--- title: "For Sestius · Pro P. Sestio" author: "Cicero" translator: "Charles Duke Yonge" languages: [la, en] shelf: "Classical Latin" section: 3 of 5 url: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-sestio/3/ cite: "Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge, For Sestius · Pro P. Sestio, section 3. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-sestio/3/" --- # For Sestius · Pro P. Sestio *Cicero, tr. Charles Duke Yonge* Defending the tribune who worked for his recall, Cicero sets out his idea of the “best men” and their programme. > Latin: ed. William Peterson, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0474.phi022, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Charles Duke Yonge, from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0474.phi022.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 3. Sections 60–88 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-sestio/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/cicero-pro-sestio/3/#p-N [¶0] 60. But they even designed to stain the character of Marcus Cato by that transaction; ignorant of the extent of such a man's wisdom, and integrity, and magnanimity, and virtue; which is tranquil during a terrible tempest, and shines amid the darkness, and, though driven from its proper position, still remains, and clings to his country, and shines at all times by its own unassisted light, and is never tarnished by the dirt or disgrace of others. Their object was, not to do honour to Marcus Cato, but to banish him. They did not think that they were entrusting that commission to him, but imposing it on him; and said openly in the assembly, that they had cut Marcus Cato's tongue out, which had always spoken so freely against all extraordinary commissions. They will feel, I trust, in a short time, that that freedom of his still continues; and even if that be possible that it exists in a still greater degree from this circumstance, that Marcus Cato, even when he despaired of being any longer able to do any good by his authority, still with his voice and with every expression of indignation struggled against those consuls and, after my departure, weeping for my misfortune and for that of the republic, attacked Piso in such language, that he made that most abandoned and most shameless man almost repent of his bargain about the province Why, then, did he obey the law?”as if he had not already sworn to obey other laws also which he considered to have been unjustly passed. > Latin: 60. etiam eo negotio M. Catonis splendorem maculare voluerunt ignari quid gravitas, quid integritas, quid magnitudo animi, quid denique virtus valeret, quae in tempestate saeva quieta est et lucet in tenebris et pulsa loco manet tamen atque haeret in patria splendetque per sese semper neque alienis umquam sordibus obsolescit. illi ornandum M. Catonem sed relegandum, nec illi committendum illud negotium sed imponendum putaverunt, qui in contione palam dixerint linguam se evellisse M. Catoni, quae semper contra extraordinarias potestates libera fuisset., ut spero, brevi tempore manere libertatem illam, atque hoc etiam, si fieri potuerit, esse maiorem, quod cum consulibus illis M. Cato, etiam cum iam desperasset aliquid auctoritate sua profici posse, tamen voce ipsa ac dolore pugnavit, et post meum discessum iis Pisonem verbis flens meum et rei publicae casum vexavit ut illum hominem perditissimum atque impudentissimum paene iam provinciae paeniteret. [¶1] 61. He does not give in to such rash counsels, as to think himself at liberty to deprive the republic of his services as a citizen, when he can do no good to the republic. While I was consul and when he was tribune of the people elect he voluntarily exposed his own life to danger he delivered that opinion, the unpopularity of which be saw would be so great as to imperil his life. He spoke with vehemence; he acted with energy, what he felt he stated in the most open manner. He was the lender and the adviser and main advocate of those measures,—not that he did not see his own danger, but in such a storm as that which was threatening to overwhelm the republic, he thought that he ought not to think of anything but the dangers of his country. > Latin: 61. “igitur rogationi paruit?” vero ille non in alias quoque leges, quas iniuste rogatas putaret, iam ante iurarit! offert se ille istis temeritatibus, ut, cum rei publicae nihil prosit, se civi rem publicam privet. me cum esset designatus tribunus plebis, obtulit in discrimen vitam suam; dixit eam sententiam cuius invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat; dixit vehementer, egit acriter; ea quae sensit prae se tulit; dux, auctor, actor rerum illarum fuit, non quo periculum suum non videret, sed in tanta rei publicae tempestate nihil sibi nisi de patriae periculis cogitandum putabat. [¶2] 62. His tribuneship followed. Why need I speak of his extraordinary magnanimity, and of his incredible virtue? You remember that day on which, when the temple was occupied by his colleague, and while we were all alarmed for the life of that good man and that great citizen, he himself came most courageously into the temple, stilled the clamours of the men by his authority and checked the violence of the wicked by his intrepidity. Then, indeed, he encountered danger, but he encountered it for an adequate reason and how great that motion was, it is not necessary for me to say at present. But if he had not obeyed that most wicked motion with respect to the affairs of Cyprus, the same disgrace would nevertheless have attached to the republic. For after the kingdom had been confiscated, the motion was made about Cato mentioning him expressly by name. And suppose he had refused to obey it, can you doubt that violence would have been used towards him, since in that case all the acts of that year would have seemed to be undermined by that one man? > Latin: 62. est ipsius tribunatus. ego de singulari magnitudine animi eius ac de incredibili virtute dicam? illum diem cum, templo a conlega occupato, nobis omnibus de vita eius viri et civis timentibus, ipse animo firmissimo venit in templum, et clamorem hominum auctoritate impetum improborum virtute sedavit. tum periculum, sed adiit ob eam causam quae quanta fuerit iam mihi dicere non est necesse. si isti Cypriae rogationi sceleratissimae non paruisset, haereret illa nihilo minus rei publicae turpitudo; regno enim iam publicato de ipso Catone erat nominatim rogatum; quod ille si repudiasset, dubitatis quin ei vis esset adlata, cum omnia acta illius anni per unum illum labefactari viderentur? [¶3] 63. And he saw this also: since the stain attached to the republic of having confiscated that kingdom, a stain which no one could efface; he thought it more advantageous, that whatever good could arise to the republic out of those evils, should be secured by him rather than by others. And if, by any means whatever, he had been expelled out of the city at that time, he would have borne it easily. In truth, could he,—who in the former year had absented himself from the senate, though, if he had come thither, he would have been able to have me as the partner of all his counsels which concerned the government of the state,—could he, I say, have continued with equanimity in this city then, after I had been expelled, and with me the whole senate too, and when his own opinions had been condemned? But he yielded to the same time to which we did; to the same frenzy, to the same consuls, to the same threats, and plots, and dangers that we did ourselves. We, indeed, suffered the greatest misfortune of the two, but his indignation and grief of mind was not less than our own. > Latin: 63. etiam hoc videbat, quoniam illa in re publica macula regni publicati maneret, quam nemo iam posset eluere, quod ex malis boni posset in rem publicam pervenire, id utilius esse per se conservari quam per alios ⟨dissipari⟩. ille etiam si alia quapiam vi expelleretur illis temporibus ex hac urbe, facile pateretur. qui superiore anno senatu caruisset, quo si tum veniret me tamen socium suorum in re publica consiliorum videre posset, is aequo animo tum, me expulso et meo nomine cum universo senatu tum sententia sua condemnata, in hac urbe esse posset? vero eidem tempori cui nos, eiusdem furori, eisdem consulibus, eisdem minis insidiis periculis cessit. nos hausimus maiorem, dolorem ille animi non minorem. [¶4] 64. It is the consuls who ought to complain of these numerous and enormous injuries done to our allies, and to kings, and to free states. Kings and foreign nations have always been under the protection of that magistracy. But have any words of the consuls been heard on the subject? Although, indeed, who would listen to them if they wanted to complain ever so much? Could they make any complaint about the king of Cyprus, who not only did not defend me while I was still standing,—me, a fellow-citizen, who had no charge brought against me, who was attacked only as a screen to conceal the attacks intended for my country,—but who did not even protect me after I had fallen? I had yielded, if you assert that the common people was alienated from me, (which it was not) to unpopularity; if you think that everything was thrown into confusion, to the times; if violence was at the bottom of it, to arms; if there was a confederacy against me, to a bargain made by the magistrates; if there was danger to all the citizens, then I had yielded to the one great consideration, the safety of the republic. > Latin: 64. de tot tantisque iniuriis in socios, in reges, in civitates liberas consulum querela esse debuit: in eius magistratus tutela reges atque exterae nationes semper fuerunt. vox umquam est audita consulum? quis audiret, si maxime queri vellent? Cyprio rege quererentur qui me civem, nullo meo crimine, patriae nomine laborantem, non modo stantem non defenderunt sed ne iacentem quidem protexerunt?, si alienam a me plebem fuisse vultis, quae non fuit, invidiae; si commoveri omnia videbantur, tempori; si vis suberat, armis; si societas magistratuum, pactioni; si periculum civium, rei publicae. [¶5] 65. Why, when a motion was brought forward concerning the status of a citizen, (I do not say what sort of citizen,) and the confiscation of his property; when it was enacted by the sacred laws and by the laws of the Twelve Tables that it was not lawful to decree a privilegium against any one nor to make any motion affecting a man's rights as a citizen;—why, I say, was the voice of the consuls never heard? Why was the rule established that year,—as far as those two pests of this empire could effect its establishment,—that any citizen might lawfully be driven out of the city by name by the mob of artisans in a state of excitement, and by the contrivance of a tribune of the people? > Latin: 65. , cum de capite civis—non disputo cuius modi civis—et de bonis proscriptio ferretur, cum et sacratis legibus et duodecim tabulis sanctum esset ut ne cui privilegium inrogari liceret neve de capite nisi comitiis centuriatis rogari, nulla vox est audita consulum, constitutumque est illo anno, quantum in illis duabus huius imperi pestibus fuit, iure posse per operas concitatas quemvis civem nominatim tribuni plebis concilio ex civitate exturbari? [¶6] 66. But what measures were proposed that year? what promises were made to many? what engagements were committed to writing? what hopes were entertained? what designs formed?—What shall I say? what spot on the whole surface of the globe was not allotted to some one or other? what whole business was there, which could be thought of or wished for or imagined of which the management was not already given and assigned to somebody? what description of command, what province, what contrivance for finding out or amassing money was overlooked? what district or territory in the whole earth was there of any tolerable extent in which some kingdom or other was not marked out for somebody? and what king was there who did not think that year either that he could buy what he had not, or else that he must ransom what he had? Who was there who asked for any province or for any money or for any appointment as lieutenant or as ambassador from the senate? If men had been condemned for acts of violence, restitution of their fines was made to them; by every means the way to the consulship was smoothed for that priest who was so devoted to the people. The good groaned at these things; the wicked cherished hopes; the tribune of the people was active; the consuls were assisting him. > Latin: 66. vero promulgata illo anno fuerint, quae promissa multis, quae conscripta, quae sperata, quae cogitata, quid dicam? locus orbi terrae iam non erat alicui destinatus? negoti publici cogitari, optari, fingi curatio potuit quae non esset attributa atque discripta? genus imperi aut quae provincia, quae ratio aut flandae aut conflandae pecuniae non reperiebatur? regio orave terrarum erat latior in qua non regnum aliquod statueretur? autem rex erat qui illo anno non aut emendum sibi quod non habebat, aut redimendum quod habebat arbitraretur? provinciam, quis pecuniam, quis legationem a senatu petebat? de vi restitutio, consulatus petitio ipsi illi populari sacerdoti comparabatur. gemebant boni, sperabant improbi, agebat tribunus plebis, consules adiuvabant. [¶7] 67. About this time a little later than he himself would approve, Cnaeus Pompeius, greatly against the will of those men who by their own contrivances and by false alarms had turned away the inclination of that most virtuous and gallant man from the defence of my safety, awakened again that habit which he had of devotion to the cause of the good government of the republic, which had been, I will not say lulled asleep, but a little checked and blasted by some sort of suspicion. That man, who by his virtuous valour had subdued the most wicked of citizens, and the most active of foreign enemies, and the mightiest nations, and kings, and savage and hitherto unheard-of tribes, and a countless host of pirates, and also the slaves; who, having put a happy end to every war by land and sea, had made the boundaries of the empire of the Roman people co-equal with the extent of the world; would not allow that republic to be overturned by the wickedness of a few men, which, he himself had repeatedly saved, not only by his counsels, but even by his own blood; he came to the succour of the public cause; he resisted the remainder of those men's measures by his authority; he addressed to the authorities complaints as to what had already happened. > Latin: 67. aliquando, serius quam ipse vellet, Cn. Pompeius invitissimis iis qui mentem optimi ac fortissimi viri suis consiliis fictisque terroribus a defensione meae salutis averterant, excitavit illam suam non sopitam, sed suspicione aliqua retardatam consuetudinem rei publicae bene gerendae. est passus ille vir, qui sceleratissimos civis, qui acerrimos hostis, qui maximas nationes, qui reges, qui gentis feras atque inauditas, qui praedonum infinitam manum, qui etiam servitia virtute victoriaque domuisset, qui omnibus bellis terra marique compressis imperium populi Romani orbis terrarum terminis definisset, rem publicam everti scelere paucorum, quam ipse non solum consiliis sed etiam sanguine suo saepe servasset: accessit ad causam publicam, restitit auctoritate sua reliquis rebus, questus est de praeteritis. [¶8] 68. Some inclination towards a better state of things appeared to arise. The senate, in a full house, passed a decree respecting my return, on the first of June, without a single dissenting voice, on the motion of Lucius Ninnius, whose good faith and virtue never wavered in my cause. Somebody of the name of Ligus, some obscure fellow, some contemptible addition to my enemies, interposed his veto. The affair and our cause were now in such a state that we seemed to look up, and to be coming to life again. Whoever had had the slightest participation in the wickedness of Clodius as connected with my sufferings, wherever he came, or in whatever trial he appeared, was sure to be condemned. Not a man was found who would admit that he had given a vote against me. My brother had departed from Asia, with every appearance of mourning, but with far deeper grief at his heart. As he came towards the city, the whole city went forth to meet him with tears and groans. The senate was speaking with unusual freedom. The Roman knights were constantly meeting. That excellent man Piso, my son-in-law, who was not allowed time to receive the reward of his affection, either from me or from the Roman people, kept beseeching his relation to give him back his father-in-law. The senate refused to entertain any proposition whatever till the consuls had made a motion concerning me. > Latin: 68. quaedam ad meliorem spem inclinatio visa est. senatus frequens de meo reditu Kalendis Iuniis, dissentiente nullo, referente L. Ninnio, cuius in mea causa numquam fides virtusque contremuit. Ligus iste nescio qui, additamentum inimicorum meorum. erat et causa nostra eo iam loci ut erigere oculos et vivere videretur. erat qui aliquam partem in meo luctu sceleris Clodiani attigisset, quocumque venerat, quod iudicium cumque subierat, damnabatur: inveniebatur nemo qui se suffragium de me tulisse confiteretur. ex Asia frater meus magno squalore, sed multo etiam maiore maerore. ad urbem venienti tota obviam civitas cum lacrimis gemituque processerat. liberius senatus; concurrebant equites Romani; Piso ille, gener meus, cui fructum pietatis suae neque ex me neque a populo Romano ferre licuit, a propinquo suo socerum suum flagitabat; omnia senatus reiciebat, nisi de me primum consules rettulissent. [¶9] 69. And as the facts of the case were now notorious, and as the consuls, by their bargain respecting the provinces, had parted with all their freedom of action, and when they were asked in the senate to deliver their opinions respecting me as private men, said that they were afraid of that law of Clodius: as those men could not stand this state of things any longer, they formed a plan to murder Cnaeus Pompeius and when that was detected and when the assassins had been taken with the arms in their hands, he remained shut up in his own house as long as my enemy continued tribune. Eight tribunes supported a motion for my return, from which it was understood that my friends had increased in my absence and that, too, while I was in a situation in which some whom I had thought to be my friends were not able to show it; but the fact was that they had always the same inclination but not always the same freedom of action; for of the nine tribunes who were at that time in my interest one, while I was absent, dropped off from me, who took his surname from the images of the Aelii, though he looks more as if he be longed to their nation than to their family. > Latin: 69. cum res iam manibus teneretur, et cum consules provinciarum pactione libertatem omnem perdidissent,—qui, cum in senatu privati ut de me sententias dicerent flagitabant, legem illi se Clodiam timere dicebant: cum hoc non possent iam diutius sustinere, initur consilium de interitu Cn. Pompei. patefacto ferroque deprenso, ille inclusus domi tam diu fuit quam diu inimicus meus in tribunatu. meo reditu octo tribuni promulgaverunt; ex quo intellectum est non mihi absenti crevisse amicos, in ea praesertim fortuna in qua non nulli etiam quos esse putaveram non erant, sed eos voluntatem semper eandem, libertatem non eandem semper habuisse; nam ex novem tribunis quos tunc habueram unus me absente defluxit, qui cognomen sibi ex Aeliorum imaginibus arripuit, quo magis nationis eius esse quam generis videretur. [¶10] 70. Accordingly, in this year when the new magistrates had been elected, when all good men turned their hopes towards them and began to found expectations of a better state of things on their honesty, Publius Lentulus, as the chief, took up my cause with his authority and by the open declaration of his sentiments, in spite of the resistance of Piso and Gabinius; and when eight tribunes made a motion in my behalf, he spoke in favour of it in a speech very honourable to me. And though he thought that it would redound greatly to his glory, and would secure him gratitude as having performed a most important service to the state, if that cause was not as yet proceeded with, but was reserved entire for his consulship, still he preferred having my business settled at once by others, to having it accomplished after delay by himself. > Latin: 70. igitur anno magistratibus novis designatis, cum omnes boni omnem spem melioris status in eorum fidem convertissent, princeps P. Lentulus auctoritate ac sententia sua, Pisone et Gabinio repugnantibus, causam suscepit, tribunisque plebis octo referentibus praestantissimam de me sententiam dixit. cum ad gloriam suam atque ad amplissimi benefici gratiam magis pertinere videret causam illam integram ad suum consulatum reservari, tamen rem talem per alios citius quam per se tardius confici malebat. [¶11] 71. In the meantime Publius Sestius, O judges, the tribune elect, undertook a journey to Caius Caesar, for the sake of my safety. What he effected, how much real good he did, has nothing to do with the matter. I think indeed if Caesar was, as I believe him to have been, well-inclined towards us, that Sestius did me no good at all; if Caesar was a little angry with me, he did not do much good; but still you see the unwearied activity and loyalty of the man. I now come to the tribuneship of Sestius; for he undertook this journey for the sake of the republic when he was only tribune elect. He thought that it concerned the unanimity of the citizens, and the facility of accomplishing what he had at heart, to show that Caesar's mind was not averse to the business. That year passed away. Men seemed to breathe, not from having actually attained their wishes, but from their hopes of recovering the republic. Two vultures in the robe of war went forth with evil omens and the execrations of the citizens. I only wish that everything had happened to them which men then prayed might happen; and then we should not have lost the province of Macedonia, nor our cavalry, and those gallant cohorts in Syria. > Latin: 71. interim tempore P. Sestius, iudices, designatus iter ad C. Caesarem pro mea salute suscepit; pertinere et ad concordiam civium putavit et ad perficiundi facultatem animum Caesaris a causa non abhorrere. egerit, quantum profecerit, nihil ad causam. existimo, si ille, ut arbitror, aequus nobis fuerit, nihil ab hoc profectum, sin iratior, non multum; sed tamen sedulitatem atque integritatem hominis videtis. iam in Sesti tribunatum, nam hoc primum iter designatus rei publicae causa suscepit; abiit ille annus; respirasse homines videbantur nondum re, sed spe rei publicae reciperandae. malis ominibus atque exsecrationibus duo vulturii paludati. utinam ipsis evenissent ea quae tum homines precabantur! neque nos provinciam Macedoniam cum exercitu neque equitatum in Syria et cohortis optimas perdidissemus. [¶12] 72. The tribunes of the people enter on their office, who had all pledged themselves to bring forward a motion concerning me. The chief of them is bought over by my enemies, whom men, laughing at him amid their indignation, were used to call Gracchus; since it was the fate of the city, that even that weasel escaped out of the brambles should attempt to gnaw a hole in the republic. But the other fellow, Serranus,—not the Serranus from the plough, but the one from the deserted granary of Gavius Olelus, where you might count the grains,—being inserted among the Atilii Calatini, on a sudden, after the names had been entered on the tablets, withdrew his name from the list. The first of January arrives; you are better acquainted with what ensued than I am; however, I say what I have heard. You know what a numerous attendance of the senate there was, what expectation of the people, what a concourse of deputies from all Italy; how great too was the virtue and activity and authority of Publius Lentulus, the consul; and also how very moderate towards me was the behaviour of his colleague, who, though he said that he had taken a dislike to me on account of a disagreement between us on the affairs of the republic, still said that he would give it up to the conscript fathers and to the critical times of the republic. > Latin: 72. magistratum tribuni plebis, qui omnes se de me promulgaturos confirmarant. iis princeps emitur ab inimicis meis is quem homines in luctu inridentes Gracchum vocabant, quoniam id etiam fatum civitatis fuit ut illa ex vepreculis extracta nitedula rem publicam conaretur adrodere. vero, non ille Serranus ab aratro, sed ex deserta Gavi Oleli area calatis Gaviis in Calatinos Atilios insitus, subito, nominibus in tabulas relatis, nomen suum de tabula sustulit. Kalendae Ianuariae. haec melius scire potestis, equidem audita dico: quae tum frequentia senatus, quae exspectatio populi, qui concursus legatorum ex Italia cuncta, quae virtus, actio, gravitas P. Lentuli consulis fuerit, quae etiam conlegae eius moderatio de me. cum inimicitias sibi mecum ex rei publicae dissensione susceptas esse dixisset, eas se patribus conscriptis dixit et temporibus rei publicae permissurum. [¶13] 73. Then Lucius Cotta, being asked his opinion first, said what was most worthy of the republic,—that nothing had been done respecting me justly, nothing according to the usages of our ancestors, nothing according to the laws that no one could be removed out of the city without a regular trial, that it not only was illegal for any law to be passed, but that no decision even could be come to except at the comitia centuriata, that that was all violence, a flame arising from the confusion of the republic, and the agitated state of the times, when all rights and all courts of justice were destroyed, that when a great revolution was impending, I turned aside a little, and out of hope of future tranquillity, had shunned the present waves and tempests. Wherefore, as I had when absent delivered the republic from no less serious dangers than I had previously when present, he said that it was fitting that I should not only be restored, but also complimented by the senate. He also discussed many other points with great wisdom, arguing that that most insane and profligate enemy of modesty and chastity had framed the law which he had enacted concerning me in such a manner, in such language and with such statements of fact that even if it had been legally proposed and earned still it could not have had any force. Wherefore he said, that as I was not away because of any law, I ought to be recalled not by a law but by the authority of the senate. > Latin: 73. princeps rogatus sententiam L. Cotta dixit id quod dignissimum re publica fuit, nihil de me actum esse iure, nihil more maiorum, nihil legibus; non posse quemquam de civitate tolli sine iudicio; de capite non modo ferri, sed ne iudicari quidem posse nisi comitiis centuriatis; vim fuisse illam, flammam quassatae rei publicae perturbatorumque temporum; iure iudiciisque sublatis, magna rerum permutatione impendente, declinasse me paulum et spe reliquae tranquillitatis praesentis fluctus tempestatemque fugisse; qua re, cum absens rem publicam non minus magnis periculis quam quodam tempore praesens liberassem, non restitui me solum sed etiam ornari a senatu decere. etiam multa prudenter, ita de me illum amentissimum et profligatissimum hostem pudoris et pudicitiae scripsisse quae scripsisset, iis verbis rebus sententiis ut, etiam si iure esset rogatum, tamen vim habere non posset; qua re me, qui nulla lege abessem, non restitui lege, sed revocari senatus auctoritate oportere. [¶14] 74. There was no one who did not say that this opinion was most sound. But Cnaeus Pompeius, who was asked his opinion after him, having expressed his approval of the opinion of Cotta, and praised it, said that he, for the sake of my tranquillity, in order that I might be in no subsequent danger from any popular disturbance, voted that the kindness of the Roman people should be added to the authority of the senate in my behalf. When all had vied with one another, each one speaking about my safety in a more dignified and complimentary manner than the other, and when in fact a unanimous vote was just taking place, up rose, as you know, Atilius Gavianus; and he did not dare to interpose his veto, although he had been bought for that purpose, but he asked a night to deliberate on the matter. Then ensued a great outcry of the senate, and loud complaints and entreaties: his father-in-law threw himself at his feet. He pledged himself to cause no delay the next day. He was believed. The senate broke up. In the meantime that deliberate gentleman, in the course of the long night that intervened, got his wages doubled. Only a very few days followed during the whole month of January on which it was lawful for a senate to be held; but still nothing was discussed except my business. > Latin: 74. nemo erat quin verissime sentire diceret. post eum rogatus Cn. Pompeius, adprobata laudataque Cottae sententia, dixit sese oti mei causa, ut omni populari concitatione defungerer, censere ut ad senatus auctoritatem populi quoque Romani beneficium erga me adiungeretur. Cum omnes certatim aliusque alio gravius atque ornatius de mea salute dixisset fieretque sine ulla varietate discessio, surrexit, ut scitis, Atilius hic Gavianus; nec ausus est, cum esset emptus, intercedere; noctem sibi ad deliberandum postulavit. senatus, querelae, preces, socer ad pedes abiectus. se adfirmare postero die moram nullam esse facturum. est; discessum est. interea deliberatori merces longa interposita nocte duplicata est. dies pauci omnino Ianuario mense per quos senatum haberi liceret; sed tamen actum nihil nisi de me. [¶15] 75. While the senate was being hindered by every sort of delay, and mockery, and false pretence, there came at last the day appointed for the discussion of my case, the twenty-fifth of January. The chief proposer of the motion, a man most friendly to me, Quintus Fabricius, occupied the temple some time before daybreak. On that day Sestius was quite quiet, the very man who is now on his trial for violence. He, the advocate and defender of my cause, takes no step at all, but waits to see the maneuvers of my enemies. What next? How do these men conduct themselves by whose contrivance Publius Sestius is now put upon his trial? As they had occupied the forum, and the place for the comitia, and the senate-house, at an early period of the night, with a number of armed men and slaves, they fall on Fabricius, lay violent hands on him, slay some men, and wound many. > Latin: 75. omni mora, ludificatione, calumnia senatus auctoritas impediretur, venit tandem concilio de me agendi dies, viii Kal. Febr. rogationis, vir mihi amicissimus, Q. Fabricius, templum aliquanto ante lucem occupavit. eo die Sestius, is qui est de vi reus; actor hic defensorque causae meae nihil progreditur, consilia exspectat inimicorum meorum.? illi quorum consilio P. Sestius in iudicium vocatur, quo se pacto gerunt? Cum forum, comitium, curiam multa de nocte armatis hominibus ac servis plerisque occupavissent, impetum faciunt in Fabricium, manus adferunt, occidunt non nullos, vulnerant multos. [¶16] 76. They drive away by force Marcus Cispius, a most gallant and virtuous man and a tribune of the people, as he was coming into the forum; they make a great slaughter in the forum; and all of them, with drawn and bloody swords, looked about with their eyes for, and demanded with their cries, my brother, a most virtuous man, a most brave one, and one most devoted to me. And he willingly, such was his grief, and so great his regret for me, would have exposed his body to their weapons, not with a view of resisting them, but with the object of meeting death, if he had not preserved his life in the hope of my return. However, he endured some violence from those wicked robbers; and as he had come down for the purpose of begging the safety of his brother from the Roman people, having been driven from the rostra, he lay down in the place of the comitia, and covered himself with the corpses of slaves and freedmen, and defended his life that day by the protection which night and flight afforded him, not by that of the laws or courts of justice. > Latin: 76. in forum virum optimum et constantissimum, M. Cispium, tribunum plebis, vi depellunt, caedem in foro maximam faciunt, universique destrictis gladiis et cruentis in omnibus fori partibus fratrem meum, virum optimum, fortissimum meique amantissimum, oculis quaerebant, voce poscebant. ille telis libenter in tanto luctu ac desiderio mei non repugnandi, sed moriendi causa corpus obtulisset suum, nisi suam vitam ad spem mei reditus reservasset. tamen vim illam nefariam consceleratorum latronum et, cum ad fratris salutem a populo Romano deprecandam venisset, pulsus e rostris in comitio iacuit, seque servorum et libertorum corporibus obtexit, vitamque tum suam noctis et fugae praesidio non iuris iudiciorumque defendit. [¶17] 77. You recollect, O judges, that on that day the Tiber was filled with the corpses of the citizens, that the sewers were choked up; that blood was wiped up out of the forum with sponges; so that all men thought that such a vast number and such a magnificent show of gladiators could not have been provided by any private individual, or plebeian, but must be the exhibition of some patrician and man of praetorian rank. Neither before this time nor even on this most turbulent day itself was there any word of accusation uttered against Sestius. But there was great violence used in the forum. No doubt of that. When was there ever greater? We have often seen men pelted with stones; not so often, but still too often have we seen swords but such great slaughter as this,—such vast heaps of corpses piled up who ever beheld in the forum, except perhaps on that miserable day of Cinna and Octavius? With what animosity did the parties fight! For, indeed, seditious disturbances often arise from the pertinacity or firmness with which some magistrate has exercised his veto or from the fault and wickedness of some proposer of a law having held out hopes of great advantage or great bribes to the ignorant; they arise from the rivalry of the magistrates; they arise gradually from clamour at first, and afterwards from some division of the assembly it is unwillingly, and slowly, and seldom that acts of violence are resorted to. But who ever heard before of a sedition in the night, when not a word had been spoken, when no assembly had been summoned and when no law had been read? > Latin: 77. tum, iudices, corporibus civium Tiberim compleri, cloacas refarciri, e foro spongiis effingi sanguinem, ut omnes tantam illam copiam et tam magnificum apparatum non privatum aut plebeium, sed patricium et praetorium esse arbitrarentur. neque ante hoc tempus neque hoc ipso turbulentissimo die criminamini Sestium. “vis in foro versata est.”; quando enim maior? persaepe vidimus, non ita saepe, sed nimium tamen saepe gladios: caedem vero tantam, tantos acervos corporum exstructos, nisi forte illo Cinnano atque Octaviano die, quis umquam in foro vidit? ex concitatione animorum? ex pertinacia aut constantia intercessoris oritur saepe seditio, culpa atque improbitate latoris commodo aliquo ⟨proposito⟩ imperitis aut largitione, oritur ex concertatione magistratuum, oritur sensim ex clamore primum, deinde aliqua discessione contionis, vix sero et raro ad manus pervenitur: nullo vero verbo facto, nulla contione advocata, nulla ⟨lata⟩ lege concitatam nocturnam seditionem quis audivit? [¶18] 78. Is it probable that a Roman citizen, or that any free man, should have descended with a sword into the forum before daybreak, in order to prevent a law from being passed respecting me, unless he were one of those men who have been fattened up this long time on the blood of the republic by that destructive and wicked citizen? Here now I ask the prosecutor himself, who complains that Sestius used to keep a great multitude and a large guard about him during his tribuneship, whether he had them with him on that day? Certainly, most undeniably, he had not; and therefore the party of the republic was defeated; and it was defeated, not by unfavourable auspices, not by any exercise of the veto, not by the suffrages of any assembly, but by violence, by force of arms, by bloodshed. For if the praetor had given notice to Fabricius, and had said that he was observing the auspices, the republic would have received a blow, but still one which it could have lamented. If his colleague had interrupted Fabricius with his veto, he would have injured the republic, but still he would have injured the republic in a legal and regular manner. Are you to send raw gladiators, got together in expectation of the aedileship, with a pack of assassins let loose out of the jails, into the forum before dawn? Are you to drive the magistrates down from the temple? Are you to cause a great massacre? to desolate the forum? and then, when you have carried everything by violence and arms, to accuse a man who has protected himself with a guard, not for the purpose of opposing you, but of defending his own life? > Latin: 78. veri simile est ut civis Romanus aut homo liber quisquam cum gladio in forum descenderit ante lucem, ne de me ferri pateretur, praeter eos qui ab illo pestifero ac perdito civi iam pridem rei publicae sanguine saginantur? iam de ipso accusatore quaero, qui P. Sestium queritur cum multitudine in tribunatu et cum praesidio magno fuisse, num illo die fuerit? certe non fuit. Victa igitur est causa rei publicae, et victa non auspiciis, non intercessione, non suffragiis, sed vi, manu, ferro. si obnuntiasset Fabricio is praetor qui se servasse de caelo dixerat, accepisset res publica plagam, sed eam quam acceptam gemere posset; si intercessisset conlega Fabricio, laesisset rem publicam, sed ⟨tribunicio⟩ iure laesisset. tu novicios, pro exspectata aedilitate suppositos, cum sicariis e carcere emissis ante lucem inmittas? magistratus templo deicias, caedem maximam facias, forum purges? et cum omnia vi et armis egeris, accuses eum qui se praesidio munierit, non ut te oppugnaret, sed ut vitam suam posset defendere? [¶19] 79. But not even since that time has Sestius endeavoured to take care to be able, being defended by his people around him, to discharge the duties of his magistracy in the forum, and to conduct the affairs of the republic in safety. Therefore, relying on the sacred nature of his office as tribune, as he considered that he was armed by sacred laws, not only against violence and weapons, but also against words and interruption in speaking, he came into the temple of Castor,—he gave notice to the consul that he could not proceed because he was observing the auspices; when on a sudden that band of Clodius, which had already been repeatedly victorious in the slaughter of citizens, raises an outcry, hurries forward, attacks him. Some fall with their swords on the tribune unarmed and unprovided, and some with pieces of fences and with clubs; and he at length, having received many wounds, and been weakened and disabled by the injuries which he had received from these men, fell down in an almost lifeless state, and was only saved from actual death by their believing that he was dead. For when they saw him lying on the ground with numberless wounds and gashes, scarcely breathing, pale and exhausted, they at last left off wounding him, more because they were tired, and because they were mistaken, thinking him dying than from any feelings of pity or moderation. > Latin: 79. ne ex eo quidem tempore id egit Sestius ut a suis munitus tuto in foro magistratum gereret, rem publicam administraret. fretus sanctitate tribunatus, cum se non modo contra vim et ferrum sed etiam contra verba atque interfationem legibus sacratis esse armatum putaret, venit in templum Castoris, obnuntiavit consuli: cum subito manus illa Clodiana, in caede civium saepe iam victrix, exclamat, incitatur, invadit; inermem atque imparatum tribunum alii gladiis adoriuntur, alii fragmentis saeptorum et fustibus; a quibus hic multis vulneribus acceptis ac debilitato corpore et contrucidato se abiecit exanimatus, neque ulla alia re ab se mortem nisi opinione mortis depulit. cum iacentem et concisum plurimis vulneribus extremo spiritu exsanguem et confectum viderent, defetigatione magis et errore quam misericordia et modo aliquando caedere destiterunt. [¶20] 80. And now Sestius is on his trial for violence! Why is this? Because he is alive. But that is no fault of his. One last blow was wanting; and if that had been added he would have yielded up his last breath. Accuse Lentidius; he did not wound him in the right place; accuse Sabinius that fellow from Reate, and ask why he was so prompt to cry out that the man was dead. But why accuse Sestius himself? Was not there enough of him for their swords? Did he resist? Did he not stand to be killed as gladiators are often ordered to do? Is this of itself a proof of violence not to be able to die? Or this, that a tribune of the people profaned a temple with blood? Or this, that when he had been carried away and had begun to come to himself, he did not order himself to he carried back again? Where is the crime for which you blame him? > Latin: 80. causam dicit Sestius de vi? ita? quia vivit. id non sua culpa: plaga una illa extrema defuit, quae si accessisset reliquum spiritum exhausisset. Lentidium; non percussit locum; male dic Titio, Sabino homini Reatino, cur tam temere exclamarit occisum. vero quid accusas? defuit gladiis? num repugnavit? num, ut gladiatoribus imperari solet, ferrum non recepit? haec ipsa vis est, non posse emori? an illa, quod tribunus plebis templum cruentavit? an quod, cum esset ablatus primumque resipisset, non se referri iussit? est crimen? quid reprehenditis? [¶21] 81. Or this I ask, O judges, if on that day that family of Clodius had done what it wished,—if Publius Sestius, who was left for dead had really been slain, would you have had recourse to arms? Would you have roused yourselves up to the courage of your fathers and to the valour of your ancestors? Would you at last have endeavoured to wrest the republic out of the hands of that deadly robber? Or would you even then have remained quiet and dawdled, and been afraid, when you saw the republic overwhelmed and taken possession of by the most impious assassins and by slaves? If then you would have avenged his death, if you had any idea of continuing free men, and of retaining the constitution, do you think that you ought to hesitate as to what you ought to say, and feel, and think, and decide as to his virtue now that he is alive? > Latin: 81. quaero, iudices: si illo die gens ista Clodia quod facere voluit effecisset, si P. Sestius, qui pro occiso relictus est, occisus esset, fuistisne ad arma ituri? fuistisne vos ad patrium illum animum maiorumque virtutem excitaturi? fuistisne aliquando rem publicam a funesto latrone repetituri? an etiam tum quiesceretis, cunctaremini, timeretis, cum rem publicam a facinerosissimis sicariis et a servis esse oppressam atque conculcatam videretis? igitur mortem ulcisceremini, si quidem liberi esse et habere rem publicam cogitaretis, de eius virtute vivi quid vos loqui, quid sentire, quid cogitare, quid iudicare oporteat, dubitandum putatis? [¶22] 82. But even those very parricides, whose unbridled frenzy is nourished by long impunity, were thrown into such consternation by the violence of their deed, that if the belief of the death of Sestius had lasted a little longer, they would have done as they were thinking of, and have slain their own friend Gracchus, for the sake of attributing the crime to us. That clown, however, being rather wary, (for those wicked men could not conceal their design,) perceived that his own blood was sought for for the purpose of extinguishing the unpopularity of this atrocity of Clodius, and got hold of a cloak belonging to a mule-driver, in which he had originally come to Rome to the comitia, and put a mower's basket on his head, and when some were asking for Numerius, and some for Quintius, he was saved by the mistake of the double name. And you are all aware that he was in danger until it was ascertained that Sestius was alive; and if that had not been discovered a little sooner than I could have wished, they would not, indeed, have been able to transfer the odium of the death of their hired tool to those on whom they expected to shift it; but they would have diminished the infamy of their abominable wickedness by one crime which every one would have been glad of. > Latin: 82. vero ipsi illi parricidae, quorum ecfrenatus furor alitur impunitate diuturna, adeo vim facinoris sui perhorruerant ut, si paulo longior opinio mortis Sesti fuisset, Gracchum illum suum transferendi in nos criminis causa occidere cogitarint. rusticulus non incautus—neque enim homines nequam tacere potuerunt—suum sanguinem quaeri ad restinguendam invidiam facinoris Clodiani; mulioniam paenulam arripuit, cum qua primum Romam ad comitia venerat; messoria se corbe contexit. Cum quaererent alii Numerium, alii Quintium, gemini nominis errore servatus est. hoc scitis omnes, usque adeo hominem in periculo fuisse quoad scitum est Sestium vivere; quod ni esset patefactum paulo citius quam vellem, non illi quidem morte mercennarii sui transferre potuissent invidiam in quos putabant, sed acerbissimi sceleris infamiam grato quodam scelere minuissent. [¶23] 83. And if Publius Sestius had then yielded up, in the temple of Castor, that life which he hardly retained, I have no doubt that if only the senate had continued to exist and if the majesty of the Roman people had ever recovered, a statue would at some future time have been erected to him in the forum, as to a man who had been slain in the cause of the republic. Nor, indeed, would any one of those men to whom you see that statues after their death have been erected by our ancestors in that place in the rostra, deserve to be thought more of than Publius Sestius, either as respects the cruelty of their death, or their attachment to the republic: if, when he had undertaken the cause of a citizen oppressed by undeserved misfortune,—the cause of a friend,—the cause of a man who had done great services to the republic,—the cause of the senate, the cause of Italy, the cause of the republic; and when, in obedience to the requirements of religion and to the auspices, he had given notice to the magistrates of what omens he had observed, he had been slain by those impious pests of their country in the light of day, openly, within the sight of gods and men, in a most holy temple, in a most holy cause, and while invested with a most holy magistracy. Will any one, then, say that the life of that man ought to be stripped of its proper dignity and honour, when you would have thought his death entitled to the honour of an everlasting monument? > Latin: 83. si tum P. Sestius, iudices, in templo Castoris animam quam vix retinuit edidisset, non dubito quin, si modo esset in re publica senatus, si maiestas populi Romani revixisset, aliquando statua huic ob rem publicam interfecto in foro statueretur. vero illorum quisquam quos a maioribus nostris morte obita positos in illo loco atque in rostris conlocatos videtis esset P. Sestio aut acerbitate mortis aut animo in rem publicam praeponendus; qui cum causam civis calamitosi, causam amici, causam bene de re publica meriti, causam senatus, causam Italiae, causam rei publicae suscepisset, cumque auspiciis religionique parens obnuntiaret quod senserat, luce palam a nefariis pestibus in deorum hominumque conspectu esset occisus sanctissimo in templo, sanctissima in causa, sanctissimo in magistratu. igitur vitam quisquam spoliandam ornamentis esse dicet, cuius mortem ornandam monumento sempiterno putaretis? [¶24] 84. “You brought,” says he, “you levied, you got together a band of men.” What was he going to do with them? To besiege the senate? to expel citizens who had not been condemned? to plunder men's property? to set fire to buildings? to plunder private houses? to him the temples of the immortal gods? to expel the tribunes of the people from the rostra by force of arms? to sell whatever provinces he pleased to whomsoever he pleased? to give men the title of king? to restore to free cities, by means of our lieutenants and ambassadors, men who had been condemned for capital offences? to blockade the chief man of the state in his house with armed bands? It was to effect all these objects, I suppose, which could never possibly be attained unless the republic were overwhelmed by armed men, that Publius Sestius got together his multitude of men, and his troops, as you call them. But the pear was not yet ripe. The circumstances of the case did not as yet invite good men to have recourse to such means for their protection. We were defeated not indeed by that body alone, but still not entirely without its agency. You were all mourning in silence. > Latin: 84. “,” inquit, “emisti, coegisti, parasti.” uti faceret? senatum obsideret? civis indemnatos expelleret? bona diriperet? aedis incenderet? tecta disturbaret? templa deorum immortalium inflammaret? tribunos plebis ferro e rostris expelleret? provincias quas vellet quibus vellet venderet? reges appellaret? rerum capitalium condemnatos in liberas civitates per legatos nostros reduceret? principem civitatis ferro obsessum teneret? ut efficere posset, quae fieri nisi armis oppressa re publica nullo modo poterant, idcirco, credo, manum sibi P. Sestius et copias comparavit. “nondum erat maturum; nondum res ipsa ad eius modi praesidia viros bonos compellebat.” nos eramus, non omnino ista manu sola, sed tamen non sine ista: vos taciti maerebatis. [¶25] 85. The forum had been taken in the preceding year; the temple of Castor having been occupied by runaway slaves, as if it had been a fortress! not a word was said against such conduct. Everything was done by the clamour and impetuosity, and violence, and assaults of men desperate through indigence and through their natural audacity. And you endured that it should be so. The magistrates were driven from the temples; others were altogether cut off from all approach to them or to the forum. No one offered any resistance. Gladiators were taken out of the praetor's train and introduced into the senate and confessed that they had been thrown into prison by Milo, that they had been released by Serranus. Yet no mention was made of these things. The forum was strewed with the corpses of Roman citizens murdered in a nocturnal massacre. There not only was no new sort of investigation into such events instituted, but even the old courts of justice were abolished. You saw a tribune of the people lying down stricken to the ground with more than twenty wounds and almost dead; the house of another tribune of the people, a man of godlike virtue (for I will say what I think myself, and what all men agree with me in thinking,) a man of most eminent, unheard-of, unprecedented greatness of mind, and wisdom, and integrity, was attacked with fire and sword by the army of Clodius. > Latin: 85. erat forum anno superiore, aede Castoris tamquam arce aliqua ⟨a⟩ fugitivis occupata: silebatur. hominum cum egestate tum audacia perditorum clamore, concursu, vi, manu gerebantur: perferebatis. templis pellebantur, alii omnino aditu ac foro prohibebantur: nemo resistebat. ex praetoris comitatu comprensi, in senatum introducti, confessi, in vincla coniecti a Milone, emissi a Serrano: mentio nulla. corporibus civium Romanorum constratum caede nocturna: non modo nulla nova quaestio, sed etiam vetera iudicia sublata. plebis plus viginti vulneribus acceptis iacentem moribundumque vidistis: alterius tribuni plebis divini hominis—dicam enim quod sentio et quod mecum sentiunt omnes—divini, insigni quadam, inaudita, nova magnitudine animi, gravitate, fide praediti, domus est oppugnata ferro, facibus, exercitu Clodiano. [¶26] 86. And while speaking on this topic you praise Milo, and you praise him deservedly. For what man have we ever seen of more admirable virtue? a man who, without any expectation of reward beyond this, which is now thought an old-fashioned and contemptible thing—namely, the esteem of the good, has voluntarily encountered every sort of danger, and the most arduous labours, and the most severe contests, and the most bitter enmities? who appears to me to be the only citizen who has shown not only by words but by actions what ought to be done, and what was necessary to be done, in the republic by the leading men; that such men's duty was to resist the wickedness of audacious men, men who would overturn the republic, by means of the laws, and of the courts of justice; but that if the laws were inefficient, if there were no courts of justice, if the republic was seized and held in subjection by the violence and conspiracy and armed force of audacious men, then that it was absolutely necessary for our lives and liberties to be defended by armed guards and by troops. To think in this way is a sign of prudence; to act in accordance with such sentiments is a proof of bravery; to think rightly, and to act bravely at the same time, is a proof of perfect and consummate virtue. > Latin: 86. tu hoc loco laudas Milonem et iure laudas. enim umquam virum tam immortali virtute vidimus? qui nullo praemio proposito praeter hoc, quod iam contritum et contemptum putatur, iudicium bonorum, omnia pericula, summos labores, gravissimas contentiones inimicitiasque suscepit, qui mihi unus ex omnibus civibus videtur re docuisse, non verbis, et quid oporteret a praestantibus viris in re publica fieri et quid necesse esset: oportere hominum audacium, eversorum rei publicae, sceleri legibus et iudiciis resistere; si leges non valerent, iudicia non essent, si res publica vi consensuque audacium armis oppressa teneretur, praesidio et copiis defendi vitam et libertatem necesse esse. sentire prudentiae est, facere fortitudinis; et sentire vero et facere perfectae cumulataeque virtutis. [¶27] 87. Milo, as tribune of the people, entered on the administration of the affairs of the republic: and I will dilate yet further in his praise; not because he is more anxious to be praised than to be respected, or because I have any particular wish to give him this reward of praise in his presence, especially as I cannot find words equal to his exploits; but because I think that if I prove that the conduct of Milo has been approved of by the voice of the prosecutor, you will think with reference to this accusation, that the cause of Sestius stands on the same ground. Titus Annius, then, entered on the administration of the affairs of the republic with the feeling that he wished to restore to his country a citizen who had been undeservedly driven from it. The case was a plain one; his conduct was consistent supported by the unanimous consent and concord of every one. He had his colleagues for assistants, the greatest possible zeal in his favour of one of the consuls, and the disposition of the other was nearly friendly. Of the praetors, one was unfavourable; the enthusiasm of the senate in the cause was extraordinary, the feelings of all the Roman knights were roused to further it, Italy was on the tiptoe of expectation. There were only two enemies who had been brought over to create obstacles; and if those despicable and contemptible men could not support the weight of so important a business, he saw that he should not be able by any means to accomplish the object which he had undertaken to effect. He laboured with all his influence, with all his prudence,—he laboured by means of the cooperation of the highest order in the state he laboured exciting others by the example of the virtuous and brave citizens,—he meditated with incessant diligence on what conduct was worthy of the republic and of himself, on his own station and character, on what hopes he ought to entertain on what return he ought to make to his ancestors for what he had received from them. > Latin: 87. ad rem publicam tribunus plebis Milo—de cuius laude plura dicam, non quo aut ipse haec dici quam existimari malit aut ego hunc laudis fructum praesenti libenter impertiam, praesertim cum verbis consequi non possim, sed quod existimo, si Milonis causam accusatoris voce conlaudatam probaro, vos in hoc crimine parem Sesti causam existimaturos: adiit igitur T. Annius ad causam rei publicae sic ut civem patriae reciperare vellet ereptum. causa, constans ratio, plena consensionis omnium, plena concordiae. adiutores habebat; consulis alterius summum studium, alterius animus paene placatus, de praetoribus unus alienus, senatus incredibilis voluntas, equitum Romanorum animi ad causam excitati, erecta Italia. soli erant empti ad impediendum; qui si homines despecti et contempti tantam rem sustinere non potuissent, se causam quam susceperat nullo labore peracturum videbat. auctoritate, agebat consilio, agebat per summum ordinem, agebat exemplo bonorum ac fortium civium: quid re publica, quid se dignum esset, quis ipse esset, quid sperare, quid maioribus suis reddere deberet, diligentissime cogitabat. [¶28] 88. That gladiator saw that he could not be a match for such wisdom as that of Milo, if he proceeded according to ordinary usage. He resorted to arms, to firebrands, to daily slaughter, to conflagration and plunder, with his army. He began to attack his house, to meet him on his journeys, to provoke him by violence, to try and alarm him. He had but little effect on a man of consummate wisdom and consummate firmness; but although indignation of mind, and an innate love of liberty, and prompt and excellent valour, encouraged that gallant man to break down and repel violence by violence, especially now that violence was so repeatedly offered, still so great was the moderation of the man, and so excessive his prudence, that he restrained his indignation, and would not avenge himself by the same conduct as that by which he had been provoked; but he resolved rather to entangle in the toils of the law that fellow who was exulting and dancing in triumph over all the murders which he had committed in the republic. > Latin: 88. gravitati hominis videbat ille gladiator se, si moribus ageret, parem esse non posse; ad ferrum, faces, ad cotidianam caedem, incendia, rapinas se cum exercitu suo contulit; domum oppugnare, itineribus occurrere, vi lacessere et terrere coepit. movit hominem summa gravitate summaque constantia; sed quamquam dolor animi, innata libertas, prompta excellensque virtus fortissimum virum hortabatur vi vim, oblatam praesertim saepius, ut frangeret et refutaret, tanta moderatio fuit hominis, tantum consilium, ut contineret dolorem neque eadem se re ulcisceretur qua esset lacessitus, sed illum tot iam in funeribus rei publicae exsultantem ac tripudiantem legum, si posset, laqueis constringeret.