198. This one injury,—this single distress, was wanting to the cultivators under your praetorship, to complete the ruin of the remainder of their fortunes. For what remaining injury could be done to the man who, owing to this injury, was forced not only to dose all his corn, but even to sell all his tools and stock? He had no way to turn. From what produce could he find the money to pay you? Under the name of tenths, as much had been taken from him as the caprice of Apronius chose; for the second tenths and for the corn that had been purchased either nothing had been paid, or only so much as the clerk had left behind, or perhaps it was even taken for nothing, as you have had proved to you. Is money also to be extorted from the cultivators? How? By what right? by what precedent? For when the crops of the cultivator were carried off and plundered with every kind of injustice, the cultivator appeared to lose what he had himself raised with his plough, for which he had toiled, what his land and his cornfields had produced.
198. deerat iniuria et haec calamitas aratoribus te praetore qua reliquis fortunis omnibus everterentur. quid esse reliqui poterat ei qui per hanc iniuriam non modo fructum omnem amitteret, sed etiam omne instrumentum vendere cogeretur? se verteret? ex quo fructu nummos quos tibi daret inveniret? nomine tantum erat ablatum quantum voluntas tulerat Aproni: pro alteris decumis emptoque frumento aut nihil datum aut tantum datum quantum reliqui scribae fecerant, aut ultro etiam, id quod didicistis, ablatum. etiam nummi ab aratore? quo modo, quo iure, quo exemplo? cum fructus diripiebantur aratorum atque omni lacerabantur iniuria, videbatur id perdere arator quod aratro ipse quaesisset, in quo elaborasset, quod agri segetesque extulissent;
199. But amid this terrible ill-treatment, there was still this wretched consolation,—that he seemed only to be losing what, under another praetor, he could get again out of the same land. But now it is necessary for the cultivator—to give money, which he does not get out of the land—to sell his oxen, and his plough itself, and all his tools For you are not to think this. “The man has also possessions in ready money; he has also possessions inland, near the city.” For when a burden is imposed on a cultivator of the soil, it is not the mean and ability of the man that is to be considered, whether he has any property besides; but the quality and description of his land, what that can endure, what that can suffer, what that can and ought to produce. Although those men have been drained and ruined by Verres in every possible manner, still you ought to decide what contribution you consider the cultivator ought to render to the republic on account of his land, and what charges he can support. You impose the payment of tenths on them. They endure that. A second tenth. You think they must be subservient to your necessities,—that they must, besides that, supply you with more if you choose to purchase it They will so supply you if you choose.
199. quibus iniuriis gravissimis tamen illud erat miserum solacium, quod id perdere videbatur quod alio praetore eodem ex agro reparare posset. vero ut det arator quos non exarat, quos non aratro ac manu quaerit, boves et aratrum ipsum atque omne instrumentum vendat necesse est. enim debetis hoc cogitare: habet idem in nummis, habet in urbanis praediis. cum aratori aliquid imponitur, non hominis si quae sunt praeterea facultates, sed arationis ipsius vis ac ratio consideranda est, quid ea sustinere, quid pati, quid efficere possit ac debeat; quamquam illi quoque homines sunt ab isto omni ratione exinaniti ac perditi, tamen hoc vobis est statuendum, quid aratorem ipsum arationis nomine muneris in rem publicam fungi ac sustinere velitis. decumas, patiuntur; alteras, temporibus vestris serviendum putant; dent emptum praeterea; dabunt, si voletis.
200. How severe all this is, and how little, after all these deductions are made, can be left of clear profit for the owners, I think you, from your own farming experience, can guess. Add, now, to all this, the edicts, the regulations, the injuries of Verres,—add the reign and the rapine of Apronius, and the slaves of Apronius, in the land subject to the payment of tenths. Although I pass over all this; I am speaking of the granary. Is it your intention that the Sicilians should give corn to our magistrates for their granaries for nothing? What can be more scandalous, what can be more iniquitous than that? And yet, know you that this would have seemed to the cultivators a thing to be wished for, to be begged for, while that man was praetor. Sositenus is a citizen of Entella; a man of the greatest prudence, and of the noblest birth in his city. You have heard what he said when he was sent by the public authority to this trial as a deputy, together with Artemon and Meniscus, men of the highest character. He, when in the senate at Entella he was discussing with me the injustice of Verres, said this: that, if the question of the granaries and of the valuation were conceded, the Sicilians were willing to promise the senate corn for the granary without payment, so that we need not for the future vote such large sums to our magistrates.
200. quam sint gravia, et quid his rebus detractis possit ad dominos puri ac reliqui pervenire, credo vos ex vestris impensis, ex vestris rebus rusticis coniectura adsequi posse. nunc eodem istius edicta, instituta, iniurias; addite Aproni Veneriorumque servorum in agro decumano regna ac rapinas. haec omitto: de cella loquor. vobis in cellam magistratibus vestris frumentum Siculos gratis dare? hoc indignius, quid iniquius? hoc scitote aratoribus Verre praetore optandum ac petendum fuisse. Sositheus est Entellinus, homo cum primis prudens et domi nobilis, cuius verba audietis, qui ad hoc iudicium legatus publice cum Artemone et Menisco, primariis viris, missus est. cum in senatu Entellino multa mecum de istius iniuriis ageret, hoc dixit: si hoc de cella atque hac aestimatione concederetur, velle Siculos senatui polliceri frumentum in cellam gratis, ne posthac tantas pecunias magistratibus nostris decerneremus.
201. I am sure that you clearly perceive how advantageous this would be for the Sicilians not because of the justice of such a condition, but in the way of choosing the least of two evils; for the man who had given Verres a thousand modii for the granary as his share of the contribution required, would have given two, or, at most, three thousand sesterces, but the same man has now been compelled for the same quantity of corn to give eight thousand sesterces. A cultivator could not stand this for three years, at least not out of his own produce. He must inevitably have sold his stock. But if the land can endure this contribution and this tribute,—that is to say, if Sicily can bear and support it, let it pay it to the Roman people rather than to our magistrates. It is a great sum, a great and splendid revenue. If you can obtain it without damage to the province, without injury to our allies, I do not object at all. Let as much be given to the magistrates for their granary as has always been given. What Verres demands besides, that, if they cannot provide it, let them refuse. If they can provide it, let it be the revenue of the Roman people rather than the plunder of the praetor.
201. vos certo scio Siculis quanto opere hoc expediat non ad aequitatem condicionis, sed ad minima malorum eligenda. qui mille modium Verri suae partis in cellam gratis dedisset, duo milia nummum aut summum tria dedisset, idem nunc pro eodem numero frumenti HS viii dare coactus est. arator adsequi per triennium certe fructu suo non potuit: vendiderit instrumentum necesse est. hoc munus et hoc vectigal aratio tolerare, hoc est Sicilia ferre ac pati potest, populo Romano ferat potius quam nostris magistratibus. Magna est enim pecunia, magnum praeclarumque vectigal, si modo id salva provincia, si sine iniuria sociorum percipere possumus. detraho magistratibus; tantundem detur in cellam quantum semper datum est; quod praeterea Verres imperat, id, si facere non possunt, recusent; si possunt, populi Romani potius hoc sit vectigal quam praeda praetoris.
202. In the next place, why is that valuation established for only one description of corn? If it is just and endurable, then Sicily owes the Roman people tenths; let it give three denarii for each single modius of wheat; let it keep the corn itself. Money has been paid to you, O Verres,—one sum with which you were to buy corn for the granary, the other with which you were to buy corn from the cities to send to Rome. You keep at your own house the money which has been given to you; and besides that, you receive a vast sum in your own name. Do the same with respect to that corn which belongs to the Roman people; exact money from the cities according to the same valuation, and give back what you have received,—then the treasury of the Roman people will be better filled than it ever has been.
202. cur in uno genere solo frumenti ista aestimatio constituatur, si est aequa et ferenda? populo Romano Sicilia decumas; det pro singulis modiis tritici ternos denarios, sibi habeat frumentum. tibi est pecunia, Verres, una qua frumentum tibi emeres in cellam, altera qua frumentum emeres a civitatibus quod Romam mitteres. datam pecuniam domi retines, et praeterea pecuniam permagnam tuo nomine aufers; fac idem in eo frumento quod ad populum Romanum pertinet; exige eadem aestimatione pecuniam a civitatibus, et refer quam accepisti: iam refertius erit aerarium populi Romani quam umquam fuit.
203. But Sicily could not endure that in the case of the public corn; she did indeed bear it in the case of my own. Just as if that valuation was more just when your advantage was concerned, than when that of the Roman people was; or, as if the conduct which I speak of and that which you adopted, differed only in the description of the injury, and not in the magnitude of the sum involved. But that granary they can by no means bear, not even if everything else be remitted; not even if they were for ever hereafter delivered from all the injuries and distresses which they have suffered while you were praetor, still they say that they could not by any possibility support that granary and that valuation.
203. “enim istam rem in publico frumento Sicilia non ferret, hanc rem in meo frumento tulit.” quasi aut aequior sit ista aestimatio in tuo quam in populi Romani commodo, aut ea res quam ego dico et ea quam tu fecisti inter se genere iniuriae, non magnitudine pecuniae differat. istam ipsam cellam ferre nullo modo possunt: ut omnia remittantur, ut omnibus iniuriis et calamitatibus quas te praetore tulerunt in posterum liberentur, istam se cellam atque istam aestimationem negant ullo modo ferre posse.
204. Sophocles of Agrigentum, a most eloquent man, adorned with every sort of learning and with every virtue, is said to have spoken lately before Cnaeus Pompeius, when he was consul, on behalf of all Sicily, concerning the miseries of the cultivators, with great earnestness and great variety of arguments, and to have lamented their condition to him. And of all the things which he mentioned, this appeared the most scandalous to those who were present, (for the matter was discussed in the presence of a numerous assembly,) that, in the very matter in which the senate had dealt most honestly and most kindly with the cultivators, in that the praetor should plunder, and the cultivators be ruined and that should not only be done, but done in such a manner as if it were lawful and permitted.
204. Sosippus Agrigentinus apud Cn. Pompeium consulem nuper, homo disertissimus et omni doctrina et virtute ornatissimus, pro tota Sicilia de aratorum miseriis graviter et copiose dixisse ac deplorasse dicitur; ex quibus hoc iis qui aderant,—nam magno conventu acta res est,— indignissimum videbatur, qua in re senatus optime ac benignissime cum aratoribus egisset, large liberaliterque aestimasset, in ea re praedari praetorem, bonis everti aratores, et id non modo fieri sed ita fieri quasi liceat concessumque sit.
205. What says Hortensius to this? that the charge is false? He will never say this.—That no great sum was gained by this method? He will not even say that.—That no injury was done to Sicilians and the cultivators? How can he say that?—What then, will he say,—That it was done by other men. What is the meaning of this? Is it a defence against the charge, or company in banishment that he is seeking for? Will you in this republic, in this time of unchecked caprice, and (as up to this time the course of judicial proceedings has proved) licentiousness on the part of men, will you defend that which is found fault with, and affirm that it has been done properly; not by reference to right, nor to equity, nor to law, nor because it was expedient, nor because it was allowed, but because it was some one else who did it?
205. ad haec Hortensius? falsum esse crimen? numquam dicet. magnam hac ratione pecuniam captam? id quidem dicet. iniuriam factam Siculis atque aratoribus? poterit dicere? igitur dicet? alios. est hoc? utrum crimini defensio an comitatus exsilio quaeritur? in hac re publica atque in hac hominum libidine et, ut adhuc habuit se status iudiciorum, etiam licentia, non ex iure, non ex aequitate, non ex lege, non ex eo quod oportuerit, non ex eo quod licuerit, sed ex eo quod aliqui fecerit, id quod reprehenditur recte factum esse defendes?
206. Other men, too, hare done other things, and plenty of them; why in this charge alone do you use this sort of defence? There are some things in you so extraordinary, that they cannot be said of, or meet in the character of, any other man; there are some things which you have in common with many men. Therefore, to say nothing of your acts of peculation, or of your taking money for the appointment of judges, and other things of that sort which, perhaps, other men also may have committed; will you defend yourself, also, from the charge which I bring against you as the most serious one of all—the charge, namely, of having taken money to influence your legal decisions, by the same argument, that others have done so too? Even if I were to admit the assertion, still I should not admit it as any defence. For it would be better that by your condemnation there should be more limited room for defending dishonesty left to others, than that, owing to your acquittal, others should be thought to have legitimately done what they have done with the greatest audacity.
206. alii quidem aliquam multa; cur in hoc uno crimine isto genere defensionis uteris? quaedam omnino in te singularia, quae in nullum hominem alium dici neque convenire possint, quaedam tibi cum multis communia., ut omittam tuos peculatus, ut ob ius dicendum pecunias acceptas, ut eius modi cetera quae forsitan alii quoque etiam fecerint, illud in quo te gravissime accusavi, quod ob iudicandam rem pecuniam accepisses, eadem ista ratione defendes, fecisse alios? Vt ego adsentiar orationi, defensionem tamen non probabo. enim te damnato ceteris angustior locus improbitatis defendendae relinquetur, quam te absoluto alii quod audacissime fecerunt recte fecisse existimentur.
207. All the provinces are mourning; all the nations that are free are complaining; every kingdom is expostulating with us about our covetousness and our injustice; there is now no place on this side of the ocean, none so distant, none so out of the way, that, in these latter times, the lust and iniquity of our citizens has not reached it. The Roman people is now no longer able to bear (I have not to say the violence, the arms, and the war, but) the mourning, the tears, and the complaints, of all foreign nations. In a case of this sort, in speaking of customs of this sort, if he who is brought before the tribunal, when he is detected in evident crimes, says that others have also done the same, he will not want examples; but the republic will want safety, if, by the precedents of wicked men, wicked men are to be delivered from trial and from danger.
207. omnes provinciae, queruntur omnes liberi populi, regna denique etiam omnia de nostris cupiditatibus et iniuriis expostulant; locus intra Oceanum iam nullus est neque tam longinquus neque tam reconditus quo non per haec tempora nostrorum hominum libido iniquitasque pervaserit; sustinere iam populus Romanus omnium nationum non vim, non arma, non bellum, sed luctum, lacrimas, querimonias non potest. eius modi re ac moribus, si is qui erit adductus in iudicium, cum manifestis in flagitiis tenebitur, alios eadem fecisse dicet, illi exempla non deerunt: rei publicae salus deerit, si improborum exemplis improbi iudicio ac periculo liberabuntur.
208. Do you approve of the manners of men at present? Do you approve of men's behaving themselves in magistracies as they do? Do you approve, finally, of our allies being treated as you see that they have been treated all this time? Why am I forced to take all this trouble? Why are you all sitting here? Why do you not rise up and depart before I have got halfway through my speech? Do you wish to lay open at all the audacity and licentiousness of these men? Give up doubting whether it is more useful, because there are so many wicked men, to spare one, or by the punishment of one wicked man, to check the wickedness of many.
208. vobis hominum mores? placet ita geri magistratus ut geruntur? placet socios sic tractari, quod restat, ut per haec tempora tractatos videtis? haec a me opera consumitur? quid sedetis? cur non in media oratione mea consurgitis atque disceditis? autem istorum audacias ac libidines aliqua ex parte resecare? dubitare utrum sit utilius propter multos improbos uni parcere, an unius improbi supplicio multorum improbitatem coercere.
209. Although, what are those numerous instances of wicked men? For when in a cause of such importance, when in the case of a charge of such gravity, the defendant has begun to say that anything has frequently been done, those who hear him are expecting precedents drawn from ancient tradition; from old records and old documents, full of dignity, full of antiquity. For such instances usually have both a great deal of authority in proving any point, and are very pleasant to hear cited. Will you speak to me of the Africani, and the Catos and the Laelii, and will you say that they have done the same thing? Then, even though the act might not please me, still I should not be able to fight against the authority of those men. But, since you will not be able to produce them, will you bring forward these moderns, Quintus Catulus the father, Caius Marcius, Quintus Scaevola, Marcus Scaurus, Quintus Metellus? who have all governed provinces, and who have all levied corn on the ground of filling the granary. The authority of the men is great, so great as to be able to remove all suspicion of wrong-doing.
209. (90) quae ista sunt exempla multorum? cum in causa tanta, cum in crimine maximo dici a defensore coeptum est factitatum esse aliquid, exspectant ii qui audiunt exempla ex vetere memoria, ex monumentis ac litteris, plena dignitatis, plena antiquitatis; haec enim plurimum solent et auctoritatis habere ad probandum et iucunditatis ad audiendum. Africanos mihi et Catones et Laelios commemorabis et eos fecisse idem dices? res mihi non placeat, tamen contra hominum auctoritatem pugnare non potero., cum eos non poteris, proferes hos recentis, Q. Catulum patrem, C. Marium, Q. Scaevolam, M. Scaurum, Q. Metellum? qui omnes provincias habuerunt et frumentum cellae nomine imperaverunt. Magna est hominum auctoritas, et tanta ut etiam delicti suspicionem tegere possit.
210. But you have not, even out of these men who have lived more recently, one precedent of that authority. Whither, then, or to what examples will you bring me back? Will you lead me away from those men who have spent their lives in the service of the republic at a time when manners were very strict, and when the opinion of men was considered of great weight, and when the courts of justice were severe, to the existing caprice and licentiousness of men of the present age? And do you seek precedents for your defence among those men, as a warning to whom the Roman people have decided that they are in need of some severe examples? I do not, indeed, altogether condemn the manners of the present time, as long as we follow those examples which the Roman people approves of; not those which it condemns. I will not look around me, I will not go out of doors to seek for any one, while we have as judges those chiefs of the city, Publius Servilius and Quintus Catulus, who are men of such authority, and distinguished for such exploits, that they may be classed in that number of ancient and most illustrious men of whom I have previously spoken.
210. habes ne ex his quidem hominibus qui nuper fuerunt ullum auctorem istius aestimationis. me igitur aut ad quae exempla revocas? illis hominibus, qui tum versati sunt in re publica cum et optimi mores erant et hominum existimatio gravis habebatur et iudicia severa fiebant, ad hanc hominum libidinem ac licentiam me abducis, et, in quos aliquid exempli populus Romanus statui putat oportere, ab iis tu defensionis exempla quaeris? fugio ne hos quidem mores, dum modo ex his ea quae probat populus Romanus exempla, non ea quae condemnat sequamur. circumspiciam, non quaeram foris: habeo iudices tecum principes civitatis, P. Servilium et Q. Catulum, qui tanta auctoritate sunt, tantis rebus gestis, ut in illo antiquissimorum clarissimorumque hominum, de quibus antea dixi, numero reponantur.
211. We are seeking examples, and those not ancient ones. Very lately each of them had an army. Ask, O Hortensius, since you are fond of modern instances, what they did. Will you not? Quintus Catulus used corn, but he exacted no money. Publius Servilius, though he commanded an army for five years, and by that means might have made an incalculable sum of money, thought that nothing was lawful for himself which he had not seen his father and his grandfather, Quintus Metellus, do. Shall Caius Verres be found, who will say that everything is lawful for him which is profitable? Will he allege in his defence that he has done in accordance with the example set by others, what none, except wicked men, ever have done? Oh, but it has been often done in Sicily. What is that condition in which Sicily is? Why is the law of injustice, especially defined by a reference to the usages prevalent in that land which, on account of its antiquity as our ally, its fidelity, and its nearness to us, ought to enjoy the best laws of all?
211. quaerimus, et ea non antiqua. uterque horum exercitum habuit., Hortensi, quoniam te recentia exempla delectant, quid fecerint. vero? Q. Catulus frumento est usus, pecuniam non coegit; P. Servilius quinquennium exercitui cum praeesset et ista ratione innumerabilem pecuniam facere cum posset, non statuit sibi quicquam licere quod non patrem suum, non avum Q. Metellum, clarissimum hominem, facere vidisset: C. Verres reperietur qui, quicquid expediat, id licere dicat? quod nemo nisi improbus fecerit, id aliorum exemplo se fecisse defendat? in Sicilia factitatum est. est ista condicio Siciliae? cur quae optimo iure propter vetustatem, fidelitatem, propinquitatem esse debet, huic praecipua lex iniuriae definitur?
212. However, in Sicily itself, (I will not go abroad to look for examples,) I will take examples out of the very bench of judges before me. Caius Marcellus, I call you as a witness. You governed the province of Sicily when you were proconsul. Under your command were any sums of money extorted, under the name of money for the granary? I do not give you any credit for this. There are other exploits, other designs of yours worthy of the highest praise, measures by which you recovered and set up again an afflicted and ruined province. For even Lepidus whom you succeeded had not committed this fraud about the granary. What precedents then have you in Sicily affecting this charge about the granary, if you cannot defend yourself from the accusation by quoting any action even of Lepidus, much less any action of Marcellus?
212. in ista ipsa Sicilia non quaeram exemplum foris: hoc ipso ex consilio utar exemplis. C. Marcelle, te appello. Siciliae provinciae, cum esses pro consule, praefuisti: num quae in tuo imperio pecuniae cellae nomine coactae sunt? ego hoc in tua laude pono: alia sunt tua facta atque consilia summa laude digna, quibus illam tu provinciam adflictam et perditam erexisti atque recreasti; nam hoc de cella ne Lepidus quidem fecerat, cui tu successisti. sunt tibi igitur exempla in Sicilia cellae, si hoc crimen non modo Marcelli facto, sed ne Lepidi quidem potes defendere?
213. Are you going to bring me back to the valuation of the corn, and the exaction of money by Marcus Antonius? Just so, says he; to the valuation of Marcus Antonius. For this is what he seemed to mean by his signs and nods. Out of all the praetors of the Roman people then, and consuls, and generals, have you selected Marcus Antonius, and even the most infamous action done by him, for your imitation? And here is it difficult for me to say, or for the judges to think, that in that unlimited authority Marcus Antonius behaved himself in such a manner, that it is by far more injurious to Verres to say that as he, in a most infamous transaction, wished to imitate Antonius, than if he were able to allege in his defence, that he had never in his whole life done anything like Marcus Antonius? Men in trials are accustomed to allege, in making a defence against an accusation, not what any one did, but what he did that was good. In the middle of his course of injustice and covetousness death overtook Antony, while he was still both doing and planning many things contrary to the safety of the allies many things contrary to the advantage of our provinces. Will you defend the audacity of Verres by the example of Antonius, as if the senate and people of Rome approved of all his actions and designs?
213. me ad M. Antoni aestimationem frumenti exactionemque pecuniae revocaturus es? “,” inquit, “ad Antoni”; hoc enim mihi significasse et adnuisse visus est. omnibus igitur populi Romani praetoribus, consulibus, imperatoribus M. Antonium delegisti, et eius unum improbissimum factum, quod imitarere! hic utrum mini difficile est dicere an his existimare ita se in isto infinito imperio M. Antonium gessisse ut multo isti perniciosius sit dicere se ih re improbissima voluisse Antonium imitari quam si posset defendere nihil in vita se M. Antoni simile fecisse? in iudiciis ad crimen defendendum non quid fecerit quispiam proferre solent, sed quid probarit. Antonium, cum multa contra sociorum salutem, multa contra utilitatem provinciarum et faceret et cogitaret, in mediis eius iniuriis et cupiditatibus mors oppressit. mihi, quasi eius omnia facta atque consilia senatus, populus, iudices comprobarint, ita M. Antoni exemplo istius audaciam defendis?
214. But Sacerdos did the same. You name an upright man, and one endued with the greatest wisdom; but he can only be thought to have done the same thing, if he did it with the same intention. For the mere fact of the valuation has never been found fault with by me; but the equity of it depends on the advantage to, and willingness of the cultivator. No valuation can be found fault with, which is not only not disadvantageous, but which is even pleasing to the cultivator. Sacerdos, when he came into the province, commanded corn to be provided for the granary. As before the new harvest came in a modius of wheat was five denarii, the cities begged of him to have a valuation. The valuation wee somewhat lower than the actual market price, for he valued it at three denarii. You see that the same fact of a valuation, through the dissimilarity of the occasion, was a cause of praise in his instance, of accusation in yours. In his instance it was a kindness, in yours an injury.
214. idem fecit Sacerdos. innocentem et summa prudentia praeditum nominas; sed tum idem fecisse erit existimandus si eodem consilio fecerit. genus aestimationis ipsum a me numquam est reprehensum, sed eius aequitas aratorum commodo et voluntate perpenditur. potest reprehendi ulla aestimatio quae aratori non modo incommoda non est sed etiam grata est. Sacerdos ut in provinciam venit, frumentum in cellam imperavit. esset ante novum tritici modius denariis v petiverunt ab eo civitates ut aestimaret. aliquanto eius fuit aestimatio quam annona; nam aestimavit denariis iii. eandem aestimationem propter temporis dissimilitudinem in illo laudis causam habere, in te criminis, in illo benefici, in te iniuriae.
215. The same year Antonius valued corn at three denarii, after the harvest, in a season of exceeding cheapness, when the cultivators would rather give the corn for nothing, and he said that he had valued it at the same price as Sacerdos; and he spoke truly, but yet' by the same valuation the one had relieved the cultivators, the other had ruined them. And if it were not the case that the whole value of corn must be estimated by the season, and the market price, not by the abundance, nor by the total amount, these modii and a half of yours, O Hortensius, would never have been so agreeable; in distributing which to the Roman people, for every head, small as the quantity was, you did an action which was most agreeable to all men; for the dearness of corn caused that, which seemed a small thing in reality, to appear at that time a great one. If you had given such a largess to the Roman people in a time of cheapness, your kindness would have been derided and despised.
215. tempore praetor Antonius iii denariis aestimavit post messem, summa in vilitate, cum aratores frumentum dare gratis mallent, et aiebat se tantidem aestimasse quanti Sacerdotem, neque mentiebatur; sed eadem ista aestimatione alter sublevarat aratores, alter everterat. nisi omnis frumenti ratio ex temporibus esset et annona, non ex numero neque ex summa consideranda, numquam tam grati hi sesquimodii, Q. Hortensi, fuissent, quos tu cum ad mensurae tam exiguam rationem populo Romano in capita descripsisses, gratissimum omnibus fecisti; caritas enim annonae faciebat ut istuc, quod re parvum videtur, tempore magnum videretur. istuc si in vilitate populo Romano largiri voluisses, derisum tuum beneficium esset atque contemptum.
216. Do not, therefore, say that Verres did the same as Sacerdos had done, since he did not do it on the same occasion, nor when wheat was at a similar price; say rather, since you have a competent authority to quote, that he did for three years what Antonius did on his arrival, and with reference to scarcely a month's provisions, and defend his innocence by the act and authority of Marcus Antonius. For what will you say of Sextus Peducaeus, a most brave and honest man? What cultivator ever complained of him? or who did not think that his praetorship was the most impartial and the most active one that has ever been known up to this time? He governed the province for two years, when one year wee a year of cheapness, the other a year of the greatest dearness. Did any cultivator either give him money in the cheap season, or in the dear season complain of the valuation of his corn? Oh, but provisions were very abundant that dear season.
216. igitur dicere istum idem fecisse quod Sacerdotem, quoniam non eodem tempore neque simili fecit annona: dicito potius, quoniam habes auctorem idoneum, quod Antonius uno adventu et vix menstruis cibariis fecerit, id istum per triennium fecisse, et istius innocentiam M. Antoni facto atque auctoritate defendito. de. quidem Peducaeo, fortissimo atque innocentissimo viro, quid dicetis? de quo quis umquam arator questus est? aut quis non ad hoc tempus innocentissimam omnium diligentissimamque praeturam illius hominis existimat? provinciam obtinuit. alter annus in vilitate, alter in summa caritate fuerit, num aut in vilitate nummum arator quisquam dedit aut in caritate de aestimatione frumenti questus est? uberiora cibaria facta sunt caritate.
217. I believe they were; that is not a new thing nor a blamable one. We very lately saw Caius Sentius, a man of old-fashioned and extraordinary incorruptibility, on account of the dearness of food which existed in Macedonia, make a great deal of money by furnishing provisions. So that I do not grudge you your profits, if any have come to you legally; I complain of your injustice; I impeach your dishonesty; I cat your avarice into court, and arraign it before this tribunal. But if you wish to excite a suspicion that this charge belongs to more men and more provinces than one, I will not be afraid of that defence of yours, but I will profess myself the defender of all the provinces. In truth I say this, and I say it with a loud voice, “Wherever this has been done, it has been done wickedly; whoever has done it is deserving of punishment.”
217. ; neque id est novum neque reprehendendum. C. Sentium vidimus, hominem vetere illa ac singulari innocentia praeditum, propter caritatem frumenti quae fuerat in Macedonia permagnam ex cibariis pecuniam deportare. ob rem non ego invideo commodis tuis, si quae ad te lege venerunt: iniuriam queror, improbitatem coarguo, avaritiam in crimen et in iudicium voco. suspiciones inicere velitis ad pluris homines et ad pluris provincias crimen hoc pertinere, non ego istam defensionem vestram pertimescam, sed me omnium provinciarum defensorem esse profitebor. hoc dico, et magna voce dico, Vbicumque hoc factum est, improbe factum est; quicumque hoc fecit, supplicio dignus est.
218. For, in the name of the immortal gods, see, O judges, look forward with your mind's eye at what will be the result. Many men have exacted large sums from unwilling cities, and from unwilling cultivators, in this way, under pretence of filling the granary. (I have no idea of any one person having done so except him, but I grant you this, and I admit that many have.) In the case of this man you see the matter brought before a court of justice; what can you do? can you, when you are judges in a case of embezzlement which is brought before you, overlook the misappropriation of so large a sum? or can you, though the law was made for the sake of the allies, turn a deaf ear to the complaints of the allies?
218. , per deos immortalis, videte, iudices, et prospicite animis quid futurum sit. magnas pecunias ab invitis civitatibus atque ab invitis aratoribus ista ratione cellae nomine coegerunt,—omnino ego neminem video praeter istum, sed do hoc vobis et concedo, esse multos: in hoc homine rem adductam in iudicium videtis. facere potestis? utrum, cum iudices sitis de pecunia capta conciliata, tantam pecuniam captam neglegere, an, cum lex sociorum causa rogata sit, sociorum querimonias non audire?
219. However, I give up this point too to you. Disregard what is past, if you please; but do not destroy their hopes for the future, and ruin all the provinces; guard against this,—against opening, by your authority, a visible and broad way for avarice, which up to this time has been in the habit of advancing by secret and narrow paths; for if you approve of this, and if you decide that it is lawful for money to be taken on that pretext, at all events there is no one except the most foolish of men who will not for the future do what as yet no one except the most dishonest of men ever has done; they are dishonest men who exact money contrary to the laws, they are fools who omit to do what it has been decided that they may do.
219. hoc quoque vobis remitto; neglegite praeterita, si vultis; sed ne reliquas spes turbetis atque omnis provincias evertatis, id providete, ne avaritiae, quae antehac occultis itineribus atque angustis uti solebat, auctoritate vestra viam patefaciatis inlustrem atque latam. si hoc probatis et si licere pecunias isto nomine capi iudicatis, certe hoc, quod adhuc nemo nisi improbissimus fecit, posthac nemo nisi stultissimus non faciet. sunt qui pecunias contra leges cogunt, stulti qui quod licere iudicatum est praetermittunt.
220. In the next place, see, O judges, what a boundless licence for plundering people of money you will he giving to men. If the man who exacts three denarii is acquitted, some one else will exact four, five, presently ten, or even twenty. What reproof will he meet with? At what degree of injury will the severity of the judge first begin to make a stand? How many denarii will it be that will be quite intolerable? and at what point will the iniquity and dishonesty of the valuation be first arraigned? For it is not the amount, but the description of valuation that will be approved of by you. Nor can you decide in this manner, that it is lawful for a valuation to be made when the price fixed is three denarii, but not lawful when the price fixed is ten; for when a departure is once made from the standard of the market price, and when the affair is once so changed that it is not the advantage of the cultivators which is the rule, but the will of the praetor, then the manner of valuing no longer depends on law and duty, but on the caprice and avarice of men. Wherefore, if in giving your decisions you once pass over the boundary of equity and law, know that you impose on those who come after no limit to dishonesty and avarice in valuing.
220. , iudices, videte, quam infinitam sitis hominibus licentiam pecuniarum eripiendarum daturi., ternos denarios qui coegit erit absolutus, quaternos, quinos, denos denique aut vicenos coget alius. erit reprehensio? in quo primum iniuriae gradu resistere incipiet severitas iudicis? quotus erit iste denarius qui non sit ferendus, et in quo primum aestimationis iniquitas atque improbitas reprehendatur? enim a vobis summa, sed genus aestimationis erit comprobatum, neque hoc potestis iudicare, ternis denariis aestimare licere, denis non licere. Vbi enim semel ab annonae ratione et ab aratorum voluntate res ad praetoris libidinem translata est, non est iam in lege neque in officio, sed in voluntate hominum atque avaritia positus modus aestimandi., si vos semel in iudicando finem aequitatis et legis transieritis, scitote vos nullum ceteris in aestimando finem improbitatis et avaritiae reliquisse.
221. See, therefore, how many things are required of you at once. Acquit the man who confesses that he has taken immense sums, doing at the same time the greatest injury to our allies. That is not enough. There are also many others who have done the same thing. Acquit them also, if there are any; so as to release as many rogues as possible by one decision. Even that is not enough. Cause that it may be lawful to those who come after them to do the same thing. It shall be lawful. Even this is too little. Allow it to be lawful for every one to value corn at whatever price he pleases. He may so value it. You see now, in truth, O judges, that if this valuation be approved of by you, there will be no limit hereafter to any man's avarice, nor any punishment for dishonesty.
221. igitur quam multa simul a vobis postulentur. eum qui se fateatur maximas pecunias cum summa sociorum iniuria cepisse. est satis: sunt alii quoque complures qui idem fecerint. etiam illos, si qui sunt, ut uno iudicio quam plurimos improbos liberetis. id quidem satis est: facite ut ceteris posthac idem liceat.: adhuc parum est. ut liceat quanti quisque velit tanti aestimare. est: stultissimus quisque posthac minimo aestimabit. iam profecto, iudices, hac aestimatione a vobis comprobata neque modum posthac avaritiae cuiusquam neque poenam improbitatis futuram.
222. What, therefore, O Hortensius, are you about? You are the consul elect, you have had a province allotted to you. When you speak on the subject of the valuation of corn, we shall listen to you as if you were avowing that you will do what you defend as having been legitimately done by Verres; and as if you were very eager that that should be lawful for you which you say was lawful for him. But if that is to be lawful, there is nothing which you can imagine any one likely to do hereafter, in consequence of which he can possibly be condemned for extortion. For whatever sum of money any one covets, that amount it will be lawful for him to acquire, under the plea of the granary, and by means of the highness of the valuation.
222. ob rem quid agis, Hortensi? es designatus, provinciam sortiturus es; de aestimatione frumenti cum dices, sic te audiemus quasi id quod ab isto recte factum esse defendes te facturum profiteare, et quasi quod isti licitum esse dices vehementer cupias tibi licere., si id licebit, nihil est quod putetis quemquam posthac commissurum ut de pecuniis repetundis condemnari possit. enim quisque concupierit pecuniam, tantam licebit per cellae nomen aestimationis magnitudine consequatur.
223. But there is a thing, which, even if Hortensius does not say it openly in defending Verres, he still does say in such a manner that you may suspect and think that this matter concerns the advantage of the senators; that it concerns the advantage of those who are judges, and who think that they will some day or other be in the provinces themselves as governors or as lieutenants. But you must think that we have splendid judges, if you think them likely to show indulgence to the faults of others, in order the more easily to be allowed to commit faults themselves. Do we then wish the Roman people, do we wish the provinces, and our allies, and foreign nations to think that, if senators are the judges, this particular manner of extorting immense sums of money with the greatest injustice will never be in any way chastised? But if that be the case, what can we say against that praetor who every day occupies the senate, who insists upon it that the republic can not prosper, if the office of judge is not restored to the equestrian order?
223. enim est quiddam quod, etiamsi palam in defendendo 9 non dicet Hortensius, tamen ita dicet ut vos id suspicari et cogitare possitis, pertinere hoc ad commodum senatorium, pertinere ad utilitatem eorum qui iudicent, qui in provinciis cum potestate aut cum legatione se futuros aliquando arbitrentur. vero existimas iudices nos habere, quos alienis peccatis concessuros putes quo facilius ipsis peccare liceat. id volumus populum Romanum, id provincias, id socios nationesque exteras existimare, si senatores iudicent, hoc certe unum genus infinitae pecuniae per summam iniuriam cogendae nullo modo posse reprehendi? si ita est, quid possumus contra illum praetorem dicere qui cotidie templum tenet, qui rem publicam sistere negat posse nisi ad equestrem ordinem iudicia referantur?
224. But if he begins to agitate this one point, that there is one description of extortion, common to all the senators, and now almost legalized in the case of that order, by which immense sums are taken from the allies with the greatest injustice; and that this cannot possibly be repressed by tribunals of senators, but that, while the equestrian order furnished the senators, it never was committed; who, then, can resist him? Who will be so desirous of gratifying you, who will be such a partisan of your order, as to be able to oppose the transference of the appointment of judges to that body? And I wish he were able to make a defence to this charge by any argument, however false, as long as it is natural and customary. You could then decide with less danger to yourselves, with less danger to all the provinces. Did he deny that he had adopted this valuation? You would appear to have believed the man in that statement, not to have approved of his action. He cannot possibly deny it. It is proved by all Sicily. Out of all that numerous band of cultivators, there is not one from whom money has not been exacted on the plea of the granary.
224. ille hoc unum agitare coeperit, esse aliquod genus cogendae pecuniae senatorium commune et iam prope concessum ordini, quo genere ab sociis maxima pecunia per summam iniuriam auferatur, neque id ullo modo senatoriis iudiciis reprehendi posse, idque, dum equester ordo iudicarit, numquam esse commissum, quis obsistet? quis erit tam cupidus vestri, tam fautor ordinis, qui de transferendis iudiciis possit recusare? utinam posset aliqua ratione hoc crimen quamvis falsa, modo humana atque usitata defendere: minore periculo vestro, minore periculo provinciarum omnium iudicaretis. hac aestimatione se usum, vos id credidissetis: homini credidisse, non factum comprobasse videremini. modo negare potest; urgetur a tota Sicilia; nemo est ex tanto numero aratorum a quo pecunia cellae nomine non sit exacta.
225. I wish he were able to say even this, that that affair does not concern him; that the whole business relating to corn was managed by the quaestors. Even that he cannot say, because his own letters are read which were sent to the cities, written on the subject of the three denarii. What then is his defence? “I have done what you accuse me of; I have extorted immense sums on the plea of the granary; but it was lawful for me to do so, and it will be lawful for you if you take care.” A dangerous thing for the provinces for any classes of injury to be established by judicial decision to a dangerous thing for our order, for the Roman people to think that these men, who themselves are subject to the laws, cannot defend the laws with strictness when they are judges. And while that man was praetor, O judges, there was not only no limit to his valuing corn, but there was none either to his demands of corn. Nor did he command that only to be supplied that was due, but as much as was advantageous for himself. I will put before you the sum total of all the corn commanded to be furnished for the granary, as collected out of the public documents, and the testimonies of the cities You will find, O judges, that man commanded the cities to supply five times as much as it was lawful for him to take for the granary. What can be added to this impudence, if he both valued it at such a price that men could not endure it, and also commanded so much more to be supplied than was permitted to him by the laws to require?
225. etiam hoc posset dicere, nihil ad se istam rationem pertinere, per quaestores rem frumentariam esse administratam. id quidem ei licet dicere, propterea quod ipsius litterae recitantur ad civitates de ternis denariis missae. est igitur defensio? “quod arguis; coegi pecunias maximas cellae nomine; sed hoc mihi licuit, vobis si prospicitis licebit.” provinciis genus iniuriae confirmari iudicio, perniciosum nostro ordini populum Romanum existimare non posse eos homines qui ipsi legibus teneantur leges in iudicando religiose defendere. isto praetore, iudices,, non solum aestimandi frumenti modus non fuit, sed ne imperandi quidem; neque enim id quod debebatur, sed quantum commodum fuit imperavit. faciam vobis ex publicis litteris ac testimoniis civitatum frumenti in cellam imperati: reperietis quinquiens tanto, iudices amplius istum quam quantum in cellam ei sumere licitum sit civitatibus imperasse. ad hanc impudentiam addi potest, si et aestimavit tanti ut homines ferre non possent, et tanto plus quam erat ei concessum legibus imperavit?
226. Wherefore, now that you have heard the whole business of the corn, O judges, you can easily see that Sicily, that most productive and most desirable province, has been lost to the Roman people, unless you recover it by your condemnation of that man. For what is Sicily, if you take away the cultivation of its land, and if you extinguish the multitude and the very name of the cultivators of the soil? For what can there be left of disaster which has not come to those unhappy cultivators, with every circumstance of injury and insult? They were liable, indeed, to pay tenths, but they have scarcely had a tenth left for themselves. When money has been due to them, it has not been paid; though the senate intended them to supply corn for the granary according to a very equitable valuation, they have been compelled to sell even the tools with which they cultivate their lands.
226. cognita tota re frumentaria, iudices, iam facillime perspicere potestis amissam esse populo Romano Siciliam, fructuosissimam atque opportunissimam provinciam, nisi eam vos istius damnatione recuperatis. est enim Sicilia si agri cultionem sustuleris et si aratorum numerum ac nomen exstinxeris? autem potest esse in calamitate residui quod non ad miseros aratores isto praetore per summam iniuriam ignominiamque pervenerit? quibus, cum decumas dare deberent, vix ipsis decumae relictae sunt; cum pecunia deberetur, soluta non est; cum optima aestimatione senatus frumentum eos in cellam dare voluisset, etiam instrumenta agrorum vendere coacti sunt.
227. I have already said, O judges, that even if you remove all these injuries, still that the occupation of cultivating land is maintained owing to the hopes and a certain sort of pleasure which it gives, rather than because of the profit and emolument arising from it. In truth every year constant labour and constant expense is incurred in the hope of a result which is casual and uncertain. Moreover, the crop does not command a high price, except in a disastrous harvest. But if there has been a great abundance of crops gathered, then there is cheapness in selling them. So that you may see that the corn must be badly sold if it is got in well, or else that the crop must be bad if you get a good price for it. And the whole business of agriculture is such, that it is regulated not by reason or by industry, but by those most uncertain things,—the weather and the winds. When from agriculture one tenth is extracted by law and on fair terms,—when a second is levied by a new regulation, on account of the necessity of procuring a sufficient supply for ourselves,—when, besides, corn is purchased every year by public authority,—and when, after all that, more still is ordered by magistrates and lieutenants to be supplied for the granary,—what, or how much is there after all this of his own crop which the cultivator or owner can have at his own disposal, for his own profit?
227. iam antea, iudices, ut has omnis iniurias tollatis, tamen ipsam rationem arandi spe magis et iucunditate quadam quam fructu atque emolumento teneri. ad incertum casum et eventum certus quotannis labor et certus sumptus impenditur. porro pretium nisi in calamitate fructuum non habet; si autem ubertas in percipiendis fructibus fuit, consequitur vilitas in vendendis, ut aut male vendendum intellegas, si bene processit, aut male perceptos fructus, si recte licet vendere. autem res rusticae eius modi sunt ut eas non ratio neque labor, sed res incertissimae, venti tempestatesque, moderentur. cum unae decumae lege et consuetudine detrahantur, alterae novis institutis propter annonae rationem imperentur, ematur praeterea frumentum quotannis publice, postremo etiam in cellam magistratibus et legatis imperetur, quid aut quantum praeterea est quod aut liberum possit habere ille arator ac dominus in potestate suorum fructuum aut in ipsis fructibus solutum?
228. And if all this is endured,—if by their care, and expense, and labour, they consult your advantage and that of the Roman people rather than themselves and their own profit,—still, ought they also to bear these new edicts and commands of the praetors, and the imperiousness of Apronius, and the robberies and rapine of the slaves of Venus? Ought they also to supply corn which ought to be purchased of them without getting any payment for it? Ought they also, though they are willing to supply corn for the granary without payment, to be forced to pay large sums too? Ought they also to endure all these injures and all these losses accompanied with the greatest insult and contumely? Therefore, O judges, those things which they have not at all been able to bear, they have not borne. You know that over the whole of Sicily the allotments of land are deserted and abandoned by their owners. Nor is there anything else to be gained by this trial, except that our most ancient and faithful allies, the Sicilians, Roman settlers, and the cultivators of the soil, owing to your strictness and your care, may return to their farms and to their homes under my guidance and through my instrumentality. The subject of this oration is the manner in which Verres had plundered not only private individuals, but even some temples, of valuable statues, and other works of art. Among the instances given some of the most prominent are the plunder of Heius, a Messanian, of Philarchus, of Centuripa, of several other private citizens, of Antiochus, the king; and of the temples of Diana, Mercury, and Ceres. A French translator in commenting on this oration says, with reference to the slighting way in which Cicero speaks of the works of art thus stolen,—“The Romans struggled for some time against the seductive power of the arts of Greece, to which for many ages they were strangers. At first they really did despise them, afterwards they affected to despise them, but at last they were forced to bow the head beneath the brilliant yoke of luxury; and Greece, industrious, learned, and polite, subdued by the admiration which it extorted, the ignorant, unlettered, and rude barbarians who had conquered her by force. Faithful to the ancient maxims of the republic, Cicero in this oration speaks only with a sort of disdain of the arts and works of the most famous artists. He even pretends sometimes not to be too well acquainted with the names of the most celebrated statuaries; he often repeats, and with a kind of affectation, that he knows very little of painting or sculpture; and rather prides himself, as one may say, on his ignorance. He seems to regard a taste for art as unworthy of the Romans, and the finest chefs d' oeuvre as children's toys, fit to amuse the trifling and frivolous minds of the Greeks, whose name he usually expresses by a contemptuous diminutive, (Graeculi,) but little calculated to fix the attention, or attract the esteem or wishes of a Roman mind. ****** In general there runs through these orations a tone more calculated to render Verres ridiculous, than to make one feel how much there was in all his attempts which was odious and horrible. The orator even permitted himself some pleasantries, for which his taste has been, perhaps too severely, called in question. Cicero had no dislike to puns, and has played a good deal on the name of Verres, which means a boar. He was too eager to acquire the reputation of a wit. It is true that the person of Verres was sufficiently inviting as a subject for ridicule. He was one of those gross men overloaded with fat in whom the bulk of body appears to stifle all delicacy of moral feeling. As he had tried to carry off a statue of Hercules which his people could with difficulty move upon its pedestal, Cicero calls this the thirteenth of the labours of Hercules. And playing continually on the name of Verres, he compares him to the boar of Erymanthus. At another time he calls him the dragnet of Sicily, because the name Verres has some resemblance to the word everriculum, which signifies a dragnet.” Hortensius endeavoured to defend Verres from the charge of having stolen these statues, &c. of which he admits that he had become the possessor, by contending that he had bought them. But it was contrary to the laws for a magistrate to purchase any such articles in his province; and Cicero shows also that the prices alleged to have been given are so wholly disproportionate to their value, that it is ridiculous to assert that the things had been purchased and not taken by force. I come now to what Verres himself calls his passion what his friends call his disease, his madness; what the Sicilians call his rapine; what I am to call it, I know not. I will state the whole affair to you, and do you consider it according to its own importance and not by the importance of its name. First of all, O judges, suffer me to make you acquainted with the description of this conduct of his; and then, perhaps, you will not be very much puzzled to know by what name to call it. I say that in all Sicily, in all that wealthy and ancient province, that in that number of towns and families of such exceeding riches, there was no silver vessel, no Corinthian or Delian plate, no jewel or pearl, nothing made of gold or ivory, no statue of marble or brass or ivory, no picture whether painted or embroidered, that he did not seek out, that he did not inspect, that, if he liked it, he did not take away. I seem to be making a very extensive charge; listen now to the manner in which I make it. For I am not embracing everything in one charge for the sake of making an impression, or of exaggerating his guilt. When I say that he left nothing whatever of the sort in the whole province, know that I am speaking according to the strict meaning of the words, and not in the spirit of an accuser. I will speak even more plainly; I will say that he has left nothing in any one's house, nothing even in the towns, nothing in public places, not even in the temples, nothing in the possession of any Sicilian, nothing in the possession of any Roman citizen; that he has left nothing, in short, which either came before his eyes or was suggested to his mind, whether private property or public, or profane or sacred, in all Sicily. Where then shall I begin rather than with that city which was above all others in your affection, and which was your chosen place of enjoyment? or with what class of men rather than with your flatterers? For by that means it will be the more easily seen how you behaved among those men who hate you, who accuse you, who will not let you rest, when you are proved to have plundered among the Mamertines, who are your friends, in the most infamous manner. Caius Heius is a Mamertine—all men will easily grant me this who have ever been to Messana; the most accomplished man in every point of view in all that city. His house is the very best in all Messana,—most thoroughly known, most constantly open, most especially hospitable to all our fellow-citizens. That house before the arrival of Verres was so splendidly adorned, as to be an ornament even to the city. For Messanaitself, which is admirable on account of its situation, its fortifications, and its harbour, is very empty and bare of those things in which Verres delights.
228. haec ferunt omnia, si potius vobis ac rei publicae quam sibi et suis commodis opera sumptu labore deserviunt, etiamne haec nova debent edicta et imperia praetorum et Aproni dominationem et Veneriorum servorum furta rapinasque ferre? etiamne frumentum pro empto gratis dare? etiamne in cellam cum cupiant gratis dare ultro pecuniam grandem addere? etiamne haec tot detrimenta atque damna cum maximis iniuriis contumeliisque perferre? haec, iudices, quae pati nullo modo potuerunt non pertulerunt. omnis tota Sicilia desertas atque a dominis relictas esse cognoscitis; neque quicquam aliud agitur hoc iudicio nisi ut antiquissimi socii et fidelissimi, Siculi, coloni populi Romani atque aratores, vestra severitate et diligentia me duce atque auctore in agros atque in sedes suas revertantur. nunc ad istius, quem ad modum ipse appellat, studium, ut amici eius, morbum et insaniam, ut Siculi, latrocinium; ego quo nomine appellem nescio; rem vobis proponam, vos eam suo non nominis pondere penditote. ipsum prius cognoscite, iudices; deinde fortasse non magno opere quaeretis quo id nomine appellandum putetis. in Sicilia tota, tam locupleti, tam vetere provincia, tot oppidis, tot familiis tam copiosis, ullum argenteum vas, ullum Corinthium aut Deliacum fuisse, ullam gemmam aut margaritam, quicquam ex auro aut ebore factum, signum ullum aeneum, marmoreum, eburneum, nego ullam picturam neque in tabula neque in textili quin conquisierit, inspexerit, quod placitum sit abstulerit. Magnum videor dicere: attendite etiam quem ad modum dicam. enim verbi neque criminis augendi causa complector omnia: cum dico nihil istum eius modi rerum in tota provincia reliquisse, Latine me scitote, non accusatorie loqui. planius: nihil in aedibus cuiusquam, ne in hospitis quidem, nihil in locis communibus, ne in fanis quidem, nihil apud Siculum, nihil apud civem Romanum, denique nihil istum, quod ad oculos animumque acciderit, neque privati neque publici neque profani neque sacri tota in Sicilia reliquisse. Vnde igitur potius incipiam quam ab ea civitate quae tibi una in amore atque in deliciis fuit, aut ex quo potius numero quam ex ipsis laudatoribus tuis? enim perspicietur qualis apud eos fueris qui te oderunt, qui accusant, qui persequuntur, cum apud tuos Mamertinos inveniare improbissima ratione esse praedatus. C. Heius est Mamertinus—omnes hoc mihi qui Messanam accesserunt facile concedunt —omnibus rebus illa in civitate ornatissimus. domus est vel optima Messanae, notissima quidem certe et nostris hominibus apertissima maximeque hospitalis. domus ante istius adventum ornata sic fuit ut urbi quoque esset ornamento; nam ipsa Messana, quae situ moenibus portuque ornata sit, ab his rebus quibus iste delectatur sane vacua atque nuda est.