: 24. rebus maximis uno atque eo perexiguo tempore. Vrgebant comitia, et in his ipsis oppugnabar grandi pecunia; instabat iudicium, ei quoque negotio fisci Sicilienses minabantur. quae ad iudicium pertinebant libere comitiorum metu deterrebar; petitioni toto animo servire propter iudicium non licebat; minari denique divisoribus ratio non erat, propterea quod eos intellegere videbam me hoc iudicio districtum atque obligatum futurum.

[¶22] 25. And at this same moment I hear that notice has been given to the Sicilians by Hortensius to come to speak to him at his house; that the Sicilians behaved in that matter with a proper sense of their own liberty, and, when they understood on what account they were sent for, they would not go. In the meantime my comitia began to be held; of which that fellow thought himself the master, as he had been of all the other comitia this year. He began to run about, that influential man, with his son, a youth of engaging and popular manners, among the tribes. The son began to address and to call on all the friends of his father, that is to say, all his agents for bribery; and when this was noticed and perceived, the Roman people took care with the most earnest goodwill that I should not be deprived of my honour through the money of that man, whose riches had not been able to make me violate my good faith.

> Latin: 25. hoc ipso tempore Siculis denuntiatum esse audio primum ab Hortensio, domum ad illum ut venirent; Siculos in eo sane liberos fuisse, qui quam ob rem arcesserentur cum intellegerent, non venisse. comitia nostra, quorum iste se, ut ceterorum hoc anno comitiorum, dominum esse arbitrabatur, haberi coepta sunt. iste homo potens cum filio blando et gratioso circum tribus; paternos amicos, hoc est divisores, appellare omnis et convenire. cum esset intellectum et animadversum, fecit animo libentissimo populus Romanus ut, cuius divitiae me de fide deducere non potuissent, ne eiusdem pecunia de honore deicerer.

[¶23] 26. After that I was released from that great anxiety about my canvass, I began, with a mind much more unoccupied and much more at ease, to think of nothing and to do nothing except what related to this trial. I find, O judges, these plans formed and begun to be put in execution by them, to protract the matter, whatever steps it might be necessary to take in order to do so, so that the cause might be pleaded before Marcus Metellus as praetor. That by doing so they would have these advantages; firstly, that Marcus Metellus was most friendly to them; secondly, that not only would Hortensius be consul, but Quintus Metellus also: and listen while I show you how great a friend he is to them. For he gave him a token of his goodwill of such a sort, that he seemed to be giving it as a return for the suffrages of the tribes which he had scoured to him.

> Latin: 26. illa petitionis magna cura liberatus sum, animo coepi multo magis vacuo ac soluto nihil aliud nisi de iudicio agere et cogitare., iudices, haec ab istis consilia inita et constituta ut, quacumque opus esset ratione, res ita duceretur ut apud M. Metellum praetorem causa diceretur. eo esse haec commoda: primum M. Metellum amicissimum, deinde Hortensium consulem, neque Hortensium solum, sed etiam Q. Metellum, qui quam isti sit amicus attendite; dedit enim praerogativam suae voluntatis eius modi ut isti pro praerogativis iam reddidisse videatur.

[¶24] 27. Did you think that I would say nothing of such serious matters as these? and that, at a crisis of such danger to the republic and my own character, I would consult anything rather than my duty and my dignity? The other consul elect sent for the Sicilians; some came, because Lucius Metellus was praetor in Sicily. To them he speaks in this manner: that he is the consul; that one of his brothers has Sicily for his province; that the other is to be judge in all prosecutions for extortion; and that care had been taken in many ways that there should be no possibility of Verres being injured.

> Latin: 27. me taciturum tantis de rebus existimavistis, et me in tanto rei publicae existimationisque meae periculo cuiquam consulturum potius quam officio et dignitati meae? alter consul designatus Siculos; veniunt non nulli, propterea quod L. Metellus esset praetor in Sicilia. iis ita loquitur, “se consulem esse; fratrem suum alterum Siciliam provinciam obtinere, alterum esse quaesiturum de pecuniis repetundis; Verri ne noceri possit multis rationibus esse provisum.”

[¶25] 28. I ask you, Metellus, what is corrupting the course of justice, if this is not,—to seek to frighten witnesses, and especially Sicilians, timid and oppressed men, not only by your own private influence, but by their fear of the consul, and by the power of two praetors? What would you do for an innocent man or for a relation, when for the sake of a most guilty man, entirely unconnected with you, you depart from your duty and your dignity, and allow what he is constantly saying to appear true to any one who is not acquainted with you?

> Latin: 28. est, quaeso, Metelle, iudicium conrumpere, si hoc non est, testis, praesertim Siculos, timidos homines et adflictos, non solum auctoritate deterrere, sed etiam consulari metu et duorum praetorum potestate? faceres pro innocente homine et propinquo, cum propter hominem perditissimum atque alienissimum de officio ac dignitate decedis, et committis ut quod ille dictitat alicui qui te ignoret verum esse videatur?

[¶26] 29. For they said that Verres said, that you had not been made consul by destiny, as the rest of your family had been, but by his assistance. Two consuls, therefore, and the judge are to be such because of his will. We shall not only, says he, avoid having a man too scrupulous in investigating, too subservient to the opinion of the people, Marcus Glabrio, but we shall have this advantage also:—Marcus Caesonius is the judge, the colleague of our accuser a man of tried and proved experience in the decision of actions. It will never do for us to have such a man as that on the bench, which we are endeavouring to corrupt by some means or other; for before, when he was one of the Judges on the tribunal of which Junius was president, he was not only very indignant at that shameful transaction, but he even betrayed and denounced it. After the first of January we shall not have this man for our judge,— we shall not have Quintus Manlius and Quintus Cornificius, two most severe and upright judges, for judges, because they will then be tribunes of the people.

> Latin: 29. hoc Verrem dicere aiebant, te non fato, ut ceteros ex vestra familia, sed opera sua consulem factum. igitur consules et quaesitor erunt ex illius voluntate. “solum effugiemus,” inquit, “hominem in quaerendo nimium diligentem, nimium servientem populi existimationi, M’. Glabrionem; accedet etiam nobis illud. est M. Caesonius, conlega nostri accusatoris, homo in rebus iudicandis spectatus et cognitus, quem minime expediat esse in eo consilio quod conemur aliqua ratione conrumpere, propterea quod iam antea, cum iudex in Iuniano consilio fuisset, turpissimum illud facinus non solum graviter tulit, sed etiam in medium protulit. iudicem ex Kalendis Ianuariis non habebimus;”