351. This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers. The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod’s suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he admitted Aretas’s ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government.
351. Ταῦτα μᾶλλον ἐκίνει τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαιον ἐπιστραφεὶς ὀργῆς μεστὸς ἀνέκρινεν, ὁπόσοι τεθνήκασιν Ἀράβων. ἀπορουμένου δʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ πεπλανῆσθαι λέγοντος αἵ τε συνθῆκαι τῶν δανείων ἀνεγινώσκοντο καὶ τὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράμματα πόλεις τε ὅσαι τὰ λῃστήρια κατῃτιῶντο, καὶ πέρας εἰς τοῦτο μετέστη Καῖσαρ, ὡς τοῦ μὲν Συλλαίου καταγνῶναι θάνατον, Ἡρώδῃ δὲ διαλλάττεσθαι μετάνοιαν ἐφʼ οἷς ἐκ διαβολῆς πικρότερον ἔγραψεν αὐτῷ πεπονθώς, καί τι τοιοῦτον εἰπεῖν εἰς τὸν Σύλλαιον, ὡς ἀναγκάσειεν αὐτὸν ψευδεῖ λόγῳ πρὸς ἄνδρα φίλον ἀγνωμονῆσαι. τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ὁ μὲν Σύλλαιος ἀνεπέμπετο τὰς δίκας καὶ τὰ χρέα τοῖς δεδανεικόσιν ἀποδώσων εἶθʼ οὕτω κολασθησόμενος. Ἀρέτᾳ δʼ οὐκ εὐμενὴς ἦν Καῖσαρ, ὅτι τὴν ἀρχὴν μὴ διʼ ἐκείνου καθʼ αὑτὸν δὲ ἔλαβεν. ἐγνώκει δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἀραβίαν Ἡρώδῃ διδόναι, διεκώλυσεν δὲ τὰ παρʼ ἐκείνου πεμφθέντα γράμματα. τοῖς γὰρ περὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον καὶ Οὐολόμνιον εὐμενῆ Καίσαρα πυνθανομένοις εὐθὺς ἔδοξεν ἐξ ἐντολῆς Ἡρώδου τὰ περὶ τῶν παίδων γράμματα καὶ τοὺς ἐλέγχους ἀναδιδόναι. Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀναγνοὺς τὸ μὲν ἀρχὴν ἄλλην προσθεῖναι γέροντι καὶ κακῶς πράττοντι τὰ περὶ τοὺς παῖδας οὐκ ᾠήθη καλῶς ἔχειν, δεξάμενος δὲ τοὺς παρὰ Ἀρέτα καὶ τοῦτο μόνον ἐπιτιμήσας, ὡς προπετείᾳ χρήσαιτο τῷ μὴ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀναμεῖναι λαβεῖν, τά τε δῶρα προσήκατο καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐβεβαίωσεν.
356. SO Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar’s reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archclaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.
356. Ἡρώδῃ δὲ γράφει διηλλαγμένος ἐπί τε τοῖς παισὶν ἄχθεσθαι λέγων καὶ δέον, εἰ μὲν ἀνοσιώτερόν τι τετολμήκασιν, ἐπεξιέναι πατραλόας ὄντας· αὐτῷ γὰρ ἐφεῖναι ταύτην τὴν ἐξουσίαν· εἰ δὲ δρασμὸν ἐνόησαν, ἄλλως νουθετήσαντα μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον διαπράττεσθαι. συμβουλεύειν δὲ ἔχειν αὐτῷ συνέδριον ἀποδείξαντα περὶ Βηρυτόν, ἐν ᾗ κατοικοῦσιν Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ παραλαβόντα τούς τε ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Καππαδόκων Ἀρχέλαον ὅσους τε τῶν ἄλλων οἴεται φιλίᾳ τε καὶ ἀξιώματι ἐπιφανεῖς μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ὅ τι χρὴ διαλαμβάνειν. Καῖσαρ μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐπέστελλεν. ὁ δὲ Ἡρώδης τῶν γραμμάτων ὡς αὐτὸν ἀπενεχθέντων περιχαρὴς μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ἐγεγόνει, περιχαρὴς δὲ καὶ τῷ πάντʼ ἐξεῖναι κατὰ τῶν παίδων αὐτῷ. καί πως τὸ μὲν οὐκ εὖ πράττειν ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ χαλεπὸν μὲν ἀλλʼ οὔτε θρασὺν οὔτε προπετῆ πρὸς τὴν ἀπώλειαν τῶν τέκνων παρεῖχεν αὐτόν, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε μεταβολῆς ἀμείνονος καὶ παρρησίας ἐπιλαβόμενος τὸ μῖσος ἐκενοδόξει τὴν ἐξουσίαν. διέπεμπεν οὖν ὅσους ἐδόκει καλεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον Ἀρχελάου χωρίς· ἐκεῖνον δὲ διʼ ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίου παρατυγχάνειν ἢ καὶ τῇ προαιρέσει νομίζων ἐμποδὼν ἔσεσθαι.
361. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called, he might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At last he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar’s grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons’ means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].
361. Γενομένων δὲ ἐν Βηρυτῷ τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσους τῶν πόλεων ἐκάλεσεν, τοὺς μὲν παῖδας, οὐ γὰρ ἠξίου παράγειν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ Σιδωνίων εἶχεν Παλαεστῶ καλουμένῃ πλησίον τῆς πόλεως, ὡς ἔχειν εἰ κληθεῖεν παραστῆσαι. μόνος δὲ καὶ κατʼ αὐτὸν εἰσελθὼν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα συγκαθημένων ἀνδρῶν κατηγόρει κατηγορίαν οὐκ ὀδυνηρὰν ὡς πρὸς ἀνάγκην ὧν ἠτύχει, πλεῖστον δὲ ἀπεοικυῖαν ᾗ πατὴρ ἐπὶ παισὶν εἴποι· βίαιος γὰρ ἦν καὶ περὶ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῆς αἰτίας ἐτετάρακτο καὶ μέγιστα θυμοῦ καὶ ἀγριότητος ἐνεδίδου σημεῖα, τούς τε ἐλέγχους οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἐπιτρέπων καταμαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ συνηγορίαν αὐτοῖς προτιθεὶς πατρὶ κατὰ παίδων ἀσχήμονα, καὶ τὰ γραφέντα διʼ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἀναγινώσκων, ἐν οἷς ἐπιβουλὴ μὲν ἤ τις ἐπίνοια δυσσεβείας οὐκ ἐγέγραπτο, μόνον δὲ ὡς φυγεῖν βουλεύοιντο καὶ λοιδορίαι τινὲς εἰς αὐτὸν ὀνείδη περιέχουσαι διὰ τὴν δύσνοιαν. ἐφʼ αἷς ἐκεῖνος ὡς ἐγένετο μᾶλλόν τε ἐξεβόα καὶ τὸ περιὸν εἰς ὁμολογίαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς διʼ ἐκείνων ηὔξανεν ἐπομνύμενος, ὡς ἥδιον ἂν στέροιτο τοῦ ζῆν ἢ τοιούτων ἀκούειν λόγων. τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον εἰπών, ὅτι καὶ τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ Καίσαρος δόσει τὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτὸς ἔχοι, προσέθηκεν αὐτῷ καὶ πάτριον νόμον κελεύειν, εἴ του κατηγορήσαντες οἱ γονεῖς ἐπιθοῖεν τῇ κεφαλῇ τὰς χεῖρας, ἐπάναγκες εἶναι τοῖς περιεστῶσιν βάλλειν καὶ τοῦτον ἀποκτείνειν τὸν τρόπον. ὅπερ ἕτοιμος ὢν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖν ὅμως ἀναμεῖναι τὴν ἐκείνων κρίσιν, ἥκειν μέντοι δικαστὰς μὲν οὐχ οὕτως ἐπὶ φανεροῖς οἷς ἐκ τῶν παίδων ὀλίγου πάθοι, συνοργισθῆναι δὲ καιρὸν ἔχοντας, ὡς οὐδενὶ καὶ τῶν πόρρω γεγονότων ἀμελῆσαι τοιαύτης ἐπιβουλῆς ἄξιον.
367. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble; and said that he condemned Herod’s sons, but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one’s son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their means. After him Saturninus’s sons, for he had three sons that followed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary, Volumnius’s sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. His answer was, “That what they had determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also.” Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.
367. Ταῦτα τοῦ βασιλέως εἰπόντος καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων οὐδὲ ἕως ἀπολογίας παρηγμένων συμφρονήσαντες οἱ κατὰ τὸ συνέδριον, ὡς ἐπιεικείας καὶ διαλλαγῶν χεῖρον ἔχοι, τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐβεβαίουν αὐτῷ. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν Σατορνῖνος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς καὶ τῶν ἐπʼ ἀξιώματος ἀπεφήνατο γνώμην ἀηδεστάτῃ περιστάσει χρώμενος· ἔφη γὰρ καταδικάζειν μὲν τῶν Ἡρώδου παίδων, κτείνειν δʼ οὐκ οἴεσθαι δικαιοῦν αὐτὸς παῖδας ἔχων καὶ τοῦ πάθους μείζονος ὄντος, εἰ καὶ πάντα διʼ αὐτοὺς δεδυστύχηκεν. μετʼ ἐκεῖνον οἱ Σατορνίνου παῖδες, εἵποντο γὰρ αὐτῷ πρεσβευταὶ τρεῖς ὄντες, τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην ἀπεφήναντο, Οὐολόμνιος δὲ ἄντικρυς ἔφη κολάζειν θανάτῳ τοὺς οὕτως ἀσεβήσαντας εἰς τὸν πατέρα. τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ καὶ τῶν ἑξῆς οἱ πλείους, ὥστε καὶ μηκέτι ἄλλο τι δοκεῖν ἢ καταδεδικάσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τοὺς νεανίσκους. κἀκεῖθεν μὲν εὐθὺς Ἡρώδης ἧκεν ἄγων αὐτοὺς εἰς Τύρον, καὶ τοῦ τε Νικολάου πλεύσαντος ὡς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπυνθάνετο προδιηγησάμενος τὰ ἐν Βηρυτῷ, ἥντινʼ ἔχοιεν γνώμην περὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἐν Ῥώμῃ αὐτοῦ φίλοι, κἀκεῖνος εἶπεν, ὅτι δοκεῖ μὲν ἀσεβῆ εἶναι τὰ ἐκείνοις περὶ σὲ ἐγνωσμένα, χρῆναι μέντοι αὐτοὺς καθείρξαντα δεσμώτας φυλάττειν, καὶ εἰ μὲν ἑτέρως σοι δοκοίη κολάζειν αὐτούς, μὴ φαίνοιο ὀργῇ τὸ πλεῖον ἢ γνώμῃ κεχρῆσθαι, εἰ δὲ τἀναντία ἀπολύειν, μὴ ἀνεπανόρθωτον εἴη σοι τὸ ἀτύχημα. ταῦτα δοκεῖ καὶ ἐν Ῥώμη τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν σῶν φίλων. καὶ ὃς σιωπήσας ἐν πολλῇ ἐγένετο συννοίᾳ κἀκεῖνον ἐκέλευσεν συμπλεῖν αὐτῷ.
373. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod’s sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying it, but men’s pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent yet was there an old soldier of Herod’s, whose name was Tero, who had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.
373. Ὡς δʼ ἦλθεν εἰς Καισάρειαν γίνεται λόγος οὖν ἦν εὐθὺς ἅπασιν τῶν παίδων καὶ μετέωρος ἡ βασιλεία, ποῖ ποτε χωρήσειεν τὰ κατʼ αὐτοὺς ἐκδεχομένων· δεινὸν γὰρ ὑπῄει πάντας δέος ἐκ παλαιοῦ καταστασιαζομένους εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πέρας ἐλθεῖν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν πάθεσιν ἐδυσχέραινον, οὐκ ἦν δʼ οὔτε εἰπεῖν τι προπετὲς οὔτʼ ἄλλου λέγοντος ἀκούειν ἀκίνδυνον, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλεισμένοι τὸν ἔλεον ὀδυνηρῶς μὲν ἀναύδως δὲ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ πάθους ἔφερον. εἷς δὲ αὐτῶν πάλαι στρατιώτης ὄνομα Τίρων, υἱοῦ αὐτῷ καθʼ ἡλικίαν ὄντος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ φίλου, πάνθʼ ὅσα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὑποδυόμενα διʼ ἡσυχίας ἦν, αὐτὸς ὑπʼ ἐλευθεριότητος ἐξελάλει καὶ βοᾶν ἠναγκάζετο πολλάκις ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἀπαρακαλύπτως λέγων, ὡς ἀπόλοιτο μὲν ἡ ἀλήθεια, τὸ δὲ δίκαιον ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀνῃρημένον εἴη, κρατοίη δὲ τὰ ψεύσματα καὶ ἡ κακοήθεια καὶ τοσοῦτο νέφος ἐπάγοι τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς μηδὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων παθῶν ὁρᾶσθαι τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν. τοιοῦτος ὢν ἐδόκει μὲν οὐκ ἀκινδύνως παρρησιάζεσθαι, τὸ δʼ εὔλογον ἐκίνει πάντας οὐκ ἀνάνδρως αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν ἱσταμένου. διὸ καὶ πάνθʼ ἅπερ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εἴποιεν ἡδέως ἤκουον ὑπʼ ἐκείνου λεγόμενα καὶ τὸ καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἀσφαλὲς ἐν τῷ σιγᾶν προορώμενοι τὴν ἐκείνου παρρησίαν ὅμως ἀπεδέχοντο· τὸ γὰρ προσδοκώμενον πάθος ἐβιάζετο πάνθʼ ὁντινοῦν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λαλεῖν.
379. This man had thrust himself into the king’s presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: “Since I am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,’ and to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this matter.” These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.
379. Ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ πάσης παρρησίας ὠσάμενος μόνος μόνῳ λέγειν ἠξίου, καὶ συγχωρήσαντος οὐ δυνάμενος, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, διακαρτερεῖν ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πάθει τὴν τολμηρὰν ταύτην παρρησίαν, ἀναγκαίαν δὲ σοὶ καὶ συμφέρουσαν, εἰ λάβοις τι χρήσιμον ἐξ αὐτῆς, προύκρινα τῆς ἐμῆς ἀσφαλείας. ποῖ ποτε οἴχονταί σου καὶ πεπτώκασιν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς αἱ φρένες; ποῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ περιττὸς ἐκεῖνος νοῦς, ᾧ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα κατώρθους; τίς δὲ ἡ τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἐρημία; κρίνω δὲ οὐδὲ παρόντας αὐτοὺς συγγενεῖς εἶναι ἢ φίλους, οἳ περιορῶσι τοιοῦτο μῦσος ἐπὶ τῇ μακαριζομένῃ ποτὲ βασιλείᾳ. σὺ δʼ οὐ σκέψει τί τὸ πραττόμενόν ἐστιν; δύο νεανίσκους ἐκ βασιλίδος γυναικὸς γενομένους εἰς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἄκρους ἀναιρήσεις σεαυτὸν ἐν γήρᾳ καταλιπὼν ἐφʼ ἑνὶ παιδὶ κακῶς οἰκονομήσαντι τὴν εἰς αὐτὸν ἐλπίδα καὶ συγγενέσιν, ὧν αὐτὸς τοσαυτάκις ἤδη κατέγνωκας θάνατον; οὐκ ἐννοεῖς, ὅτι καὶ τῶν ὄχλων ἡ σιωπὴ τὴν αμογίαν ὅμως ὁρᾷ καὶ μισεῖ τὸ πάθος, ἥ τε στρατιὰ πᾶσα καὶ ταύτης οἱ πρωτεύοντες ἔλεον μὲν τῶν ἀτυχούντων, μῖσος δὲ τῶν ταῦτα διαπραττομένων ἐσχήκασιν; ἤκουεν τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν οὐ παντάπασιν ἀγνωμόνως, ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν, διεκίνησεν αὐτὸν ἁψαμένου τοῦ Τίρωνος ἐναργῶς τοῦ τε πάθους καὶ τῆς περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους ἀπιστίας. αὖθις δὲ ὁ μὲν ἐπεδίδου κατὰ μικρὸν ἀμέτρῳ καὶ στρατιωτικῇ χρώμενος παρρησίᾳ· τὸ γὰρ ἀπαίδευτον ὑπεξέπιπτε τοῦ καιροῦ, ταραχῆς δὲ Ἡρώδης ἐνεπίμπλατο, καὶ μᾶλλον ὀνειδίζεσθαι δοκῶν ἢ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς διακειμένους στρατιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἀγανακτοῦντας ἡγεμόνας ἐπύθετο, προστάττει τῷ τε ὀνόματι δηλωθέντων ἁπάντων καὶ τὸν Τίρωνα δήσαντας ἔχειν ἐν φυλακῇ.
387. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king’s barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander’s friends, and receive great rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero’s son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure his own and his father’s deliverance from their miseries.
387. Τούτου γενηθέντος ἐπιτίθεται τῷ καιρῷ καὶ Τρύφων τις κουρεὺς τοῦ βασιλέως, ὃς ἔφη προσελθὼν ὡς πείθοι πολλάκις αὐτὸν ὁ Τίρων, ὁπόταν θεραπεύῃ βασιλέως ξυρῷ τὸν λαιμὸν ἀποτέμνειν· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ ἐν πρώτοις περὶ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ μεγάλας λήψεσθαι δωρεάς. ταῦτʼ εἰπόντα συλλαμβάνειν κελεύει, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα βάσανος ἦν τοῦ τε Τίρωνος καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ κουρέως. διακαρτεροῦντός τε τοῦ Τίρωνος ὁρῶν ὁ νεανίσκος τὸν πατέρα χαλεπῶς μὲν ἤδη διακείμενον, ἔχοντα δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας αὑτῷ τε τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν πάσχοντα δυσχερείας προῦπτον, ἔφη μηνύσειν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν ἀλήθειαν, εἰ παραιτήσεται διὰ τοῦ φράσαι τῆς βασάνου καὶ τῆς αἰκίας αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν πατέρα. δόντος δὲ πίστιν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔλεγεν ὡς εἴη τις συνθήκη ἐπιθέσθαι διʼ αὐτοχειρίας βασιλεῖ τὸν Τίρωνα, προσελθεῖν γὰρ εὔπορον εἶναι μόνον μόνῳ καὶ δράσαντα παθεῖν τι τῶν εἰκότων οὐκ ἀγεννὲς Ἀλεξάνδρῳ χαριζόμενον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνος εἰπὼν ἐξαιρεῖται τὸν πατέρα τῆς ἀνάγκης, ἄδηλον εἴτε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐκβιασθεὶς φράζειν, εἴτε κἂν παραγραφὴν νοήσας τινὰ ταύτην τῶν κακῶν αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ γεγεννηκότι.
392. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father’s command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandraum, where their uncle by the mother’s side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.
392. Ὁ δὲ Ἡρώδης οὐδʼ εἴ τι πρότερον ἦν αὐτῷ ἐνδοιάσιμον περὶ τὴν τεκνοκτονίαν τούτῳ τόπον ἢ χώραν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ καταλελοιπώς, ἀλλὰ πᾶν ἐξῃρημένος τὸ δυνησόμενον αὐτῷ μετάνοιαν ἀμείνονος λογισμοῦ παρασχεῖν ἔσπευσεν ἤδη τέλος ἐπιθεῖναι τῇ προαιρέσει. καὶ προαγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τριακοσίους τε τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοὺς ἐν αἰτίᾳ γενομένους καὶ τὸν Τίρωνα σὺν τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τῷ πρὸ ἐκείνου διελέγχοντι κουρεῖ κατηγορίαν ἁπάντων αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο. κἀκείνους μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἀεὶ τοῖς παρατυχοῦσιν βάλλοντες ἀπέκτειναν. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ Ἀριστόβουλος ἀχθέντες εἰς Σεβαστὴν ἐπιτάξαντος τοῦ πατρὸς στραγγάλῃ κτείνονται. τὰ δὲ σώματα νύκτωρ εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειον ἀπέθεντο τοῦ τε μητροπάτορος ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πλείστων αὐτοῖς προγόνων κειμένων.
395. And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature;
395. Ἴσως μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄλογον ἐνίοις καταφαίνεται τρεφόμενον ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸ μῖσος οὕτως αὐξηθῆναι καὶ περαιτέρω προελθὸν ἀπονικῆσαι τὴν φύσιν. ἐπίστασις δὲ γένοιτʼ ἂν εἰκότως, εἴτε εἰς τοὺς νεανίσκους ἀνοιστέον τὴν τοιαύτην αἰτίαν πρὸς αἰτίαν ἐνάγοντας τὸν πατέρα καὶ χρόνῳ παρασκευάσαντας ὑπὸ χαλεπότητος ἀνήκεστον αὐτοῖς,εἴτε καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον, ἀπαθῆ καὶ περιττὸν ὄντα περὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης εὐδοξίας, ὡς μηδένα οἴεσθαι παραλειπτέον ἐφʼ ᾧ πᾶν τὸ βουλόμενον ἀνίκητον ἔχειν,
but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their father’s anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them so unmercifully;
ἢ καὶ τὴν τύχην παντὸς εὐγνώμονος λογισμοῦ μείζω τὴν δύναμιν ἐσχηκυῖαν, ὅθεν καὶ πειθόμεθα τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας πράξεις ὑπʼ ἐκείνης προκαθωσιῶσθαι τῇ τοῦ γενέσθαι πάντως ἀνάγκῃ καὶ καλοῦμεν αὐτὴν εἱμαρμένην, ὡς οὐδενὸς ὄντος, ὃ μὴ διʼ αὐτὴν γίνεται.τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν λόγον ὡς μείζω πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀρκέσει κινεῖν ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντας τι καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων οὐκ ἀνυπευθύνους ποιοῦντας, ἃ πρὸ ἡμῶν ἤδη πεφιλοσόφηται καὶ τῷ νόμῳ.
or whether it be to be laid to the father’s charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory, that tae would take no one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue immovable;
τῶν δὲ ἄλλων δύο τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν παίδων μέμψαιτʼ ἄν τις αἰτίαν ὑπό τε αὐθαδείας νεωτερικῆς καὶ βασιλικῆς οἰήσεως, ὅτι καὶ διαβολῶν ἠνείχοντο κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τῶν πραττομένων αὐτῷ περὶ τὸν βίον οὐκ εὐμενεῖς ἦσαν ἐξετασταί, καὶ κακοήθεις μὲν ὑπονοεῖν, ἀκρατεῖς δὲ λέγειν, εὐάλωται δὲ διʼ ἀμφότερα τοῖς ἐπιτηροῦσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς χάριν καταμηνύουσιν.
or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her;
ὁ μέντοι πατὴρ οὐδʼ ἐντροπῆς ἄξιος ἔοικεν φαίνεσθαι τοῦ περὶ ἐκείνους ἀσεβήματος, ὃς οὔτε πίστιν ἐπιβουλῆς ἐναργῆ λαβὼν οὔτε παρασκευὴν ἐπιχειρήσεως ἐλέγχειν ἔχων ἐτόλμησεν ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ἐξ αὐτοῦ φύντας, ἀρίστους μὲν τὰ σώματα καὶ περιποθήτους πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις, οὐκ ἀποδέοντας δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν, εἴ που θηρᾶν ἢ γυμνάζεσθαι τὰ πολέμων ἢ λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμπεσόντων ἔδει.
wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law.
τούτων γὰρ ἁπάντων μετεῖχον, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ πρεσβύτερος· ἤρκει γάρ, εἰ καὶ κατέγνω, καὶ ζῶντας ὅμως ἐν δεσμοῖς ἢ ξενιτεύοντας ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχειν μεγάλην ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ περιβεβλημένῳ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν, διʼ ἣν οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ βίας παθεῖν ἐδύνατο.τὸ δʼ ἀποκτεῖναι ταχὺ καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ νικῶντος αὐτὸν πάθους ἀσεβείας τεκμήριον ἀνυποτιμήτου καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας οὔσης ἐν γήρᾳ τοσοῦτον ἐξήμαρτεν.ἥ γε μὴν παρολκὴ καὶ τὸ χρονίζον οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ συγγνώμην τινὰ φέροι· ταχὺ μὲν γὰρ ἐκπλαγέντα καὶ κεκινημένον χωρῆσαι πρός τι τῶν ἀτόπων, εἰ καὶ δυσχερές, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ συμβαῖνον, ἐν ἐπιστάσει δὲ καὶ μήκει πολλάκις μὲν ὁρμηθέντα πολλάκις δὲ μελλήσαντα τὸ τελευταῖον ὑποστῆναι καὶ διαπράξασθαι, φονώσης καὶ δυσμετακινήτου ψυχῆς ἀπὸ τῶν χειρόνων.
Accordingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them to gain favor;
ἐδήλωσεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς αὖθις οὐκ ἀποσχόμενος οὐδὲ τῶν περιλοίπων ὅσους ἐδόκει φιλτάτους, ἐφʼ οἷς τὸ μὲν δίκαιον ἔλαττον ἐποίει συμπαθεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀπολλυμένους, τὸ δʼ ὠμὸν ὅμοιον ἦν τὸ μηδὲ ἐκείνων φεισάμενον. διέξιμεν δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἑξῆς ἀφηγούμενοι. Ὡς Ἀντίπατρος ἐμισήθη ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ ἔθνους διὰ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὡς διὰ ταῦτα ἐθεράπευεν τοὺς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν καὶ τὸν πεπιστευμένον τὴν Συρίαν Σατορνῖνον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνας.ὡς Ἡρώδης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἰδὼν τὴν Τραχωνῖτιν χώραν μὴ δυναμένην εὐσταθεῖν διὰ τὰς ἐπιδρομὰς τῶν Ἀράβων, Ζάμαριν Ἰουδαῖον ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ὑποχωρήσαντα καὶ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ διαιτώμενον μεταπεμψάμενος ἐγκατῴκισεν αὐτῇ, καὶ ἐχρῆτο αὐτῷ προβλήματι πρὸς τοὺς Ἄραβας.
yet cannot their father be thought worthy excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse;
ὡς Ἡρώδου τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Ἀριστοβούλου τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ παῖδας προσποιησαμένου καὶ τὰς Φερώρα θυγατέρας μνηστεύσαντος αὐτοῖς, Ἀντίπατρος ἔπεισεν τὸν πατέρα τὴν μνηστείαν εἰς τοὺς παῖδας μεταθέσθαι τοὺς αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὡς ἐθεράπευσεν Ἀντίπατρος τοὺς περὶ Φερώραν βουλόμενος ἤδη δι' αὐτῶν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι τῷ πατρί.ὡς γνοῦσα ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ βασιλέως Σαλώμη κρυφαίως ἀπήγγειλεν τῷ ἀδελφῷ.ὡς Ἡρώδης παρήγγειλεν Ἀντιπάτρῳ μὴ φοιτᾶν πρὸς Φερώραν μηδὲ ἀπόρρητον μηδὲν ἀπαγγέλλειν αὐτῷ. ὁ δὲ φανερῶς μὲν οὐδὲν ἐποίει, ἀλλὰ κρυπτῶς, καὶ ταῦτα δὲ οὐκ ἐλάνθανεν τὸν Ἡρώδην.
for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest;
ὡς Ἀντίπατρος ἔγραψεν τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλοις παρακαλῶν αὐτοὺς γράψαι τῷ πατρὶ αὐτοῦ πείθοντας, ἵνα πέμψῃ αὐτὸν πρὸς Καίσαρα μετὰ πολλῶν χρημάτων, καὶ πεισθεὶς Ἡρώδης ἐξέπεμψεν τὸν υἱόν.ὡς Ἀντίπατρος ἔπεισεν Φερώραν, ἵνα ἀνέλῃ τὸν πατέρα αὐτοῦ Ἡρώδην φαρμάκῳ δοὺς αὐτὸς τὸ φάρμακον τῷ Φερώρᾳ. καὶ ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἡρώδης παρήγγειλεν τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Φερώρᾳ ἐκβαλεῖν τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ ἢ ἀναχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας. ὁ δὲ ἀσμένως ἤκουσεν καὶ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν τετραρχίαν κἀκεῖ μετ' οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ.
for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force;
κατηγορία τῆς γυναικὸς Φερώρα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν Φερώρα ὡς ἀναιρεθέντος φαρμάκῳ. καὶ ὡς Ἡρώδης ἐκζητήσας εὗρε τὸ φάρμακον κατεσκευασμένον ἐπ' αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, καὶ βασανίσας ἔγνω τὰς Ἀντιπάτρου ἐπιβουλάς.
but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety.
κατάπλους Ἀντιπάτρου ἐκ Ῥώμης πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. καὶ ὡς κατηγορηθεὶς ὑπὸ Νικολάου τοῦ Δαμασκηνοῦ καὶ καταγνωσθεὶς θάνατον ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ ὑπὸ Κυντιλλίου Οὐάρου τοῦ τότε πεπιστευμένου τὴν Συρίαν ἐδέθη μέχρι τῆς ἐσομένης διαγνώσεως ὑπὸ Καίσαρος.
He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age;
πρεσβεία πεμφθεῖσα ὑπὸ Ἡρώδου πρὸς Καίσαρα περὶ Ἀντιπάτρου. καὶ ὡς Καῖσαρ ἀκούσας τὰς κατηγορίας κατέγνω αὐτοῦ θάνατον.περὶ τῆς Ἡρώδου νόσου καὶ στάσεως τῶν Ἰουδαίων δι' αὐτήν, καὶ κόλασις τῶν στασιαστῶν.
nor will the delays that he made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse;
ὡς δόξαντος Ἀντιπάτρου Ἡρώδην τετελευτηκέναι Ἀντίπατρος διαλεχθείη τῷ σωματοφύλακι περὶ ἀφέσεως, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα Ἀντιπάτρου ἀναίρεσις.
for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently happens;
Ἡρώδου τελευτὴ καὶ διαθήκη τοῦ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Καίσαρα καὶ μερισμὸς πρὸς τοὺς τρεῖς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὡς Ἀρχέλαον βασιλέα ποιεῖ τῆς Ἰουδαίας.ἐπιστολὴ Ἡρώδου πρὸς τὸν στρατὸν καὶ ἑκάστῳ αὐτῶν δωρεὰ καὶ παράκλησις πίστεως πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Ἀρχέλαον.ταφὴ Ἡρώδου ἐν Ἡρωδίῳ τῷ φρουρίῳ. καὶ ὡς ὁ λαὸς ἐστασίασεν πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Ἀρχέλαον ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ.
but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which is evil.
ὡς Ἀρχέλαος τρισχιλίους αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἔπλευσε πρὸς Καίσαρα σὺν τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ Ἡρώδῃ εἰς Ῥώμην πιστεύσας τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Φιλίππῳ.ὡς Σαβῖνος ὁ ἐν τῇ Συρίᾳ Καίσαρος ἐπίτροπος ἀνέβη εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα βίᾳ αἰτῶν τὰ Ἡρώδου χρήματα καὶ φρούρια παρὰ τῶν Ἀρχελάου ἐπιμελητῶν.
And this temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also.
ὡς ἔπεισαν οἱ τοῦ Ἀρχελάου ἐπιμεληταὶ τὸν λαὸν χωρεῖν ἐπὶ ὅπλα καὶ πολιορκῆσαι τὸν Σαβῖνον καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐν τῇ Ἀντωνίᾳ. καὶ ὡς ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Οὔαρος μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως ἀνέβη εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ ῥυσάμενος τὸν Σαβῖνον ἐκ τῆς πολιορκίας τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς στάσεως ἐκόλασεν καὶ καλῶς διαθεὶς τὰ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἔγραψε Καίσαρι δηλῶν αὐτῷ τὰ πραχθέντα.
But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter.
ὡς Καῖσαρ τὰς Ἡρώδου διαθήκας βεβαίας ἐποίησεν φυλάξας τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ τὴν διαδοχήν. καὶ ὡς κατηγορεῖται Ἀρχέλαος ὑπὸ τῶν συγγενῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Καίσαρος καὶ νικήσας ἔλαβεν τὴν βασιλείαν, καὶ βασιλεύσας μοχθηρῶς δεκαετίαν πάλιν κατηγορηθεὶς ἐξωρίσθη εἰς Βίενναν, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ μετέθηκεν Καῖσαρ εἰς ἐπαρχίαν.περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ιδ.