---
title: "Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία"
author: "Josephus"
translator: "William Whiston"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Second Temple"
section: 77 of 96
url: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/77/
cite: "Josephus, tr. William Whiston, Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία, section 77. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/77/"
---

# Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία

*Josephus, tr. William Whiston*

The history of the Jews from the Creation to the eve of the revolt, in twenty books, with the passages on John the Baptist and Jesus: Niese’s Greek beside Whiston’s English.

> Greek: ed. Benedikt Niese, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0526.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: William Whiston, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 77. Book XVI · sections 174–244

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/77/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/77/#p-N

[¶0] 174. I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God; and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men; on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history.

> Greek: 174. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν παρεθέμην ἐξ ἀνάγκης, ἐπειδὴ μέλλουσιν αἱ τῶν ἡμετέρων πράξεων ἀναγραφαὶ τὸ πλέον εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἰέναι, δεικνὺς αὐτοῖς ὅτι πάσης τιμῆς ἄνωθεν ἐπιτυγχάνοντες οὐδὲν τῶν πατρίων ἐκωλύθημεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων πράττειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεργούμεθα τὰ τῆς θρησκείας ἔχοντες καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν θεὸν τιμῶν. ποιοῦμαι δὲ πολλάκις αὐτῶν τὴν μνήμην ἐπιδιαλλάττων τὰ γένη καὶ τὰς ἐμπεφυκυίας τοῖς ἀλογίστοις ἡμῶν τε κἀκείνων μίσους αἰτίας ὑπεξαιρούμενος. ἔθεσιν μὲν γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστιν γένος ὃ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ χρῆται καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἔσθʼ ὅπη πολλῆς ἐγγιγνομένης τῆς διαφορᾶς· τὸ δίκαιον δὲ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁμοίως ἐπιτηδεύοντες λυσιτελέστατον ὂν Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις, οὗ πλεῖστον οἱ παρʼ ἡμῖν νόμοι λόγον ἔχοντες ἅπασιν ἡμᾶς, εἰ καθαρῶς ἐμμένοιμεν αὐτοῖς, εὔνους καὶ φίλους ἀπεργάζονται. διὸ καὶ ταῦτα παρʼ ἐκείνων ἡμῖν ἀπαιτητέον καὶ δέον οὐκ ἐν τῇ διαφορᾷ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων οἴεσθαι τὸ ἀλλότριον, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῷ πρὸς καλοκαγαθίαν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχειν· τοῦτο γὰρ κοινὸν ἅπασιν καὶ μόνον ἱκανὸν διασώζειν τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίον. ἐπάνειμι δὲ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ συνεχῆ τῆς ἱστορίας.

[¶1] 179. AS for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David’s sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly aftrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also. And even Nicolaus his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod’s lifetime, and under his reign, and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to the king himself. As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod’s posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing.

> Greek: 179. Ὁ γὰρ Ἡρώδης πολλοῖς τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν εἴς τε τὰς ἔξω καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ χρώμενος, ἀκηκοὼς ἔτι τάχιον ὡς Ὑρκανὸς ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς ἀνοίξας τὸν Δαυίδου τάφον ἀργυρίου λάβοι τρισχίλια τάλαντα κειμένων πολὺ πλειόνων ἔτι καὶ δυναμένων εἰς ἅπαν ἐπαρκέσαι ταῖς χορηγίαις, ἐκ πλείονος μὲν διʼ ἐννοίας εἶχεν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε νυκτὸς ἀνοίξας τὸν τάφον εἰσέρχεται πραγματευσάμενος ἥκιστα μὲν τῇ πόλει φανερὸς εἶναι, παρειληφὼς δὲ τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν φίλων. ἀποθέσιμα μὲν οὖν χρήματα καθάπερ Ὑρκανὸς οὐχ εὗρεν, κόσμον δὲ χρυσοῦν καὶ κειμηλίων πολύν, ὃν ἀνείλετο πάντα. σπουδὴν δʼ εἶχεν ἐπιμελεστέραν ποιούμενος τὴν ἔρευναν ἐνδοτέρω τε χωρεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὰς θήκας, ἐν αἷς ἦν τοῦ Δαυΐδου καὶ τοῦ Σολομῶνος τὰ σώματα. καὶ δύο μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν δορυφόρων διεφθάρησαν φλογὸς ἔνδοθεν εἰσιοῦσιν ἀπαντώσης, ὡς ἐλέγετο, περίφοβος δʼ αὐτὸς ἐξῄει, καὶ τοῦ δέους ἱλαστήριον μνῆμα λευκῆς πέτρας ἐπὶ τῷ στομίῳ κατεσκευάσατο πολυτελὲς τῇ δαπάνῃ. τούτου καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ κατʼ αὐτὸν ἱστοριογράφος μέμνηται τοῦ κατασκευάσματος, οὐ μὴν ὅτι καὶ κατῆλθεν, οὐκ εὐπρεπῆ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπιστάμενος. διατελεῖ δὲ καὶ τἆλλα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον χρώμενος τῇ γραφῇ· ζῶντι γὰρ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ καὶ καθʼ ὑπηρεσίαν ἀνέγραφεν, μόνων ἁπτόμενος τῶν εὔκλειαν αὐτῷ φερόντων, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐμφανῶς ἀδίκων ἀντικατασκευάζων καὶ μετὰ πάσης σπουδῆς ἐπικρυπτόμενος, ὅς γε καὶ τὸν Μαριάμμης θάνατον καὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτῆς οὕτως ὠμῶς τῷ βασιλεῖ πεπραγμένον εἰς εὐπρέπειαν ἀνάγειν βουλόμενος ἐκείνης τε ἀσέλγειαν καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων ἐπιβουλὰς καταψεύδεται, καὶ διατετέλεκεν τῇ γραφῇ τὰ μὲν πεπραγμένα δικαίως τῷ βασιλεῖ περιττότερον ἐγκωμιάζων, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν παρανομηθέντων ἐσπουδασμένως ἀπολογούμενος. ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὖν πολλὴν ἄν τις, ὡς ἔφην, ἔχοι τὴν συγγνώμην· οὐ γὰρ ἱστορίαν τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀλλὰ ὑπουργίαν τῷ βασιλεῖ ταύτην ἐποιεῖτο. ἡμεῖς δὲ καὶ γένους ὄντες ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐξ Ἀσαμωναίου βασιλέων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σὺν τιμῇ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἔχοντες τὸ ψεύσασθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς ὑπειληφότες καθαρῶς καὶ δικαίως ἐκτίθεμεν τὰς πράξεις, πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐγγόνων τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ βασιλεύοντας ἔτι διʼ ἐντροπῆς ἔχοντες, τὴν δʼ ἀλήθειαν πρὸ ἐκείνων τετιμηκότες, ἣν ὅτε δικαίως ἐγίνετο συνέβη τε παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ὀργῆ τυγχάνειν.

[¶2] 188. And indeed Herod’s troubles in his family seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David’s sepulcher; whether Divine vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander’s wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome’s daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.

> Greek: 188. Ἡρώδης δὲ διὰ τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἣν ἐποιήσατο τῷ τάφῳ, χεῖρον ἐδόκει πράττειν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν, εἴτε δὴ τοῦ μηνίματος ἐπιδόντος εἰς ἃ μάλιστα καὶ πρότερον ἐνόσει πλείω γενέσθαι πρὸς ἀνηκέστους ἐξελθεῖν συμφοράς, εἴτε καὶ τῆς τύχης ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ποιουμένης ἐν οἷς τὸ κατὰ τὴν αἰτίαν εὔκαιρον οὐ μικρὰν πίστιν παρεῖχεν τοῦ διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν αὐτῷ τὰς συμφορὰς ἀπηντηκέναι. στάσις γὰρ ἦν ὥσπερ ἐμφυλίου πολέμου κατὰ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ μίση πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀνθυπερβαλλομένων ταῖς διαβολαῖς. ἐστρατήγει δʼ ἀεὶ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν Ἀντίπατρος δεινὸς ὢν ἔξωθεν μὲν περιβάλλειν αὐτοὺς ταῖς αἰτίαις, αὐτὸς δὲ πολλάκις ἀπολογουμένου τόπον λαμβάνων, ἵνʼ ᾖ τὸ δοκοῦν εὔνουν πιστὸν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιχειρήσεις ὧν ἐδόκει. καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ποικίλως ἐκπεριεληλύθει τὸν πατέρα μόνος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου σωτηρίας ἅπαντα πράττειν αὐτὸς πεπιστευκώς. ὁ δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ διοικητὴς τῶν τῆς βασιλείας πραγμάτων, Ἀντιπάτρῳ συνίστη καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου μητρὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπειγόντων ἐβουλεύετο. καὶ καθόλου τὰ πάντα ἦσαν οὗτοι καὶ πράττειν ὅσα θέλοιεν καὶ πρὸς δύσνοιαν ἄγειν τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ἔξωθεν οἷς ἐδόκει συμφέρειν. οἱ δʼ ἐκ τῆς Μαριάμμης χαλεπώτερον ἀεὶ διετίθεντο, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ὑπʼ εὐγενείας οὐκ ἔφερον παρεωσμένοι καὶ τάξιν ἀτιμοτέραν ἔχοντες. αἵ γε μὴν γυναῖκες, ἡ μὲν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνοικοῦσα θυγάτηρ Ἀρχελάου Γλαφύρα μῖσος εἶχεν εἰς τὴν Σαλώμην κατά τε τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα διάθεσιν κἀκ τοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνης θυγατέρα δοκεῖν ὑπερηφανώτερον διακεῖσθαι· συνῴκει μὲν γὰρ Ἀριστοβούλῳ, τὴν δὲ ἰσοτιμίαν αὐτῆς ἀναξιοπάθει Γλαφύρα.

[¶3] 194. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither did the king’s brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the king’s daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras’s unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus’s son; but after some time, when he thought the heat of his brother’s affections was over, he blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king’s good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king’s anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne’s sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod’s sons by his other wives country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother’s clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.

> Greek: 194. Δευτέρας οὖν ταύτης ἔριδος ἐμπεπτωκυίας οὐδʼ ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς Φερώρας ἔξω ταραχῆς ἦν, ἰδίαν δὲ ὑπόθεσιν ὑποψίας καὶ μίσους εἶχεν· ἐμπεπτώκει μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἔρωτα δουλευούσης αὐτῷ γυναικός, ἥττητο δὲ τῆς ἀνθρώπου μεμηνότως ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κρατούμενος, ὥστʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγγυηθείσης θυγατρὸς τὴν μὲν ὑπερηφανῆσαι, πρὸς δὲ τῇ δούλῃ τὸν νοῦν εἶχεν. ἤχθετο δὲ ἀτιμασθεὶς Ἡρώδης τῷ πολλὰ μὲν εὐεργετῆσαι τὸν ἀδελφόν, δυνάμει δὲ καὶ κοινωνὸν ἔχειν τῆς βασιλείας, οὐχ ὅμοιον εἰς τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ὁρῶν, κἀν τῷ προσώπῳ δυστυχεῖν ᾤετο. καὶ τὴν μὲν κόρην μὴ τυχὼν Φερώρα δικαίου παιδὶ Φασαήλου δίδωσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ χρόνου διελθόντος οἰόμενος ἤδη παρηκμακέναι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τἀδελφῷ περί τε τῶν πρώτων ᾐτιᾶτο καὶ τὴν δευτέραν ἠξίου λαμβάνειν, Κύπρος ἐκαλεῖτο. Φερώρᾳ δὲ συμβουλεύει Πτολεμαῖος ἤδη ποτὲ παυσαμένῳ τῆς εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀτιμίας καταβαλεῖν τὸν ἔρωτα· καὶ γὰρ αἰσχρὸν εἶναι δούλης ἡττώμενον ἀποστερεῖν μὲν αὑτὸν τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς παρὰ βασιλέως, αἴτιον δὲ κἀκείνῳ ταραχῆς καὶ μίσους πρὸς αὐτὸν καθίστασθαι. ταῦτʼ ἐκεῖνος ἰδὼν λυσιτελήσοντα τῷ καὶ πρότερον ἐν διαβολαῖς γενόμενος συνεγνῶσθαι, τὴν μὲν ἄνθρωπον ἤδη καὶ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔχων ἀποπέμπεται, βασιλεῖ δʼ ὡμολόγει λήψεσθαι τὴν δευτέραν αὐτοῦ θυγατέρα καὶ τριακοστὴν ἡμέραν συνέθετο τοῦ γάμου, συνεπομνύμενος ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι κοινώνημα πρὸς τὴν ἀποπεμφθεῖσαν ἔσται. διελθουσῶν δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν τοσοῦτον ἦν ἥττων τοῦ ἔρωτος, ὥστε μηδὲν μὲν ἔτι ποιῆσαι τῶν ὡμολογημένων, πάλιν δὲ διατελεῖν ἐπὶ τῇ πρώτῃ. ταῦτα φανερῶς ἤδη τὸν Ἡρώδην ἐλύπει καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἦγεν. ἦσαν οὖν λόγοι τινὲς ἀεὶ παραπίπτοντες παρʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πολλοὶ τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀφορμὴν τῶν κατὰ Φερώρου διαβολῶν ἐποιοῦντο. διέλειπεν δὲ οὐκ ἔσθʼ ἥτις ἡμέρα οὐδʼ ὥρα, καθʼ ἣν ἀτρεμεῖν αὐτῷ συνέβαινεν, ἀλλʼ ἀεί τι προσέπιπτεν καινῶν ἀγωνισμάτων συγγενῶν καὶ φιλτάτων εἰς ἀλλήλους πεποιημένων. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἡ Σαλώμη χαλεπὴ καὶ δύσνους οὖσα τοῖς ἐκ Μαριάμμης οὐδὲ τὴν ἑαυτῆς θυγατέρα συνοικοῦσαν Ἀριστοβούλῳ θατέρῳ τῶν νεανίσκων εἴα τῇ τοῦ γάμου πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίᾳ χρῆσθαι, λέγειν τε εἴ τι λαλήσειεν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀναπείθουσα καὶ μηνύειν ἑαυτῇ κἀν τοῖς προσκρούμασιν, οἷα συμβαίνει, πολλὰς ὑποψίας εἰσάγουσα. διʼ ὧν αὐτὴ μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ κατʼ ἐκείνους ἐμάνθανεν, δύσνουν δὲ τὴν παῖδα τῷ νεανίσκῳ πεποιήκει. χαριζομένη δʼ ἐκείνη τῇ μητρὶ πολλάκις ἔλεγεν, ὡς μέμνηνται μὲν ἰδιάζοντες ἐκεῖνοι τῆς Μαριάμμης, ἐστυγήκασι δὲ τὸν πατέρα, συνεχὲς δὲ διαπειλοῦσιν, εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοί ποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς, τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν παῖδας Ἡρώδῃ γεγενημένους κωμογραμματεῖς καταστήσειν· ἁρμόσειν γὰρ εἰς τοιαύτην χρείαν τὸ νῦν ἐπιμελὲς αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς παιδείαν ἐσπουδασμένον. τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας, εἴ ποτε καὶ ταύτας ἴδοιεν τοῦ μητρῴου κόσμου μετειληφυίας, ἀντὶ τῆς παρούσης ἁβρότητος ἀπειλεῖν, ὡς τρύχεσιν ἠμφιεσμέναι καθειργοῦνται μηδὲ τὸν ἥλιον βλέπουσαι. ταῦτʼ εὐθὺς ἀπηγγέλλετο διὰ τῆς Σαλώμης τῷ βασιλεῖ· κἀκεῖνος ἤκουεν μὲν ἀλγεινῶς, ἐπειρᾶτο δὲ διορθοῦν, ἐκακοῦτο δὲ ταῖς ὑποψίαις καὶ χείρων ἀεὶ γινόμενος ἅπασιν κατὰ πάντων ἐπίστευεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε μὲν ἐπιπλήξας τοῖς παισὶν ἀπολογησαμένων ῥᾴων εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ἐγίνετο, ταῖς δʼ ἑξῆς πολὺ χείρω προσέπεσεν.

[¶4] 206. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod’s obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, “Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy of.”

> Greek: 206. Ὁ γὰρ Φερώρας ἐλθὼν παρὰ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἔχοντα τὴν Ἀρχελάου θυγατέρα Γλαφύραν, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν, Σαλώμης ἔφη λεγούσης ἀκηκοέναι τὸν Ἡρώδην ἡττῆσθαι τοῦ τῆς Γλαφύρας ἔρωτος καὶ δυσπαρηγόρητον αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν εἶναι. τοῦτο οὖν ἐκεῖνος ἀκούσας ὑπό τε νεότητος καὶ ζηλοτυπίας ἐξεκαίετο καὶ τὰ κατὰ τιμὴν εἰς τὴν παῖδα γινόμενα παρʼ Ἡρώδου, πολλάκις δʼ ἦσαν αἱ τοιαῦται φιλοφρονήσεις, ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐλάμβανεν ἐξ ὑπονοιῶν διὰ τὸν ἐκπεσόντα λόγον. οὐκ ἐκαρτέρησέν τε τὴν ὀδύνην τοῦ πράγματος, ἀλλὰ ἐλθὼν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καταμηνύει τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ Φερώρα ῥηθέντα μετὰ δακρύων. Ἡρώδης δὲ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκπαθὴς γενόμενος καὶ τὸ σὺν αἰσχύνῃ τῆς διαβολῆς ἐψευσμένον οὐ φέρων ἐτετάρακτο. καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ὠδύρετο τὴν πονηρίαν τῶν οἰκείων οἷος εἰς αὐτοὺς γενόμενος οἵων τυγχάνοι, μεταπέμπεται δὲ τὸν Φερώραν καὶ προσονειδίσας κάκιστε πάντων, εἶπεν, εἰς τοῦτο τῆς ἀμέτρου καὶ περιττῆς ἦλθες ἀχαριστίας, ὡς τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ ἡμῶν νοῆσαι, τοιαῦτα δὲ λαλεῖν; ἆρʼ οὐχ ὁρῶ τὴν σὴν προαίρεσιν, ὡς οὐ βλασφημίας ἐστοχασμένος τοὺς τοιούτους λόγους τῷ παιδὶ προσήνεγκας, ἐπιβουλὴν δὲ καὶ φάρμακον αὐτοὺς ποιούμενος τῆς ἐμῆς ἀπωλείας; τίς γὰρ ἄν, εἰ μὴ δαιμόνων ἀγαθῶν ἔτυχεν, ὥσπερ οὗτος ὁ παῖς, ἠνέσχετο τὸν πατέρα μὴ τίσασθαι διὰ τοιαύτην ὑποψίαν; πότερον δὲ λόγον εἰς τὴν ψυχὴν ἢ ξίφος εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτῷ δοκεῖς κατὰ τοῦ γεγεννηκότος; τί δέ σοι βούλεται τὸ μισοῦντά τε αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ πρὸς μόνην τὴν κατʼ ἐμοῦ βλασφημίαν εὔνοιαν ὑποκρίνασθαι καὶ περὶ τούτων λέγειν, ἃ τῆς σῆς ἀσεβείας ἦν καὶ νοῆσαι καὶ διαβαλεῖν; ἔρρε κάκιστος εἰς εὐεργέτην καὶ ἀδελφὸν γενόμενος. καὶ σοὶ μὲν ἡ συνείδησις αὕτη συζήσειεν, ἐγὼ δὲ νικῴην ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐμοὺς μήτε ἀμυνόμενος κατʼ ἀξίαν καὶ μειζόνως εὐεργετῶν ἢ τυχεῖν εἰσι δίκαιοι.

[¶5] 213. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said that “it was Salome who was the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her.” But as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present there were more plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king’s daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial to be believed; but the peverseness of her manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome’s reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king’s wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.

> Greek: 213. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς. Φερώρας δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτοφώρῳ τῇ μοχθηρίᾳ Σαλώμην ἔφη ταῦτα συμπείσειν καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνης εἶναι τοὺς λόγους. ἡ δὲ ὡς μόνον ἤκουσεν, ἐτύγχανεν δὲ παροῦσα, πιθανῶς ἀνεβόησεν, ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη παρʼ αὐτῆς τοιοῦτον, καὶ ὅτι διὰ σπουδῆς ἐστιν ἅπασιν εἰς μῖσος ἀγαγεῖν αὐτὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐνέχειν διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἣν ἔχοι περὶ τὸν Ἡρώδην ἀεὶ προγινώσκουσα τοὺς κινδύνους. ἐν δὲ τῷ παρόντι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι· μόνη γὰρ ἀναπείθουσα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκβάλλειν ἣν εἶχε γυναῖκα, λαμβάνειν δὲ θυγατέρα τὴν βασιλέως εἰκότως ὑπʼ ἐκείνου μεμισῆσθαι. τοιαῦτα λεγούσης καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἐπιδραττομένης τῶν τριχῶν, πολλάκις δὲ τυπτούσης τὰ στέρνα, ἡ μὲν ὄψις εἶχέ τι πρὸς τὴν ἄρνησιν πιθανόν, ἡ δὲ κακοήθεια τοῦ τρόπου τὴν ἐν τοῖς γινομένοις ὑπόκρισιν ἀπεσήμαινεν. ὁ δὲ Φερώρας εἰς μέσον ἀπείληπτο μηδὲν εὔσχημον εἰς ἀπολογίαν ἔχων, εἰπεῖν μὲν ὡμολογηκώς, ἀκοῦσαι δʼ οὐ πιστευόμενος. ἐγένετο δʼ ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἥ τε σύγχυσις καὶ ἡ τῶν λόγων εἰς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλα. τέλος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν μεμισηκὼς ἀπεπέμπετο καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαινέσας τῆς ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνενεγκεῖν τοὺς λόγους ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας περὶ θεραπείαν τοῦ σώματος ἐγένετο. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐμπεσούσης κακῶς ἤκουσεν ἡ Σαλώμη· παρʼ αὐτῆς γὰρ ἐδόκει κεκινῆσθαι τὰ περὶ τὴν διαβολήν· αἵ τε τοῦ βασιλέως γυναῖκες ἤχθοντο φύσει δυσχερεστάτην εἰδυῖαι καὶ γινομένην ἄλλοτʼ ἄλλην κατὰ καιροὺς ἐχθρὰν καὶ φίλην. ἔλεγον οὖν ἀεί τι πρὸς τὸν Ἡρώδην κατʼ αὐτῆς καί τι συμπεσὸν ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἤγαγεν τὴν εἰς τοῦτο παρρησίαν.

[¶6] 220. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion coining to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow, he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together. Now the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another; who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus; which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred talents.

> Greek: 220. Ἦν μὲν γὰρ ὁ τῆς Ἀραβίας βασιλεὺς Ὀβόδας ἀπράγμων καὶ νωθὴς τὴν φύσιν, Σύλλαιος δʼ αὐτῷ διῴκει τὰ πολλὰ δεινὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν νέος ἔτι καὶ καλός. ὑπὸ χρείας οὖν τινος ἐλθὼν ὡς τὸν Ἡρώδην συνδειπνῶν εἶδεν τὴν Σαλώμην, καὶ τὸν νοῦν ἔσχεν πρὸς αὐτήν, γινώσκων δʼ ὅτι καὶ χήρα τυγχάνοι διελέγετο. Σαλώμη δὲ καὶ χεῖρον ἢ πάλαι φερομένη παρὰ τἀδελφῷ καὶ τὸν νεανίσκον οὐκ ἀπαθῶς ὁρῶσα πρὸς τὸν γάμον ὥρμητο, ταῖς τε μεταξὺ φοιτώντων ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐνεφαίνετο πλείω τε καὶ μὴ μέτρια τῆς ἐκείνων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμολογίας. ταῦτα δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἀνέφερον τῷ βασιλεῖ διαγελῶσαι τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην, Ἡρώδης δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Φερώρα προσεπυνθάνετο καὶ τηρεῖν ἠξίου παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον, πῶς τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐσχήκασιν. ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἀπήγγελλεν, ὅτι καὶ νεύμασιν καὶ βλέμμασιν οὐκ ἄδηλοι τῆς ὁρμῆς εἰσιν ἀμφότεροι. μετὰ τοῦτο ὁ μὲν Ἄραψ ὕποπτος ὢν ἀπῄει· διαλιπὼν δὲ δύο μῆνας ἢ τρεῖς ἔρχεται πάλιν ὡς ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ καὶ λόγους Ἡρώδῃ προσέφερεν, ἀξιῶν αὐτῷ τὴν Σαλώμην δοθῆναι πρὸς γάμον· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀλυσιτελὲς τὸ κῆδος ἐπιμιξίᾳ τῆς τῶν Ἀράβων ἀρχῆς, ἣν αὐτῷ καὶ νῦν ἤδη παρεῖναι δυνάμει καὶ μᾶλλον ὀφείλεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ Ἡρώδου τὸν λόγον ἀναφέροντος καὶ πυνθανομένου τῆς ἀδελφῆς, εἰ πρὸς τὸν γάμον ἑτοίμως ἔχει, ταχέως μὲν ἐκείνη προσήκατο, Σύλλαιος δὲ ἀξιούντων αὐτὸν ἐγγραφῆναι τοῖς τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθεσι καὶ τότε γαμεῖν, ἄλλως γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι δυνατόν, οὐχ ὑπομείνας, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταλευσθήσεσθαι πρὸς τῶν Ἀράβων εἰπών, εἰ τοῦτο πράξειεν, ἀπαλλάττεται. Σαλώμην οὖν ὅ τε Φερώρας ἤδη διέβαλλεν εἰς ἀκρασίαν καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ γυναῖκες, λέγουσαι κοινωνίαν αὐτῇ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν Ἄραβα. τήν τε κόρην, ἣν τἀδελφῷ κατενεγύησεν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἣν ὁ μὲν Φερώρας οὐκ ἔλαβεν, ὡς προεῖπον, ἡττημένος τῆς γυναικός, αἰτούσης Σαλώμης εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὸν ἐκ Κοστοβάρου γενόμενον ὥρμητο μὲν ἐκείνῳ συνοικίσαι, μεταπείθεται δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ Φερώρα τόν τε νεανίσκον οὐκ εὔνουν ἔσεσθαι λέγοντος διὰ τὴν ἀπώλειαν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ δικαιότερον εἶναι λαβεῖν τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα τῆς τετραρχίας ὄντα διάδοχον. οὕτω δὲ συγγνώμην ᾐτεῖτο καὶ μὴ πείσας οὕτως. ἐκείνη μὲν οὖν ἀντιμετατεθείσης τῆς ἐγγύης ἐγαμεῖτο τῷ Φερώρα μειρακίῳ φερνὴν ἐπιδόντος ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τοῦ βασιλέως.

[¶7] 229. BUT still the affairs of Herod’s family were no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king’s son with great sums of money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father; but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was; but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom under him, for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.

> Greek: 229. Οὐκ ἀνεῖτο δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀεὶ καὶ μείζους τὰς ταραχὰς λαμβάνοντα, καὶ συμπίπτει τι τοιοῦτον ἐξ αἰτίας μὲν οὐκ εὐπρεποῦς, χωρῆσαν δὲ πρόσω κατὰ δυσχέρειαν· ἦσαν εὐνοῦχοι τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ κάλλος οὐ μετρίως ἐσπουδασμένοι. τούτων ὁ μὲν οἰνοχοεῖν, ὁ δὲ δεῖπνον προσφέρειν, ὁ δὲ κατακοιμίζειν βασιλέα πεπίστευτο καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς. καί τις ἀγγέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ διαφθαρῆναι τούτους ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν. ἀνακρίναντι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῆς γεγενημένης πρὸς αὐτὸν κοινωνίας καὶ μίξεως ὡμολόγουν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν δυσχερὲς εἰς τὸν πατέρα συνειδέναι. βασανιζόμενοι δὲ μᾶλλον κἀν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ὄντες ἐπιτεινόντων ἀεὶ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν καὶ χαριζομένων τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ τὸ τοιοῦτον, ἔλεγον ὡς εἴη δυσμένεια πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ μῖσος ἔμφυτον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ. παραινοίη δʼ αὐτοῖς Ἡρώδην μὲν ἀπεγνωκέναι περιττὸν ἤδη τετυχηκότα καὶ τῷ γήρᾳ παρακάλυμμα τοῦ χρόνου ποιούμενον, μελαίνοντα τὰς τρίχας καὶ κλέπτοντα τὸν ἔλεγχον τῆς ἡλικίας· εἰ δʼ αὐτῷ προσέχοιεν τὸν νοῦν, περιγενομένης τῆς βασιλείας, ἣν καὶ μὴ βουλομένου τοῦ πατρὸς οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς εἶναι, ταχὺ τὸν πρῶτον ἕξειν ἐν αὐτῇ τόπον· οὐ γὰρ μόνον διὰ τὸ γένος, ἀλλʼ ἤδη καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ἕτοιμον αὐτῷ τὸ κρατεῖν εἶναι· πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων, πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν φίλων συνεστᾶσιν οὐχὶ πονηροὶ πᾶν ὁτιοῦν καὶ δρᾶν καὶ πάσχειν.

[¶8] 235. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now make an open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last his domestics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.

> Greek: 235. Τούτων τῶν λόγων ἀκούσας Ἡρώδης ὅλος ἐγένετο τῆς ἐπηρείας καὶ τοῦ δέους, τὰ μὲν εἰς ὕβριν ῥηθέντα χαλεπῶς, τὰ δʼ εἰς ὑπόνοιαν οὐκ ἀκινδύνως ἐκλαβών, ὥστε καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ἠρεθίζετο καὶ πικρὸς ὢν ἐδεδοίκει, μὴ καί τι ταῖς ἀληθείαις συνέστηκεν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρότερον ἢ φυλάξασθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρόν. ἔνθεν οὐδʼ ἐκ φανεροῦ τὴν ἔρευναν ἐποιεῖτο, κατασκόπους δὲ τῶν ὑπονοουμένων διέπεμψεν. ὑποψία τε καὶ μίση πρὸς ἅπαντας ἦν, καὶ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἐπʼ ἀσφαλείᾳ λαμβάνων πολλὴν καὶ κατὰ τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων αὐτῇ χρώμενος διετέλει. πέρας τε οὐδὲν ἦν, ἀλλὰ μένειν οἱ νομιζόμενοι μᾶλλον ὡς ἂν καὶ μᾶλλον ἰσχύοντες ἐδόκουν αὐτῷ φοβεροί· τοῖς δʼ οἷς οὐκ ἦν συνήθεια πλείων ὀνομάσαι μόνον ἐδόκει, καὶ μέρος εὐθὺς ἀσφαλείας ἐδόκουν ἀπολλύμενοι. τέλος τε οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ μηδὲν ἔχειν βέβαιον εἰς ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους ἐτράπησαν, νομίζοντες μέν, εἰ φθάσας ἕτερος τὸν ἕτερον διαβάλοι, τοῦτʼ αὐτῷ πρὸς σωτηρίαν φέρειν, ἐπίφθονοι δʼ εἴ ποτε τύχοιεν ὧν ἠξίουν γενόμενοι καὶ τὸ δικαίως αὐτοὶ παθεῖν ἐφʼ οἷς ἄλλους ἠδίκησαν προσλαμβάνοντες μόνον. ἤδη γοῦν οἰκείας τινὲς ἔχθρας ἐπεξῄεσαν τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ καὶ καταφωραθέντες ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις ἐγένοντο, τὸν καιρὸν ὥσπερ ὄργανον καὶ πάγην ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς νοοῦντες καὶ συναλισκόμενοι τῇ πείρᾳ, καθʼ ἣν ἑτέροις ἐπεβούλευον. ἥ τε γὰρ μετάνοια τῷ βασιλεῖ ταχὺ διὰ τὸ μὴ προφανῶς ἁμαρτάνοντας ἀναιρεῖν ἐπεγίνετο καὶ ταύτης τὸ χαλεπὸν οὐκ εἰς τὸ παύσασθαι τὰ ὅμοια δρᾶν, ἀλλʼ εἰς τὸ τιμωρήσασθαι τοῖς ἴσοις τοὺς ἐνδειξαμένους ἀπηρτίζετο.

[¶9] 241. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint on himself on their account; for at this time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.

> Greek: 241. Τοιαύτη μὲν ἦν τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ταραχή. πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν φίλων ἤδη καὶ τοῦτʼ αὐτὸ προεῖπεν, ὡς οὔτʼ ἐμφανίζεσθαι δέον αὐτῷ λοιπὸν οὔτʼ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον εἰσιέναι. ταύτην δὲ τὴν παραγγελίαν ἐποιεῖτο καθʼ ὧν ἡ παρρησία ἐλάττονος ἢ πλείονος ἐντροπῆς μετειλήφει· καὶ γὰρ Ἀνδρόμαχον καὶ Γέμελλον ἄνδρας ἄνωθεν φίλους αὐτῷ, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν περὶ τὰς βασιλικὰς χρείας ἔν τε πρεσβείαις καὶ συμβουλίαις ὀνήσαντας αὐτοῦ τὸν οἶκον, συμπαιδεύσαντας δὲ τοὺς υἱοὺς καὶ τί γὰρ ἢ πρῶτον παρρησίας τόπον ἐσχηκότας παρῃτήσατο τότε, τὸν μὲν, ὅτι Δημήτριος ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ συνήθης ἦν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, Γέμελλον δὲ εὔνουν ἐπιστάμενος ἐκείνῳ· καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς κἀν τῇ παιδείᾳ παραγεγόνει καὶ τὴν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ συνδιέτριβεν ἀποδημίαν. παρῃτήσατο δὲ καὶ τούτους ἡδέως μὲν ἂν καὶ χεῖρον, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ μὴ κατʼ ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων ἔχειν τὴν ἄχρι τοσούτων παρρησίαν τήν τε τιμὴν καὶ τὸ δύνασθαι κωλύειν ἁμαρτάνοντας παραιρούμενος Ἦν δὲ τούτων ἁπάντων αἴτιος Ἀντίπατρος, ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὸ νενοσηκὸς τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς παρρησίας κατέμαθεν, ἔκπαλαι μὲν συνεδρεύων αὐτῷ προσέκειτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει τι περαίνειν, τῶν ἀντέχειν δυναμένων ἕκαστος εἰ ὑπεξαιρεθείη.

[¶10] 244. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer mark of his son’s wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander’s friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them which he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.

> Greek: 244. τότε γοῦν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον ἀπελαθέντων λόγου καὶ παρρησίας πρῶτον μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσους ᾤετο πιστοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρῳ βασάνοις ἀνέκρινεν, εἴ τι κατʼ αὐτοῦ τολμηθὲν εἰδείησαν· οἱ δὲ ἀπέθνησκον οὐδὲν ἔχοντες λέγειν. τῷ δʼ ἦν φιλονεικίας αἴτιον, εἰ μή τι τοιοῦτον οἷον ἐδόκει κακῶς εὑρίσκοιτο, καὶ δεινὸς Ἀντίπατρος τὸν μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας ἀναίτιον εἰς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ πίστιν διαβαλεῖν, ἐπιπαροξῦναι δὲ ζητεῖν ἐκ πλειόνων τὸ λανθάνον τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως. καί τις ἐν πολλοῖς τοῖς βασανιζομένοις εἶπεν, ὡς εἰδείη τὸν νεανίσκον λέγοντα πολλάκις, ὅταν ἐπαινούμενος αὐτὸς τύχῃ τό τε σῶμα ὡς εἴη μέγας καὶ τὴν τοξικὴν εὔστοχος καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πρὸς ἀρετὴν ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας, ὅτι ταῦτʼ αὐτῷ κακὰ μᾶλλον ἤπερ ἀγαθὰ παρὰ τῆς φύσεώς ἐστιν· ἄχθεσθαι γὰρ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς τὸν πατέρα καὶ φθονεῖν, αὐτός τε ὅταν μὲν ἅμα περιπατῶν συστέλλειν αὑτὸν καὶ καθαιρεῖν ὡς μὴ μείζων ὁρᾶσθαι, τοξεύων δὲ ἐν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις ἐκείνου παρόντος ἀπὸ σκοποῦ ῥίπτειν· τὴν γὰρ φιλοτιμίαν εἰδέναι τοῦ γεγεννηκότος τούτων εὐδοκιμούντων. βασανιζομένῳ τῷ τε λόγῳ καὶ προσγινομένης ἀνέσεως τῷ σώματι προσετίθει δʼ ὅτι καὶ συνεργὸν ἔχων τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἀριστόβουλον ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ λοχήσας φεύγειν εἰς Ῥώμην, ἐπειδὰν τοῦτʼ αὐτῷ πραχθῇ, τὴν βασιλείαν αἰτησόμενος. εὑρέθη δὲ καὶ γράμματα τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἐν οἷς ἐμέμφετο τὸν πατέρα μὴ δίκαια ποιεῖν, Ἀντιπάτρῳ χώραν ἀπονέμοντα πρόσοδον διακοσίων ταλάντων φέρουσαν. ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐθὺς μὲν ἔδοξέν τι πιστὸν ἔχειν Ἡρώδης, ὡς ᾤετο, κατὰ τῆς τῶν παίδων ὑποψίας καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. αὖθις δὲ οὐκ ἀνίει χαλεπὸς ὤν, τὰ μὲν οὐδʼ οἷς ἤκουσεν ἄγαν πεπιστευκώς· ἀναλογιζομένῳ γὰρ ἄξιον μὲν ἐπιβουλῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ἐφαίνετο, μέμψεις δὲ καὶ νεανικαὶ φιλοτιμίαι, καὶ τὸ κτείναντα φανερῶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὁρμᾶν ἀπίθανον. ἠξίου δὲ καὶ μεῖζόν τι λαβεῖν τῆς περὶ τὸν υἱὸν παρανομίας τεκμήριον καὶ φιλόνεικος ἦν μὴ δόξαι προπετῶς τὰ δεσμὰ κατεγνωκέναι. τῶν τε φίλων τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου βασανίζων τοὺς ἐν τέλει διέφθειρεν αὐτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους οὐδὲν εἰπόντας ὧν ἐκεῖνος ᾤετο. πολλῆς δὲ τῆς εἰς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἑτοιμότητος οὔσης καὶ φόβου καὶ ταραχῆς περὶ τὸ βασίλειον, εἷς τις τῶν νεωτέρων ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ἐγένετο, διαπέμπειν ἔφη τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλοις τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀξιοῦντα κληθῆναι θᾶττον ὑπὸ Καίσαρος· ἔχειν γὰρ αὐτῷ πρᾶξιν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν συνισταμένην μηνῦσαι Μιθριδάτην τὸν βασιλέα Πάρθων τοῦ πατρὸς ᾑρημένου κατὰ Ῥωμαίων φίλον· εἶναι δʼ αὐτῷ καὶ φάρμακον ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι παρεσκευασμένον.