---
title: "Busiris · Βούσιρις"
author: "Isocrates"
translator: "Larue Van Hook"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/isocrates-busiris/
cite: "Isocrates, tr. Larue Van Hook, Busiris · Βούσιρις. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/isocrates-busiris/"
---

# Busiris · Βούσιρις

*Isocrates, tr. Larue Van Hook*

A mock defence of the mythical Egyptian king who sacrificed strangers.

> Greek: ed. Larue Van Hook, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0010.tlg010, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Larue Van Hook, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0010.tlg010.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Sections 1–50](https://scriptura.si/works/isocrates-busiris/1.md)

## 1. Sections 1–50

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/isocrates-busiris/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/isocrates-busiris/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1. I have learned of your fairmindedness, Polycrates, and of the reversal in your life, through information from others; and having myself read certain of the discourses which you have written, I should have been greatly pleased to discuss frankly with you and fully the education with which you have been obliged to occupy yourself. For I believe that when men through no fault of their own are unfortunate and so seek in philosophy a source of gain, it is the duty of all who have had a wider experience in that occupation, and have become more thoroughly versed in it, to make this contribution voluntarily for their benefit.

> Greek: 1. τὴν μὲν ἐπιείκειαν τὴν σήν, ὦ Πολύκρατες, καὶ τὴν τοῦ βίου μεταβολὴν παρʼ ἄλλων πυνθανόμενος οἶδα· τῶν δὲ λόγων τινὰς ὧν γέγραφας, αὐτὸς ἀνεγνωκὼς ἥδιστα μὲν ἄν σοι περὶ ὅλης ἐπαρρησιασάμην τῆς παιδεύσεως περὶ ἣν ἠνάγκασαι διατρίβειν· ἡγοῦμαι γὰρ τοῖς ἀναξίως μὲν δυστυχοῦσιν, ἐκ δὲ φιλοσοφίας χρηματίζεσθαι ζητοῦσιν, ἅπαντας τοὺς πλείω πεπραγματευμένους καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπηκριβωμένους προσήκειν ἐθελοντὰς τοῦτον εἰσφέρειν τὸν ἔρανον·

[¶1] 2. But since we have not yet met one another, we shall be able, if we ever do come together, to discuss the other topics at greater length; concerning those suggestions, however, by which at the present time I might be of service to you, I have thought I should advise you by letter, though concealing my views, to the best of my ability, from everyone else.

> Greek: 2. ἐπειδὴ δʼ οὔπω περιτετυχήκαμεν ἀλλήλοις, περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων, ἤν ποτʼ εἰς ταὐτὸν ἔλθωμεν, τόθʼ ἡμῖν ἐξέσται διὰ πλειόνων ποιήσασθαι τὴν συνουσίαν, ἃ δʼ ἐν τῷ παρόντι δυναίμην ἂν εὐεργετῆσαί σε, ταῦτα δʼ ᾠήθην χρῆναι σοὶ μὲν ἐπιστεῖλαι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ὡς οἷόν τε μάλιστʼ ἀποκρύψασθαι.

[¶2] 3. I am well aware, however, that it is instinctive with most persons when admonished, not to look to the benefits they receive but, on the contrary, to listen to what is said with the greater displeasure in proportion to the rigor with which their critic passes their faults in review. Nevertheless, those who are well disposed toward any persons must not shrink from incurring such resentment, but must try to effect a change in the opinion of those who feel this way toward those who offer them counsel.

> Greek: 3. γιγνώσκω μὲν οὖν ὅτι τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν νουθετουμένων ἔμφυτόν ἐστι μὴ πρὸς τὰς ὠφελείας ἀποβλέπειν, ἀλλὰ τοσούτῳ χαλεπώτερον ἀκούειν τῶν λεγομένων, ὅσῳ περ ἂν αὐτῶν τις ἀκριβέστερον ἐξετάζῃ τὰς ἁμαρτίας· ὅμως δʼ οὐκ ὀκνητέον ὑπομένειν τὴν ἀπέχθειαν ταύτην τοῖς εὐνοϊκῶς πρός τινας ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ πειρατέον μεθιστάναι τὴν δόξαν τῶν οὕτω πρὸς τοὺς συμβουλεύοντας διακειμένων.

[¶3] 4. Having observed, therefore, that you take especial pride in your Defense of Busiris and in your Accusation of Socrates, I shall try to make it clear to you that in both these discourses you have fallen far short of what the subject demands. For although everyone knows that those who wish to praise a person must attribute to him a larger number of good qualities than he really possesses, and accusers must do the contrary, you have so far fallen short of following these principles of rhetoric that, though you profess to defend Busiris, you have not only failed to absolve him of the calumny with which he is attacked, but have even imputed to him a lawlessness of such enormity that it is impossible for one to invent wickedness more atrocious.

> Greek: 4. αἰσθόμενος οὖν οὐχ ἥκιστά σε μεγαλαυχούμενον ἐπί τε τῇ Βουσίριδος ἀπολογίᾳ καὶ τῇ Σωκράτους κατηγορίᾳ, πειράσομαί σοι ποιῆσαι καταφανὲς ὅτι πολὺ τοῦ δέοντος ἐν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς λόγοις διήμαρτες. ἁπάντων γὰρ εἰδότων ὅτι δεῖ τοὺς μὲν εὐλογεῖν τινὰς βουλομένους πλείω τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς προσόντʼ ἀποφαίνειν, τοὺς δὲ κατηγοροῦντας τἀναντία τούτων ποιεῖν, τοσούτου δεῖς οὕτω κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς λόγοις, ὥσθʼ ὑπὲρ μὲν Βουσίριδος ἀπολογήσασθαι φάσκων, οὐχ ὅπως τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτὸν διαβολῆς ἀπήλλαξας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τηλικαύτην αὐτῷ τὸ μέγεθος παρανομίαν προσῆψας ἧς οὐκ ἔσθʼ ὅπως ἄν τις δεινοτέραν ἐξευρεῖν δυνηθείη·

[¶4] 5. For the other writers whose aim was to malign him went only so far in their abuse as to charge him with sacrificing the strangers who came to his country; you, however, accused him of actually devouring his victims. And when your purpose was to accuse Socrates, as if you wished to praise him, you gave Alcibiades to him as a pupil who, as far as anybody observed, never was taught by Socrates, but that Alcibiades far excelled all his contemporaries all would agree.

> Greek: 5. τῶν γὰρ ἄλλων τῶν ἐπιχειρησάντων ἐκεῖνον λοιδορεῖν τοσοῦτον μόνον περὶ αὐτοῦ βλασφημούντων, ὡς ἔθυε τῶν ξένων τοὺς ἀφικνουμένους, σὺ καὶ κατεσθίειν αὐτὸν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ᾐτιάσω· Σωκράτους δὲ κατηγορεῖν ἐπιχειρήσας, ὥσπερ ἐγκωμιάσαι βουλόμενος Ἀλκιβιάδην ἔδωκας αὐτῷ μαθητήν, ὃν ὑπʼ ἐκείνου μὲν οὐδεὶς ᾔσθετο παιδευόμενον, ὅτι δὲ πολὺ διήνεγκε τῶν ἄλλων ἅπαντες ἂν ὁμολογήσειαν.

[¶5] 6. Hence, if the dead should acquire the power of judging what has been said of them, Socrates would be as grateful to you for your accusation as to any who have been wont to eulogize him; while Busiris, even if he had been most tender-hearted toward his guests, would be so enraged by your account of him that he would abstain from no vengeance whatever! And yet ought not that man to feel shame, rather than pride, who is more loved by those whom he has reviled than by those whom he has praised?

> Greek: 6. τοιγαροῦν εἰ γένοιτʼ ἐξουσία τοῖς τετελευτηκόσι βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων, ὁ μὲν ἄν σοι τοσαύτην ἔχοι χάριν ὑπὲρ τῆς κατηγορίας, ὅσην οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐπαινεῖν αὐτὸν εἰθισμένων, ὁ δʼ εἰ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους πραότατος ἦν, ἀλλʼ οὖν ἐπί γε τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ λεγομένοις οὕτως ἂν ἀγανακτήσειεν ὥστε μηδεμιᾶς ἀποσχέσθαι τιμωρίας. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ σεμνύνεσθαι προσήκει τὸν παρὰ τοῖς λοιδορουμένοις ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ μᾶλλον ἀγαπώμενον ἢ παρὰ τοῖς ἐγκωμιαζομένοις;

[¶6] 7. And you have been so careless about committing inconsistencies that you say Busiris emulated the fame of Aeolus and Orpheus, yet you do not show that any of his pursuits was identical with theirs. What, can we compare his deeds with the reported exploits of Aeolus? But Aeolus restored to their native lands strangers who were cast on his shores, whereas Busiris, if we are to give credence to your account, sacrificed and ate them!

> Greek: 7. οὕτω δʼ ἠμέλησας εἰ μηδὲν ὁμολογούμενον ἐρεῖς, ὥστε φῂς μὲν αὐτὸν τὴν Αἰόλου καὶ τὴν Ὀρφέως ζηλῶσαι δόξαν, ἀποφαίνεις δʼ οὐδὲν τῶν αὐτῶν ἐκείνοις ἐπιτηδεύσαντα. πότερα γὰρ τοῖς περὶ Αἰόλου λεγομένοις αὐτὸν παρατάξωμεν; ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μὲν τῶν ξένων τοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκπίπτοντας εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας ἀπέστελλεν, ὁ δʼ εἰ χρὴ τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ λεγομένοις πιστεύειν, θύσας κατήσθιεν.

[¶7] 8. Or, are we to liken his deeds to those of Orpheus? But Orpheus led the dead back from Hades, whereas Busiris brought death to the living before their day of destiny. Consequently, I should be glad to know what, in truth, Busiris would have done if he had happened to despise Aeolus and Orpheus, seeing that, while admiring their virtues, all his own deeds are manifestly the opposite of theirs. But the greatest absurdity is this—though you have made a specialty of genealogies, you have dared to say that Busiris emulated those whose fathers even at that time had not yet been born!

> Greek: 8. ἢ τοῖς Ὀρφέως ἔργοις ὁμοιώσωμεν; ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν ἐξ Ἅιδου τοὺς τεθνεῶτας ἀνῆγεν, ὁ δὲ πρὸ μοίρας τοὺς ζῶντας ἀπώλλυεν. ὥσθʼ ἡδέως ἂν εἰδείην τί ποτʼ ἂν ἐποίησεν, εἰ καταφρονῶν αὐτῶν ἐτύγχανεν, ὃς θαυμάζων τὴν ἀρετὴν τὴν ἐκείνων ἅπαντα φαίνεται τἀναντία διαπραττόμενος. ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀτοπώτατον, ὅτι περὶ τὰς γενεαλογίας ἐσπουδακὼς ἐτόλμησας εἰπεῖν, ὡς τούτους ἐζήλωσεν ὧν οὐδʼ οἱ πατέρες πω κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον γεγονότες ἦσαν.

[¶8] 9. But that I may not seem to be doing the easiest thing in assailing what others have said without exhibiting any specimen of my own, I will try briefly to expound the same subject — even though it is not serious and does not call for a dignified style — and show out of what elements you ought to have composed the eulogy and the speech in defense.

> Greek: 9. ἵνα δὲ μὴ δοκῶ τὸ προχειρότατον ποιεῖν, ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν εἰρημένων μηδὲν ἐπιδεικνὺς τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ, πειράσομαί σοι διὰ βραχέων δηλῶσαι περὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν, καίπερ οὐ σπουδαίαν οὖσαν οὐδὲ σεμνοὺς λόγους ἔχουσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἔδει καὶ τὸν ἔπαινον καὶ τὴν ἀπολογίαν ποιήσασθαι.

[¶9] 10. Of the noble lineage of Busiris who would not find it easy to speak? His father was Poseidon, his mother Libya the daughter of Epaphus the son of Zeus, and she, they say, was the first woman to rule as queen and to give her own name to her country. Although fortune had given him such ancestors, these alone did not satisfy his pride, but he thought he must also leave behind an everlasting monument to his own valor.

> Greek: 10. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς Βουσίριδος εὐγενείας τίς οὐκ ἂν δυνηθείη ῥᾳδίως εἰπεῖν; ὃς πατρὸς μὲν ἦν Ποσειδῶνος, μητρὸς δὲ Λιβύης τῆς Ἐπάφου τοῦ Διός, ἥν φασι πρώτην γυναῖκα βασιλεύσασαν ὁμώνυμον αὑτῇ τὴν χώραν καταστῆσαι. τυχὼν δὲ τοιούτων προγόνων οὐκ ἐπὶ τούτοις μόνοις μέγʼ ἐφρόνησεν, ἀλλʼ ᾠήθη δεῖν καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς τῆς αὑτοῦ μνημεῖον εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον καταλιπεῖν.

[¶10] 11. He was not content with his mother’s kingdom, considering it too small for one of his endowment; and when he had conquered many peoples and had acquired supreme power he established his royal seat in Egypt, because he judged that country to be far superior as his place of residence, not only to the lands which then were his, but even to all other countries in the world.

> Greek: 11. τὴν μὲν οὖν μητρῴαν ἀρχὴν ὑπερεῖδεν ἐλάττω νομίσας ἢ κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν εἶναι, πλείστους δὲ καταστρεψάμενος καὶ μεγίστην δύναμιν κτησάμενος ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κατεστήσατο τὴν βασιλείαν, οὐκ ἐκ τῶν παρουσῶν μόνον ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἁπασῶν προκρίνας τὴν ἐκεῖ πολὺ διαφέρειν οἴκησιν.

[¶11] 12. For he saw that all other regions are neither seasonably nor conveniently situated in relation to the nature of the universe, but some are deluged by rains and others scorched by heat; Egypt, however, having the most admirable situation of the universe, was able to produce the most abundant and most varied products, and was defended by the immortal ramparts of the Nile, a river which by its nature provides not only protection to the land, but also its means of subsistence in abundance, being impregnable and difficult for foes to conquer, yet convenient for commerce and in many respects serviceable to dwellers within its bounds.

> Greek: 12. ἑώρα γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους τόπους οὐκ εὐκαίρως οὐδʼ εὐαρμόστως πρὸς τὴν τοῦ σύμπαντος φύσιν ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν ὑπʼ ὄμβρων κατακλυζομένους, τοὺς δʼ ὑπὸ καυμάτων διαφθειρομένους, ταύτην δὲ τὴν χώραν ἐν καλλίστῳ μὲν τοῦ κόσμου κειμένην, πλεῖστα δὲ καὶ παντοδαπώτατα φέρειν δυναμένην, ἀθανάτῳ δὲ τείχει τῷ Νείλῳ τετειχισμένην, ὃς οὐ μόνον φυλακὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τροφὴν ἱκανὴν αὐτῇ παρέχειν πέφυκεν, ἀνάλωτος μὲν ὢν καὶ δύσμαχος τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσιν, εὐαγωγὸς δὲ καὶ πρὸς πολλὰ χρήσιμος τοῖς ἐντὸς αὐτοῦ κατοικοῦσιν.

[¶12] 13. For in addition to the advantages I have mentioned, the Nile has bestowed upon the Egyptians a godlike power in respect to the cultivation of the land; for while Zeus is the dispenser of rains and droughts to the rest of mankind, of both of these each Egyptian has made himself master on his own account.

> Greek: 13. πρὸς γὰρ τοῖς προειρημένοις καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν τῆς γῆς ἐργασίαν ἰσόθεον πεποίηκεν· τῶν γὰρ ὄμβρων καὶ τῶν αὐχμῶν τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ὁ Ζεὺς ταμίας ἐστίν, ἐκείνων δʼ ἕκαστος ἀμφοτέρων τούτων αὐτὸς αὑτῷ κύριος καθέστηκεν.

[¶13] 14. And to so perfect a state of happiness have the Egyptians come that with respect to the excellence and fertility of their land and the extent of their plains they reap the fruits of a continent, and as regards the disposition of their superfluous products and the importation of what they lack, the river’s possibilities are such that they inhabit an island; for the Nile, encircling the land and flowing through its whole extent, has given them abundant means for both.

> Greek: 14. εἰς τοσαύτην δʼ ὑπερβολὴν εὐδαιμονίας ἥκουσιν, ὥστε τῇ μὲν ἀρετῇ καὶ τῇ φύσει τῆς χώρας καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν πεδίων ἤπειρον καρποῦνται, τῇ δὲ τῶν περιόντων διαθέσει καὶ τῇ τῶν ἐλλειπόντων κομιδῇ διὰ τὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ δύναμιν νῆσον οἰκοῦσιν· κύκλῳ γὰρ αὐτὴν περιέχων καὶ πᾶσαν διαρρέων πολλὴν αὐτοῖς εὐπορίαν ἀμφοτέρων τούτων πεποίηκεν.

[¶14] 15. So Busiris thus began, as wise men should, by occupying the fairest country and also by finding sustenance sufficient for his subjects. Afterwards, he divided them into classes: some he appointed to priestly services, others he turned to the arts and crafts, and others he forced to practise the arts of war. He judged that, while necessities and superfluous products must be provided by the land and the arts, the safest means of protecting these was practice in warfare and reverence for the gods.

> Greek: 15. ἤρξατο μὲν οὖν ἐντεῦθεν, ὅθεν περ χρὴ τοὺς εὖ φρονοῦντας, ἅμα τόν τε τόπον ὡς κάλλιστον καταλαβεῖν καὶ τροφὴν ἱκανὴν τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν ἐξευρεῖν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διελόμενος χωρὶς ἑκάστους τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς ἱερωσύνας κατέστησε, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς τέχνας ἔτρεψε, τοὺς δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον μελετᾶν ἠνάγκασεν, ἡγούμενος τὰ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα καὶ τὰς περιουσίας ἔκ τε τῆς χώρας καὶ τῶν τεχνῶν δεῖν ὑπάρχειν, τούτων δʼ εἶναι φυλακὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην τήν τε περὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν.

[¶15] 16. Including in all classes the right numbers for the best administration of the commonwealth, he gave orders that the same individuals should always engage in the same pursuits, because he knew that those who continually change their occupations never achieve proficiency in even a single one of their tasks, whereas those who apply themselves constantly to the same activities perform each thing they do surpassingly well.

> Greek: 16. ἅπαντας δὲ τοὺς ἀριθμοὺς περιλαβὼν ἐξ ὧν ἄριστʼ ἄν τις τὰ κοινὰ διοικήσειεν, ἀεὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς τὰς αὐτὰς πράξεις μεταχειρίζεσθαι προσέταξεν, εἰδὼς τοὺς μὲν μεταβαλλομένους τὰς ἐργασίας οὐδὲ πρὸς ἓν τῶν ἔργων ἀκριβῶς ἔχοντας, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς αὐταῖς πράξεσι συνεχῶς διαμένοντας εἰς ὑπερβολὴν ἕκαστον ἀποτελοῦντας.

[¶16] 17. Hence we shall find that in the arts the Egyptians surpass those who work at the same skilled occupations elsewhere more than artisans in general excel the laymen; also with respect to the system which enables them to preserve royalty and their political institutions in general, they have been so successful that philosophers who undertake to discuss such topics and have won the greatest reputation prefer above all others the Egyptian form of government, and that the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, govern their own city in admirable fashion because they imitate certain of the Egyptian customs.

> Greek: 17. τοιγαροῦν καὶ πρὸς τὰς τέχνας εὑρήσομεν αὐτοὺς πλέον διαφέροντας τῶν περὶ τὰς αὐτὰς ἐπιστήμας ἢ τοὺς ἄλλους δημιουργοὺς τῶν ἰδιωτῶν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν σύνταξιν διʼ ἧς τήν τε βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν διαφυλάττουσιν, οὕτω καλῶς ἔχοντας ὥστε καὶ τῶν φιλοσόφων τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων λέγειν ἐπιχειροῦντας καὶ μάλιστʼ εὐδοκιμοῦντας τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ προαιρεῖσθαι πολιτείαν, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους μέρος τι τῶν ἐκεῖθεν μιμουμένους ἄριστα διοικεῖν τὴν αὑτῶν πόλιν.

[¶17] 18. For instance, the provision that no citizen fit for military service could leave the country without official authorization, the meals taken in common, and the training of their bodies; furthermore, the fact that lacking none of the necessities of life, they do not neglect the edicts of the State, and that none engage in any other crafts, but that all devote themselves to arms and warfare, all these practices they have taken from Egypt But the Lacedaemonians have made so much worse use of these institutions that all of them, being professional soldiers, claim the right to seize by force the property of everybody else, whereas the Egyptians live as people should who neither neglect their own possessions, nor plot how they may acquire the property of others.

> Greek: 18. καὶ γὰρ τὸ μηδένα τῶν μαχίμων ἄνευ τῆς τῶν ἀρχόντων γνώμης ἀποδημεῖν καὶ τὰ συσσίτια καὶ τὴν τῶν σωμάτων ἄσκησιν, ἔτι δὲ τὸ μηδενὸς τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀποροῦντας τῶν κοινῶν προσταγμάτων ἀμελεῖν, μηδʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τέχναις διατρίβειν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὅλοις καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν, ἐκεῖθεν ἅπαντα ταῦτʼ εἰλήφασιν.

[¶18] 19. The difference in the aims of the two polities may be seen from the following: if we should all imitate the sloth and greed of the Lacedaemonians, we should straightway perish through both the lack of the necessities of daily life and civil war; but if we should wish to adopt the laws of the Egyptians which prescribe that some must work and that the rest must protect the property of the workers, we should all possess our own goods and pass our days in happiness.

> Greek: 19. τοσούτῳ δὲ χεῖρον κέχρηνται τούτοις τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν, ὅσον οὗτοι μὲν ἅπαντες στρατιῶται καταστάντες βίᾳ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων λαμβάνειν ἀξιοῦσιν, ἐκεῖνοι δʼ οὕτως οἰκοῦσιν ὥσπερ χρὴ τοὺς μήτε τῶν ἰδίων ἀμελοῦντας μήτε τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις ἐπιβουλεύοντας. γνοίη δʼ ἄν τις ἐνθένδε τὸ διάφορον ἑκατέρας τῆς πολιτείας. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἅπαντες μιμησαίμεθα τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀργίαν καὶ πλεονεξίαν, εὐθὺς ἂν ἀπολοίμεθα καὶ διὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν τῶν καθʼ ἡμέραν καὶ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς αὐτούς· εἰ δὲ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων νόμοις χρῆσθαι βουληθεῖμεν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἐργάζεσθαι, τοῖς δὲ τὰ τούτων σῴζειν δόξειεν, ἕκαστοι τὴν αὑτῶν ἔχοντες εὐδαιμόνως ἂν τὸν βίον διατελοῖμεν.

[¶19] 21. Furthermore, the cultivation of practical wisdom may also reasonably be attributed to Busiris. For example, he saw to it that from the revenues of the sacrifices the priests should acquire affluence, but self-control through the purifications prescribed by the laws, and leisure by exemption from the hazards of fighting and from all work.

> Greek: 21. καὶ μὲν δὴ καὶ τῆς περὶ τὴν φρόνησιν ἐπιμελείας εἰκότως ἄν τις ἐκεῖνον αἴτιον νομίσειεν. τοῖς γὰρ ἱερεῦσι παρεσκεύασεν εὐπορίαν μὲν ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν προσόδοις, σωφροσύνην δὲ ταῖς ἁγνείαις ταῖς ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων προστεταγμέναις, σχολὴν δὲ ταῖς τῶν κινδύνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἔργων ἀτελείαις·

[¶20] 22. And the priests, because they enjoyed such conditions of life, discovered for the body the aid which the medical art affords, not that which uses dangerous drugs, but drugs of such a nature that they are as harmless as daily food, yet in their effects are so beneficial that all men agree the Egyptians are the healthiest and most long of life among men; and then for the soul they introduced philosophy’s training, a pursuit which has the power, not only to establish laws, but also to investigate the nature of the universe.

> Greek: 22. μεθʼ ὧν ἐκεῖνοι βιοτεύοντες τοῖς μὲν σώμασιν ἰατρικὴν ἐξεῦρον ἐπικουρίαν, οὐ διακεκινδυνευμένοις φαρμάκοις χρωμένην ἀλλὰ τοιούτοις, ἃ τὴν μὲν ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοίαν ἔχει τῇ τροφῇ τῇ καθʼ ἡμέραν, τὰς δʼ ὠφελείας τηλικαύτας ὥστʼ ἐκείνους ὁμολογουμένως ὑγιεινοτάτους εἶναι καὶ μακροβιωτάτους, ταῖς δὲ ψυχαῖς φιλοσοφίας ἄσκησιν κατέδειξαν, ἣ καὶ νομοθετῆσαι καὶ τὴν φύσιν τῶν ὄντων ζητῆσαι δύναται.

[¶21] 23. The older men Busiris appointed to have charge of the most important matters, but the younger he persuaded to forgo all pleasures and devote themselves to the study of the stars, to arithmetic, and to geometry; the value of these sciences some praise for their utility in certain ways, while others attempt to demonstrate that they are conducive in the highest measure to the attainment of virtue.

> Greek: 23. καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρεσβυτέρους ἐπὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πραγμάτων ἔταξεν, τοὺς δὲ νεωτέρους ἀμελήσαντας τῶν ἡδονῶν ἐπʼ ἀστρολογίᾳ καὶ λογισμοῖς καὶ γεωμετρίᾳ διατρίβειν ἔπεισεν, ὧν τὰς δυνάμεις οἱ μὲν ὡς πρὸς ἔνια χρησίμους ἐπαινοῦσιν, οἱ δʼ ὡς πλεῖστα πρὸς ἀρετὴν συμβαλλομένας ἀποφαίνειν ἐπιχειροῦσιν.

[¶22] 24. The piety of the Egyptians and their worship of the gods are especially deserving of praise and admiration. For all persons who have so bedizened themselves as to create the impression that they possess greater wisdom, or some other excellence, than they can rightly claim, certainly do harm to their dupes; but those persons who have so championed the cause of religion that divine rewards and punishments are made to appear more certain than they prove to be, such men, I say, benefit in the greatest measure the lives of men.

> Greek: 24. μάλιστα δʼ ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν εὐσέβειαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς θεραπείαν. ὅσοι μὲν γὰρ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς οὕτω κατεσχημάτισαν ὥστʼ ἢ κατὰ σοφίαν ἢ κατʼ ἄλλην τινʼ ἀρετὴν ὑπολαμβάνεσθαι μειζόνως ἢ κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν, οὗτοι μὲν βλάπτουσι τοὺς ἐξαπατηθέντας· ὅσοι δὲ τῶν θείων πραγμάτων οὕτω προέστησαν ὥστε καὶ τὰς ἐπιμελείας καὶ τὰς τιμωρίας εἶναι δοκεῖν ἀκριβεστέρας τῶν συμβαινόντων, οἱ δὲ τοιοῦτοι πλεῖστα τὸν βίον τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὠφελοῦσιν.

[¶23] 25. For actually those who in the beginning inspired in us our fear of the gods, brought it about that we in our relations to one another are not altogether like wild beasts So great, moreover, is the piety and the solemnity with which the Egyptians deal with these matters that not only are the oaths taken in their sanctuaries more binding than is the case elsewhere, but each person believes that he will pay the penalty for his misdeeds immediately and that he will neither escape detection for the present nor will the punishment be deferred to his children’s time.

> Greek: 25. καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ τὸν φόβον ἡμῖν ἐνεργασάμενοι τοῦτον αἴτιοι γεγόνασι τοῦ μὴ παντάπασι θηριωδῶς διακεῖσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ἐκεῖνοι τοίνυν οὕτως ἁγίως περὶ ταῦτα καὶ σεμνῶς ἔχουσιν ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους πιστοτέρους εἶναι τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων ἱεροῖς ἢ τοὺς παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις καθεστῶτας, καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἕκαστον οἴεσθαι παραχρῆμα δώσειν δίκην, ἀλλʼ οὐ διαλήσειν τὸν παρόντα χρόνον, οὐδʼ εἰς τοὺς παῖδας ἀναβληθήσεσθαι τὰς τιμωρίας.

[¶24] 26. And they have good reason for this belief; for Busiris established for them numerous and varied practices of piety and ordered them by law even to worship and to revere certain animals which among us are regarded with contempt, not because he misapprehended their power, but because he thought that the crowd ought to be habituated to obedience to all the commands of those in authority, and at the same time he wished to test in visible matters how they felt in regard to the invisible.

> Greek: 26. καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰκότως δοξάζουσιν· πολλὰς γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ παντοδαπὰς ἀσκήσεις τῆς ὁσιότητος ἐκεῖνος κατέστησεν, ὅστις καὶ τῶν ζῴων τῶν παρʼ ἡμῖν καταφρονουμένων ἔστιν ἃ σέβεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν ἐνομοθέτησεν, οὐκ ἀγνοῶν τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν, ἀλλʼ ἅμα μὲν ἐθίζειν οἰόμενος δεῖν τὸν ὄχλον ἐμμένειν ἅπασι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων παραγγελλομένοις, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος πεῖραν λαμβάνειν ἐν τοῖς φανεροῖς, ἥντινα περὶ τῶν ἀφανῶν διάνοιαν ἔχουσιν.

[¶25] 27. For he judged that those who belittled these instructions would perhaps look with contempt upon the more important commands also, but that those who gave strict obedience equally in everything would have given proof of their steadfast piety.

> Greek: 27. ἐνόμιζε γὰρ τοὺς μὲν τούτων ὀλιγωροῦντας τυχὸν καὶ τῶν μειζόνων καταφρονήσειν, τοὺς δʼ ἐπὶ πάντων ὁμοίως ἐμμένοντας τῇ τάξει βεβαίως ἔσεσθαι τὴν αὑτῶν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιδεδειγμένους.

[¶26] 28. If one were not determined to make haste, one might cite many admirable instances of the piety of the Egyptians, that piety which I am neither the first nor the only one to have observed; on the contrary, many contemporaries and predecessors have remarked it, of whom Pythagoras of Samos is one On a visit to Egypt he became a student of the religion of the people, and was first to bring to the Greeks all philosophy, and more conspicuously than others he seriously interested himself in sacrifices and in ceremonial purity, since he believed that even if he should gain thereby no greater reward from the gods, among men, at any rate, his reputation would be greatly enhanced.

> Greek: 28. ἔχοι δʼ ἄν τις μὴ σπεύδειν ὡρμημένος πολλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ περὶ τῆς ὁσιότητος αὐτῶν διελθεῖν, ἣν οὔτε μόνος οὔτε πρῶτος ἐγὼ τυγχάνω καθεωρακώς, ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ὄντων καὶ τῶν προγεγενημένων, ὧν καὶ Πυθαγόρας ὁ Σάμιός ἐστιν· ὃς ἀφικόμενος εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ μαθητὴς ἐκείνων γενόμενος τήν τʼ ἄλλην φιλοσοφίαν πρῶτος εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκόμισε, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς ἁγιστείας τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐπιφανέστερον τῶν ἄλλων ἐσπούδασεν, ἡγούμενος, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν αὐτῷ διὰ ταῦτα πλέον γίγνοιτο παρὰ τῶν θεῶν, ἀλλʼ οὖν παρά γε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐκ τούτων μάλιστʼ εὐδοκιμήσειν.

[¶27] 29. And this indeed happened to him. For so greatly did he surpass all others in reputation that all the younger men desired to be his pupils, and their elders were more pleased to see their sons staying in his company than attending to their private affairs. And these reports we cannot disbelieve; for even now persons who profess to be followers of his teaching are more admired when silent than are those who have the greatest renown for eloquence.

> Greek: 29. ὅπερ αὐτῷ καὶ συνέβη· τοσοῦτον γὰρ εὐδοξίᾳ τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπερέβαλεν, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς νεωτέρους ἅπαντας ἐπιθυμεῖν αὐτοῦ μαθητὰς εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἥδιον ὁρᾶν τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐκείνῳ συγγιγνομένους ἢ τῶν οἰκείων ἐπιμελουμένους. καὶ τούτοις οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἀπιστεῖν· ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν τοὺς προσποιουμένους ἐκείνου μαθητὰς εἶναι μᾶλλον σιγῶντας θαυμάζουσιν ἢ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ λέγειν μεγίστην δόξαν ἔχοντας.

[¶28] 30. Perhaps, however, you would reply against all I have said, that I am praising the land, the laws, and the piety of the Egyptians, and also their philosophy, but that Busiris was their author, as I have assumed, I am able to offer no proof whatever. If any other person criticized me in that fashion, I should believe that his censure was that of a scholar; but you are not the one to reprove me.

> Greek: 30. ἴσως ἂν οὖν τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀπαντήσειας, ὅτι τὴν μὲν χώραν καὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν, ἔτι δὲ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἐπαινῶ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων, ὡς δὲ τούτων αἴτιος ἦν, ὃν ὑπεθέμην, οὐδεμίαν ἔχω λέγειν ἀπόδειξιν. ἐγὼ δʼ εἰ μὲν ἄλλος τίς μοι τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ἐπέπληττεν, ἡγούμην ἂν αὐτὸν πεπαιδευμένως ἐπιτιμᾶν· σοὶ δʼ οὐ προσήκει ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπίληψιν.

[¶29] 31. For, when you wished to praise Busiris, you chose to say that he forced the Nile to break into branches and surround the land, and that he sacrificed and ate strangers who came to his country; but you gave no proof that he did these things. And yet is it not ridiculous to demand that others follow a procedure which you yourself have not used in the slightest degree?

> Greek: 31. βουληθεὶς γὰρ Βούσιριν εὐλογεῖν προείλου λέγειν, ὡς τόν τε Νεῖλον περὶ τὴν χώραν περιέρρηξε καὶ τῶν ξένων τοὺς ἀφικνουμένους θύων κατήσθιεν· ὡς δὲ ταῦτʼ ἐποίησεν οὐδεμίαν πίστιν εἴρηκας. καίτοι πῶς οὐ καταγέλαστόν ἐστι ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπαιτεῖν, οἷς αὐτὸς μηδὲ κατὰ μικρὸν τυγχάνεις κεχρημένος;

[¶30] 32. Nay, your account is far less credible than mine, since I attribute to him no impossible deed, but only laws and political organization, which are the accomplishments of honorable men, whereas you represent him as the author of two astounding acts which no human being would commit, one requiring the cruelty of wild beasts, the other the power of the gods.

> Greek: 32. ἀλλὰ τοσούτῳ πλέον ἡμῶν ἀπέχεις τοῦ πιστὰ λέγειν, ὅσον ἐγὼ μὲν οὐδενὸς αὐτὸν αἰτιῶμαι τῶν ἀδυνάτων ἀλλὰ νόμων καὶ πολιτείας, αἵπερ εἰσὶ πράξεις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν· σὺ δὲ τοιούτων δημιουργὸν ἀποφαίνεις, ὧν οὐδέτερον οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀνθρώπων ποιήσειεν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν τῆς τῶν θηρίων ὠμότητος, τὸ δὲ τῆς τῶν θεῶν δυνάμεως ἔργον ἐστίν.

[¶31] 33. Further, even if both of us, perchance, are wrong, I, at any rate, have used only such arguments as authors of eulogies must use; you, on the contrary, have employed those which are appropriate to revilers. Consequently, it is obvious that you have gone astray, not only from the truth, but also from the entire pattern which must be employed in eulogy.

> Greek: 33. ἔπειτʼ εἰ καὶ τυγχάνομεν ἀμφότεροι ψευδῆ λέγοντες, ἀλλʼ οὖν ἐγὼ μὲν κέχρημαι τούτοις τοῖς λόγοις, οἷσπερ χρὴ τοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας, σὺ δʼ οἷς προσήκει τοὺς λοιδοροῦντας· ὥστʼ οὐ μόνον τῆς ἀληθείας αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἰδέας ὅλης διʼ ἧς εὐλογεῖν δεῖ, φαίνει διημαρτηκώς.

[¶32] 34. Apart from these considerations, if your discourse should be put aside and mine carefully examined, no one would justly find fault with it. For if it were manifest that another had done the deeds which I assert were done by him, I acknowledge that I am exceedingly audacious in trying to change men’s views about matters of which all the world has knowledge.

> Greek: 34. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων εἰ δεῖ τῶν σῶν ἀπαλλαγέντα τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον ἐξετάζειν, οὐδεὶς ἂν αὐτῷ δικαίως ἐπιπλήξειεν. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος τις ἦν φανερὸς ὁ ταῦτα πράξας, ἁγώ φημι γεγενῆσθαι διʼ ἐκεῖνον, ὁμολογῶ λίαν εἶναι τολμηρός, εἰ περὶ ὧν ἅπαντες ἐπίστανται, περὶ τούτων μεταπείθειν ἐπιχειρῶ.

[¶33] 35. But as it is, since the question is open to the judgement of all and one must resort to conjecture, who, reasoning from what is probable, would be considered to have a better claim to the authorship of the institutions of Egypt rather than a son of Poseidon, a descendant of Zeus on his mother’s side, the most powerful personage of his time and the most renowned among all other peoples? For surely it is not fitting that any who were in all these respects inferior should, in preference to Busiris, have the credit of being the authors of those great benefactions.

> Greek: 35. νῦν δʼ ἐν κοινῷ τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων καὶ δοξάσαι δέον περὶ αὐτῶν, τίνʼ ἄν τις τῶν ἐκεῖ καθεστώτων ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων σκοπούμενος αἰτιώτερον εἶναι νομίσειεν ἢ τὸν ἐκ Ποσειδῶνος μὲν γεγονότα, πρὸς δὲ μητρὸς ἀπὸ Διὸς ὄντα, μεγίστην δὲ δύναμιν τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν κτησάμενον καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὀνομαστότατον γεγενημένον; οὐ γὰρ δή που τοὺς ἁπάντων τούτων ἀπολελειμμένους προσήκει μᾶλλον ἢ κεῖνον τηλικούτων ἀγαθῶν εὑρετὰς γενέσθαι.

[¶34] 36. Furthermore, it could be easily proved on chronological grounds also that the statements of the detractors of Busiris are false. For the same writers who accuse Busiris of slaying strangers also assert that he died at the hands of Heracles;

> Greek: 36. καὶ μὲν δὴ καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις ῥᾳδίως ἄν τις τοὺς λόγους τοὺς τῶν λοιδορούντων ἐκεῖνον ψευδεῖς ὄντας ἐπιδείξειεν. οἱ γὰρ αὐτοὶ τῆς τε Βουσίριδος ξενοφονίας κατηγοροῦσι καί φασιν αὐτὸν ὑφʼ Ἡρακλέους ἀποθανεῖν·

[¶35] 37. but all chroniclers agree that Heracles was later by four generations than Perseus, son of Zeus and Danae, and that Busiris lived more than two hundred years earlier than Perseus. And yet what can be more absurd than that one who was desirous of clearing Busiris of the calumny has failed to mention that evidence, so manifest and so conclusive?

> Greek: 37. ὁμολογεῖται δὲ παρὰ πάντων τῶν λογοποιῶν Περσέως τοῦ Διὸς καὶ Δανάης Ἡρακλέα μὲν εἶναι τέτταρσι γενεαῖς νεώτερον, Βούσιριν δὲ πλέον ἢ διακοσίοις ἔτεσι πρεσβύτερον. καίτοι τὸν βουλόμενον ἀπολύσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου διαβολὴν πῶς οὐκ ἄτοπόν ἐστι ταύτην τὴν πίστιν παραλιπεῖν, τὴν οὕτως ἐναργῆ καὶ τηλικαύτην δύναμιν ἔχουσαν;

[¶36] 38. But the fact is that you had no regard for the truth; on the contrary, you followed the calumnies of the poets, who declare that the offspring of the immortals have perpetrated as well as suffered things more atrocious than any perpetrated or suffered by the offspring of the most impious of mortals; aye, the poets have related about the gods themselves tales more outrageous than anyone would dare tell concerning their enemies. For not only have they imputed to them thefts and adulteries, and vassalage among men, but they have fabricated tales of the eating of children, the castrations of fathers, the fetterings of mothers, and many other crimes For these blasphemies the poets, it is true, did not pay the penalty they deserved, but assuredly they did not escape punishment altogether; some became vagabonds begging for their daily bread; others became blind; another spent all his life in exile from his fatherland and in warring with his kinsmen; and Orpheus, who made a point of rehearsing these tales, died by being torn asunder Therefore if we are wise we shall not imitate their tales, nor while passing laws for the punishment of libels against each other, shall we disregard loose-tongued vilification of the gods; on the contrary, we shall be on our guard and consider equally guilty of impiety those who recite and those who believe such lies Now I, for my part, think that not only the gods but also their offspring have no share in any wickedness but themselves are by nature endowed with all the virtues and have become for all mankind guides and teachers of the most honorable conduct.

> Greek: 38. ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐδέν σοι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς τῶν ποιητῶν βλασφημίαις ἐπηκολούθησας, οἳ δεινότερα μὲν πεποιηκότας καὶ πεπονθότας ἀποφαίνουσι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀθανάτων γεγονότας ἢ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἀνοσιωτάτων, τοιούτους δὲ λόγους περὶ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν εἰρήκασιν, οἵους οὐδεὶς ἂν περὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν εἰπεῖν τολμήσειεν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον κλοπὰς καὶ μοιχείας καὶ παρʼ ἀνθρώποις θητείας αὐτοῖς ὠνείδισαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παίδων βρώσεις καὶ πατέρων ἐκτομὰς καὶ μητέρων δεσμοὺς καὶ πολλὰς ἄλλας ἀνομίας κατʼ αὐτῶν ἐλογοποίησαν. ὑπὲρ ὧν τὴν μὲν ἀξίαν δίκην οὐκ ἔδοσαν, οὐ μὴν ἀτιμώρητοί γε διέφυγον, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἀλῆται καὶ τῶν καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐνδεεῖς κατέστησαν, οἱ δʼ ἐτυφλώθησαν, ἄλλος δὲ φεύγων τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις πολεμῶν ἅπαντα τὸν χρόνον διετέλεσεν, Ὀρφεὺς δʼ ὁ μάλιστα τούτων τῶν λόγων ἁψάμενος, διασπασθεὶς τὸν βίον ἐτελεύτησεν· ὥστʼ ἢν σωφρονῶμεν, οὐ μιμησόμεθα τοὺς λόγους τοὺς ἐκείνων, οὐδὲ περὶ μὲν τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κακηγορίας νομοθετήσομεν, τῆς δʼ εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς παρρησίας ὀλιγωρήσομεν, ἀλλὰ φυλαξόμεθα καὶ νομιοῦμεν ὁμοίως ἀσεβεῖν τούς τε λέγοντας τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ τοὺς πιστεύοντας αὐτοῖς.

[¶37] 41. For it is absurd that we should attribute to the gods the responsibility for the happy fortunes of our children, and yet believe them to be indifferent to those of their own. Nay, if any one of us should obtain the power of regulating human nature, he would not allow even his slaves to be vicious; yet we condemn the gods by believing that they permitted their own offspring to be so impious and lawless. And you, Polycrates, assume that you will make men better even if they are not related to you, provided that they become your pupils, yet believe that the gods have no care for the virtue of their own children!

> Greek: 41. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὐχ ὅπως τοὺς θεούς, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ τοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων γεγονότας οὐδεμιᾶς ἡγοῦμαι κακίας μετασχεῖν, ἀλλʼ αὐτούς τε πάσας ἔχοντας τὰς ἀρετὰς φῦναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τῶν καλλίστων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἡγεμόνας καὶ διδασκάλους γεγενῆσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἄλογον, εἰ τῆς μὲν ἡμετέρας εὐπαιδίας εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς τὴν αἰτίαν ἀναφέρομεν, τῆς δὲ σφετέρας αὐτῶν μηδὲν αὐτοὺς φροντίζειν νομίζοιμεν. ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν ἡμῶν τις τῆς τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσεως κατασταίη κύριος, οὐδʼ ἂν τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐάσειεν εἶναι πονηρούς· ἐκείνων δὲ καταγιγνώσκομεν ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὑτῶν γεγονότας περιεῖδον οὕτως ἀσεβεῖς καὶ παρανόμους ὄντας. καὶ σὺ μὲν οἴει καὶ τοὺς μηδὲν προσήκοντας, ἤν σοι πλησιάσωσι, βελτίους ποιήσειν, τοὺς δὲ θεοὺς οὐδεμίαν ἡγεῖ τῆς τῶν παίδων ἀρετῆς ἔχειν ἐπιμέλειαν.

[¶38] 43. And yet, according to your own reasoning, the gods are not free from the two most disgraceful faults: for if they do not want their children to be virtuous, they are inferior in character to human beings; but if, on the other hand, they desire it but are at a loss how to effect it, they are more impotent than the sophists!

> Greek: 43. καίτοι κατὰ τὸν σὸν λόγον δυοῖν τοῖν αἰσχίστοιν οὐ διαμαρτάνουσιν· εἰ μὲν γὰρ μηδὲν δέονται χρηστοὺς αὐτοὺς εἶναι, χείρους εἰσὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν διάνοιαν, εἰ δὲ βούλονται μέν, ἀποροῦσι δʼ ὅπως ποιήσωσιν, ἐλάττω τῶν σοφιστῶν τὴν δύναμιν ἔχουσιν.

[¶39] 44. Although the subject admits of many arguments for the amplification of my theme of eulogy and defense, I believe it unnecessary to speak at greater length; for my aim in this discourse is not to make a display to impress others, but to show for your benefit how each of these topics should be treated, since the composition which you wrote may justly be considered by anyone to be, not a defense of Busiris, but an admission of all the crimes charged against him.

> Greek: 44. πολλῶν δʼ ἐνόντων εἰπεῖν ἐξ ὧν ἄν τις καὶ τὸν ἔπαινον καὶ τὴν ἀπολογίαν μηκύνειεν, οὐχ ἡγοῦμαι δεῖν μακρολογεῖν· οὐ γὰρ ἐπίδειξιν τοῖς ἄλλοις ποιούμενος, ἀλλʼ ὑποδεῖξαί σοι βουλόμενος ὡς χρὴ τούτων ἑκάτερον ποιεῖν, διείλεγμαι περὶ αὐτῶν, ἐπεὶ τόν γε λόγον ὃν σὺ γέγραφας, οὐκ ἀπολογίαν ὑπὲρ Βουσίριδος, ἀλλʼ ὁμολογίαν τῶν ἐπικαλουμένων δικαίως ἄν τις εἶναι νομίσειεν.

[¶40] 45. For you do not exonerate him from the charges, but only declare that some others have done the same things, inventing thus a very easy refuge for all criminals. Why, if it is not easy to find a crime which has not yet been committed, and if we should consider that those who have been found guilty of one or another of these crimes have done nothing so very wrong, whenever others are found to have perpetrated the same offences, should we not be providing ready-made pleas in exculpation of all criminals and be granting complete licence for those who are bent on villainy?

> Greek: 45. οὐ γὰρ ἀπολύεις αὐτὸν τῶν αἰτιῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀποφαίνεις ὡς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς ταὐτὰ πεποιήκασι, ῥᾳθυμοτάτην τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν εὑρίσκων καταφυγήν. εἰ γὰρ τῶν μὲν ἀδικημάτων μὴ ῥᾴδιον εὑρεῖν ὃ μήπω τυγχάνει γεγενημένον, τοὺς δʼ ἐφʼ ἑκάστοις αὐτῶν ἁλισκομένους μηδὲν ἡγοίμεθα δεινὸν ποιεῖν, ὅταν ἕτεροι ταὐτὰ φαίνωνται διαπεπραγμένοι, πῶς οὐκ ἂν καὶ τὰς ἀπολογίας ἅπασι ῥᾳδίας ποιήσαιμεν, καὶ τοῖς βουλομένοις εἶναι πονηροῖς πολλὴν ἐξουσίαν παρασκευάσαιμεν;

[¶41] 46. You would best perceive the inanity of your defense of Busiris if you should imagine yourself in his position. Just suppose this case: if you had been accused of grave and terrible crimes and an advocate should defend you in this fashion, what would be your state of mind? I know very well that you would detest him more heartily than your accusers. And yet is it not disgraceful to compose for others a plea in defense of such kind that it would arouse your extreme anger if spoken on your own behalf?

> Greek: 46. μάλιστα δʼ ἂν κατίδοις τὴν εὐήθειαν τῶν εἰρημένων ἐπὶ σαυτοῦ θεωρήσας. ἐνθυμήθητι γάρ· εἰ μεγάλων καὶ δεινῶν αἰτιῶν περὶ σὲ γεγονυιῶν τοῦτόν τις τὸν τρόπον σοι συνείποι, πῶς ἂν διατεθείης; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οἶδʼ ὅτι μᾶλλον ἂν αὐτὸν μισήσειας ἢ τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ αἰσχρὸν τοιαύτας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπολογίας, ἐφʼ αἷς ὑπὲρ σαυτοῦ λεγομέναις μάλιστʼ ἂν ὀργισθείης;

[¶42] 47. Again, consider this, and meditate upon it. If one of your pupils should be induced to do those things which you praise, would he not be the most wretched of men who are now alive and, in truth, of all who ever have lived? Is it right, therefore, to compose discourses such that they will do the most good if they succeed in convincing no one among those who hear them?

> Greek: 47. σκέψαι δὲ κἀκεῖνο καὶ δίελθε πρὸς αὑτόν. εἴ τις τῶν σοι συνόντων ἐπαρθείη ποιεῖν ἃ σὺ τυγχάνεις εὐλογῶν, πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἀθλιώτατος εἴη καὶ τῶν νῦν ὄντων καὶ τῶν πώποτε γεγενημένων; ἆρʼ οὖν χρὴ τοιούτους λόγους γράφειν οἷς τοῦτο προσέσται μέγιστον ἀγαθόν, ἢν μηδένα πεῖσαι τῶν ἀκουσάντων δυνηθῶσιν;

[¶43] 48. But perhaps you will say that you too were not unaware of all this but that you wished to bequeath to men of learning an example of how pleas in defense of shameful charges and difficult causes ought to be made. But I think it has now been made clear to you, even if you were previously in ignorance, that an accused person would sooner gain acquittal by not uttering a word than by pleading his cause in this way.

> Greek: 48. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως ἂν εἴποις ὡς οὐδὲ σὲ τοῦτο παρέλαθεν, ἀλλʼ ἐβουλήθης τοῖς φιλοσόφοις παράδειγμα καταλιπεῖν ὡς χρὴ περὶ τῶν αἰσχρῶν αἰτιῶν καὶ δυσχερῶν πραγμάτων ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπολογίας. ἀλλʼ εἰ καὶ πρότερον ἠγνόεις, οἶμαί σοι νῦν γεγενῆσθαι φανερὸν ὅτι πολὺ θᾶττον ἄν τις σωθείη μηδὲν φθεγξάμενος ἢ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀπολογησάμενος.

[¶44] 49. And, furthermore, this too is evident, that philosophy, which is already in mortal jeopardy and is hated, will be detested even more because of such discourses. If, then, you will listen to me, you will preferably not deal in future with such base subjects, but if that cannot be, you will seek to speak of such things as will neither injure your own reputation, nor corrupt your imitators, nor bring the teaching of rhetoric into disrepute.

> Greek: 49. καὶ μὲν δὴ καὶ τοῦτο δῆλον, ὅτι τῆς φιλοσοφίας ἐπικήρως διακειμένης καὶ φθονουμένης διὰ τοὺς τοιούτους τῶν λόγων ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτὴν μισήσουσιν. ἢν οὖν ἐμοὶ πείθῃ, μάλιστα μὲν οὐ ποιήσει τοῦ λοιποῦ πονηρὰς ὑποθέσεις, εἰ δὲ μή, τοιαῦτα ζητήσεις λέγειν ἐξ ὧν μήτʼ αὐτὸς χείρων εἶναι δόξεις μήτε τοὺς μιμουμένους λυμανεῖ μήτε τὴν περὶ τοὺς λόγους παίδευσιν διαβαλεῖς.

[¶45] 50. And do not be astonished if I, who am younger than you and unrelated to you, essay so lightly to admonish you; for, in my opinion, giving good counsel on such subjects is not the function of older men or of the most intimate friends, but of those who know most and desire most to render service.

> Greek: 50. καὶ μὴ θαυμάσῃς, εἰ νεώτερος ὢν καὶ μηδέν σοι προσήκων οὕτω προχείρως ἐπιχειρῶ σε νουθετεῖν· ἡγοῦμαι γὰρ οὐ τῶν πρεσβυτάτων οὐδὲ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων, ἀλλὰ τῶν πλεῖστʼ εἰδότων καὶ βουλομένων ὠφελεῖν ἔργον εἶναι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων συμβουλεύειν.