28. Recollect, O judges, with how much pains you are accustomed to labour, considering not only what you are going to state in your evidence, but even what words you shall use, lest any word should appear to be used too moderately, or lest on the other hand any expression should appear to have escaped you from any private motive. You take pains even so to mould your countenances, that no suspicion of any private motive may be excited; that when you come forward there may be a sort of silent opinion of your modesty and scrupulousness, and that, when you leave the box, that reputation may appear to have been carefully preserved and retained.
28. , iudices, quanto opere laborare soleatis non modo quid dicatis pro testimonio sed etiam quibus verbis utamini, ne quod minus moderate positum, ne quod ab aliqua cupiditate prolapsum verbum esse videatur; voltu denique laboratis ne qua significari possit suspicio cupiditatis, ut et, cum proditis, existimatio sit quaedam tacita de vobis pudoris ac religionis et, cum disceditis, ea diligenter conservata ac retenta videatur.
29. I suppose Induciomarus, when he gave his evidence, had all these fears and all these thoughts; he, who left out of his whole evidence that most considerate word, to which we are all habituated, “I think,” a word which we use even when we are relating on our oath what we know of our own knowledge, what we ourselves have seen; and said that he knew everything he was stating. He feared, forsooth, lest he should lose any of his reputation in your eyes and in those of the Roman people; lest any such report should get abroad that Induciomarus, a man of such rank, had spoken with such partiality, with such rashness. The truth was, he did not understand that in giving his evidence there was anything which he was bound to display either to his own countrymen or to our accusers, except his voice, his countenance, and his audacity.
29. haec eadem Indutiomarum in testimonio timuisse aut cogitavisse, qui primum illud verbum consideratissimum nostrae consuetudinis “arbitror”, quo nos etiam tunc utimur cum ea dicimus iurati quae comperta habemus, quae ipsi vidimus, ex toto testimonio suo sustulit atque omnia se “scire” dixit. enim videlicet ne quid apud vos populumque Romanum de existimatione sua deperderet, ne qua fama consequeretur eius modi, Indutiomarum, talem virum, tam cupide, tam temere dixisse; non intellegebat se in testimonio nihil praeter vocem et os et audaciam neque civibus suis neque accusatoribus nostris praestare debere.
30. Do you think that those nations are influenced in giving their evidence by the sanctity of an oath, and by the fear of the immortal gods, which are so widely different from other nations in their habits and natural disposition? For other nations undertake wars in defence of their religious feelings; they wage war against the religion of every people; other nations when waging war beg for sanction and pardon from the immortal gods; they have waged war with the immortal gods themselves. These are the nations which formerly marched to such a distance from their settlements, as far as Delphi, to attack and pillage the Pythian Apollo, and the oracle of the whole world. By these same nations, so pious, so scrupulous in giving their evidence, was the Capitol besieged, and that Jupiter, under the obligations of whose name our ancestors decided that the good faith of all witnesses should be pledged.
30. vero istas nationes religione iuris iurandi ac metu deorum immortalium in testimoniis dicendis commoveri arbitramini? quae tantum a ceterarum gentium more ac natura dissentiunt, quod ceterae pro religionibus suis bella suscipiunt, istae contra omnium religiones; illae in bellis gerendis ab dis immortalibus pacem ac veniam petunt, istae cum ipsis dis immortalibus bella gesserunt. sunt nationes quae quondam tam longe ab suis sedibus Delphos usque ad Apollinem Pythium atque ad oraculum orbis terrae vexandum ac spoliandum profectae sunt. isdem gentibus sanctis et in testimonio religiosis obsessum Capitolium est atque ille Iuppiter cuius nomine maiores nostri vinctam testimoniorum fidem esse voluerunt.
31. Lastly, can anything appear holy or solemn in the eyes of those men, who, if ever they are so much influenced by any fear as to think it necessary to propitiate the immortal gods, defile their altars and temples with human victims? So that they cannot pay proper honour to religion itself without first violating it with wickedness. For who is ignorant that, to this very day, they retain that savage and barbarous custom of sacrificing men? What, therefore, do you suppose is the good faith, what the piety of those men, who think that even the immortal gods can be most easily propitiated by the wickedness and murder of men? Will you connect your own religious ideas with these witnesses? Will you think that anything is said holily or moderately by these men?
31. his quicquam sanctum ac religiosum videri potest qui, etiam si quando aliquo metu adducti deos placandos esse arbitrantur, humanis hostiis eorum aras ac templa funestant, ut ne religionem quidem colere possint, nisi eam ipsam prius scelere violarint? enim ignorat eos usque ad hanc diem retinere illam immanem ac barbaram consuetudinem hominum immolandorum? ob rem quali fide, quali pietate existimatis esse eos qui etiam deos immortalis arbitrentur hominum scelere et sanguine facillime posse placari? Cum his vos testibus vestram religionem coniungetis, ab ⟨his⟩ quicquam sancte aut moderate dictum putabitis? vestrae mentes tam castae, tam integrae sibi suscipient ut, cum omnes legati nostri qui illo triennio in Galliam venerunt, omnes equites Romani qui in illa provincia fuerunt, omnes negotiatores eius provinciae, denique omnes in Gallia qui sunt socii populi Romani atque amici, M.
32. Will your minds, pure and upright as they are, bring themselves into such a state that, when all our ambassadors who for the last three years have arrived in Gaul, when all the Roman knights who have been in that province, when all the traders of that province, when, in short, all the allies and friends of the Roman people who are in Gaul, wish Marcus Fonteius to be safe, and extol him on their oaths both in public and in private, you should still prefer to give your decision in unison with the Gauls? Appealing to comply with what? With the wishes of men? Is then the wish of our enemies to have more authority in your eyes than that of our countrymen? With the dignity of the witnesses? Can you then possibly prefer strangers to people whom you know, unjust men to just ones, foreigners to countrymen, covetous men to moderate ones, mercenary men to disinterested ones, impious men to conscientious ones, men who are the greatest enemies to our dominions and to our name, to good and loyal allies and citizens?
32. Fonteium incolumem esse cupiant, iurati privatim et publice laudent, vos tamen cum Gallis iugulare malitis? ut secuti esse videamini? voluntatemne hominum? gravior igitur vobis erit hostium voluntas quam civium? dignitatem testium? potestis igitur ignotos notis, iniquos aequis, alienigenas domesticis, cupidos moderatis, mercennarios gratuitis, impios religiosis, inimicissimos huic imperio ac nomini bonis ac fidelibus et sociis et civibus anteferre?
33. Are you then hesitating, O judges, when all these nations have an innate hatred to and wage incessant war with the name of the Roman people? Do you think that, with their military cloaks and their breeches, they come to us in a lowly and submissive spirit, as these do, who having suffered injuries fly to us as suppliants and inferiors to beg the aid of the judges? Nothing is further from the truth. On the contrary, they are strolling in high spirits and with their heads up, all over the forum, uttering threatening expressions, and terrifying men with barbarous and ferocious language; which, in truth, I should not believe, O judges, if I had not repeatedly heard such things from the mouths of the accusers themselves in your presence,—when they warned you to take care, lest, by acquitting this man, you should excite some new Gallic war.
33. vero dubitatis, iudices, quin insitas inimicitias istae gentes omnes et habeant et gerant cum populi Romani nomine? existimatis eos hic sagatos bracatosque versari, animo demisso atque humili, ut solent ei qui adfecti iniuriis ad opem iudicum supplices inferioresque confugiunt? vero minus. contra vagantur laeti atque erecti passim toto foro cum quibusdam minis et barbaro atque immani terrore verborum; quod ego profecto non crederem, nisi aliquotiens ex ipsis accusatoribus vobiscum simul, iudices, audissem, cum praeciperent ut caveretis ne hoc absoluto novum aliquod bellum Gallicum concitaretur.
34. If, O judges, everything was wanting to Marcus Fonteius in this cause; if he appeared before the court, having passed a disgraceful youth and an infamous life, having been convicted by the evidence of virtuous men of having discharged his duties as a magistrate (in which his conduct has been under your own eye) and as a lieutenant, in a most scandalous manner, and being hated by all his acquaintances; if in his trial he were overwhelmed with the oral and documentary evidence of the Narbonnese colonists of the Roman people, of our most faithful allies the Massilians, and of all the citizens of Rome; still it would be your duty to take the greatest care, lest you should appear to be afraid of those men, and to be influenced by their threats and menaced terrors, who were so prostrate and subdued in the times of your fathers and forefathers, as to be contemptible.
34. M. Fonteium, iudices, in causa deficerent omnia, si turpi adulescentia, vita infami, magistratibus quos ante oculos vestros gessit ⟨male gestis⟩, convictus virorum bonorum testimoniis, legationibus flagitiose obitis, invisus suis omnibus in iudicium vocaretur, si in eo iudicio colonorum populi Romani Narbonensium, fidelissimorum sociorum Massiliensium, civium Romanorum omnium testimoniis tabulisque premeretur, tamen esset vobis magno opere providendum ne, quos ita adflictos a vestris patribus maioribusque accepissetis ut contemnendi essent, eos pertimuisse et eorum minis et terrore commoti esse videremini.
35. But now, when no good man says a word against him, but all your citizens and allies extol him; when those men attack him who have repeatedly attacked this city and this empire; and when the enemies of Marcus Fonteius threaten you and the Roman people; when his friends and relations come to you as suppliants, will you hesitate to show not only to your own citizens, who are mainly influenced by glory and praise; but also to foreign tribes and nations, that you, in giving your votes, prefer sparing a citizen to yielding to an enemy?
35. vero cum laedat nemo bonus, laudent omnes vestri cives atque socii, oppugnent idem qui saepissime hanc urbem et hoc imperium oppugnarunt, cumque inimici M. Fontei vobis ac populo Romano minentur, amici ac propinqui supplicent vobis, dubitabitis non modo vestris civibus, qui maxime gloria ac laude ducuntur, verum etiam exteris nationibus ⟨et⟩ gentibus ostendere vos in sententiis ferendis civi parcere quam hosti cedere maluisse?
36. Among other reasons, this, O judges, is a very great reason for his acquittal, to prevent any notable stain and disgrace from falling on our dominion, by news going to Gaul that the senate and knights of the Roman people gave their decisions in a criminal trial just as the Gauls pleased; being influenced not by their evidence, but by their threats. But in that case, if they attempt to make war upon us, we must summon up Caius Marius from the shades below, in order that he may be equal in war to that great man, that threatening and arrogant Induciomarus. Cnaeus Domitius and Quintus Maximus must be raised from the dead, that they may again subdue and crush the nation of the Allobroges and the other tribes by their arms; or, since that indeed is impossible, we must beg my friend Marcus Plaetorius to deter his new clients from making war, and to oppose by his entreaties their angry feelings and formidable violence; or, if he be not able to do so, we will ask Marcus Fabius, his junior counsel, to pacify the Allobroges, since among their tribe the name of Fabius is held in the highest honour, and induce them either to be willing to remain quiet, as defeated and conquered nations usually are, or else to make them understand that they are holding out to the Roman people not a terror of war, but a hope of triumph.
36. Magna me hercules causa, iudices, absolutionis cum ceteris causis haec est, ne quae insignis huic imperio macula atque ignominia suscipiatur, si hoc ita perlatum erit in Galliam, senatores equitesque populi Romani non testimoniis Gallorum, sed minis commotos rem ad illorum libidinem iudicasse. vero, si illi bellum facere conabuntur, excitandus nobis erit ab inferis C. Marius qui Indutiomaro isti minaci atque adroganti par in bello gerendo esse possit, excitandus Cn. Domitius et Q. Maximus qui nationem Allobrogum et ⟨belli⟩ reliquias suis iterum armis conficiat atque opprimat, aut, quoniam id quidem non potest, orandus erit nobis amicus meus, M. Plaetorius, ut suos novos clientis a bello faciendo deterreat, ut eorum iratos animos atque horribilis impetus deprecetur, aut, si non poterit, M. Fabium, subscriptorem eius, rogabimus ut Allobrogum animos mitiget, quoniam apud illos Fabiorum nomen amplissimum ⟨est⟩. isti aut quiescere, id quod victi ac subacti solent, aut, cum minantur, intellegere se populo Romano non metum belli sed spem triumphi ostendere?
37. And if, even in the case of an ignoble defendant, it would not be endurable that those men should think they had effected anything by their threats, what do you think you ought to do in the case of Marcus Fonteius? concerning whom, O judges, (for I think that I am entitled to say this now, when I have almost come to the termination of two trials,) concerning whom, I say, you have not only not heard any disgraceful charge invented by his enemies, but you have not even heard any really serious reproach. Was ever any defendant, especially when he had moved in such a sphere as this man, as a candidate for honours, as an officer in command, and as a governor, accused in such a way, that no disgraceful act, no deed of violence, no baseness originating either in lust or insolence or audacity, was attributed to him, if not with truth, at least with some suspicious circumstances giving a reasonable colouring to the invention?
37. si in turpi reo patiendum non esset ut quicquam isti se minis profecisse arbitrarentur, quid faciendum vobis ⟨in⟩ M. Fonteio arbitramini? de quo homine, iudices—iam enim mihi videor hoc prope causa duabus actionibus perorata debere dicere—de quo vos homine ne ab inimicis quidem ullum fictum probrorum non modo crimen sed ne maledictum quidem audistis. umquam reus, praesertim in hac vitae ratione versatus, in honoribus petendis, in potestatibus, in imperiis gerendis, sic accusatus est ut nullum probrum, nullum facinus, nulla turpitudo quae a libidine aut a petulantia aut ab audacia nata esset, ab accusatore obiceretur, si non vera, at ficta cum aliqua ratione ac suspicione?
38. We know that Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, the most eminent man of our city, was accused by Marcus Brutus. The orations are extant by which it can be seen that many things are alleged against Scaurus himself, no doubt falsely; but still they were alleged against him and urged against him by an enemy. How many things were said against Manius Aquilius on his trial? How many against Lucius Cotta? and, lastly, against Publius Rutilius? who, although he was condemned, still appears to me to deserve to be reckoned among the most virtuous and innocent men. Yet that most upright and temperate man had many things attributed to him on his trial, which involved suspicion of adultery, and great licentiousness.
38. M. Aemilium Scaurum, summum nostrae civitatis virum, scimus accusatum a M. Bruto. orationes, ex quibus intellegi potest multa in illum ipsum Scaurum esse dicta, falso; quis negat? verum tamen ab inimico dicta et obiecta. multa M’. Aquilius audivit in suo iudicio, quam multa L. Cotta, denique P. Rutilius! qui, etsi damnatus est, mihi videtur tamen inter viros optimos atque innocentissimos esse numerandus. igitur ipse homo sanctissimus ac temperantissimus multa audivit in sua causa quae ad suspicionem stuprorum ac libidinum pertinerent.
39. There is an oration extant of a man, by far (in my opinion, that is,) the ablest and most eloquent of all our countrymen, Caius Gracchus; in which oration Lucius Piso is accused of many base and wicked actions. What a man to be so accused! A man who was of such virtue and integrity, that even in those most admirable: times, when it was not possible to find a thoroughly worthless man, still he alone was called Thrifty. And when Gracchus was ordering him to be summoned before the assembly, and his lictor asked him which Piso, because there were many of the name, “You are compelling me,” says he, “to call my enemy, Thrifty.” That very man then, whom even his enemy could not point out with sufficient clearness without first praising him; whose one surname pointed not only who he was, but what sort of man he was; that very man was, nevertheless, exposed to a false and unjust accusation of disgraceful conduct.
39. oratio hominis, ut opinio mea fert, nostrorum hominum longe ingeniosissimi atque eloquentissimi, C. Gracchi; qua in oratione permulta in L. Pisonem turpia ac flagitiosa dicuntur. in quem virum! qui tanta virtute atque integritate fuit ut etiam illis optimis temporibus, cum hominem invenire nequam neminem posses, solus tamen Frugi nominaretur. cum in contionem Gracchus vocari iuberet et viator quaereret, quem Pisonem, quod erant plures: “cogis me,” inquit, “dicere inimicum meum Frugi.” igitur vir quem ne inimicus quidem satis in appellando significare poterat, nisi ante laudasset, qui uno cognomine declarabatur non modo quis esset sed etiam qualis esset, tamen in falsam atque iniquam probrorum insimulationem vocabatur; M.
40. Marcus Fonteius has been accused in two trials, in such a way, that nothing has been alleged against him from which the slightest taint of lust, or caprice, or cruelty, or audacity can be inferred. They not only have not mentioned any atrocious deed of his, but they have not even found fault with any expression used by him. But if they had either had as much courage to tell a lie, or as much ingenuity to invent one, as they feel eagerness to oppress Fonteius, or as they have displayed licence in abusing him; then he would have had no better fortune, as far as relates to not having disgraceful acts alleged against him, than those men whom I have just mentioned. You see then another Thrifty,—a thrifty man, I say, O judges, and a man moderate and temperate in every particular of his life; a man full of modesty, full of a sense of duty, full of religion, depending on your good faith and power, and placed in your power in such a way as to be committed wholly to the protection of your good faith.
40. Fonteius ita duabus actionibus accusatus est ut obiectum nihil sit quo significari vestigium libidinis, petulantiae, crudelitatis, audaciae possit; non modo nullum facinus huius protulerunt sed ne dictum quidem aliquod reprehenderunt. si aut quantam voluntatem habent ad hunc opprimendum aut quantam ad male dicendum licentiam, tantum haberent aut ⟨ad⟩ ementiendum animi aut ad fingendum ingeni, non meliore fortuna ad probra non audienda M. Fonteius quam illi de quibus antea commemoravi fuisset. Frugi igitur hominem, iudices, frugi, inquam, et in omnibus vitae partibus moderatum ac temperantem, plenum pudoris, plenum offici, plenum religionis videtis positum in vestra fide ac potestate, atque ita ut commissus sit fidei, permissus potestati.
41. Consider, therefore, whether it is more just that a most honourable and brave man, that a most virtuous citizen, should be given up to the most hostile and ferocious nations, or restored to his freedom, especially when there are so many circumstances which cooperate in entreating your favourable disposition in aid of this man's safety. First of all, there is the antiquity of his family, which we are aware proceeds from Tusculum, a most illustrious municipality, and whose fame is engraved and handed down on monuments of the exploits of its members; secondly, there have been continual praetorships in that family, which have been distinguished by every sort of honour, and especially by the credit of unimpeachable innocence; besides that, there is the recent memory of his father, by whose blood, not only the troop of Asculum, by whom he was slain, but the whole of that social war has been stained with the deep dye of wickedness; lastly, there is the man himself, honourable and upright in every particular of his life, and in military affairs not only endued with the greatest wisdom, and the most brilliant courage, but also skillful through personal experience in carrying on war, beyond almost any man of the present age.
41. igitur utrum sit aequius hominem honestissimum, virum fortissimum, civem optimum dedi inimicissimis atque immanissimis nationibus an reddi amicis, praesertim cum tot res sint quae vestris animis pro huius innocentis salute supplicent, primum generis antiquitas, quam Tusculo, ex clarissimo municipio, profectam in monumentis rerum gestarum incisam ac notatam videmus, tum autem continuae praeturae, quae et ceteris ornamentis et existimatione innocentiae maxime floruerunt, deinde recens memoria parentis, cuius sanguine non solum Asculanorum manus, a qua interfectus est, sed totum illud sociale bellum macula sceleris imbutum est, postremo ipse cum in omnibus vitae partibus honestus atque integer, tum in re militari cum summi consili et maximi animi, tum vero usu quoque bellorum gerendorum in primis eorum hominum qui nunc sunt exercitatus.
42. Wherefore, if you do require to be reminded at all by me, O judges, (which, in truth, you do not,) it seems to me I may, without presuming too much on my authority, give you this gentle hint,—that you ought to consider that those men are carefully to be preserved by you, whose valour, and energy, and good fortune in military affairs have been tried and ascertained. There has been a greater abundance of such men in the republic than there is now; and when there was, people consulted not only their safety, but their honour also. What, then, ought you to do now, when military studies have become obsolete among our youth, and when our best men and our greatest generals have been taken from us, partly by age, and partly by the dissensions of the state and the ill fortune of the republic? When so many wars are necessarily undertaken by us, when so many arise suddenly and unexpectedly, do you not think that you ought to preserve this man for the critical occasions of the republic, and to excite others by his example to the pursuit of honour and virtue?
42. re si etiam monendi estis a me, iudices, quod non estis, videor hoc leviter pro mea auctoritate vobis praecipere posse, ut ex eo genere homines quorum cognita virtus, industria, felicitas in re militari sit diligenter vobis retinendos existimetis. enim maior talium ⟨tum⟩ virorum in hac re publica copia; quae cum esset, tamen eorum non modo saluti sed etiam honori consulebatur. nunc vobis faciendum est studiis militaribus apud iuventutem obsoletis, ⟨fortissimis⟩ autem hominibus ac summis ducibus partim aetate, partim civitatis discordiis ac rei publicae calamitate consumptis, cum tot bella aut a nobis necessario suscipiantur aut subito atque improvisa nascantur? nonne et hominem ipsum ad dubia rei publicae tempora reservandum et ceteros studio laudis ac virtutis inflammandos putatis?
43. Recollect what lieutenants Lucius Julius, and Publius Rutilius, and Lucius Cato, and Cnaeus Pompeius have lately had in war. You will see that at that time there existed also Marcus Cornutus, Lucius Cinna, and Lucius Sulla, men of praetorian rank, and of the greatest skill in war; and, besides them, Caius Marius, Publius Didius, Quintus Catulus, and Publius Crassus, men not learned in the science of war through books, but accomplished and renowned by their achievements and their victories. Come now, cast your eyes over the senate house, look thoroughly into every part of the republic; do you see no possible event in which you may require men like those? or, if any such event should arise, do you think that the Roman people is at this moment rich in such men? And if you carefully consider all these circumstances, you will rather, O judges, retain at home, for yourselves and for your children, a man energetic in undertaking the toils of war, gallant in encountering its dangers, skillful in its practice and its discipline, prudent in his designs, fortunate and successful in their accomplishment, than deliver him over to nations most hostile to the Roman people, and most cruel, by condemning him.
43. quos legatos nuper in bello ⟨Italico⟩ L. Iulius, quos P. Rutilius, quos L. Cato, quos Cn. Pompeius habuerit; scietis fuisse tum M. Cornutum, L. Cinnam, L. Sullam, praetorios homines, belli gerendi peritissimos; praeterea C. Marium, P. Didium, Q. Catulum, P. Crassum, non litteris homines ad rei militaris scientiam, sed rebus gestis ac victoriis eruditos. vero, nunc inferte oculos in curiam, introspicite penitus in omnis rei publicae partis; utrum videtis nihil posse accidere ut tales viri desiderandi sint, an, si acciderit, eorum hominum copia populum Romanum abundare? si diligenter attendetis, profecto, iudices, virum ad labores belli impigrum, ad pericula fortem, ad usum ac disciplinam peritum, ad consilia prudentem, ad casum fortunamque felicem domi vobis ac liberis vestris retinere quam inimicissimis populo Romano nationibus et crudelissimis tradere et condonare maletis.
44. But the Gauls are attacking Fonteius with hostile standards as it were; they pursue him, and press upon him with the most extreme eagerness, with the most extreme audacity. I see it. But we, O judges, you being our helpers, with many and strong defences, will resist that savage and intolerable band of barbarians. Our first bulwark against their attacks is Macedonia, a province loyal and well affected to the Roman people, which says, that itself and its cities were preserved, not only by the wisdom, but even by the hand of Fonteius, and which now repels the attacks and dangers of the Gauls from his head, as it was defended itself from the invasion and desolation of the Thracians.
44. infestis prope signis inferuntur Galli in M. Fonteium et instant atque urgent summo cum studio, summa cum audacia., iudices; sed multis et firmis praesidiis vobis adiutoribus isti immani atque intolerandae barbariae resistemus. obicitur contra istorum impetus Macedonia, fidelis et amica populo Romano provincia; quae cum se ac suas urbis non solum consilio sed etiam manu M. Fontei conservatam esse dicat, ut ipsa per hunc a Thraecum adventu ac depopulatione defensa ⟨est⟩, sic ab huius nunc capite Gallorum impetus terroresque depellit.
45. On the opposite side stands the further Spain, which is able in this case not only to withstand the eagerness of the accusers by its own honest disposition, but which can even refute the perjuries of wicked men by its testimonies and by its panegyrics. And even from Gaul itself most faithful and most important assistance is derived. As an assistance to this unhappy and innocent man, the city of the Massilians has come forward, which is labouring now, not only in order to appear to requite with proper gratitude the exertions of the man by whom it has been preserved, but which also believes that it has been placed in those districts for that very object, and with that express destiny, to prevent those nations from being able to injure our countrymen.
45. ex altera parte ulterior Hispania, quae profecto ⟨non⟩ modo religione sua resistere istorum cupiditati potest sed etiam sceleratorum hominum periuria testimoniis ac laudationibus suis refutare. ex ipsa etiam Gallia fidelissima et gravissima auxilia sumuntur. huic subsidio misero atque innocenti Massiliensium cuncta civitas, quae non solum ob eam causam laborat ut huic, a quo ipsa servata est, parem gratiam referre videatur sed etiam quod ea condicione atque eo fato se in eis terris conlocatam esse arbitratur ne quid nostris hominibus istae gentes nocere possint.
46. The colony of Narbonne fights equally on behalf of the safety of Marcus Fonteius, which, having been lately delivered from the blockade of the enemy by this man, is now moved at his misery and danger. Lastly, as is right in a Gallic war—as the principles and customs of our ancestors enjoin—there is not one Roman citizen who thinks he requires any excuse for being eager in this man's behalf. All the publicans of that province, all the farmers, all the graziers, all the traders, with one heart and one voice, defended Marcus Fonteius. But if Induciomarus himself, the leader of the Allobroges, and of all the rest of the Gauls, despise such powerful aid as this which we have, shall he still tear and drag away this man from the embrace of his mother, a most admirable and most miserable woman, and that, too, while you are looking on? especially when a vestal virgin on the other side is folding her own brother in her embraces, and imploring, O judges, your good faith, and that of the Roman people; she who has been, on behalf of you and of your children, occupied for so many years in propitiating the immortal gods, in order now to be able to propitiate you when supplicating for her own safety and that of her brother.
46. pariter pro salute M. Fontei Narbonensis colonia, quae per hunc ipsa nuper obsidione hostium liberata nunc eiusdem miseriis ac periculis commovetur. ut oportet bello Gallico, ut maiorum iura moresque praescribunt, nemo est civis Romanus qui sibi ulla excusatione utendum putet; omnes illius provinciae publicani, agricolae, pecuarii, ceteri negotiatores uno animo M. Fonteium atque una voce defendunt. si tantas auxiliorum nostrorum copias Indutiomarus ipse despexerit, dux Allobrogum ceterorumque Gallorum, num etiam de matris hunc complexu, lectissimae miserrimaeque feminae, vobis inspectantibus avellet atque abstrahet? praesertim cum virgo Vestalis ex altera parte germanum fratrem complexa teneat vestramque, iudices, ac populi Romani fidem imploret; quae pro vobis liberisque vestris tot annos in dis immortalibus placandis occupata est ut ea nunc pro salute sua fratrisque sui animos vestros placare possit.
47. What protection, what comfort, will that unhappy maiden have left, if she loses this her brother? For other women can bring forth protectors for themselves—can have in their homes a companion and a partner in all their fortunes; but to this maiden, what is there that can be agreeable or dear, except her brother? Do not, O judges, allow the altars of the immortal gods, and of our mother Vesta, to be reminded of your tribunal by the daily lamentations of a holy virgin. Beware lest that eternal flame, which is now preserved by the nightly toils and vigils of Fonteia, should be said to have been extinguished by the tears of your priestess.
47. miserae quod praesidium, quod solacium reliquum est hoc amisso? ceterae feminae gignere ipsae sibi praesidia et habere domi fortunarum omnium socium participemque possunt; huic vero virgini quid est praeter fratrem quod aut iucundum aut carum esse possit? pati, iudices, aras deorum immortalium Vestaeque matris cotidianis virginis lamentationibus de vestro iudicio commoneri; prospicite ne ille ignis aeternus nocturnis Fonteiae laboribus vigiliisque servatus sacerdotis vestrae lacrimis exstinctus esse dicatur.
48. A vestal virgin is stretching out towards you her suppliant hands, those same hands which she is accustomed to stretch out, on your behalf, to the immortal gods. Consider how dangerous, how arrogant a deed it would be for you to reject her entreaties, when, if the immortal gods were to despise her prayers, all these things which we see around us could not be preserved. Do not you see, O judges, that all of a sudden, Marcus Fonteius himself, brave as he is, is moved to shed tears at the mention of his parent and his sister?—he who never has known fear in battle, he who in arms has often thrown himself on the ranks and numbers of the enemy, thinking, while he was facing such dangers, that he left behind him the same consolation to his relatives that his own father had left to him; yet now, for all that, is agitated and alarmed, lest he should not only cease to be an ornament and an assistant to his family, but lest he should even leave them eternal disgrace and ignominy, together with the bitterest grief.
48. ad vos virgo Vestalis manus supplices easdem quas pro vobis dis immortalibus tendere consuevit. Cavete ne periculosum superbumque sit eius vos obsecrationem repudiare cuius preces si di aspernarentur, haec salva esse non possent. subito, iudices, virum fortissimum, M. Fonteium, parentis et sororis commemoratione lacrimas profudisse? numquam in acie pertimuerit, qui se armatus saepe in hostium manum multitudinemque immiserit, cum in eius modi periculis eadem se solacia suis relinquere arbitraretur quae suus pater sibi reliquisset, idem nunc conturbato animo pertimescit ne non modo ornamento et adiumento non sit suis sed etiam cum acerbissimo luctu dedecus aeternum miseris atque ignominiam relinquat.
49. Oh how unequal is thy fortune, O Marcus Fonteius! If you could have chosen, how much would you have preferred perishing by the weapons of the Gauls rather than by their perjuries! For then virtue would have been the companion of your life, glory your comrade in death; but now, what agony is it for you to endure the sufferings caused by their power and victory over you, at their pleasure, who have before now been either conquered by your arms, or forced to submit against their will to your authority. From this danger, O judges, defend a brave and innocent citizen: take care to be seen to place more confidence in our own witnesses than in foreigners; to have more regard for the: safety of our citizens than for the pleasure of our enemies; to think the entreaties of her who presides over your sacrifices of more importance than the audacity of those men who have waged war against the sacrifices and temples of all nations. Lastly, take care, O judges, (the dignity of the Roman people is especially concerned in this,) to show that the prayers of a vestal virgin have more influence over you than the threats of Gaul.
49. O fortunam longe disparem, M. Fontei, si deligere potuisses ut potius telis tibi Gallorum quam periuriis intereundum esset! enim vitae socia virtus, mortis comes gloria fuisset; nunc vero qui est dolor victoriae te atque imperi poenas ad eorum arbitrium sufferre qui aut victi armis sunt aut invitissimi paruerunt! A quo periculo defendite, iudices, civem fortem atque innocentem; curate ut nostris testibus plus quam alienigenis credidisse videamini, plus saluti civium quam hostium libidini consuluisse, graviorem duxisse eius obsecrationem quae vestris sacris praesit quam eorum audaciam qui cum omnium sacris delubrisque bella gesserunt. prospicite, iudices, id quod ad dignitatem populi Romani maxime pertinet, ut plus apud vos preces virginis Vestalis quam minae Gallorum valuisse videantur.