96. When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him. Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: which considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.
96. Τούτων ἡ Κλεοπάτρα τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις Εὐφράτου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπʼ Ἀρμενίαν στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν Ἀπαμείᾳ καὶ Δαμασκῷ, παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν Ἡρώδου συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε Ἀραβίας τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν Ἱεριχοῦντα προσόδους [Ἡρώδου] μισθωσαμένου· φέρει δʼ ἡ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον, ὃ τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται, τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν. ἐν τούτοις οὖσα καὶ πλείονος αὐτῇ συνηθείας πρὸς τὸν Ἡρώδην γινομένης διεπείραζεν εἰς συνουσίαν ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ, φύσει μὲν ἀπαρακαλύπτως ταῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἡδοναῖς χρωμένη, τάχα δέ τι καὶ παθοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐρωτικὸν ἢ καὶ τὸ πιθανώτερον ἀρχὴν ἐνέδρας τὴν ἐπʼ αὐτῇ γενησομένην ὕβριν ὑποκατασκευάζουσα· τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας ἡττῆσθαι διέφαινεν. Ἡρώδης δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν οὐκ εὔνους ἦν τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ χαλεπὴν εἰς ἅπαντας ἐπιστάμενος, τότε δὲ καὶ μισεῖν ἀξιῶν, εἰ διʼ ἀσέλγειαν εἰς τοῦτο πρόεισιν, καὶ φθῆναι τιμωρούμενος, εἰ ἐνεδρεύουσα τοιούτοις ἐγχειροίη, τοὺς μὲν λόγους αὐτῆς διεκρούσατο, βουλὴν δʼ ἐποιήσατο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ὑποχείριον ἔχων ἀποκτεῖναι· πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαλλάξειν κακῶν ἅπαντας οἷς ἐγένετό τε ἤδη χαλεπὴ καὶ προσεδοκᾶτο· τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ λυσιτελήσειν οὐδʼ ἐκείνῳ πιστῆς ἐσομένης, εἴ τις αὐτὸν καιρὸς ἢ χρεία κατάσχοι τοιούτων δεησόμενον. ταῦτα βουλευόμενον ἐκώλυον οἱ φίλοι, πρῶτον μὲν διδάσκοντες, ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον μείζω πράττοντα κινδύνων τὸν φανερώτατον ἀναλαμβάνειν, ἐγκείμενοι δὲ καὶ δεόμενοι μηδὲν ἐκ προπετείας ἐπιτηδεύειν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι τὸν Ἀντώνιον, οὐδʼ εἰ σφόδρα τις αὐτῷ τὸ συμφέρον στήσειε πρὸ τῶν ὀμμάτων· τόν τε γὰρ ἔρωτα μᾶλλον ὑπεκκαύσειν τὸ δοκεῖν βίᾳ καὶ κατʼ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῆς στέρεσθαι, μέτριον δὲ οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν ἀπολογίαν φανεῖσθαι, τοῦ μὲν ἐπιχειρήματος εἰς γυναῖκα γεγενημένου μέγιστον ἀξίωμα τῶν κατʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐσχηκυῖαν τὸν χρόνον, τῆς δʼ ὠφελείας, εἰ καὶ ταύτην τις οἰηθείη, σὺν αὐθαδείᾳ καὶ καταγνώσει τῆς ἐκείνου διαθέσεως φανουμένης. ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἄδηλον, ὡς μεγάλων καὶ ἀπαύστων κακῶν ἀναπλησθήσεται τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ γένος, ἐξὸν ἀποκρουσάμενον τὴν ἁμαρτίαν, εἰς ἣν ἐκείνη παρακαλεῖ, θέσθαι τὸν καιρὸν εὐσχημόνως. τοιαῦτα δεδιττόμενοι καὶ τὸ κινδυνῶδες ἐξ εἰκότος παραδηλοῦντες ἐπέσχον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως. ὁ δὲ τὴν Κλεοπάτραν δωρεαῖς θεραπεύσας ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου προύπεμψεν.
104. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archclaus and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.
104. Ἀντώνιος δὲ τὴν Ἀρμενίαν λαβὼν Ἀρταβάζην τὸν Τιγράνου σὺν τοῖς παισὶν σατράπαις δέσμιον εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀποπέμπει, δωρούμενος τούτοις τὴν Κλεοπάτραν καὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ τῆς βασιλείας, ὃν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔλαβεν. Ἀρμενίας δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀρταξίας ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων διαδρὰς ἐν τῷ τότε. καὶ τοῦτον Ἀρχέλαος καὶ Νέρων Καῖσαρ ἐκβαλόντες Τιγράνην τὸν νεώτερον ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κατήγαγον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ.
106. But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions.
106. Περὶ δὲ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἔδει τελεῖν τῆς ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου δοθείσης χώρας, ὁ μὲν Ἡρώδης δίκαιος ἦν οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος διδόναι τῇ Κλεοπάτρᾳ μίσους αἰτίαν. ὁ δʼ Ἄραψ Ἡρώδου τὴν φορὰν ἐπιδεξαμένου χρόνον μέν τινα παρεῖχεν ἐκείνῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ κακοήθης ἦν καὶ βραδὺς εἰς τὰς ἀποδόσεις καὶ μόλις εἰ καὶ μέρη τινὰ διαλύσειεν οὐδὲ ταῦτα διδόναι δοκῶν ἀζημίως.
108. HEREUPON Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony. But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them. And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks: whereupon a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this man was Cleopatra’s general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than themselves. And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy’s army: whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.
108. Ἡρώδης δὲ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀγνωμονοῦντος καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν δικαίων ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντος εἶχεν μὲν ὡς ἐπεξελευσόμενος, προθεσμίᾳ δὲ ἐχρήσατο τῷ Ῥωμαϊκῷ πολέμῳ. τῆς γὰρ ἐπʼ Ἀκτίῳ μάχης προσδοκωμένης, ἣν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος συνέβη γενέσθαι, Καῖσαρ μὲν Ἀντωνίῳ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἔμελλεν ἀγωνιεῖσθαι πραγμάτων, Ἡρώδης δὲ καὶ τῆς χώρας εὐβοτουμένης αὐτῷ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον καὶ προσόδων καὶ δυνάμεως εὑρημένων, Ἀντωνίῳ συμμαχίαν κατέλεξεν ἐπιμελέστατα ταῖς παρασκευαῖς χρησάμενος. Ἀντώνιος δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐκείνου συμμαχίας οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Ἄραβα, καὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόει παρʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας τὴν ἀπιστίαν, ἐπεξελθεῖν προσέταττεν. ἠξίου γὰρ ἡ Κλεοπάτρα ταῦτα λυσιτελεῖν αὐτῇ τὸν ἕτερον ὑπὸ θατέρου κακῶς πάσχειν ἡγουμένη. τούτων αὐτῷ παρʼ Ἀντωνίου λεχθέντων ὑποστρέψας Ἡρώδης συνεῖχεν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ὡς εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν Ἀραβίαν ἐμβαλῶν, καὶ παρασκευασθέντος ἱππικοῦ καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως εἰς Διόσπολιν ἀφικνεῖται τῶν Ἀράβων ἐκεῖ συναντώντων· οὐ γὰρ ἐλελήθει τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτούς· καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης ἐκράτησαν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλὴ στρατιὰ τῶν Ἀράβων εἰς Κάνατα συνῄει· χωρία δʼ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς κοίλης Συρίας· Ἡρώδης τε προπεπυσμένος ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλεῖστον ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως, καὶ πλησιάσας ἐν καλῷ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι διεγνώκει χάρακά τε βαλόμενος ἐξ εὐκαίρου ταῖς μάχαις ἐπιχειρεῖν. ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ διατάττοντος ἐβόα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων παρελόμενον τῆς τριβῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας· ὥρμητο δὲ καὶ τῷ συντετάχθαι πιστεύειν καλῶς καὶ ταῖς προθυμίαις ἄμεινον ἐχόντων ὅσοι τὴν πρώτην μάχην νενικήκεσαν οὐδʼ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψαντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις. θορυβούντων οὖν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπιδεικνυμένων σπουδὴν ἔγνω τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποχρήσασθαι, καὶ προειπών, ὡς οὐ λελείψεται τῆς ἐκείνων ἀρετῆς, πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἡγήσατο πάντων κατʼ οἰκεῖα τέλη συνακολουθησάντων. ἔκπληξις δʼ εὐθὺς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς Ἄραψιν· ἀντιστάντες γὰρ εἰς ὀλίγον ὡς ἑώρων ἀμάχους ὄντας καὶ μεστοὺς φρονήματος, ἔφευγον οἱ πλείους ἐγκλίναντες κἂν διεφθάρησαν Ἀθηνίωνος μὴ κακώσαντος Ἡρώδην καὶ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους. οὗτος γὰρ ὢν στρατηγὸς μὲν Κλεοπάτρας ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ, διάφορος δὲ Ἡρώδῃ, τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπαρασκεύως ἐσκόπει, δρασάντων μέν τι λαμπρὸν τῶν Ἀράβων ἐγνωκὼς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, ἡττωμένων δέ, ὃ καὶ συνέβη, τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνεληλυθόσι τῶν οἰκείων παρεσκευασμένος ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις. καὶ τότε κεκμηκόσι τε καὶ νικᾶν οἰομένοις ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιπεσὼν πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον· τάς τε γὰρ προθυμίας εἰς τοὺς ὁμολογουμένους ἐχθροὺς ἐκδαπανήσαντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ τῷ νικᾶν ἐπʼ ἀδείας χρώμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἐπιχειρησάντων ἡττῶντο καὶ πολλὰς ἐλάμβανον πληγὰς ἐν χωρίοις ἀφίπποις καὶ πετρώδεσιν, ὧν πλείω τὴν ἐμπειρίαν εἶχον οἱ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ποιησάμενοι. κακῶς δὲ πασχόντων οἵ τε Ἄραβες αὑτοὺς ἀνειλήφεσαν καὶ πάλιν ὑποστρέψαντες ἔκτεινον ἤδη τετραμμένους. ἐγένοντο δὲ παντοδαπαὶ κτιννυμένων ἀπώλειαι, καὶ τῶν διαπιπτόντων οὐ πολλοὶ συνέφευγον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἡρώδης ἀπεγνωκὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἀφιππάζεται βοήθειαν ἄξων· οὐ μὴν ἔφθη καίπερ ἐσπουδακὼς ἐπαρκεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον ἥλω τῶν Ἰουδαίων, οἱ δʼ Ἄραβες οὐδὲ μετρίως εὐτυχήκεσαν ἐκ παραλόγου νίκην τε ἧς πλεῖστον ἀπεδέησαν ἀνειληφότες καὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀφῃρημένοι δύναμιν. τοὐντεῦθεν ὁ μὲν Ἡρώδης λῃστείαις ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ πολλὰ κατατρέχων τὴν τῶν Ἀράβων ἐκάκου ταῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς στρατοπεδευόμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων, καὶ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐξίστατο κατὰ τοὐμφανὲς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, οὐκ ἀζήμιος δὲ γινόμενος τῇ συνεχείᾳ καὶ τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν τε οἰκείων ἐπεμελεῖτο παντὶ τρόπῳ τὸ πταῖσμα διορθούμενος.
121. At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy’s country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in the manner following:
121. Ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τῆς ἐπʼ Ἀκτίῳ μάχης συνεσταμένης Καίσαρι πρὸς Ἀντώνιον ἑβδόμου δʼ ὄντος Ἡρώδῃ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτους σεισθεῖσα ἡ γῆ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ὡς οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἐδόκει, τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κτηνῶν πολὺν φθόρον ἐποίησεν. ἐφθάρησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ ταῖς πεπτωκυίαις οἰκίαις περὶ τρισμυρίους· τὸ μέντοι στρατιωτικὸν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ διαιτώμενον οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους κατεβλάβη. ταῦτα πυνθανομένοις τοῖς Ἄραψιν καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν ἐξαγγελλόντων αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων λόγους τῷ μίσει τῶν ἀκουσομένων ἐχαρίζοντο μεῖζον ἐπῄει φρονεῖν, ὡς τῆς τε χώρας ἀνατετραμμένης τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διεφθορότων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν ἔτι μηδʼ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀντίπαλον καταλελεῖφθαι δοκεῖν. καὶ τῶν τε Ἰουδαίων τοὺς πρέσβεις, ἧκον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις, συλλαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν καὶ μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας ἐχώρουν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτῶν. οἱ δʼ οὔτε τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς ἀθύμως διακείμενοι προΐεντο τὰ πράγματα, πλεῖστον ἀπογνώσεως ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες· οὐ γὰρ ἦν οὔτε ἰσοτιμίας ἐλπὶς προηττημένοις ἐν ταῖς μάχαις οὔτε βοηθείας κεκακωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν οἴκοι πραγμάτων. οὕτως οὖν ἐχόντων ἐπῆγεν ὁ βασιλεὺς λόγῳ τε πείθων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ πειρώμενος ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτῶν πεπτωκότα τὰ φρονήματα. προδιακινήσας δὲ καὶ παραθαρρύνας τινὰς τῶν ἀμεινόνων ἐτόλμησεν ἤδη καὶ τῷ πλήθει διαλέγεσθαι πρότερον ὀκνῶν αὐτό, μὴ καὶ χαλεπῷ χρήσηται διὰ τὰς ἀτυχίας. παρεκάλει δὲ τοιούτους ποιούμενος εἰς τὸν ὄχλον τοὺς λόγους·
127. “You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends. And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it: is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage. But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy. But then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath aftrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened all indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you. Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in valor.”
127. οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν, ἄνδρες, ὅτι πολλὰ παρὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν γεγένηται πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ἡμῖν ἐναντιώματα, καὶ θαρρεῖν εἰκὸς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις οὐδὲ τοὺς πλεῖστον ἀνδραγαθίᾳ διενηνοχότας. ἀλλʼ ἐπειδὴ κατεπείγει τε πολεμεῖν καὶ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδέν ἐστιν τοιοῦτον, ὃ μὴ διʼ ἑνὸς ἔργου καλῶς πραχθέντος ἐπανορθώσεται, παρακαλέσαι προειλόμην ὑμᾶς ἅμα καὶ διδάξαι διʼ ὧν ἂν ἐμμείναιτε τοῖς οἰκείοις φρονήμασιν. βούλομαι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ὡς δικαίως αὐτὸ ποιοῦμεν ἐπιδεῖξαι, διὰ τὴν ὕβριν τῶν ἐναντίων ἠναγκασμένοι· μέγιστον γὰρ εἰ μάθοιτε τοῦτο προθυμίας ὑμῖν αἴτιον ἔσται· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεῖξαι, διότι καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν δεινὸν οὐδέν ἐστιν καὶ πλείστας εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἔχομεν τὰς ἐλπίδας. ἄρξομαι δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου μάρτυρας ὑμᾶς ποιούμενος ὧν λέγω· τὴν γὰρ τῶν Ἀράβων παρανομίαν ἴστε μὲν δήπου καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας οὕτως ἀπίστως διακειμένων, ὡς εἰκὸς ἔχειν τὸ βάρβαρον καὶ ἀνεννόητον θεοῦ, πλεῖστα μέντοι προσέκρουσαν ἡμῖν πλεονεξίᾳ καὶ φθόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ταραχαῖς ἐφεδρεύοντες ἐξ ὑπογύου. καὶ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν; ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύοντας αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσεῖν καὶ δουλεύειν Κλεοπάτρᾳ τίνες ἄλλοι τοῦ δέους ἀπήλλαξαν; ἡ γὰρ ἐμὴ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον φιλία κἀκείνου πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσις αἰτία γεγένηται μηδὲ τούτους ἀνήκεστόν τι παθεῖν, φυλαττομένου τἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἐπιτηδεύειν, ὃ δύναιτʼ ἂν ὕποπτον ἡμῖν γενέσθαι. βουληθέντος δὲ ὅμως Κλεοπάτρᾳ μέρη τινὰ παρασχεῖν ἀφʼ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ τοῦτο διῳκησάμην ἐγώ, καὶ πολλὰ δῶρα δοὺς ἰδίᾳ τὸ μὲν ἀσφαλὲς ἀμφοτέροις ἐπορισάμην, τὰς δὲ δαπάνας αὐτὸς ἀνέλαβον, διακόσια μὲν δοὺς τάλαντα, διακοσίων δʼ ἐγγυητὴς γενόμενος, ἃ τῇ μὲν προσοδευομένῃ γέγονεν, αὐτοὶ δʼ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπεστερήμεθα. καίτοι γε ἄξιον ἦν μηδενὶ τῶν ὄντων Ἰουδαίους φόρον ἢ τῆς χώρας ἀπόμοιραν τελεῖν, εἰ δʼ οὖν, ἀλλʼ οὐχ ὑπέρ γε τούτων οὓς αὐτοὶ σεσώκαμεν, οὐδὲ τοὺς Ἄραβας ὁμολογήσαντας ἐντεύξεως καὶ χάριτος ὅτι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐδόκουν τυγχάνειν ἀδικεῖν ἡμᾶς ἀποστεροῦντας, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ πολεμίους ὄντας, ἀλλὰ φίλους. ὡς ἥ γε πίστις ἔχουσα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιωτάτους τόπον τοῖς γε φίλοις ἀναγκαιοτάτη τετηρῆσθαι, ἀλλʼ οὐ παρὰ τούτοις, οἳ τὸ μὲν κερδαίνειν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου κάλλιστον ὑπειλήφασιν, τὸ δʼ ἄδικον οὐκ ἐπιζήμιον, εἰ μόνον κερδαίνειν δυνηθεῖεν. ἔστιν οὖν ἔτι ζήτησις ὑμῖν, εἰ δεῖ τοὺς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι, τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλομένου καὶ παραγγέλλοντος ἀεὶ μισεῖν τὴν ὕβριν καὶ τὴν ἀδικίαν, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μόνον δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον πόλεμον ἐξιόντων; ἃ γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται παρανομώτατα τοῖς τε Ἕλλησιν καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις, ταῦτα ἔπραξαν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀποσφάξαντες αὐτούς, τῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων ἱεροὺς καὶ ἀσύλους εἶναι φαμένων τοὺς κήρυκας, ἡμῶν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν δογμάτων καὶ τὰ ὁσιώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις διʼ ἀγγέλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων· τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα καὶ ἀνθρώποις θεὸν εἰς ἐμφάνειαν ἄγει καὶ πολεμίους πολεμίοις διαλλάττειν δύναται. ποῖον οὖν μεῖζον ἂν γένοιτο ἀσέβημα ἢ πρέσβεις ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου διαλεγομένους; πῶς δʼ ἂν ἔτι δύναιντο ἢ περὶ τὸν βίον εὐσταθεῖν ἢ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐτυχεῖν τοιούτων αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένων; ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδαμῶς δοκοῦσιν. ἴσως τοίνυν τὸ μὲν ὅσιον καὶ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μεθʼ ἡμῶν, ἀνδρειότεροι δὲ ἢ πλείους ἐκεῖνοι τετυχήκασιν. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν ἀνάξιον ὑμῖν ταῦτα λέγειν· μεθʼ ὧν γὰρ τὸ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μετʼ ἐκείνων ὁ θεός, θεοῦ δὲ παρόντος καὶ πλῆθος καὶ ἀνδρεία πάρεστιν. ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὰ καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐξετάσωμεν, ἐνικήσαμεν τῇ πρώτῃ μάχῃ· συμβαλόντες τὴν δευτέραν οὐδὲ ἀντέσχον ἡμῖν, ἀλλʼ ἔφυγον εὐθὺς οὐχ ὑπομείναντες τὴν ἔφοδον καὶ τὰ φρονήματα· νικῶσιν ἡμῖν Ἀθηνίων ἐπέθετο πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον ἐπάγων. πότερον ἀνδραγαθία τοῦτʼ ἔστιν ἐκείνων ἢ δευτέρα παρανομία καὶ ἐνέδρα; τί οὖν ἔλαττον φρονοῦμεν ἐφʼ οἷς μείζους ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας; πῶς δʼ ἂν καταπλαγείημεν τοὺς ὅταν μὲν ἐξ ἀληθείας ἀγωνίζωνται πάντοτε νικωμένους, ὅταν δὲ κρατεῖν νομισθῶσιν ἐξ ἀδικίας αὐτὸ ποιοῦντας; πῶς δʼ ἄν, εἰ καὶ γενναίους ἡγεῖταί τις αὐτούς, οὐ παρʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ὁρμηθείη; τὸ γὰρ εὔψυχον οὐκ ἐν τῷ τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις ἐπιχειρεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι καὶ τῶν ἰσχυροτέρων κρατεῖν. εἰ δέ τινα καταπλήξεται τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν σεισμὸν συμβεβηκότα, πρῶτον μὲν ἐννοηθήτω, διότι τοῦτʼ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας ἐξαπατᾷ μείζω τὰ γενόμενα τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπειληφότας, ἔπειτα ὡς οὐ καλὸν ἐκείνοις τε τόλμης καὶ ἡμῖν δειλίας τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν γενέσθαι· οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείου τινὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ εὔψυχον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῆς περὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς κάμνοντας ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλπίδος, ἡμεῖς δὲ χωρήσαντες ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς παραιρησόμεθα μὲν ἐκείνων τὸ μεῖζον φρονεῖν, ἀναληψόμεθα δʼ αὐτοὶ τὸ μηκέτι θαρροῦσιν μάχεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ οὔτε κεκακώμεθα τοσοῦτον οὔθʼ, ὅπερ οἴονταί τινες, ὀργὴν θεοῦ παρέχει τὸ γεγονός, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα συμπτώματα γίνεται καὶ πάθη τινά. καὶ εἰ κατὰ θεοῦ γνώμην πέπρακται, δῆλον ὡς καὶ πέπαυται κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην ἀρκουμένου τοῖς γεγονόσιν· βουλόμενος γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖν, οὐκ ἂν μετεβάλετο. τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ὅτι καὶ θέλει τοῦτον ἐνεργεῖσθαι καὶ δίκαιον οἶδεν, δεδήλωκεν αὐτός· ἐνίων γὰρ ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ περὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολομένων οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐσώθητε, φανερὸν ποιοῦντος τοῦ θεοῦ, διότι κἂν εἰ πανδημεὶ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐστρατεύεσθε, περιῆν ἂν ὑμῖν μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν. ταῦτα ἐνθυμηθέντες καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ὅτι παρὰ πάντα καιρὸν προϊστάμενον ἔχετε τὸν θεόν, ἐπεξέλθετε δικαίαις ἀνδραγαθίαις τοὺς ἀδίκους μὲν πρὸς φιλίαν, ἀσπόνδους δὲ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, ἀνοσίους δὲ εἰς πρέσβεις, ἀεὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἡττημένους.
147. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and retreated. This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy’s army was disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled; and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water. The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from running away.
147. Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι πολὺ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀμείνους ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὴν μάχην. Ἡρώδης δὲ θυσίας κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἄραβας διαβὰς τὸν Ἰορδάνην ποταμὸν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδεύεται πλησίον. ἐδόκει δʼ αὐτῷ φρούριον ἐν μέσῳ κείμενον καταλαβεῖν· οὕτως γὰρ αὐτὸς μὲν ὠφεληθήσεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θᾶττον συνάψαι τὴν μάχην καὶ εἰ παρέλκειν δέοι ἐρυμνὸν αὐτῷ πεπορισμένος τὸ στρατόπεδον. τὸ δʼ αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν Ἀράβων προνοούντων ἅμιλλα γίνεται περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς, εἶτα δὴ καὶ πλείους εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἕως ἡττηθέντες οἱ παρὰ τῶν Ἀράβων ἀπεχώρουν. τοῦτο εὐθὺς εἰς ἐλπίδας τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις οὐ μικρὸν ἐγεγόνει. καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ἐννοούμενον πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς μάχην ἰέναι βουλόμενον θρασύτερον ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα διασπᾶν καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσάγων ἅπτεσθαι· τούτοις γὰρ ἐκβιασθέντες προῄεσαν ἄτακτοι καὶ προθυμίας ἢ τῆς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἐλπίδος οὐδʼ ὁτιοῦν ἐσχηκότες. ὅμως δʼ οὖν εἰς χεῖρας ᾔεσαν πλείους τε ὄντες καὶ διὰ τὸ κατεπείγειν ἐπὶ τὸ τολμηρὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης στρατηγούμενοι, καὶ μάχη γίνεται καρτερὰ πιπτόντων ἑκατέρωθεν οὐκ ὀλίγων, τέλος δὲ τραπέντες οἱ Ἄραβες ἔφευγον. ἦν δὲ φόνος ἐγκλινάντων, ὡς μὴ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θνήσκειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς παραιτίους γίνεσθαι τῶν κακῶν, ὑπό τε πλήθους καὶ φορᾶς ἀτάκτου συμπατουμένων καὶ περιπιπτόντων τοῖς οἰκείοις ὅπλοις· πεντακισχίλιοι γοῦν αὐτῶν ἐγένοντο νεκροί. τὸ δʼ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔφθη μὲν εἰς τὸ χαράκωμα συμφυγεῖν, εἶχεν δʼ οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων καὶ μᾶλλον ὕδατος. οἵ τε Ἰουδαῖοι διώκοντες συνεισπεσεῖν μὲν οὐ κατίσχυσαν, περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ τῷ χάρακι καὶ παρατηροῦντες εἰσόδου τε τοὺς ἐπαρκοῦντας καὶ ἐξόδου φυγεῖν βουλομένους εἶργον.
155. When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress; but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five days’ time the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them, after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod’s warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made.
155. Ἐν τοιούτοις οὖν ὄντες οἱ Ἄραβες ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς τὸν Ἡρώδην, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως, ἔπειτα, τὸ γὰρ δίψος ἤπειγεν, πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὑφιστάμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἀδείας ἠξιωκότες. ὁ δʼ οὔτε πρέσβεις οὔτε λύτρα τῶν ἡλωκότων οὔτʼ ἄλλο τι μέτριον προσίετο φιλόνεικος ὢν ἐκδικῆσαι τὰς παρανομίας τὰς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων γεγενημένας. καταναγκαζόμενοί τε τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ τῷ δίψει προϊόντες αὑτοὺς ἐνεχείριζον ἄγειν καὶ δεῖν, [καὶ] πέντε μὲν ἡμέραις τετρακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως ἑάλωσαν, τῇ δʼ ἕκτῃ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ διέγνωσαν ἐξιέναι πολέμου νόμῳ χωρήσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐγχειρεῖν, καὶ εἰ δέοι τι πάσχειν, αἱρούμενοι καὶ μὴ διαφθείρεσθαι κατʼ ὀλίγους ἀδόξως. ταῦτα δὲ γνόντες ἐξῆλθον μὲν τοῦ χαρακώματος, διήρκεσαν δʼ οὐδαμῶς τῇ μάχῃ, λαμπρῶς μὲν ἀγωνίσασθαι κεκακωμένοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα τόπον οὐκ ἔχοντες, κέρδος δʼ εἰ θνήσκοιεν ἐν συμφορᾷ τὸ ζῆν ποιούμενοι, καὶ πίπτουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ περὶ ἑπτακισχιλίους. τοιαύτῃ δὲ πληγῇ χρησαμένων φρονήματος μὲν ὅσον ἦν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἀφῄρηντο, τεθαυμακότες δὲ ἐν ταῖς οἰκείαις συμφοραῖς τὴν Ἡρώδου στρατηγίαν εἴς τε τὸ λοιπὸν εἶξαν καὶ προστάτην ἀπεφήναντο τοῦ ἔθνους. ὁ δὲ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς εὐημερήμασιν ἠξιωκὼς φρονεῖν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, προσειληφὼς ἀξίωμα καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν.
161. HEROD’S other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at that time both Herod’s enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.
161. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα καλῶς εἶχεν αὐτῷ δυσεπιχειρήτῳ κατὰ πάντα γεγενημένῳ, κίνδυνος δʼ ἐμπίπτει τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν ἐξάγων Ἀντώνιον Καίσαρος ἐν τῇ κατʼ Ἄκτιον μάχῃ νενικηκότος· τότε γὰρ ἀπέγνωστο αὐτῷ τε Ἡρώδῃ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ἐχθροῖς τε καὶ φίλοις· οὐ γὰρ ἦν εἰκὸς ἀτιμώρητον μενεῖν τοσαύτης αὐτῷ φιλίας πρὸς Ἀντώνιον γεγενημένης. ἦν οὖν τοῖς μὲν φίλοις ἀπόγνωσις τῶν κατʼ αὐτὸν ἐλπίδων, ὅσοι δʼ ἐχθρῶς εἶχον ἐδόκουν μὲν ἐξ ἐμφανοῦς συνάχθεσθαι, πάθος δὲ λεληθὸς ἐφηδομένων εἶχον ὡς ἀμείνονος τευξόμενοι τῆς μεταβολῆς. αὐτός τε Ἡρώδης τὸν Ὑρκανὸν ὁρῶν μόνον ἐπʼ ἀξιώματος βασιλικοῦ συμφέρειν ᾤετο μηκέτʼ ἐμποδὼν ἐᾶν, εἰ μὲν περισωθείη καὶ διαφύγοι τὸν κίνδυνον, ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ τοῖς τοιούτοις αὐτοῦ καιροῖς ἐφορμεῖν ἄνδρα τυχεῖν τῆς βασιλείας ἀξιώτερον, εἰ δὲ καὶ πάσχοι τι διὰ Καίσαρος, φθόνῳ τὸν μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας γενησόμενον ἐπιθυμῶν ἐξελεῖν.
165. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod’s injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod’s affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar’s enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod’s treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus’s intentions also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.
165. Ταῦτα δʼ αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐννοίας ἔχοντος ἐνεδόθη τι καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνων· ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ὑρκανὸς ἐπιεικείᾳ τρόπου καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὐκ ἠξίου πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ νεωτέρων ἅπτεσθαι, συγχωρῶν τῇ τύχῃ πᾶν τὸ διʼ ἐκείνης γινόμενον ἠγαπηκέναι. φιλόνεικος δʼ ἦν Ἀλεξάνδρα καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς ἀκρατῶς φέρουσα λόγους ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀναμεῖναι τὴν Ἡρώδου παρανομίαν εἰς τὸν αὐτῶν οἶκον, ἀλλὰ προλαβεῖν ἀσφαλείᾳ τὰς αὖθις ἐλπίδας, καὶ γράφειν ἠξίου περὶ τούτων Μάλχῳ τῷ τὴν ἀραβαρχίαν ἔχοντι δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν καὶ διʼ ἀσφαλείας ἔχειν· ὑπεξελθόντων γὰρ εἰ τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην οὕτως χωρήσειεν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν ἔχθρᾳ Καίσαρος, αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τοὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντας μόνους καὶ διὰ τὸ γένος καὶ διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων. ταῦτα πειθούσης ὁ μὲν Ὑρκανὸς διωθεῖτο τοὺς λόγους, φιλόνεικον δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον αὐτῆς πεπονθυίας καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήθʼ ἡμέραν ἀπολειπομένης, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ περὶ τούτων καὶ τῆς Ἡρώδου πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιβουλῆς διαλεγομένης, ἀνεπείσθη τέλος ἐπιστολὴν δοῦναι Δοσιθέῳ τινὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν φίλων, ἐν ᾗ συντέτακτο πέμπειν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἄραβα τοὺς ἀναληψομένους καὶ παραπέμψοντας ἱππέας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσφαλτῖτιν λίμνην· αὕτη δʼ ἀπέχει τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν ὅρων σταδίους τριακοσίους. ἐπίστευεν δὲ τῷ Δοσιθέῳ θεραπεύοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδραν καὶ τῆς πρὸς Ἡρώδην δυσνοίας οὐ μικρὰς αἰτίας ἔχοντος· Ἰωσήπου τε γάρ, ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἀνῃρήκει, συγγενὴς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἐν Τύρῳ φονευθέντων ὑπʼ Ἀντωνίου πρότερον ἀδελφός. οὐ μὴν ἐπήγαγεν ταῦτα τὸν Δοσίθεον Ὑρκανῷ πιστὸν εἰς τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν γενέσθαι, προτιμήσας δὲ τῶν ἐκείνου τὰς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐλπίδας ἐπιδίδωσιν Ἡρώδῃ τὴν ἐπιστολήν. ὁ δὲ τῆς εὐνοίας ἀποδεξάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσυπουργῆσαι παρεκελεύετο, πτύξαντα τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατασημηνάμενον ἀποδοῦναι τῷ Μάλχῳ καὶ τὰ παρʼ ἐκείνου γράμματα λαβεῖν· οὐ γὰρ μικρὸν τὸ διάφορον καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην αὐτὸν εἰδέναι. ταῦτα δὲ τοῦ Δοσιθέου προθύμως ὑπουργήσαντος ὁ μὲν Ἄραψ ἀντεπέστελλεν αὐτόν τε Ὑρκανὸν δέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας καὶ Ἰουδαίων ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦσιν, δύναμίν τε πέμψειν τὴν μετʼ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς κομιοῦσαν καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ἐνδεήσειν ὧν ἠξίου. ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτην Ἡρώδης ἐδέξατο τὴν ἐπιστολήν, εὐθύς τε μεταπέμπεται τὸν Ὑρκανὸν καὶ περὶ τῶν γενομένων αὐτῷ συνθηκῶν πρὸς τὸν Μάλχον ἀνέκρινεν. ἀρνησαμένου δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δείξας τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεχειρίσατο τὸν ἄνδρα.
174. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod’s government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod’s government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod’s contrivance.
174. Ταῦτα δὲ γράφομεν ἡμεῖς, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως Ἡρώδου περιείχετο. τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις οὐ κατὰ ταῦτα συμφωνεῖ· τὸν γὰρ Ἡρώδην οὐκ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δοκοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς μᾶλλον Ὑρκανῷ τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπάγοντα κατὰ τὸν αὐτοῦ τρόπον ἀποκτεῖναι· γράφουσι γὰρ οὕτως, ἐν συμποσίῳ τινὶ μηδὲν ὑποψίας ἐνδιδόντα λόγον Ὑρκανῷ προσφέρειν, εἴ τινας ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τοῦ Μάλχου λάβοι, καὶ τὸν μὲν ὁμολογῆσαι προσαγορευτικὰ γράμματα κομίσασθαι, τὸν δʼ, εἰ καί τινα δωρεὰν εἰληφὼς εἴη, πάλιν ἐπερέσθαι· τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον ἢ κτηνῶν ἀναβατικῶν τέτταρα πέμψαντος αὐτῷ λαβεῖν, εἰς αἰτίαν τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐπαναφέροντα δωροδοκίας καὶ προδοσίας ἀπάγχειν προστάξαι τὸν ἄνδρα. τεκμήρια δὲ τοῦ μηδὲν ἁμαρτόντα τοιούτῳ τέλει περιπεσεῖν καταλογίζονται τὴν ἐπιείκειαν τοῦ τρόπου καὶ τὸ μήτʼ ἐν νεότητι θράσους ἢ προπετείας ἐπίδειξιν πεποιῆσθαι μήθʼ ὅτε τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ κἀν ταύτῃ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν κατὰ τὴν διοίκησιν Ἀντιπάτρῳ παρακεχωρηκέναι. τότε δʼ ἐντῶ πλείω μὲν ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν ἔτη, κρατοῦντα δὲ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας τὸν Ἡρώδην ἠπίστατο, διαβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην τοὺς ἐν τῷ πέραν τιμῶντας αὐτὸν καταλιπὼν ὡς ὅλος ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ γενησόμενος· ἐγχειρεῖν οὖν τι καὶ καινοτέρων ἅπτεσθαι πάντων ἀπιθανώτατον καὶ οὐ πρὸς τῆς ἐκείνου φύσεως, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα σκῆψιν Ἡρώδου γενέσθαι.
179. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra’s reign, who held the government nine years; and when, after his mother’s death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.
179. Τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος Ὑρκανῷ συνέπεσεν τοῦ βίου ποικίλαις καὶ πολυτρόποις χρησαμένῳ ταῖς ἐν τῷ ζῆν τύχαις· εὐθὺς μὲν [γὰρ] ἐν ἀρχῇ βασιλευούσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀλεξάνδρας ἀρχιερεὺς καταστὰς τοῦ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους ἔτεσιν ἐννέα τὴν τιμὴν κατέσχεν. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποθανούσης τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ταύτην κατασχὼν τρεῖς μῆνας ἐκπίπτει μὲν ὑπʼ Ἀριστοβούλου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, κατάγεται δʼ αὖθις ὑπὸ Πομπηίου καὶ πάσας τὰς τιμὰς ἀπολαβὼν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα διετέλεσεν ἐν αὐτοῖς. ἀφαιρεθεὶς δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου καὶ λωβηθεὶς τὸ σῶμα παρὰ Πάρθοις αἰχμάλωτος ἐγένετο. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῄει χρόνῳ διὰ τὰς ἐξ Ἡρώδου προτεινομένας ἐλπίδας, ὧν οὐδὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἀπήντα πολυπαθείᾳ βίου χρησαμένῳ, τὸ δυσχερέστατον δέ, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, ἐν γήρᾳ τέλους οὐκ ἀξίου τυχεῖν· δοκεῖ γὰρ ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος ἐν πᾶσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ διοικηταῖς ἄγειν, οὐ πολυπράγμων οὐδὲ δεινὸς ὢν βασιλείας ἐπιστατεῖν, Ἀντιπάτρῳ τε καὶ Ἡρώδῃ μέχρι τοῦδε προελθεῖν ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν τὴν ἐκείνου, καὶ τὸ πέρας οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτʼ εὐσεβὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν εὕρατο τοιούτου τέλους.