---
title: "Commentary on Daniel, Volume 1"
author: "John Calvin"
translator: "Thomas Myers"
languages: [en]
shelf: "Commentaries"
section: 3 of 46
url: https://scriptura.si/works/john-calvin-commentary-on-daniel-volume-1/3/
cite: "John Calvin, tr. Thomas Myers, Commentary on Daniel, Volume 1, section 3. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/john-calvin-commentary-on-daniel-volume-1/3/"
---

# Commentary on Daniel, Volume 1

*John Calvin, tr. Thomas Myers*

Calvin on the prophet Daniel, volume 1 of 2.

## 3. Translator's Preface · 2 of 3

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/john-calvin-commentary-on-daniel-volume-1/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/john-calvin-commentary-on-daniel-volume-1/3/#p-N

[¶0] In attempting to appreciate Calvin’s Comments on the Historical Portion of this Book, and of the celebrated period Of “The Seventy Weeks,” it will be necessary to advert to some abstruse points of Chronology. We would willingly avoid any tedious discussion of dates and figures, but the interest of many important questions now frequently turns upon such arithmetical proofs. A strong assertion of the Chevalier Bunsen must justify us in the course which we are about to pursue. “All the results,” says he, “of Jewish or Christian Research are; based upon the Writings of the Old Testament and their Interpretation, and upon the connection between the Chronological data they supply and divine Revelation. There are points, therefore, relative to which it is of vital importance, both to the sound thinker and the sound critic, to arrive at a clear understanding before embarking upon his inquiry... The question is, Whether the external History related in the Sacred Books be externally complete, and capable of chronological arrangement?” The reply should be given “with a deep feeling of the respect due to the general chronological statements of Scripture, which have been considered during so many centuries as forming the groundwork of religious faith, and are even at the present moment intimately connected with the Christian Faith.” Let but these principles of the learned Egyptologist guide us in our decisions, and we may hope for the blessing of Heaven in disentangling many of the Historical intricacies which will soon come under our notice.

[¶1] TIIE PRAETERIST, ANTI-PAPAL, AND FUTURIST VIEWS.

[¶2] In attempting to determine the intrinsic value of these Lectures, it becomes necessary to compare Calvin’s Prophetic Interpretations with those of the Divines who preceded and have followed him. The scheme proposed for interpreting, these Visions may be classed generally under this threefold division, viz., the Praeterist, the Anti-Papal, and the Futurist Views. The first view is that usually adopted, with some slight modifications, by the Primitive Church and the Earlier Reformers. The second, sometimes called rite “Protestant” System, supposes the Papal power to be prominently foretold by both Daniel and Sir John; while the Third System defers the accomplishment of many of these Prophecies to times yet future. If these three Systems be borne distinctly in mind, it will become easy to understand how the most popular modern explanations differ for in those of the earlier period of the Reformation. The Primitive Church has, with few exceptions, agreed in considering The Head of Gold to mean, either the Babylonian Empire or the person of Nebuchadnezzar; the Silver denoting the Medo-Persian; the Brass the Greek; and the Iron the Roman; while the mixture of the Clay denotes the intermingling of Conquered Nations with the power of Heathen Rome. In interpreting the Four Beasts, the Lion denotes the Babylonian Empire; the Eagle Wings relate to Nebuchadnezzar’s ambition; the Bear to the Medo-Persians; the Leopard to the Macedonians; and the Fourth Beast to the Romans. The Ten Horns were differently explained; some referring them to Ten individual Kings, and others to Ten Divisions, of the Empire; some supposing them to commence with the Roman sway in the East, others not till the Fourth or Fifth Centuries after Christ.

[¶3] Calvin differs slightly from the earlier, and most materially from the later Commentators. Supposing the Fourth Boast to typify the Roman Empire, “The Tell Kings,” he says, “were not persons succeeding each other in dominion, but rather the complex Form of the Government instead of a unity under one head.” The number “ten” is, he thinks, indefinite, for “many,” and the Sway of a Senate instead of a Monarchy is the true, fulfillment of the Prophecy. The rise of one King and his oppressing three, refers to the two Caesars, Julius and Octavius, with Lepidus and Antony. How unconscious was Calvin that succeeding Protestant Writers would determine The “Little Horn” to be the Pope, and the Three Kings, the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Kingdom of Lombardy, and the State of Rome. Here the multitude of modern commentators differ most materially from the author of these Lectures. The “Time, Times, and Half a Time” of this chapter, Calvin refers to the persecution of the Christian Church under Nero, and similar tyrannical Emperors of Rome, and gives not the slightest countenance to any allusion in these words to a specified number of years. “Time and Times” are with him a long undefined period; and “Half a Time” is added in the spirit of the promise to shorten the time, for the Elects sake. Those modern Writers, who think the Year-Day theory essential to the full exposition of the Visions of Daniel, will be disappointed by the opinion of our Reformer. He takes no notice of either the 1260 years of the Papacy, or the 1290 years for the reign of Antichrist. Again, there are Writers who deny the Fourth Beast to refer to Rome at all. Rosenmuller and Todd are instances; and each of these has his own way of interpreting the concluding portion of this chapter. The former asserts it to be fulfilled in the Greek Empire in Asia after Alexander’s death, and the latter supposes it to be yet future. According to Dr. Todd and the Futurists, it has yet to be developed. Its fulfillment shall be the precursor of The Final Antichrist, whom the Lord shall destroy with the brightness of his Personal Advent. This Antichrist shall tyrannize in the world for the “Time, Times, and Half a Time,” that is, for the definite space of three years and a half, till the Ancient of Days shall proclaim The Final Close Of The Gentile Dispensation.

[¶4] The three views, then, of the Interpretation of these Prophecies are thus clearly distinguished. The Praeterits, view treats them as fulfilled in past historical events, taking place under the several Empires of Babylon, Persia, Greece, and Heathen Rome. The modern Anti-Papal view treats “The Little Horn” as the Pope, and the drays as years; and this stretches the predictions over the Twelve Centuries of European struggle between the Ecclesiastical and the Civil Powers. The Futurist is dissatisfied with the Year-Day theory he cannot agree with the past fulfillment of these glowing images of future blessedness. Hence, instead of either Antiochus, Mahomet, Nero, or the Pope, he sees a future Antichrist in the Eleventh Horn of the seventh chapter, in The Little Horn of the eighth chapter, and ht The Willful King of the eleventh chapter. He rejects entirely the Year-Day explanation, and every assertion which is based upon it,; he takes the days literally as days, and supposes them yet unfulfilled. The “Toes” of the image, and the “Horns” of the beasts, are not to him Kingdoms or Successions of Rulers of any kind, but single individual persons. The phrase, The Pope, as equivalent to a “Horn,” is to him a fallacy as it does not mean one person, like an Alexander or a Seleucus; or a single despotic Antichrist — but a long succession of Rulers, one after another. Faber, for example, interprets “the Scriptures of Truth,” chapter 11, by extending it throughout all history, till the end of the Gentile Dispensation. Dr. Todd refers it solely to its close, and contends very strongly against the usual explanation of the Fourth verse. Elliott, again, (Horae Apoc., volume 3,) expounds this chapter to the 35th verse with great propriety and clearness, but passes at once from the Ptolemidae and Seleucidae to the Pope, as signified by “The Willful King.” The Days then become Years, and. the various phases of the Papacy throughout many centuries are supposed to be predicted here, and fulfilled by the decrees of Justinian, persecutions of the Waldenses, French Revolutions, and catastrophes and convulsions yet to come. Our American brethren have adopted similar theories. Professor Bush in his “Hierophant,” has inserted an able exposition of the “Little Horn,” as unquestionably the Ecclesiastical Power of the “Papacy,” and introduced the Goths and Charlemagne as fulfilling their own portions of this interesting Vision. Professor Stuart, however, of Andover, and some of his followers, have returned to the simplicity of the Earlier Expositors.

[¶5] CALVIN PROPHETIC SCHEME.

[¶6] Calvin, then, was, on the whole, a Praeterits. He saw hi the history of the world before the times of the Messiah the fulfillment of the Visions of this Book. They extended from Nebuchadnezzar to Nero. “The Saints of the Most High” were to him either the Hebrew or the Christian Church under heathen persecutors they had a glimpse indeed of the times of the Messiah, and expressed his views in general language; but he rejected the idea of any series of fulfillment’s through a succession of either Popes or Sultans. He saw in these four-footed beings, neither Mahomet, nor Justinian, nor the Ottoman Empire, nor the Albigensian Martyrs. Heathen Rome, and its Senate, and its early Caesars, were to him what Papal Rome, and its Priesthood, and its Gregories, have been to later Expositors.

[¶7] Our Second Volume, which contains The Prophetical Portion of the Book, will be illustrated by many Dissertations, which will condense the sentiments of later Expositors. Ample scope will then be given to important details. Extracts will be made from the most approved Moderns, and copious references to the best sources of information. IT will be sufficient here to insert the reply of Professor Bush of New York to Professor Stuart of Andover, as illustrating the importance of the difference between those who adopt the Year-Day theory and those who do not “Denying in toto, as I do, and disproving, as I think I have done, the truth of your theory in regard to the literal import of Day, I can of course see no evidence, and therefore feel no interest in your reasonings respecting the events which you consider as the fulfillment of these splendid Visions. If a Day stands for a Year, and a Beast represents an Empire, then we are imperatively remanded to a far different order of occurrences in which to read the realization of the mystic scenery from that which you have indicated. As the Spirit of Prophecy has under his illimitable ken the most distant future as well as the nearest present, I know nothing, in reason or exegesis, that should prevent the affairs of the Christian economy being represented by Daniel as well as by John. As the Fourth Beast of Daniel lives and acts through the space of 1260 years, and as the Seven-headed and Ten-horned beast of John prevails through the same period, and puts forth substantially the same demonstrations, I am driven to the conclusion that they adumbrate precisely the same thing — that they are merely different aspects of the same really — and this, I have no question, is the Roman, Empire. This you deny; but I submit that the denial can be sustained only by shewing an adequate reason why the Spirit of God should be debarred from giving such extension to the Visions of the Old Testament Prophets. Until this demand is satisfied, no progress can be made towards convincing the general mind of Christendom of the soundness of your Expositions. The students of Revelation will still reiterate the query, Why the oracles of Daniel; should be so exclusively occupied with the historical fates of Antiochus Ephphanes? If I do not err in the auguries of the times, a struggle is yet to ensue on the prophetic field between two conflicting parties, on whose banners shall be respectively inscribed, Antiochus and Antichrist.”

[¶8] OECOLAMPADIUS, ZUINGLE, AND BULLINGER.

[¶9] This is precisely the point that these Lectures will assist in determining, and the following sketches of the opinions of the immediate predecessors and successors of our Reformer, will be useful hi guiding the judgment of the reader.

[¶10] One of the most learned of the Commentators among the Early Reformers was Oecolampadius, the well-known companion of Zuingle. Bullinger published his notes on the Prophets about fifty years before Beza edited Calvin’s Lectures. His character for piety and profound erudition stood high among his contemporaries, and his elaborate expositions of the Prophets form a tangible proof of his industry, ingenuity, and Christian proficiency. Some account of the method in which he treats these interesting questions will here be appropriate. He divides the Book into the two natural divisions — the Historical and the Prophetical. His remarks on the former portion contain nothing which demands our notice at present; but his second division contains some valuable comments. He takes the Four Beasts of chapter 7 for the Babylonian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman Empires, dwells on the cruelties of Sylla and Marius, Tiberius and Nero; and accuses Aben-Ezra and the Jews of denying this Fourth Beast to mean Heathen Rome, lest they should be compelled to embrace JESUS as their Messiah. He is not satisfied with Jerome’s opinion, that the Ten Horns mean Ten Kings, who should divide among them the territories of the Roman power. He takes the numbers “ten” and “seven” for complete and perfect numbers, quoting from the parable, “The kingdom of heaven is like ten virgins.” He quotes and approves of Hippolytus, who asserts “the Little Horn” to mean the Antichrist., to whom St. Paul alludes in the Second Ephstle to the Thessalonians. Apollinarius and other Ecclesiastical Writers judge rightly in adopting this interpretation, while Polychronius is deceived by Porphyay in referring it to Antiochus. But who is this Antichrist? Is he supposed to rule after the destruction of Heathen or of Papal Rome? Oecolampadius furnishes us with many opinions — some supposing Mahomet, others Trajan, and others the Papal See. He quotes the corresponding passage in the Apocalypse, and implies that the successors of Mahomet and the occupiers of the Chair of St. Peter are equally intended. By thus introducing the modern history of Europe and of Asia, he leans rather to the second of those divisions into which Commentators on Daniel have been divided. On this testing question of “the Time, Times, and Half a Time” he assumes it to mean three years and a half, he has no limit of any extension of the time through 1260 years; adding, “there is no reason why we should be religiously bound to that number, or follow puerile and uncertain triflings.” He will not allow Antichrist to be only a single person, and thus throws an air of indefiniteness over the whole subject.

[¶11] Consistently with these principles, he interprets “The Willful King” of chapter 11 by both Mahomet and the Papacy; and explains how this twofold power should be destroyed in the Holy Land. The repetition in the numbers in chapter 12 is treated very concisely. Literal days are said to be intended, and the possibility of ascertaining certainty is doubted. “If any one has detected any certainty in these obscure dates, I do not envy him the exposition already offered satisfies me; for it is not in our power to know the precise divisions of the time (articulos temporum) ” Throughout the whole Comment of Oecolampadius, there is a tone of pity, and a proficiency in correct interpretation which we seek for in vain in some disciples of the Early Reformers. He was evidently a spiritually-minded man, and was always preaching Christ in his Comments on the Old Testament. In this respect he equals, and if possible surpasses the more elaborate Calvin. The extreme spirituality of this eminent Reformer entitles him, in these days, to more notice than he receives. His constant effort’s to honor Christ as his Redeemer, and the practical and persevering manner in which he preaches the gospel of his Redeemer, in his Old Testament Exposition, should render his writings familiar to every sincere and simple-minded Christian. And we are not surprised when we hear competent judges of the difference between Calvin and himself prefer the tone of his remarks to that of his more vigorous ally.

[¶12] GROTIUS

[¶13] The Commentary of Grotius is also worthy of comparison with that of Calvin. He is very precise and minute in shewing how the history of the East has borne out the truthfulness of the predictions; and is, perhaps, more accurate in details than his predecessor he differs, indeed, in a few points of importance, which will be separately noticed, but, on the whole, his remarks are correct and judicious. The Ten Kings of the seventh chapter (Daniel 7) he considers to be Syrian Monarchs, and enumerates them as Seleuci, Antioch, and Ptolemaei. Polanus and Junius, two Commentators who are constantly quoted by Poole, in his Synopsis, treat the passage in a similar way. The king to arise after them is still confined to the Jewish era, and “the Time, Times,” etc., are supposed to be literally three years and a, half. The 36th verse of chapter 11 (Daniel 11:36), Grotius interprets of Antiochus Ephphanes, and is supported by Junius, Polanus, Maldonatus, Willet, and Broughton. The “Days” of the twelfth chapter are taken literally by all the Commentators quoted by Poole from Calvin to Mede, and all sup — pose the period intended to be during the reign of the successors of Alexander. Mede was the well-known reviver of the Year-Day theory. Before his time it was a vague assertion, he first gave it shape, and form, and plausible consistency, and since his day it has been adopted by many intelligent Critics, among whom are Sir Isaac Newton, Bishop Newton, Faber, Frere, Keith, And Birks.

[¶14] MALDONATUS.

[¶15] The Commentary of Maldonatus, the Jesuit, demands more extended notice, as he lived about the times of our author, and calls him Patriarcha Hereticorum, and looks upon the subject from exactly the opposite point of view. His exposition of Jeremiah, Baruch, Ezekiel, and Daniel, was published at Moguntiae, (Mentz,) 1611. In his procemium he sketches the life of Daniel, and defends his Book against Porphyry, the Manichaeans, and the Anabaptists. He quotes the mention made of Daniel by Ezekiel, and lays it down as a rule, that our ignorance of the author of a book does not impeach its Canonical Authority; and in the spirit of his Religious Society, lays special stress upon the judgment and decision of “the Church.” He next argues in favor of the Apocryphal Books attributed to this Prophet, and then prefers the authority of his Church to the testimony of Jerome. He defends the canonicity of the stories of Susannah and the Idol Bel, and comments on them in two additional chapters, and places “The Song of the Three Children” between Daniel 3:23-24, translating from Theodotion’s version. There is nothing worthy of special notice in his remarks on the first six chapters; but the next six treat of the reign’s of Christ. and of Antichrist. In accordance with this view, he decides upon the Fourth Beast of tale seventh chapter as the Roman Empire, after rejecting the opinion of Aben-Ezra in favor of the Turks, and that of Porphyry, who thought it to be the successors of Alexander. Respecting the “Little Horn,” his wrath is stirred up, for” the heretical Lutherans and Calvinists, and other monstrous sects,” had dared to pronounce it to be the Roman Pontiff. “But this interpretation even their master, Calvin, has shewn to be absurd.” He combats the notion that by one term all the Roman Pontiffs are intended; and then triumphantly asks, Where are the “Three” whom this single one was to pluck up? He further inquires, Whether all were past in his own day, or all future? He determines that it is all yet to be fulfilled, and thus becomes an adherent to the cause of the Futurists. As neither the Ten Horns nor the Eleventh have yet come into existence, it is natural to conclude the Eleventh to be that Antichrist whom Jerome represents not as a Demon, but a man in whom “a whole Satan shall corporally dwell.” He shall reign, he thinks, three years and a half — a distinct and fixed period — objecting to what he calls “figurt; Calvini,” viz., that an uncertain period is intended by so clear an expression. The, various opinions of his predecessors on Daniel 11:36, move rather his derision than his wrath. Their notions about Constantine, and Mahomet, and the Roman Pontiffs, do not need his serious refutation. Almost all Catholics, he adds, both ancient and modern, refer it to the Antichrist. He also accuses the greater part of “the New Heretics” of stating the Michael of the 12th chapter to be, Messiah himself; and treats the “days” of the close of this chapter as partly fulfilled under the Jewish and partly under the Christian dispensations. His inconsistency in this interpretation is more apparent than in the preceding ones; while his work on the whole is worthy of perusal, as he quotes with judgment the opinions of learned Jews and of the earlier Commentators of the Christian Church.

[¶16] Within the first century after the Reformation, the views of Divines respecting these Prophecies were far more in accordance with the ancient Greek and Latin Fathers than those prevalent in the present day. The student who would know how Melancthon, Osiander, and Bullinger treated the subject in reply to Bellarmine, Fererius, and other Romish Divines, may profitably consult Willet’s Hexapla in Danielem, published at Cambridge in 1610, and dedicated to King James I. The arguments of the ancients in reply to “wicked Porphirie” are collected and reviewed, the opinions of various Jewish writers are stated and confuted, and no valuable remark of any preceding Commentator is overlooked. For instance, the Fourth Beast of the seventh chapter is explained according to the Jews, as the Turkish, and to Jerome, of the Roman empire but he decides it to be the kingdom of Syria, under the sway of Seleucus and his posterity. The “Little Horne” is said to be Antiochus; and Calvin’s view, connecting it with Augustus and the following Emperors, is thus treated — “But though these things may, by way of analogy, be thus applied, yet, historically, as hath been shewed at large, this prophecy was fulfilled before the coming of the Messiah into the world.” Bullinger refers it to. the Pope, and others to the Turks; and “These applications, by way of analogie, we mislike not.” The “rimes” are supposed, by the majority of these writers quoted, to be single years, and the whole period three years and a half. His laborious industry respecting the “Seventy Weeks” is most instructive; and he deserves the greatest possible credit for the patience with which he has examined all authorities, and the acuteness with which he has discussed the most opposite opinions. He is careful in remarking the various readings of the text, and the different renderings of all preceding versions. The eleventh chapter he treats as all fulfilled in the history of Syria and Palestine before the birth of Christ. He discusses with much ability the question, whether Antichrist is a single person, or a succession of Rulers, as Caliphs or Popes, and presents us with the decisions of the leading Fathers, Romanists, and Reformers on the “notes and marks wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree.” All who would see Bellarmine fully confuted, and the enormities of this chapter brought home to the several occupants of the See of Rome, will peruse Willet with eagerness and profit. He will also find Calvin’s Interpretations clearly stated and fairly compared with those of the most celebrated Reformers and their most acute antagonists. The days of the twelfth chapter are taken literally, and no hint is given of any elaborate theory of a dozen centuries, extending through the modern history of Europe. To all who love to trace the progress of opinion, respecting the intercourse between men and angels, “the Ancient of Daies,” the Opening of the Books, Michael the Prince, and the application of these Prophecies to the Turks, the Papacy, and the times of a yet future Antichrist, will find hi the “Hexapla” a storehouse of valuable material, where he may exercise, with all freedom, the liberty of choice. It proposes and answers 593 questions, and discusses 134 controversies, the greater part of the latter division being directed against the doctrines aid practices of the Church of Rome.

[¶17] JOSEPH MEDE.

[¶18] A formidable opposition to the principles propounded in these Lectures is found in the writings of Joseph Mede. That learned and ingenious author is usually held as the ablest and earliest expositor of the Year-Day theory. It is neither necessary nor possible for us here either to confirm or confute all his hypotheses; we can only refer to his “Revelatio Antichrist, sive de Numeris Daniel’s, 1290 1335.” (Works, page 717.) The first part is occupied by refuting Broughton and Junius, who assert those mystic days to have been literally fulfilled during the Wars of Antiochus. The prediction, he thinks, fulfilled in the twelfth century of our era, when the persecutions of the Papal See, against the Heretics of those days, are said to verify the words of the Prophet. Dr. Todd has thought this treatise worthy of a detailed refutation, and to all who are interested in determining whether Antichrist is a Succession of Rulers or a single person, his learned remarks are worthy of attentive perusal. In pursuance of his own ideas respecting a personal future Antichrist, he is led to dispute the division of Alexander’s empire into four parts, and to quote at full length various authorities, especially Venema, who endeavored to shew the number of divisions to be ten, and that the portion of chapter 8 usually interpreted of the Roman was really fulfilled by the Grecian Empire in the East.

[¶19] Calvin then, we find, agrees entirely with Venema, and by anticipation confutes the arguments of Dr. Todd. He thinks it surprising, that men versed in Scripture can thus substitute darkness for light. He is supported by Melancthon and Michaelis, Hengstenberg and Rosenmuller as well as by Theodoret and most of the Greek Expositors. He treats those more leniently who modestly and considerately suppose the times of Antiochus to be figurative of those of Antichrist. At this “figura Calvini” Maldonatus sneers; and yet if we determine that Calvin’s solution is right, it is the very principle by which the perusal of Holy Scripture becomes profitable to us. “I desire,” says he, “to treat the Sacred Oracles reverently; but I require something certain.” “If any one wishes to adapt this passage to present use, he may refer it to Antichrist,” on the principle, “that whatever happened to the Ancient Church, occurred for our instruction.” Hence he, allows of a double sense, and raises a question which has been ably contended for and against by many subsequent Divines. It is too important to be passed over, and will demand our notice in our Second Volume.

[¶20] The followers of Mede have met with a formidable antagonist, and the adherents of Calvin a staunch supporter in the late Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of Cambridge. Dr. Lee, in his pamphlet on the Visions of Daniel and St. John has stated his reasons for adhering to the Older Interpreters, thus adopting the principle of the Praeterists, and entirely discarding the slightest reference to the Pope and the Papacy. His conclusions may be exhibited in a few words. Respecting Nebuchadnezzar’s Image, “the feet must of necessity symbolize Heathen Rome in its last times.” “Papal Rome cannot, therefore, possibly be any prolongation of Daniel’s Fourth Empire.” “These Kings,” represented by the Toes, “may, therefore, be supposed in a mystical sense to be, as the digits ten, a round number, and signifying a whole series.” “The Little Horn” is said to be Heathen Rome — its persecuting Emperors from Nero to Constantine fulfilling the Prophetic conditions. The phrase “a Time, Times, and a Half,” is said to refer to the “latter half (mystically speaking) of the Seventieth Week of our Prophet.” “Daniel’s Week of seven days — equivalent here to Ezekiel’s period of seven years — is, we find, divided into two parts mystically considered halves, or of three days and a half.” [...] “That the Roman Power took away the Daily Sacrifice, arid cast down the place of its Sanctuary, it is impossible to doubt. Titus, during the reign of his father Vespasian desolated Jerusalem by destroying both the City and the Sanctuary.” Thus in his general principles of Exposition, this celebrated Hebraist pronounces his verdict in favor of Calvin and his interpretation.

[¶21] No notice is taken in these Lectures of the Deutero-Canonical additions, to this Prophet. In the versions of the Septuagint, and that of Theodotion, there are some additions, to this Book which are not found in the Hebrew Canon. Jerome translated these from the version of Theodotion, and ably replies to the objection of Porphyry by denying the canonicity of the following treatises, viz., The Prayer of Azarias, the Song of The Three Children, the History of Susanna, and The Story of Bel and the Dragon. Eusebius also denies the identity between the Prophet and the Son of Abdias, the priest who ate of the table of the King of Babylon. De Wette, in his Lehrbuch, has discussed the, criticism of these treatises with great ability. As early as the second century, the Septuagint Version of Daniel was superseded by that of Theodotion; and the former was lost till it was discovered and published at Rome in 1772. The views of De Wette, and of” Alber Of Pesth, who contends. against Jahn for the historic truth of these variations,” will be found in the Addenda to Daniel in Kitto’s Cyclopaedia. The Commentators of the Romish Church feel bound in honor to defend these additional portions. Their best arguments will be found in a praiseworthy attempt of J. G. Kerkherdere Historian to his Catholic Majesty Charles III,. to explain some difficulties in this Prophet. He considers, the number of Daniel’s Treatises to be a dozen. He places the history of his own Youth first, that of Susanna second, the Story of Bel and the Dragon third, and Nebuchadnezzar’s Dream fourth; and. then with great precision and clearness, enters upon those historical questions which need both acuteness and research in their treatment. Bellarmine also dwells on the testimony of the Greek Fathers, but meets, with an able opponent in Willet, the laborious author of the Hexapla in Danielem.

[¶22] It must not be forgotten that portions of this Book, like that of Ezra, are written in Chaldee. From the fourth verse of chapter 2 to the end of chapter 7., the language is Chaldee. Rosemuller assigns as a reason for this, the desire of the author to represent Nebuchadnezzar and the Magi as speaking in the language of their country. However valid this reason may be for the earlier chapters, it is not equally so for the sixth and seventh, since the Medes and Persians probably used the Persian tongue. Abarbenel, in the preface to his Commentaries, supposes that Chaldee was no longer in use after the taking of the city; and that Daniel, through ignorance of Persian, returned to the use of Hebrew. C.B. Michaelis, however, demurs to this, and suggests that the use of either tongue was arbitrary, just as modern scholars use either Latin or their own vernacular tongue according to their convenience and taste. The occurrence of this older form of the Aramaic idiom has been seized upon by the opponents of the, authenticity of this Book, while its use has been ably explained and vindicated by Hengstenberg.

[¶23] THE RELIGIOUS, SOCIAL, AND POLITICAL VALUE OF CALVIN’S

[¶24] METHOD OF EXPOSITION.

[¶25] In concluding our Introductory Remarks it will be useful to offer a few suggestions on the Religious, Social, and Political value of Calvin’s Method of Exposition throughout these Lectures. Such suggestions are the more appropriate in these days when views directly adverse to our Reformer’s are extensively popular through the ingenious theories of Faber, Elliott, and Cumming. Those who have imbibed their views will pronounce these Volumes profitless and barren. “What can it benefit us,” they will ask, “in the present day, to know how many Kings reigned from Cyrus to Xerxes; the changes in the Empire of Alexander; the troops which fought at Raphia; the marriage of Bernice, and the, results of the invasion of Greece by Antiochus,...” “Why not suffer these antiquated facts of history to sleep quietly in the dust, and bend our strength to the controversies and practical movements of the present hour?” May we not reply, that he is best able to understand and unfold the religious phases of the age in which he lives, who is most familiar with the events and opinions of all preceding times. A man can permanently impress his own age with the precepts of spiritual wisdom, who knows nothing but what his own eyes have seen, and his own hands have handled. The ever varied messages of the Holy Spirit have always combined historical reality with the deepest spiritual significance. The details of Profane History and its comparison with the Sacred Text will never, by itself, enable us to reap the full harvest of solid improvement from the perusal of these Sacred Oracles. We must dive deeper than the surface. We must look at them in the light of one majestic and solemn truth. They are all “the foreseen counsels and works of the living God; the vast scheme of Providence which he has ordained for his own glory, and steps in the fulfillment of his everlasting counsel.”

[¶26] We are fully aware, that many will pronounce these Volumes deficient in spiritual life, and in Protestant zeal. But the Christian who dares not dogmatize beyond the direct teachings of the Spirit of God, will apply them indirectly to the events of the present era, on the intelligible principles of Sacred Analogy. They thus become a portion of that Divine Lesson which fulfilled Prophecy is ever reading to the Church of God. They display His ceaseless dominion over the wills of Sovereigns and over the destinies of Nations. When abstract truths are felt to be powerless in breaking the spell of worldliness, and in piercing within the charmed circle of social strife and political party, these embodied proofs of an ever-watchful Deity may awe men into submission to his sovereign will. The hollow maxims of earthly policy will never be superseded till men reverence the God Of Daniel, and, like the heavenly Elders, cast all their crowns of intellect and renown before His throne. From the days of Nebuchadnezzar and of Cyrus, we see in every change the foot;-prints of a guiding Deity. “The reigns of Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius; the armament of Xerxes, with its countless myriad’s; the marches, and counter-marches, and conflicts, the subtle plots and shifting alliances of contending kings, long before they occurred, were noted down in the Scriptures of Truth — the Secret Volume of the Divine counsels. All of them, before they rose into birth, were revealed by the Son of God to his holy Prophets; and they remain till the end of time an imperishable monument of His Providence and foreknowledge. All was foreseen by His wisdom and ordained by his Sovereign power. The passing generations of mankind, while they see, this blue arch of Providence above them, and around them, sure and steadfast, age after age, like Him who has ordained it, must feel a deep and quiet reverence take possession of their soul.” The minuteness of detail in the visions concerning Alexander and Ptolemy Soter, and the repulse of Antiochus, convey the same instructive lesson. “Every royal marriage, like that of Berenice or Cleopatra, with all its secret issues of Peace or war, of discord or union; the levying of every army, the capture of every fortress, the length of every reign, the issue of every battle, the lies of deceitful ambition, the treachery of councilors, the complex web of policy, woven out of ten thousand human wiles, and each of them agahl the product of ten thousand various influences of good and evil, all are portrayed with unerring accuracy in the ‘Scriptures of Truth.’” [...] “The pride of Antiochus the Great, his successful ambition and military triumphs, his schemes of politic affinity, nay, even his prudent regard for the house of God, cannot avert. the sentence written against him, for his fraud and violence in the Word of Truth. In the height of seeming power, his own reproach is turned against him, and he tumbles and falls, and is not found.”

[¶27] If, then, we conclude with Calvin, that the persecution of the Little Horn and the idolatries of the Willful King are past, on what principle are we to derive instruction from their perusal? By the induction’s of a Divine analogy, by the assertion that “all which has passed is in some sense typical of all that is to come.” “The Saints of the Most High” are always the special objects of Jehovah’s regard; they ever meet with an oppressor as fierce as Antiochus, and as hateful as “the Man of Sin;” but still, whatever their sufferings under a Guise or an Alva, they shall ultimately “take the Kingdom,” and possess it for ever. Strongholds of Mahuzzim there always. will be, under either the successors of Medici or the descendants of Mahomet. The evidence of Gibbon, which has been used so freely by many modern theorists, is equally valuable on the hypothesis, that similar relations between the Church and the world occur over and over again in the course of successive ages. A parallel may often be drawn by an ingenious mind between the persecutions of Heathen and of Papal Rome, and the temptation is, always great to refer the fulfillment of Prophecy exclusively to that system of things with which we are immediately and personally concerned. Military ambition, subtle policy, the arts of Statesmen, the voice of excited multitudes, the passions of every hour, the delusions of every age — all must pass in silent review Under the eye of heaven. They are repeated with every successive generation under an infinite variety of outward form, but with a perfect identity in spirit and in feeling. It may be safely asserted, that every social and political change from the times of Nebuchadnezzar to those of Constantine, have had their historic parallel from the days of Charlemagne to those of Napoleon. Hence, Predictions which originally related to the Empires of the East, may be naturally transferred to the transactions of Western Christendom. At the same time, there never may have been the slightest intention in the mind of the writer to apply them in this double sense. We cannot venture to discuss all the arguments either for or against the double sense of Prophecy. Calvin, at least, opposed it strongly, and whenever he swerved from the literal version, he substituted the principle of accommodation, according to the educated taste of an experienced Expounder of Holy Writ. It will, perhaps, be our truest wisdom to listen to the judicious advice of Bishop Horsley — “Every single text of prophecy is to be considered as a portion of an entire system, and to be understood in that sense which may best connect it with the whole. The sense of Prophecy, in general, is to be sought in the events which have actually taken place [...] To qualify the Christian to make a judicious application of these rules, no skill is requisite in verbal criticism — no proficiency in the subtleties of the logician’s art — no acquisition of recondite learning. That degree of understanding with which serious minds are ordinarily blessed — those general views of the schemes of Providence, and that general acquaintance with the Prophetic language which no Christian can be wanting in these qualifications will enable the pious, though unlearned Christian, to succeed in the application of the Apostle’s rules.” (2 Peter 1:20, 21.) While this sentiment is cheering to the humble minded believer, another principle laid down by the same author must never be omitted. The meaning of a prediction “never can be discovered without a general knowledge of the principal events to which k alludes.” Let Calvin, then, be judged by this simple test — and before we venture to condemn him, let us be equally patient, and equally careful to gather all the information within our reach.

[¶28] CONTEMPORARY EVENTS IN FRANCE.

[¶29] The period when our Reformer addressed these Lectures To All The Pious Worshippers Of God In France, is now worthy of our attention. Calvin writes from Geneva at the close of the month of August A.D. 1561, immediately preceding that Colloquy at Poissy to which reference was made in the preface to Ezekiel. His Letter depicts so faithfully the state of persecution in which the Christians of France were placed, and compares it so efficiently with the condition of Daniel and the pious worshippers of God under Nebuchadnezzar, that the more we know of the times in which Calvin wrote, the more complete the parallel appears. An animated sketch of this eventful era has lately been published by the Queen’s Professor of Modern History in the University of Cambridge; and as the views of the Editor accord with those of the Professor “On the Reformation and the Wars of Religion” in France, we shall abridge and condense his narrative, as the best suited to our purpose.

[¶30] THE GENERAL SYNOD OF PROTESTANTS AT PARIS.

[¶31] When Calvin addressed his followers in France, as desirous of the firm establishment of Christ’s kingdom in the native land, he was at His College in Geneva; but his labors and his Writings were all-powerful in influence with the Reformed in France. Their numbers were large throughout the cities and villages of the Empire. Lefevre and Farel were as father and son in ceaseless efforts to make known to these Gentiles “the, unsearchable riches of Christ.” Their evangelical preaching was signally blessed. Briconnet, the Bishop of Meaux, aided them in translating the Evangelists and in heralding the word of God, and so rapidly and widely had their gospel been received, that “a Heretic of Meaux” became the popular title for an opponent of the Papacy. Notwithstanding the hideous spectacle and the odious Massacre of the 29th of January 1535, when Francis I. celebrated the Fete of Paris by the Martyrdom of the Saints of God, the Reformers were so numerous throughout the realm, that a serious conflict was approaching between themselves and their foes. On the 25th of May 1559, a General Synod Of All Protestant Congregations was solemnly convened and held at Paris — the ecclesiastical system of their Patriarch at Geneva was adopted, and his “Institution Chretienne” became the source and basis of their Confession of Faith. Paris was but the energizing center of an organized Church throughout the Sixteen Provinces of the Realm, while Synods, and Consistories, and Conferences formed a kind of Spiritual Republic, spreading like network over the land. But the hand and the eye of the Persecutor was upon them. Rome had its despotic tyrants both in Court and Camp. In the very midst of the Parliament at Paris, a confessor of the true fifth appeared — but his courage was extinguished by his condemnation. Dubourg, a magistrate of eminent learning and illustrious family, in the presence of the King, in his place in Parliament, invoked a National Council for the Reform of Religion, and denounced the persecution of Heritics as a crime against Him whose holy name they were accustomed to adore with their dying breath. He expected His audacity by his death, and before the grave had been opened for him it had closed upon the Royal Tyrant, Henery II., who bequeathed his crown to a second France in his sixteenth year. And who knows not the crafty, treacherous, and intriguing wickedness of the Queen-mother, Catherine or Medici? Who knows not the ambitious worldliness of the two sons of Claude or Lorraine — Francis, the Duke of Guise — the savage butcher of the Huguenots of Champagne, and Charles, the Cardinal Lorraine, the subtle agent of Rome’s most hateful policy? These artful brothers worked their way to supreme influence in the national councils. Having married their niece, Mary Queen or Scots, to the youthful Sovereign, they employed their vast influence for the wholesale martyrdom of the defenseless flock of Christ. In every Parliament of the kingdom they established Chambers for trying and burning all persons charged with herisy, which obtained the unenviable notoriety of” chambres ardentes.” “But deep,” says the eloquent Lecturer, “called unto deep.” The alarmed and exasperated Huguenots, confident in their strength and deriving courage from despair, rose in many parts of France to repel, or at least to punish their antagonists. In the midst of the anarchy of the times, a voice was raised in calm and earnest remonstrance, urging toleration and peace. In August 1560, the, renowned Chancellor L’hopital appeared before the King and an assembly of notables at Fontainebleau. He presents a Petition from the whole Reformed Church of the realm, and requests the royal permission for the free performance of public worship. “Your Petition,” says the King, “is without a signature!” “True, sire,” replies Coligny “but if you will allow us to meet for the purpose, I will obtain 50,000 signatures in one day in Normandy alone!” His zeal might occasion a slight; exaggeration — but the phrase presents us with data for conjecturing the number of “the pious” whom our Reformer addressed about a year afterwards. As soon as opportunity was given for listening to the glad tidings of salvation, large accessions were made to the hosts of the believers. Farel, though advanced in years, preached the truth to large and ethusiastic assemblages. In the neighborhood of Paris, the followers of Beza were numerous, and his admirers reckoned them at 40,000. L’hopital presented to the Queen-mother a list of 2150 Ireformed Congregations, each under the ministry of a separate pastor, and he reckoned the number of the Huguenots as one-third of that of the Romanists!

[¶32] EDICT OF POISSY.

[¶33] At the very moment when Calvin was penning in his study the Letter which is prefixed to these Lectures Of Daniel, the Edict of July 1561 was issued. It bears the impress of the restored influence of the House of Lorraine, which ever proved an implacable foe to the Gospel of Christ as preached by The Calvinists. That Edict forbid their public assemblies, and yet tolerated their private and social worship. It protected them from injury on account of their opinions, and provided for a National Council which should, if possible, settle differences which were in their nature irreconcilable. This important enactment was issued in the Assembly at Poissy, held a few weeks after the date of the Letter which follows this Preface, and which has been alluded to in the Preface to Ezekiel. Cams was absent, because the French Court refused to give those securities for his safety which the, Republic of Geneva required. But he was ably represented by Beza, and a dozen ministers, and twenty-two lay deputies of the Churches. The dramatic taste of the French mind was gratified by the scene, for the tournaments of belted knights had now given way to those of theological disputant,. In the Refectory of the great Convent the boy King was seated on a temporary throne. The members of his family, the officers and ladies of his Court, were stationed on one side, six Cardinals, with an array of mitred Bishops, were assembled on the other. The rustic garb of Beza and his associates, as they were introduced to their Sovereign by the Chancellor, contrasted strongly with the gorgeous apparel and the showy splendor of the Court and its attendants. The political Cardinal or Lorraine and the subtle General of the Jesuits, Iago Lasquez, conducted the dispute against Beza. The Doctors of the Sorbonne watched the sport with official keenness, while Catherine listened to the debate with secret contempt, having long ago determined to root out every Heretic as soon as she could throw the mantle of policy over her cruelty.

[¶34] PARALLEL BETWEEN THE PROTESTANTS IN FRANCE ANDTHE JEWS IN BABYLON.

[¶35] The matured Christian is now enabled to see at a glance, that such Conferences are, of necessity, worthless as to any progress of vital religion in the soul. The narrative, however, may enable the reader to enter a little into the state of the Christian, in France when Calvin’s indicted his Prefatory Letter, and may justify the comparison which he makes between their lot, under the tyranny of such merciless rulers, and that of Daniel under the sway of the imperious Nebuchadnezzar, and at the tender mercy of his colleagues under Darius. The parallel is as complete as it could possibly be between the temporal position of the pious in France, and that of the devout Jews in Babylon — and the graphic description of the Royal Professor of Modern History fully justifies the pastoral anxiety of the austere Theologian of Geneva.

[¶36] ARRANGEMENT OF THE PRESENT WORK.

[¶37] The Contents of these Volumes are as follow —

[¶38] The first Volume contains a translation of Calvin’s elaborate Address to All the Faithful in France; and also of his Preface, to his Lectures. Their translation is continued to the end of the Sixth Chapter, which closes the Historical portion. of the Book. Dissertations explanatory of the subject-matter of the Commentary close the Volume, containing various historical, critical, and exegetical remarks, illustrating the Sacred Text as expounded by our Reformer. The chief of them are as follow, viz.

[¶39] CHAPTER 1 The Date of Jehoiakim’s Reign. Nebuchadnezzar — one King or two? His Ancestors and Successors The Chaldeans. The Three Children. Coresh — was he Cyrus the Great?

[¶40] CHAPTER 2 The Dream. The Image. The Stone cut without hands.

[¶41] CHAPTER 3 The Statue at Dura. The Magistrates. The Musical Instruments. The Son of God

[¶42] CHAPTER 4 The Watcher. The Madness. The Edict of Praise.

[¶43] CHAPTER 5 Belshazzar and the feast. The Queen. The Handwriting. The Medes And Persians. Derius the Mede. The Capture of Babylon.

[¶44] CHAPTER 6 The Three Presidents. The King’s Decease. The Prolongation of Daniel’s Life.