---
title: "For Rabirius Postumus · Pro C. Rabirio Postumo"
author: "Cicero"
translator: "Charles Duke Yonge"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 2 of 2
url: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-rabirio-postumo/2/
cite: "Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge, For Rabirius Postumus · Pro C. Rabirio Postumo, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-rabirio-postumo/2/"
---

# For Rabirius Postumus · Pro C. Rabirio Postumo

*Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge*

A banker who ran the finances of the king of Egypt.

> Latin: ed. Albert Curtis Clark, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0474.phi030, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Charles Duke Yonge, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0474.phi030.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Sections 25–48

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-rabirio-postumo/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-rabirio-postumo/2/#p-N

[¶0] 25. Let, then, that be rewarded as a fixed and certain point, which can neither be moved nor changed, in which those who look fairly at the matter say that Postumus had entertained hopes, those who are unfavourable to him say that he made a blunder, and he himself confesses that he acted like a madman, in lending his own money, and that of his friends, to the king, to the great danger of his own fortunes; still, when this had once been begun, it was necessary to endure these other evils, in order, at last, to reunite himself to his friends. Therefore, you may reproach him as often as you please with having worn an Egyptian robe, and with having had about him other ornaments which are not worn by a Roman citizen. For every time that you mention any one of these particulars, you are only repeating that same thing—that he lent money rashly to the king, and that he trusted his fortunes and his character to the royal caprice.

> Latin: 25. ob rem illud maneat et fixum sit quod neque moveri neque mutari potest; in quo aequi sperasse Postumum dicunt, peccasse iniqui, ipse etiam insanisse se confitetur, quod suam, quod amicorum pecuniam regi crediderit cum tanto fortunarum suarum periculo, hoc quidem semel suscepto atque contracto perpetienda ⟨illa⟩ fuerunt ut se aliquando ac suos vindicaret. obicias licet quam voles saepe palliatum fuisse, aliqua habuisse non Romani hominis insignia, quotiens eorum quippiam dices, totiens unum dices atque ⟨idem⟩ illud, temere hunc pecuniam regi credidisse, suas fortunas atque famam libidini regiae commisisse.

[¶1] 26. He did so rashly, I confess it; but the case could not possibly be changed then; either he was forced to put on an Egyptian cloak at Alexandria, in order afterwards to be able to wear his gown at Rome; or, if he retained his gown in Egypt he must have discarded all hope of recovering his fortunes. For the sake of luxury and pleasure we have often seen, not only ordinary Roman citizens, but youths of high birth, and even some senators, men born in the highest rank wearing little caps, not in their country seats or their suburban villas, but at Naples, in a much-frequented town.

> Latin: 26. temere, fateor; mutari factum iam nullo modo poterat; aut pallium sumendum Alexandreae ut ei Romae togato esse liceret, aut omnes fortunae abiciendae, si togam retinuisset. causa et voluptatis non modo ⟨notos⟩ civis Romanos, sed et nobilis adulescentis et quosdam etiam senatores summo loco natos non in hortis aut suburbanis suis, sed Neapoli, in celeberrimo oppido, in tunica pulla saepe ⟨vidi, ibidem multi⟩ viderunt chlamydatum illum L.

[¶2] 27. We have even seen Lucius Sulla, that great commander, in a cloak. And you can now see the statue of Lucius Scipio, who conducted the war in Asia, and defeated Antiochus standing in the Capitol, not only with a cloak, but also with Greek slippers. And yet these men not only were not liable to be tried for wearing them, but they were not even talked about; and, at all events, the excuse of necessity will be a more valid defence for Publius Rutilius Rufus; for when he had been caught at Mitylene by Mithridates, he avoided the cruelty with which the king treated all who wore the Roman gown, by changing his apparel. Therefore, that Rutilius, who was a pattern to our citizens of virtue, and of the ancient dignity, and of prudence, and a man of consular rank, put on slippers and a cloak. Nor did any one think of reproaching the man with having done so, but all imputed it to the necessity of the time. And shall that garment bring an accusation upon Postumus, which afforded him a hope that he might at some time or other recover his fortune?

> Latin: 27. Sullam imperatorem. L. vero Scipionis, qui bellum in Asia gessit Antiochumque devicit, non solum cum chlamyde sed etiam cum crepidis in Capitolio statuam videtis; quorum impunitas fuit non modo a iudicio sed etiam a sermone. certe P. Rutilium Rufum necessitatis excusatio defendet; qui cum a Mithridate Mytilenis oppressus esset, crudelitatem regis in togatos vestitus mutatione vitavit. ille P. Rutilius qui documentum fuit hominibus nostris virtutis, antiquitatis, prudentiae, consularis homo soccos habuit et pallium; nec vero id homini quisquam sed tempori adsignandum putavit; Postumo crimen vestitus adferet is in quo spes fuit posse sese aliquando ad fortunas suas pervenire?

[¶3] 28. For when he came to Alexandria to Auletes, O judges, this one means of saving his money was proposed to Postumus by the king—namely, that he should undertake the management, and, as it were, the stewardship of the royal revenues. And he could not do that unless he became the steward. For he uses that title which had been given to the office by the king. The business seemed an odious one to Postumus, but he had actually no power of declining it. The name itself, too, annoying; but the business had that name or old among those people, it was not now newly imposed by the king. He detested also that dress, but without it he could neither have the title nor fill his office. Therefore, I say, that he was compelled by force to act as he did,—by force which, as our great poet says
Breaks and subdues the loftiest dignity.

> Latin: 28. ut ventum est Alexandream, iudices, haec una ratio a rege proposita Postumo est servandae pecuniae, si curationem et quasi dispensationem regiam suscepisset. autem facere non poterat, nisi dioecetes—hoc enim nomine utitur qui ea regit—esset constitutus. negotium Postumo videbatur, sed erat nulla omnino recusatio; molestum etiam nomen ipsum, sed res habebat nomen hoc apud illos, non hic imposuerat. vestitum etiam illum, sed sine eo nec nomen illud poterat nec munus tueri. “aderat vis” ut ait poeta ille noster,
quae summas frangit infirmatque opes.

[¶4] 29. He should have died, you will say; for that is the alternative. And so he would have done, if, while his affairs were in such a state of embarrassment, he could have died without the greatest disgrace. Do not then, impute his hard fortune to him as a fault; do not think the injury done to him by the king his crime; do not judge of his intentions by the compulsion under which he was, nor of his inclination by the force to which he submitted. Unless, indeed, you think those men deserving of reproach who have fallen among enemies or among thieves, and who then act differently under compulsion from what they would if they were free. No one of us is ignorant, even if we have had no personal experience of it, of the mode of proceeding adopted by a king. These are the orders given by kings,—“Take notice,” “Obey orders,” “Do not complain when you are not asked.” These are their threats,—“If I catch you here tomorrow, you shall die.” Expressions which we ought to read and consider, not only for the purpose of being amused by them, but in order to learn to beware of their authors and to avoid them.

> Latin: 29. “,” inquies; nam id sequitur. certe, si sine maximo dedecore tam impeditis suis rebus potuisset emori. igitur fortunam convertere in culpam neque regis iniuriam huius crimen putare nec consilium ex necessitate nec voluntatem ex vi interpretari, nisi forte eos etiam qui in hostis aut in praedones inciderint, si aliter quippiam coacti faciant ⟨ac⟩ liberi, vituperandos putes. nostrum ignorat, etiam si experti non sumus, consuetudinem regiam. autem sunt haec imperia: “animadverte ac dicto pare” et “praeter rogitatum si plus” et illae minae:
si te secundo lumine hic offendero,
moriere;
quae non ut delectemur solum legere et spectare debemus, sed ut cavere etiam ⟨et⟩ effugere discamus.

[¶5] 30. But from the circumstance of this employment itself another charge arises. For the prosecutor says, that while Postumus was collecting the money for Gabinius, he also amassed money for himself out of the tenths belonging to the generals. I do not quite understand what this charge means;—whether Postumus is charged with having made an addition of one per cent to the tenth, as our own collectors are in the habit of doing, or whether he deducted that sum from the total amount of the tenths. If he made that addition, then eleven thousand talents came to Gabinius. But not only was the amount mentioned by you ten thousand talents, but that also was the sum at which it was estimated by them.

> Latin: 30. ex hoc ipso crimen exoritur. enim, Gabinio pecuniam Postumus ⟨cum⟩ cogeret, decumas imperatarum pecuniarum sibi coegisse. intellego hoc quale sit, utrum accessionem decumae, ut nostri facere coactores solent ⟨in⟩ centesima, an decessionem de summa fecerit. accessionem, undecim milia talentum ad Gabinium pervenerunt. non modo abs te decem milia obiecta sunt sed etiam ab his aestimata.

[¶6] 31. I add this consideration also: how can it be likely, that when the burden of the tributes was already so heavy, an addition of our thousand talents could he made to so large a sum which was to be collected? or that, when a man, a most avaricious man as you make him out, was to receive so large a reward, he would put up with a diminution of a thousand talents? For it was not like Gabinius, to give up so vast a portion of what he had a right to; nor was it natural for the king to allow him to impose so great an additional tax on his subjects. Witnesses will be produced, deputies from Alexandria. They have not said a word against Gabinius. Nay, they have even praised Gabinius. Where, then, is that custom? what has become of the usages of courts of justice? Where are your precedents? Is it usual to produce a witness to give evidence against a man who has been the collector of money, when he has not been able to say a word against the man in whose name the money collected?

> Latin: 31. illud etiam: qui tandem convenit aut tam gravi onere tributorum ad tantam pecuniam cogendam mille talentum accessionem esse factam aut in tanta mercede hominis, ut vis, avarissimi mille talentum decessionem esse concessam? enim fuit Gabini remittere tantum de suo nec regis imponere tantum pati suis. erunt testes legati Alexandrini. nihil in Gabinium dixerunt; immo ei Gabinium laudaverunt. Vbi ergo ille mos, ubi consuetudo iudiciorum, ubi exempla? is dicere in eum qui pecuniam ⟨redegit⟩ qui in illum cuius nomine ea pecunia redigeretur non dixerit?

[¶7] 32. Nay more; if it is usual to produce a man who has said nothing, is it usual to produce one who has spoken in his praise? Is it not customary rather to look on such a cause as already decided, and to think that it is sufficient to read the previous evidence of the witnesses, without producing the men themselves? And this intimate companion and friend of mine says also that the men of Alexandria had the same reason for praising Gabinius that I had for defending him. My reason, O Caius Memmius, for defending him was, that I had become reconciled to him. Nor do I repent of considering my friendships immortal, but my enmities mortal. For if you think that I defended him against my will, because I did not like to offend Pompeius, you are very ignorant both of his character and of mine.

> Latin: 32. , si is qui non dixit solet, etiamne is solet qui laudavit? testibus, et quidem non productis, sed dictis testium recitatis, quasi praeiudicata res ad has causas deferri solet. ait etiam meus familiaris et necessarius eandem causam Alexandrinis fuisse cur laudarent Gabinium quae mihi fuerit cur eundem defenderem., C. Memmi, causa defendendi Gabini fuit reconciliatio gratiae. me vero paenitet mortalis inimicitias, sempiternas amicitias habere.

[¶8] 33. For Pompeius would not have wished me to do anything contrary to my inclination for his sake. Nor would I, to whom the liberty of all the citizens has always been the dearest object, ever have abandoned my own. As long as I was on terms of the greatest enmity to Gabinius, Pompeius was in no respect the less my dearest friend. Nor after I had made to his authority that concession to which it was entitled from me, did I feign anything I could not behave with treachery so as to injure the very man whom I had just been obliging. For by refusing to be reconciled to my enemy, I was doing no harm to Pompeius; but if I had allowed him to reconcile us, and yet had myself been reconciled to Gabinius with a treacherous intention I should have behaved dishonestly,—principally, indeed, to myself, but in the next degree to him also,.

> Latin: 33. si me invitum putas, ne Cn. Pompei animum offenderem, defendisse causam, et illum et me vehementer ignoras. enim Pompeius me sua causa quicquam facere voluisset invitum, neque ego cui omnium civium libertas carissima fuisset meam proiecissem. ⟨,⟩ quam diu inimicissimus Gabinio fui, non amicissimus mihi Cn. Pompeius fuit, nec, postea quam illius auctoritate eam dedi veniam quam debui, quicquam simulate ⟨feci⟩, ne cum mea perfidia illi etiam ipsi facerem cui beneficium dedissem iniuriam. non redeundo in gratiam cum inimico non violabam Pompeium; si per eum reductus insidiose redissem, me scilicet maxime, sed proxime illum quoque fefellissem.

[¶9] 34. But, however, I will say no more about myself. Let us return to those Alexandrians. What a face those men have! What audacity! The other day, when you were present at the trial of Gabinius, they were cross-examined at every third word they said. They declared that the money had not been given to Gabinius. The evidence of Pompeius was read at the same time, to the effect that be had written to the king that no money had been given to Gabinius except for military purposes. “At that time,” says the prosecutor, “the judges refused to believe the Alexandrians.” What does he say next? “Now they do believe them.”

> Latin: 34. de me omittamus; ad Alexandrinos istos revertamur. habent os, quam audaciam! vobis inspectantibus in iudicio Gabini tertio quoque verbo excitabantur; negabant pecuniam Gabinio datam. identidem Pompei testimonium regem ad se scripsisse nullam pecuniam Gabinio nisi in rem militarem datam. “est,” inquit, “tum Alexandrinis testibus creditum.” postea? “nunc.” ob rem? “nunc aiunt quod tum negabant.”

[¶10] 35. Why so? “Because they now affirm what they then denied.” What of that? Is this the way in which we are to regard witnesses,—to refuse them belief when they deny a thing, but to believe the very same men when they affirm a thing? But if they told the truth then, when they spoke with every appearance of truth, they are telling lies now. If they told lies then, they must give us good proof that they are now speaking the truth. Why need I say more. Let them hold their tongues. We have heard men speak of Alexandria before. Now we know it from our own experience. Thence it is, that every sort of chicanery comes. Thence, I say, comes every sort of deceit. It is from that people that all the plots of the three writers are derived. And, indeed, there is nothing which I wish for more, O judges, than to see the witnesses face to face.

> Latin: 35. ergo? ista condicio est testium ut, quibus creditum non sit negantibus, isdem credatur dicentibus?, si verum tum severissima fronte dixerunt, nunc mentiuntur; si tum mentiti sunt, doceant nos verum quo voltu soleant dicere. Alexandream, nunc cognoscimus. omnes praestigiae, illinc, inquam, omnes fallaciae, omnia denique ab eis mimorum argumenta nata sunt. mihi longius quicquam est, iudices, quam videre hominum voltus.

[¶11] 36. They gave their evidence a little while ago before this tribunal, at the same time that we ourselves did. With what effrontery did they then repudiate the charge of this ten thousand talents! You are acquainted by this time with the absurd ways of the Greeks. They shrugged their shoulders at that time, I suppose, in respect of the existing emergency; but now there is no such necessity. When any one has once perjured himself he cannot be believed afterwards, not even he swears by more gods than he did before; especially. O judges, when in trials of this sort there is not usually any room for a new witness; and on that account the same judges are retained who were judges in the case of the original defendant, because everything is already known to them, and nothing new can be invented.

> Latin: 36. hic modo nobiscum ad haec subsellia, quibus superciliis renuentes huic decem milium crimini! nostis insulsitatem Graecorum; umeris gestum agebant tum temporis, credo, causa; nunc scilicet tempus nullum est. Vbi semel quis peieraverit, ei credi postea, etiam si per pluris deos iuret, non oportet, praesertim, iudices, cum in his iudiciis ne locus quidem novo testi soleat esse ob eamque causam idem iudices retineantur qui fuerint de reo, ut eis nota sint omnia neve quid fingi novi possit.

[¶12] 37. Actions on the formula, “What has become of that money,” are usually decided, not by any proceeding taken especially with reference to them, but by those which were adopted in the case of the original defendant. Therefore, if Gabinius had either given sureties, or if the people had got as large a sum out of his property as the damages amounted to, then, however large a sum had been obtained from him by Postumus, none would have been demanded back again. So that it may easily be seen, that in a case of this sort, the money is only demanded back again from any one who has been clearly proved in the former action to have become possessed of it. But at present what is the question under discussion? Where in the world are we? What can be either said or imagined so unprecedented, so unsuitable, so preposterous as this?

> Latin: 37. … Qvo ea pecvnia pervenerit non suis propriis iudiciis in reum facti condemnari solent. si aut praedes dedisset Gabinius aut tantum ex eius bonis quanta summa litium fuisset populus recepisset, quamvis magna ad Postumum ab eo pecunia pervenisset, non redigeretur; ut intellegi facile possit, quod ex ea pecunia quae ad aliquem reum qui damnatus est ⟨venisset⟩, pervenisse ad aliquem in illo primo iudicio planum factum sit, id hoc genere iudici redigi solere. vero quid agitur? ubi terrarum sumus? quid tam perversum, ⟨tam⟩ praeposterum dici aut excogitari potest?

[¶13] 38. That man is being prosecuted who did not receive any money from the king, as it has been decided that Gabinius did, but who lent a vast sum of money to the king. Therefore, he gave it to Gabinius, as he certainly did not repay it to Postumus. Tell me now, I beg since the man who owed Postumus money did not pay it to him, but gave money to Gabinius, now that Gabinius is condemned, has he paid him back that money, or does he owe it to him still? “Oh, but Postumus has the money, and is hiding it.” For there are men who talk in this way. What a strange sort of ostentation and vaingloriousness is this? If he had never originally had anything, still, if he had acquired a fortune, there could be no reason why he should conceal his having it. But in the ease of a man who had inherited two ample and splendid patrimonial estates, and who had, moreover, increased his property by legitimate and honourable means, what reason could there possibly he why he should wish to be supposed to have nothing?

> Latin: 38. is qui non abstulit a rege, sicut Gabinius iudicatus est, sed qui maximam regi pecuniam credidit. is Gabinio dedit qui non huic reddidit.?, cedo, cum is qui pecuniam Postumo debuit non huic, sed Gabinio dederit, condemnato Gabinio utrum illi quo ea pecunia ⟨pervenerit⟩ an huic dicenda causa ⟨est⟩? habet et celat. enim qui ita loquantur. genus tandem est istud ostentationis et gloriae? nihil habuisset umquam, tamen, si quaesisset, cur se dissimularet habere causa non esset. vero duo lauta et copiosa patrimonia accepisset remque praeterea bonis et honestis rationibus auxisset, quid esset tandem causae cur existimari vellet nihil habere?

[¶14] 39. Are we to believe that, when he was induced by the hope of interest to lend his money, his object was to have as large an estate as possible, but that after he had got back the money which he had lent, he then wished to be thought to be in want? He is certainly aiming at quite a new sort of glory. “And again,” says the prosecutor, “he acted in a very arbitrary manner at Alexandria.” I should rather say he was treated in a most arbitrary way, in a most insolent manner; he himself had to endure imprisonment. He saw his intimate friends thrown into prison. Death was constantly before his eyes. And at last, naked and needy, he fled from the kingdom. “But his money was employed in commerce in other quarters.

> Latin: 39. , cum credebat inductus usuris, id agebat ut haberet quam plurimum; postea quam exegit quod crediderat, ut existimaretur egere? genus hoc gloriae concupiscit. “est enim,” inquit, “Alexandreae.” vero in superbissimo dominatu fuit; pertulit ipse custodiam, vidit in vinclis familiaris suos, mors ob oculos saepe versata est, nudus atque egens ad extremum fugit e regno.

[¶15] 40. We have heard that ships belonging to Postumus arrived at Puteoli, and merchandize belonging to him was seen there, things only showy and of no real value, made of paper, and linen, and glass; and there were several ships entirely filled with such articles; but there was also one little ship, the contents of which were not known.” That voyage to Puteoli, (such was the conversation at that time,) and the course taken by the crew, and the parade they made, and the fact, too, of the name of Postumus being rather unpopular with some spiteful people, on account of some idea or other respecting his money, filled in one summer numbers of ears with those topics of conversation.

> Latin: 40. permutata aliquando pecunia est, delatae naves Postumi Puteolos sunt, auditae visaeque merces. quidem et fucosae ⟨e⟩ chartis et linteis et vitro; quibus cum multae naves refertae fuissent, naulum non potuit parari. ille Puteolanus, sermo illius temporis, vectorumque cursus atque ostentatio, tum subinvisum apud malivolos Postumi nomen propter opinionem pecuniae nescio quam aestatem unam, non pluris, auris refersit istis sermonibus.

[¶16] 41. But if, O judges, you wish to know the truth,—if the liberality of Caius Caesar, which is very great to every one, had not been quite incredible towards my client, we should long since have ceased to have Postumus among us in the forum. He, by himself, took upon himself the burden of many of Postumus's friends; and those responsibilities, which during the prosperity of Postumus many of his friends supported by dividing them, now that he is unfortunate, Caesar supports the whole of. You see, O judges, the shadow and phantom of a Roman knight preserved by the assistance and good faith of one single friend. Nothing can be taken from him except this image of his former dignity, and that Caesar by himself preserves and maintains. And that, even amid his greatest distresses, is still to be attributed to him in an eminent degree. Unless, indeed, this can be effected by a moderate degree of virtue, that so just a man as Caesar should think this my client of so much consequence, especially now that he is in distress and absent, and while he himself is in the enjoyment of such splendid fortune that it is a great thing for him to give a thought to the fortunes of others; while he is so incessantly busied about the mighty achievements which he has performed and is still performing, that it would be no wonder if he forgot other people altogether; and even if be afterwards recollected that he had forgotten them, he would easily find excuse for so doing.

> Latin: 41. autem, iudices, si scire voltis, nisi C. Caesaris summa in omnis, incredibilis in hunc eadem liberalitas exstitisset, nos hunc Postumum iam pridem in foro non haberemus. onera multorum huius amicorum excepit unus, quaeque multi homines necessarii secundis Postumi rebus discripta sustinuerunt, nunc eius adflictis fortunis universa sustinet. Vmbram equitis Romani et imaginem videtis, iudices, unius amici conservatam auxilio et fide. huic eripi potest praeter hoc simulacrum pristinae dignitatis quod Caesar solus tuetur et sustinet; quae quidem in miserrimis rebus huic tamen tribuenda maxima est; nisi vero hoc mediocri virtute effici potest ut tantus ille vir tanti ducat hunc, et adflictum praesertim et absentem, et in tanta fortuna sua ut alienam respicere magnum sit, ⟨et in⟩ tanta occupatione maximarum rerum quas gerit atque gessit ⟨ut⟩ vel oblivisci aliorum non sit mirum vel, si meminerit, oblitum esse ⟨se⟩ facile possit probare.

[¶17] 42. I have, indeed, before now, become acquainted with many virtues of Caius Caesar, great and incredible virtues. But those other virtues of his are suited, as it were, to a more extensive theatre, are what I may almost call virtues to catch the eye of the people. To select a place for a camp, to array an army, to storm cities, to put to flight the army of the enemy, to endure the severity of cold and bad weather, which we can hardly support sheltered by the houses of this city; at this very time to be pursuing the enemy, at a time when even the wild beasts hide themselves in their lurking-places, and when all wars are suspended by the general consent of nations;—these are great deeds: who denies it? But still they are prompted by vast rewards, being handed down to the eternal recollection of men. So that there is less reason to wonder at a man a performing them who is ambitious of immortality.

> Latin: 42. equidem C. Caesaris virtutes magnas incredibilisque cognovi, sed sunt ceterae maioribus quasi theatris propositae et paene populares. locum capere, exercitum instruere, expugnare urbis, aciem hostium profligare, hanc vim frigorum hiemumque quam nos vix huius urbis tectis sustinemus excipere, eis ipsis diebus hostem persequi cum etiam ferae latibulis se tegant atque omnia bella iure gentium conquiescant— sunt ea quidem magna; quis negat? sed magnis excitata sunt praemiis ac memoria hominum sempiterna. minus admirandum est eum facere illa qui immortalitatem concupiverit.

[¶18] 43. This is wonderful praise, which is not celebrated by the verses of poets, nor by the records of annals, but is estimated by the judgments of wise men. He took up the cause of a Roman knight, his own ancient friend, one zealous for, attached and devoted to himself, who was getting involved in difficulties; not through licentiousness, nor through any discreditable expense and waste to gratify his passions, but through an honest endeavour to increase his fortune; he would not allow him to fall; he propped him up and supported him with his estate, his fortune, and his good faith, and he supports him to this day. Nor will he allow his friend, trembling in the balance as he is, to fall; nor does the splendour of his own reputation at all dazzle his eyes, nor does the height of his own position and of his own renown at all obscure the piercing vision of his mind.

> Latin: 43. vera laus est, quae non poetarum carminibus, non annalium monumentis celebratur, sed prudentium iudicio expenditur. Romanum veterem amicum suum studiosum, amantem, observantem sui non libidine, non turpibus impensis cupiditatum atque iacturis, sed experientia patrimoni amplificandi labentem excepit, corruere non sivit, fulsit et sustinuit re, fortuna, fide, hodieque sustinet nec amicum pendentem corruere patitur; nec illius animi aciem praestringit splendor sui nominis, nec mentis quasi luminibus officit altitudo fortunae et gloriae.

[¶19] 44. Grant that those achievements of his are great things, as in truth they are; every one else may agree with my opinion or not, as he pleases, for I, amid all his power and all his good-fortune, prefer this liberality of his towards his friends, and his recollection of old friendship, to all the rest of his virtues. And you, O judges, ought not only not to despise or to regret this goodness of so novel a kind, so unusual in illustrious and preeminently powerful men, but even to embrace and increase it and so much the more, because you see that these days have been taken for the purpose of, as it were, undermining his dignity; from which nothing can be taken which be will not either bravely bear, or easily replace. But if he hears that his dearest friend has been stripped of his honourable position, that he will not endure without just indignation; and yet he will not have lost what he can have no possible hope of ever recovering.

> Latin: 44. sane illa magna, quae re vera magna sunt; de iudicio animi mei, ut volet quisque, sentiat; ego enim hanc in tantis opibus, tanta fortuna liberalitatem in suos, memoriam amicitiae reliquis virtutibus omnibus antepono. quidem vos, iudices, eius in novo genere bonitatem, inusitatam claris ac praepotentibus viris, non modo ⟨non⟩ aspernari ac refutare sed complecti etiam et augere debetis, et eo magis quod videtis hos quidem sumptos dies ad labefactandam illius dignitatem. qua illi nihil detrahi potest quod non aut fortiter ferat aut facile restituat; amicissimum hominem si honestate spoliatum audierit, nec sine magno dolore feret et id amiserit quod posse non speret recuperari.

[¶20] 45. These arguments ought to be quite sufficient for men who are of a just disposition; and mere than sufficient for you, who we feel sure are men of the greatest justice. But, in order fully to satisfy everybody's suspicions, or malevolence, or even cruelty, we will take this statement too. “Postumus is hiding his money; the king's riches are concealed.” Is there any one of all this people who would like to have all the property of Caius Rabirius Postumus knocked down to him for one single sesterce? But miserable man that I am! with what great pain do I say this,—Come, Postumus, are you the son of Caius Curius, the son, as far as his judgment and inclination go, of Caius Rabirius, not in reality and by nature the son of his sister? Are you the man who is so liberal to all his relations; whose kindness has enriched many men; who has never wasted anything; who has never spent any money on any profligacy? and all your property, O Postumus, knocked down by me for one single sesterce? Oh how miserable and bitter is my office as an auctioneer!

> Latin: 45. multa hominibus non iniquis haec esse debent, nimis etiam multa vobis quos aequissimos esse confidimus. ut omnium vel suspicioni vel malivolentiae vel crudelitati satis fiat: “occultat pecuniam Postumus, latent regiae divitiae.” est ex tanto populo qui bona C. Rabiri Postumi nummo sestertio sibi addici velit? miserum me, quanto hoc dixi cum dolore!, Postume, tune es ⟨C.⟩ Curti filius, C. Rabiri iudicio et voluntate filius, natura sororis? tune ille in omnis tuos liberalis, cuius multos bonitas locupletavit, qui nihil profudisti, nihil ullam in libidinem contulisti?, Postume, nummo sestertio a me addicuntur? O meum miserum acerbumque praeconium!

[¶21] 46. But he, miserable man, even wishes to be convicted by you; and to have his property sold, so that every one may be repaid his principal. He has no concern about anything except his own good faith. Nor will you, if you should, in his case, think fit to forget your habitual humanity, be able to take from him anything beyond his property.

> Latin: 46. hoc etiam optat miser ut vel condemnetur a vobis, ⟨si⟩ ita bona veneant ut solidum suum cuique solvatur. iam aliud nisi fidem curat, nec vos huic, si iam oblivisci vestrae mansuetudinis volueritis, quicquam praeterea potestis eripere., iudices, ne faciatis oro obtestorque vos, atque eo magis, si adventicia pecunia petitur ab eo cui sua non redditur. in eum cui misericordia opitulari debebat invidia quaesita est.

[¶22] 47. But, O judges, I beg and entreat you not to forget that usual course of yours, and so much the more as in this instance money which he has nothing to do with is being claimed of a man who is not even repaid his own. Odium is sought to be stirred up against a man, who ought to find an ally in the general pity. But now, since, as I hope, I have discharged as well as I have been able to, the obligations of good faith to you, O Postumus, I will give you also the aid of my tears, as I well may; for I saw abundant tears shed by you at the time of my own misfortune. That miserable night is constantly present to the eyes of all my friends, on which you came to me with your forces, and devoted yourself wholly to me. You supported me at that time of my departure with your companions, with your protection, and even as much gold as that time would admit of. During the time of my absence you were never deficient in comforting and aiding my children, or my wife. I can produce many men who have been recalled from banishment as witnesses of your liberality; conduct which I have often heard was of the greatest assistance to your father, whose behaviour was like your own, when he was tried for his life.

> Latin: 47. iam, quoniam, ⟨ut⟩ spero, fidem quam ⟨tibi dedi⟩ praestiti, Postume, reddam etiam lacrimas quas debeo; quas quidem ego tuas in meo casu plurimas vidi. ante oculos luctuosa nox meis omnibus, cum tu totum te cum tuis copiis ad me detulisti. comitibus, tu praesidio, tu etiam tanto pondere auri quantum tempus illud postulabat discessum illum sustentasti, tu numquam meis me absente liberis, numquam coniugi meae defuisti. excitare multos ⟨in patriam⟩ reductos testis liberalitatis tuae, quod saepe audivi patri tuo Curtio magno adiumento in iudicio capitis fuisse;

[¶23] 48. But at present I am afraid of everything: I dread even the unpopularity which your very kindness of disposition may provoke. Already the weeping of so many men as we behold indicates how beloved you are by your own relations; but, as for me, grief enfeebles and stifles my voice. I do entreat you, O judges, do not deprive this most excellent man, than whom no more virtuous man has ever lived, of the name of a Roman knight, of the enjoyment of this light, and of the pleasure of beholding you. He begs nothing else of you, except to be allowed with uplifted eyes to behold this city, and to pace around the forum; a pleasure which fortune would have already deprived him of; if the power of one single friend had not come to his assistance.

> Latin: 48. sed iam omnia timeo; bonitatis ipsius invidiam reformido. indicat tot hominum fletus quam sis carus tuis, et me dolor debilitat intercluditque vocem. obsecro, iudices, ut huic optimo viro, quo nemo melior umquam fuit, nomen equitis Romani et usuram huius lucis et vestrum conspectum ne eripiatis. vos aliud nihil orat nisi ut rectis oculis hanc urbem sibi intueri atque ut in hoc foro vestigium facere liceat, quod ipsum fortuna eripuerat, nisi unius amici opes subvenissent.