---
title: "Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία"
author: "Josephus"
translator: "William Whiston"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Second Temple"
section: 81 of 96
url: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/81/
cite: "Josephus, tr. William Whiston, Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία, section 81. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/81/"
---

# Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία

*Josephus, tr. William Whiston*

The history of the Jews from the Creation to the eve of the revolt, in twenty books, with the passages on John the Baptist and Jesus: Niese’s Greek beside Whiston’s English.

> Greek: ed. Benedikt Niese, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0526.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: William Whiston, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 81. Book XVII · sections 79–149

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/81/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/81/#p-N

[¶0] 79. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater’s freed-man, came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater’s mother, and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might carry him off. There came also letters from Herod’s friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater’s friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater; for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.

> Greek: 79. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Βάθυλλος ἐκ Ῥώμης ἀπελεύθερος Ἀντιπάτρου παρῆν καὶ βασανισθεὶς εὑρίσκεται φάρμακον κομίζων δώσειν τε τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μητρὶ καὶ Φερώρᾳ, ὡς εἰ τὸ πρότερον μὴ ἅπτοιτο τοῦ βασιλέως, τούτῳ γοῦν μεταχειρίζοιντο αὐτόν. ἀφίκετο δὲ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων τῷ Ἡρώδῃ γνώμῃ καὶ ὑπαγορεύσει Ἀντιπάτρου ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ Ἀρχελάου καὶ Φιλίππου συγκείμενα, ὡς δῆθεν διαβάλλοιέν τε τὸν πατέρα ἐπὶ σφαγῇ τῶν περὶ Ἀριστόβουλον καὶ Ἀλέξανδρον, διʼ οἴκτου δὲ καὶ αὑτοὺς λαμβάνοιεν· ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ἐκαλοῦντο ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός, οὐχ ὡς ἐφʼ ἑτέροις, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς κἀκείνους προσαπολωλεκόσι κατακλήσεως αὐτῶν γινομένης. ταῦτα δὲ μεγάλων μισθῶν οἱ φίλοι τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ συνέπρασσον. γράφει δὲ καὐτὸς Ἀντίπατρος τῷ πατρὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ μεγίσταις τῶν αἰτιῶν καὶ παντελὲς ἀπαλλάσσειν φάσκων τὰ μειράκια, τῶν δὲ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τὴν ἀνάθεσιν ποιούμενος. αὐτὸς δὲ τὰ περὶ Σύλλαιον ἠγωνίζετο καὶ θεραπεία τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν ἐγεγόνει κόσμος τε ἀξιοπρεπὴς ταλάντων ἐώνητο διακοσίων. θαυμάσειε δʼ ἄν τις, ὅτι τοσούτων ἐν Ἰουδαίᾳ κατʼ αὐτοῦ κεκινημένων μησὶ πρότερον ἑπτὰ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ δῆλον γένοιτο· αἴτιον δʼ ἦν ἥ τε ἀκρίβεια καὶ φυλακὴ τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ μῖσος τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὰ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἦν, ὃς προθύμως κινδύνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ ποριστὴς τῶν ἐκείνου ἀσφαλειῶν καθίστατο.

[¶1] 83. NOW Herod, upon Antipater’s writing to him, that having done all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras’s death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had promised him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information. But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence. He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brethren.

> Greek: 83. Ἡρώδης δὲ Ἀντιπάτρου γεγραφότος πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς τὰ πάντα ᾗ χρῆν διαπεπραγμένος ἥξοι ἐν τάχει, ἐπικρυψάμενος τὴν ὀργὴν ἀντεπετίθει, κελεύων μὴ ἀπιέναι τῆς εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν, μὴ καί τι πάσχοι παρὰ τὴν ἐκδημίαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἅμα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ κατηγορῶν ὡς ὀλίγον καταθήσεσθαι μέμψεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος τὰς πρὸς αὐτήν, ὁπότε ἐκεῖνος ἀφίκοιτο, παντί τε τρόπῳ φιλότητα τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεδείκνυτο, δεδιὼς μὴ καί τι ὑποτοπηθεὶς ὑπερβάλλοιτο μὲν ὁδοὺς τὰς πρὸς αὐτόν, τῇ δὲ Ῥώμῃ ἐνδιαιτώμενος κτήσεις ἐφεδρεύοι τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ δὴ καὶ διαπράσσοι τι αὐτῇ. τούτοις ἐν Κιλικίᾳ τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπιτυγχάνει, τοῖς δὲ τὴν Φερώρου τελευτὴν διασαφοῦσιν ἐν Τάραντι πρότερον, δεινῶς τε ἤνεγκεν οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ Φερώρου, διότι δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν οὐ διαπραξάμενος ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο ἀπέθανε. περὶ δὲ Κελένδεριν τῆς Κιλικίας γενόμενος ἐνεδοίαζεν ἤδη περὶ τοῦ οἴκαδε πλοῦ δεινῶς τῇ ἐκβολῇ τῆς μητρὸς λελυπημένος, καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ μὲν ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν ταῦτά πῃ καραδοκοῦντα ἀνέχειν, οἱ δὲ μὴ διαμέλλειν τὸν οἴκαδε πλοῦν· λύσειν γὰρ παραγενόμενον αἰτίαν πᾶσαν, ὡς καὶ νῦν οὔτι ἑτέρωθεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου ἀπουσίαν ἰσχὺν τοῖς κατηγόροις ὑπογενέσθαι. τούτοις πεισθεὶς ἔπλει τε καὶ προσέσχε τῷ Σεβαστῷ λιμένι λεγομένῳ, ὃν κατασκευάσας Ἡρώδης πολλῶν χρημάτων ἐπὶ τιμῇ τῇ Καίσαρος καλεῖ Σεβαστόν. ἐν προύπτοις δʼ ἦν Ἀντίπατρος ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς μήτε προσιόντος αὐτῷ μηδενὸς μήτε προσαγορεύοντος ὥσπερ ὅτʼ ἐξῄει μετʼ εὐχῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπιφημισμάτων ταῖς ἐναντιωτάταις ἀραῖς οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι ποινὴν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποτίνειν ὑπειληφότες.

[¶2] 89. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.

> Greek: 89. Ἐτύγχανεν δʼ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Οὔαρος Κοϊντίλιος, διάδοχος μὲν Σατορνίνῳ τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ ἀρχῆς ἀπεσταλμένος, ἥκων δὲ αὐτός τε σύμβουλος Ἡρώδῃ περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων αὐτῷ δεηθέντι. καὶ αὐτῶν συνεδρευόντων παρῆν ὁ Ἀντίπατρος οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ ἐκπύστου γεγονότος. εἴσεισιν δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἔτι πορφυρίδας ἀμπεχόμενος, καὶ αὐτὸν μὲν δέχονται οἱ ἐπὶ θύραις, ἀνείργουσι δὲ τοὺς φίλους. ἐθορυβεῖτο δὲ ἤδη σαφῶς οἷ ἐληλύθει κατανοῶν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ προσιόντα αὐτὸν ὡς ἀσπάσαιτο ἀπεώσατο, ἀδελφοκτονίαν τε ἐπικαλῶν καὶ βούλευσιν ὀλέθρου τοῦ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ, πάντων τε ἀκροατὴν καὶ δικαστὴν ἔσεσθαι Οὔαρον τῇ αὔριον. καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιούτου κακοῦ ἅμα τε ἀκροαθέντος καὶ παρόντος τῷ μεγέθει περιφερόμενος ᾤχετο, ὑπαντιάζουσιν δʼ αὐτὸν ἥ τε μήτηρ καὶ γυνή, αὕτη δὲ ἦν ήδη Ἀντιγόνῳ παῖς τῷ πρὸ Ἡρώδου Ἰουδαίων βεβασιλευκότι, παρʼ ὧν τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθὼν ἐν παρασκευαῖς τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἦν.

[¶3] 93. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the king’s relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater’s mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater’s coming, and brought with them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all was come to his father’s knowledge; and that Caesar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father’s hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father’s feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires; none of which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father’s wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.

> Greek: 93. Τῇ δʼ ἑξῆς συνήδρευεν μὲν Οὔαρός τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς, εἰσεκλήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀμφοῖν φίλοι καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς βασιλέως Σαλώμη τε ἡ ἀδελφή, εἶτʼ εἴ τινες μηνύσειν ἔμελλον καὶ ὧν βάσανοι γεγόνασιν, δοῦλοί τε μητρῷοι τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου μικρῷ πρότερον συνειλημμένοι ἢ ʼκεῖνον ἥκειν, ἐπιστολὴν φέροντες, ἧς τὸ κεφάλαιον τῶν γεγραμμένων ἦν μὴ ἐπανιέναι ὡς πάντων τῷ πατρὶ ἡκόντων εἰς πύστιν, μόνην τε ἂν καταφυγὴν αὐτῷ λείπεσθαι Καίσαρα καὶ σὺν αὐτῇ τὸ μὴ πατρὶ ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι. Ἀντιπάτρου δὲ προσπεσόντος τῷ πατρὶ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα καὶ ἱκετεύοντος μὴ προδιεγνωσμένην καταστῆναι δίκην, ἀλλʼ ἀκροάσεως αὐτοῦ γενομένης παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ἀκεραίως μένειν δυναμένῳ, τοῦτον κελεύσας Ἡρώδης ἀπάγειν εἰς μέσον αὐτὸς ὠλοφύρατο τῶν παίδων τῆς ποιήσεως, ἣν ἐπὶ τοιαύταις αὐτῷ τύχαις γενομένην πρότερον ἢ τῆς δυσμενείας ἀνασπάσασθαι τῶν πρότερον εἰς Ἀντίπατρον ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὸ γῆρας, τροφάς τε καὶ παιδεύσεις ἃς ποιήσαιτο αὐτῶν ἐξηγούμενος καὶ πλούτου εὐπορίαν ἐν καιροῖς ὡς θελήσειαν προτεθεῖσαν εἰς πάντα· ὧν οὐδὲν ἐπʼ ἐμποδίσματι γενέσθαι τοῦ μὴ οὐκ ἐπιβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνων κινδυνεῦσαι τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θᾶσσον δυσσεβῶς τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβεῖν ἢ φύσεως νόμῳ μεταστάντος εὐχῇ τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ δίκῃ. τόν τε Ἀντίπατρον θαυμάζειν, τίνων ἐλπίδι ἐπαρθεὶς θαρσήσειεν ἐπὶ τοιαῦτα χωρεῖν μὴ ἀποτραπῆναι· διάδοχον μὲν γὰρ ἀποφήνασθαι διὰ γραμμάτων τῆς ἀρχῆς, ζῶντος δὲ ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ μειονεκτεῖν ἀξιώματός τε ἐπιφανείᾳ καὶ δυνάμει ἐξουσίας, πεντήκοντα μὲν τάλαντα ἐπέτειον πρόσοδον κομισάμενον, δωρεὰν δʼ εἰληφότα ὁδοῦ τῆς εἰς Ῥώμην τριακοσίων ταλάντων ἀριθμόν. ἐπεκάλει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰ μὲν πονηρῶν γεγονότων κατηγορίαν προθεμένῳ μιμητῇ γεγονότι, διακενῆς δὲ τοιῶνδε ἐπαγωγὰς ἐπάγοντι αὐτῇ τῶν συγγενῶν· τὰ γὰρ πάντα οὐδαμόθεν ἀλλὰ μηνύσει τῇ ἐκείνου μεμαθηκότα πρᾶξαι τὰ ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένα γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου, οὓς ἀπολύειν κακοῦ παντὸς κληρονόμον τῆς πατροκτονίας αὐτοῖς καθιστάμενον.

[¶4] 99. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king’s friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character, should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father; and that even the contentions there were in the king’s family were indications that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.

> Greek: 99. Ταῦθʼ ἅμα λέγων εἰς δάκρυα τρέπεται λέγειν τε ἄπορος ἦν. καὶ Νικόλαος ὁ Δαμασκηνός, φίλος τε ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰ πάντα συνδιαιτώμενος ἐκείνῳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὃν πραχθεῖεν τρόπον παρατετευχώς, δεηθέντι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ λοιπὰ εἰπεῖν ὁπόσα ἀποδείξεών τε καὶ ἐλέγχων ἐχόμενα ἦν. καὶ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου κατὰ δικαιολογίαν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τετραμμένου καὶ ὁπόσα παραδείγματα τῆς εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὸν διεξιόντος, τὰς τιμὰς αἳ ὑπῆρχον αὐτῷ προφερόμενος, ἃς μὴ ἄν ποτε γενέσθαι μὴ οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἀξίῳ περὶ αὐτὸν γεγονότι· καὶ γὰρ ὁπόσα προϊδεῖν δεήσειε πάντων προβεβουλευκέναι σωφρόνως, εἴ τέ τινα ἐδεῖτο χειρῶν, πόνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ ἐκπεπρᾶχθαι τὰ πάντα, εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ἐπιβουλῶν τὸν πατέρα ἐξελόμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλευτὴν καταστῆναι ἀφανίζοντα ἀρετήν, ἣ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις ἐμαρτυρεῖτο αὐτῷ, κακίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε μελλούσῃ συνεῖναι. καίτοι γε τοῦ μέλλοντος διάδοχον προαποδεδεῖχθαι καὶ τοῦ συναπολαυσομένου τιμῶν, αἳ εἰς τὸ παρὸν περιῆσαν, οὐκ ἐπικεκωλῦσθαι· εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τὸν ἁπάντων ἀκινδύνως καὶ μετʼ ἀρετῆς ἔχοντα τὴν ἡμίσειαν μετὰ ψόγων καὶ κινδύνου ἐφίεσθαι τοῦ ὅλου ἄδηλον εἰ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι, καὶ ταῦτα τεθεαμένον τὴν ζημίαν τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ μηνυτὴν μὲν καὶ κατηγορητὴν γενόμενον λανθάνειν δυναμένων, κολαστὴν δʼ ἐπεὶ φανεροὶ κατέστησαν πονηροὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ὄντες. καὶ τάδε μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ἠγωνισμένων παραδείγματα εἶναι τῶν ἀκράτῳ εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πεπολιτευμένων· τῶν δʼ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης μάρτυρα εἶναι Καίσαρα ἐπίσης τῷ θεῷ ἀπατηθῆναι μὴ οἷόν τε ὄντα. ὧν πίστιν εἶναι τὰ ὑπʼ ἐκείνου γράμματα ἐπεσταλμένα, ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν ἰσχυροτέρας εἶναι τὰς διαβολὰς τῶν στασιάζειν αὐτοὺς προθεμένων τὰς πλείους ἀποδημίᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ συντεθῆναι σχολῆς τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐγγενομένης, ἣν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐπιδημοῦντος παραγενέσθαι. διαβάλλοντος δὲ καὶ τὰς βασάνους εἰς ψευδολογίαν, ὡς τῆς ἀνάγκης φύσιν ἐχούσης διδάσκειν τοὺς ὑποπεσόντας τὰ πολλὰ ἡδονῇ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων λέγειν, καὶ παρέχοντος αὑτὸν εἰς βάσανον, ἐπὶ τούτοις τροπῆς τοῦ συνεδρίου γενομένης, σφόδρα γὰρ ᾤκτειραν τὸν Ἀντίπατρον δάκρυσίν τε καὶ αἰκίαις τοῦ προσώπου χρώμενον, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς διʼ οἴκτου καταστῆναι φανερὸν δὲ ἤδη καὶ Ἡρώδην εἶναι καμπτόμενόν τι τῇ γνώμῃ καίπερ μὴ βουλόμενον ἔκδηλον εἶναι, Νικόλαος ἀρξάμενος οἷς τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατήρξατο λόγοις παλιλλογεῖ μειζόνως ἐκδεινῶν καὶ ὁπόσα ἐκ βασάνων ἢ μαρτυριῶν συνῆγεν τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος.

[¶5] 106. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely cried up the king’s virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding. “Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw. For thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy father’s determination, and the security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father’s various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother’s head with thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow conspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself.”

> Greek: 106. μάλιστα δὲ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐπιπολὺ ἐξηγεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως, ᾗ περί τε τροφὰς καὶ παιδεύματα χρησάμενος τῶν υἱέων οὐδαμόθεν εὕροιτο ὀνησιφόρον αὐτὴν περιπταίων ἑτέροις ἀφʼ ἑτέρων. καίτοι γε οὐχ οὕτως θαυμάζειν τῶν προτέρων τὴν ἀβουλίαν, νεωτέρους γὰρ καὶ κακίᾳ συμβούλων διεφθαρμένους ἀπαλεῖψαι τὰ τῆς φύσεως δικαιώματα ἀρχῆς θᾶσσον ἢ χρῆν μεταποιεῖσθαι σπουδάσαντας, Ἀντιπάτρου δʼ ἂν δικαίως τὴν μανίαν καταπλαγῆναι μὴ μόνον οἷς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργετηθείη τὸν λογισμὸν ὥσπερ τὰ ἰοβολώτατα τῶν ἑρπετῶν μὴ μαλαχθέντος, καίτοι γε κἀκείνοις τινὸς ἐγγινομένης μαλακίας τοῦ ἀδικεῖν τοὺς εὐεργέτας, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τὰς τύχας τῶν ἀδελφῶν πρὸς τὸ οὐ μιμητὴν αὐτῶν καταστῆναι τῆς ὠμότητος ἐμποδὼν στάντος. καίτοι γε, ὦ Ἀντίπατρε, τῶν ἀδελφῶν μηνυτής τε ὧν τολμήσειαν αὐτὸς ἦς καὶ ἐρευνητὴς τῶν ἐλέγχων καὶ κολαστὴς πεφωραμένων. καὶ οὐ τοῦ ἐπʼ ἐκείνοις ἐγκαλοῦμεν θυμῷ χρῆσθαι μὴ ἐλλιπόντος, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μιμεῖσθαι τὴν ἀσέλγειαν αὐτῶν σπουδάσαντος ἐκπεπλήγμεθα, εὑρίσκοντες κἀκεῖνά σοι οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀσφαλείᾳ τοῦ πατρός, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πεπραγμένα, ὅπως μισοπονηρίᾳ τῇ κατʼ αὐτῶν φιλοπάτωρ εἶναι πεπιστευμένος ἀδεεστέραν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ κακουργεῖν παραλάβοις δύναμιν, ὃ δὴ καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις παρέστησας. ἅμα γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀνῄρεις ἐφʼ οἷς ἤλεγχες πονηροὺς γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς ὁμοπραγήσαντας αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὑπεδίδους, φανερὸν τοῖς πᾶσιν καθιστάς, ὡς καὶ συνθήκην πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ποιησάμενος ἐπανείλω κατηγορεῖν, βουλόμενος σοὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν τῆς πατροκτονίας κερδαίνεσθαι καταμόνας καὶ δυοῖν ἀγώνοιν εὐφροσύνην καρπούμενος τρόπου τοῦ σοῦ ἀξίαν, φανεροῦ μὲν τοῦ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, ᾧ καὶ ἠγάλλου ὡς ἐπὶ τοῖς μεγίστοις, καὶ ἦν ἄξιον οὕτως φρονεῖν, εἰ δὲ μήγε σὺ χείρων ἦς, κρυπτοῦ δέ, ὃν κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς συντιθεὶς ἐκείνους μὲν οὐχ ὡς τῷ πατρὶ ἐπιβεβουλευκότας μισῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξώκειλας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πρᾶξιν παραπλησίαν, ἀλλʼ ὡς διαδόχους τῆς ἡγεμονίας σου δικαιότερον ἂν γενομένους, τὸν δὲ πατέρα ἐπισφάζειν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, ἵνα θᾶσσον ὡς ἐκείνων τε ἐπικαταψεύσαιο μὴ ἐλεγχθῇς καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς δίκας παρασχεῖν ἄξιος γένοιο ταύτην παρὰ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς εἰσπράξαιο πατρός, ἐπινοῶν πατροκτονίαν οὐ κοινήν, ἀλλʼ οἵαν μέχρι νῦν οὐχ ἱστόρησεν ὁ βίος. οὐχ υἱὸς γὰρ μόνον πατρὶ ἐπεβούλευες, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοῦντι καὶ εὐεργετηκότι, κοινωνὸς τῆς βασιλείας ὢν τοῖς ἔργοις καὶ διάδοχος προφανθεὶς καὶ τὴν μὲν ἡδονὴν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἤδη προλαμβάνειν μὴ ἐπικεκωλυμένος, ἐλπίδα δὲ τὴν εἰσαῦθις γνώμῃ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ γράμμασιν προησφαλισμένος. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἄρα τῇ Ἡρώδου ἀρετῇ τὰ πράγματα, γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ πονηρίᾳ ἔκρινες τῇ σεαυτοῦ, βουλόμενος τοῦ πάντων σοι ὑπακούσαντος πατρὸς καὶ τὸ μέρος ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ ὃν προσεποιοῦ τοῖς λόγοις σώζειν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῦτον ἀφανίσαι ζητῶν, καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτὸς πονηρὸς καθιστάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν μητέρα ὧν ἐπενόεις πιμπλὰς καὶ στασιοποιῶν τὴν εὔνοιαν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ τολμῶν θηρίον ἀποκαλεῖν τὸν πατέρα, παντὸς ἑρπετοῦ χαλεπωτέραν τὴν διάνοιαν κατεσκευασμένος, ᾗ τὸν ἐκείνων ἰὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς συγγενεστάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοσούτοις εὐεργέτας παρεκάλεις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαις φυλάκων καὶ τέχναις ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν φρασσόμενος κατὰ τοῦ γέροντος, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρκούσης τῆς διανοίας μῖσος τὸ ὑποικουροῦν παραστῆσαι. καὶ νῦν ἐλήλυθας μετὰ βασάνους ἐλευθέρων οἰκετῶν ἀνδράσι γυναιξὶν διὰ σὲ γεγονυίας μηνύσεις τῶν συνωμοτῶν ἀντιλογεῖν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ σπεύδων, καὶ μονονουχὶ τὸν πατέρα ἀναιρεῖν μεμελετηκὼς ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου, ἀλλʼ ἤδη καὶ νόμον τὸν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένον καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τὴν Οὐάρου καὶ τοῦ δικαίου τὴν φύσιν, οὕτως ἄρα τῇ ἀναιδείᾳ πέποιθας, ὥστε καὶ βασανίζεσθαι ἀξιοῖς, καὶ ψευδεῖς λέγων τὰς βασάνους τῶν προβεβασανισμένων, ἵνʼ οἱ μὲν ῥυόμενοί σου τὸν πατέρα ἐκκρουσθῶσιν τοῦ ἠληθευκέναι, αἱ δὲ σαὶ βάσανοι δοκῶσι πισταί; οὐ ῥύσῃ Οὔαρε τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ἐπηρείας τῶν συγγενῶν; οὐδὲ πονηρὸν θηρίον, ἐπʼ ὀλέθρῳ μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν εὔνοιαν προσποιούμενον τοῦ πατρός, ἔνθα δὲ μέλλοι καταμόνας ταχέως ἀποίσεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν πάντων αὐτῷ θανασιμώτατον ἀναφαινόμενον; γνοὺς ὅτι πατροκτονία κοινόν ἐστιν ἀδίκημα καὶ τῆς φύσεως καὶ τοῦ βίου τὴν πεφηνυῖαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τοῦ βεβουλευμένου καὶ ὁ μὴ κολάζων ἀδικεῖ τὴν φύσιν.

[¶6] 121. Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater’s mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras’s women; the examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence. For those men who were not acquainted with Antipater’s practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him. And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Herod’s safety, as on account of the man’s own wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting for his father’s preservation.

> Greek: 121. Προσετίθει δὲ ἤδη τὰ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀντιπάτρου ὁπόσα πρός τινας ἦν κουφολογίᾳ γυναικείῳ εἰρημένα, μαντείας τε καὶ θυσίας ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυίας καὶ ὁπόσα μετὰ τῶν Φερώρου γυναικῶν Ἀντιπάτρῳ ἠσέλγητο μετὰ οἴνου καὶ λύμης ἐρωτικῆς, τῶν τε βασάνων ἀνακρίσεις καὶ ὁπόσα μαρτυριῶν ἐχόμενα· πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παντοῖα ἦν τὰ μὲν προητοιμασμένα, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ὀξέως ἀπαγγέλλεσθαί τε καὶ βεβαιοῦσθαι ἐφευρημένα· οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι κἂν εἴ τι κατὰ φόβον τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, μὴ διαδρὰς ἀμύνοιτο αὐτούς, σιγῇ παρεδίδοσαν, ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν ἐπιβατὸν ταῖς κατηγορίαις τῶν ἀρξάντων γεγονότα καὶ τὴν ποτὲ πολλὴν αὐτῷ συστᾶσαν τύχην προφανῶς αὐτὸν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς παραδεδωκυῖαν, οἳ καὶ ἀπλήστως μίσους τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεφοροῦντο· κατέσπευδε δὲ τότε οὔτι τῇ ἔχθρᾳ τῶν ἐπικεχειρηκότων κατηγορεῖν, ὡς μεγέθει τόλμης ὧν ἐπενόησεν κακιῶν καὶ δυσμενείας τῆς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφούς, στάσεως καὶ ἀλληλοφθοριῶν ἀναπεπληκὼς τὸν οἶκον καὶ μήτε μίσει κατὰ δίκην μήτε φιλίᾳ διʼ εὔνοιαν χρώμενος, ἀλλʼ ὡς μελλήσοι αὐτῷ συμφέρειν· ὧν ἁπάντων ἐκ πλέονος αὐτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ προανεσκοπημένων, οἵπερ δὴ μάλιστα ἀρετῇ κρίνειν πεφύκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν διὰ τὸ καὶ ὀργῆς ἀπηλλαγμένως ἐπιψηφίζειν τοῖς γινομένοις, καταβοὰς ἐν τοῖς πρὶν εἱρχθέντες ποιεῖσθαι παραγενομένης ἀδείας ἐξέφερον εἰς μέσον ὁπόσα εἰδεῖεν. πολύτροποί τε κακιῶν ἀποδείξεις ἦσαν οὐδαμόθεν ψεύδους αἰτίαν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι δυνάμεναι διὰ τὸ μήτʼ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς Ἡρώδην λέγειν τοὺς πολλοὺς μήτε ὑποψίᾳ κινδύνων σιγῆς ἐφʼ οἷς ἔχοιεν εἰπεῖν ἐγκαλουμένης, ἀλλὰ τῷ πονηρά τε ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὐκ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῇ Ἡρώδου, πονηρίᾳ δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ πάσης ἄξιον τιμωρίας. πολλά τε ἦν καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν οἷς μὴ παρήγγελτο εἰπεῖν ἀγορευόμενα, ὥστε τὸν Ἀντίπατρον καίπερ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον πάντα δεινότατον ὄντα ψεύσασθαι καὶ ἀπερυθριάσαι μηδὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐπʼ ἀντιλέξει τὴν ἰσχὺν εἰσφέρεσθαι. Νικολάου τε παυσαμένου τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τῶν ἐλέγχων Οὔαρος ἐκέλευσεν Ἀντίπατρον ἐπʼ ἀπολογίᾳ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων χωρεῖν, εἴ τινες αὐτῷ παρασκευαὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐνόχῳ τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις εἶναι, καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς εὔχεσθαι τὸν πατέρα εἰδέναι τῶν ὁμοίων εὐχόμενον μηδὲν αὐτὸν ἀδικοῦντα φωρᾶν. ὁ δʼ ἐπὶ στόμα ἔκειτο ἀνατετραμμένος τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ πᾶσι προτιθεὶς τὸ ἐπιμαρτυρῆσον αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν, ἢ τεκμηρίοις ἐμφανέσι παραστῆσαι μὴ οὐκ ἐπίβουλον αὐτὸν τοῦ πατρὸς γεγονέναι, εἰωθότες μὲν καὶ πάντες οἷς ἐπιλείπει ἀρετῆς, ὁπότε μὲν ἐγχειρηταί τινα κακῶν εἶεν τοῦ θείου τὸ πᾶσιν παρατυγχάνειν ἀφορίσαντες γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα χωρεῖν, ὁπότε δὲ φωρώμενοι κινδυνεύοιεν δίκην ὑποσχεῖν, κατʼ ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ μαρτυρῶν τὰ πάντα ἐκτρέπειν. ὃ δὴ καὶ τῷ Ἀντιπάτρῳ συμβεβήκει· τὰ πάντα γὰρ ὡς ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τοῦ θείου διαπεπραγμένος, κατειργούσης αὐτὸν πανταχόθεν τῆς δίκης ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν δικαιωμάτων, οἷς ἀπολύσαιτο τὰ ἐγκεκλημένα, αὖθις ἐνεπαροίνει τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ θείου, μαρτυρίαν ἐπισκήπτων αὐτῷ περὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνου περιτο ἕως εἰς μέσους παραγαγόντος ὁπόσα ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ πράσσειν τολμᾶν οὐκ ἐνέλιπεν.

[¶7] 131. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus’s command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds. But what were Varus’s discourses to Herod was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater’s wickedness. Now at this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: “I have sent thee Acme’s letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair.” These were the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it did not appear; and Antiphilus’s slave, who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod’s friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these: “Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?” Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this: “Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life.” Now Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar’s wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt.

> Greek: 131. Ὁ δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπειδὴ πολλάκις ἀνακρίνων τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὐδὲν εὑρίσκετο πλέον τῆς ἀνακλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ, ὁρῶν ἀπέραντον ὂν τὸ γινόμενον ἐκέλευσε τὸ φάρμακον εἰς μέσους ἐνεγκεῖν, ἵνʼ εἰδῇ τὴν περιοῦσαν αὐτῷ δύναμιν. καὶ κομισθέντος τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τις ἑαλωκότων πίνει κελεύσαντος Οὐάρου καὶ παραχρῆμα ἔθανεν. τότε δὲ ἐξαναστὰς ἀπῄει τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ τῇ ἑξῆς ἐπʼ Ἀντιοχείας, ᾗπερ δὴ καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἦσαν αὐτῷ διατριβαὶ διὰ τὸ Σύροις τοῦτο βασίλειον εἶναι. Ἡρώδης δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔδησε τὸν υἱόν. ἄδηλοι δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἦσαν αἱ Οὐάρου πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμιλίαι καὶ τί εἰπὼν ἀπεληλύθει. εἰκάζετο δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου πράσσειν ὁπόσα περὶ τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἔπραξεν. δήσας δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς Ῥώμην ὡς Καίσαρα ἐκπέμπει γράμματα περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ γλώσσης διδάξοντας τὸν Καίσαρα τὴν κακίαν τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου καὶ Κωπωνίου γνώμη τὴν Καίσαρος. ἁλίσκεται δὲ ὑπὸ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἐπιστολὴ ὑπὸ Ἀντιφίλου πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον γεγραμμένη, ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ αὐτὸς διέτριβεν, καὶ λυθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τάδε ἐδήλου· ἔπεμψά σοι τὴν παρʼ Ἀκμῆς ἐπιστολὴν μὴ φεισάμενος τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς· οἶσθα γὰρ, ὅτι αὖθις κινδυνεύω ὑπὸ δύο οἰκιῶν, εἰ γνωσθείην. σὺ δʼ εὐτυχοίης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα. καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπιστολὴ τάδε ἐδήλου. ἐζήτει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φανερά γε ἦν, καὶ τοῦ Ἀντιφίλου δοῦλος ὃς τὴν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἔφερεν ἠρνεῖτο ἑτέραν παραλαβεῖν. ἀπορίας οὖν ἐχούσης τὸν βασιλέα τῶν φίλων τις τῶν τοῦ Ἡρώδου θεώμενος ὑπερραμμένον τοῦ δούλου τὸν ἐντὸς χιτῶνα, ἐνεδεδύκει γὰρ δύο, εἴκασεν ἐντὸς τῆς ἐπιπτυχῆς κρύπτεσθαι τὰ γράμματα· καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. λαμβάνουσιν οὖν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐγγεγραμμένα τε ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ τάδε· Ἀκμὴ Ἀντιπάτρῳ. ἔγραψα τῷ πατρί σου οἵαν ἤθελες ἐπιστολὴν καὶ ἀντίγραφον ποιήσασα τῇ πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν κυρίαν ὡς παρὰ Σαλώμης ἔγραψα, ἣν ἀναγνοὺς οἶδʼ ὅτι τιμωρήσεται Σαλώμην ὡς ἐπίβουλον. ἦν δὲ ἡ παρὰ τῆς Σαλώμης δοκοῦσα εἶναι πρὸς τὴν δέσποιναν αὐτῆς ὑπʼ Ἀντιπάτρου ἐπʼ ὀνόματι τῷ Σαλώμης ὅσα γοῦν ἡ διάνοια θέλοι ὑπηγορευμένη, λέξει δὲ συνέκειτο αὐτῆς. τὰ δὲ γεγραμμένα ἦν τοιάδε· Ἀκμὴ βασιλεῖ Ἡρώδῃ. ἐγὼ ἔργον ποιουμένη μηδέν σε λανθάνειν τῶν κατὰ σοῦ γινομένων, εὑροῦσα ἐπιστολὴν Σαλώμης πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν κυρίαν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένην ἐπικινδύνως ἐμαυτῇ σοὶ δὲ ὠφελίμως ἐξεγραψάμην καὶ ἀπέστειλά σοι. ταύτην δὲ ἐκείνη ἔγραψεν γήμασθαι θέλουσα Συλλαίῳ. κατάσχισον οὖν τὴν ἐπιστολήν, ἵνα μὴ κἀγὼ τῷ ζῆν κινδυνεύσω. πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν ἐγέγραπτο Ἀντίπατρον διασαφούσης, ὅτι διακονουμένη κελεύσματι τῷ ἐκείνου αὐτή τε γράψειε πρὸς Ἡρώδην, ὡς Σαλώμης ἐπιβούλως αὐτῷ πράσσειν ἐπειγομένης τὰ πάντα, καὶ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ὡς πρὸς δέσποιναν τὴν αὐτῆς πεμφθείσης ἐπιστολῆς ὑπὸ Σαλώμης ἀποπέμψειεν αὐτῷ. ἦν δὲ ἡ Ἀκμὴ Ἰουδαία μὲν τὸ γένος, ἐδούλευε δὲ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ καὶ ἔπρασσε ταῦτα φιλίᾳ τῇ Ἀντιπάτρου ὠνηθεῖσα ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μεγάλῃ δόσει χρημάτων συγκακουργεῖν κατά τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ κατὰ τῆς τηθίδος.

[¶8] 142. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted Caesar’s own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned.

> Greek: 142. Ἡρώδης δὲ ἐκπλαγεὶς μεγέθει τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου κακίας ὥρμησεν μὲν καὶ παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ὡς κύκηθρον μεγάλων γεγονότα πραγμάτων καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ ἐπιβεβουλευκότα καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος διεφθαρκότα τὴν οἰκίαν, ἐξώτρυνεν δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ Σαλώμη στερνοτυπουμένη καὶ κτείνειν αὐτὴν κελεύουσα, εἴ τινος ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε πίστεως αἰτίαν ἀξιόχρεων οἵα τε παρασχεῖν γένοιτο. Ἡρώδης δὲ μεταπέμψας ἀνέκρινεν τὸν υἱὸν κελεύων εἴ τι ἀντειπεῖν ἔχοι λέγειν μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενον, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀχανὴς ἦν, ἤρετο αὐτόν, ἐπειδὴ τὰ πάντα πανταχοῦ πεφώραται πονηρὸς ὤν, τοὺς γοῦν συγκακουργήσαντας αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα μὴ μελλῆσαι κατειπεῖν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντιφίλῳ τὴν πάντων αἰτίαν ἀνετίθει, ἕτερον δʼ οὐδένα προυτίθει. Ἡρώδης δὲ περιαλγῶν ὥρμησεν μὲν πέμπειν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης τὸν υἱὸν ὡς Καίσαρα λόγον ὑφέξοντα τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε βουλευμάτων, ἔπειτα δείσας, μὴ καὶ βοηθείᾳ φίλων εὑρίσκοιτο τοῦ κινδύνου διαφυγάς, αὐτὸν μὲν δέσμιον ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐφύλασσεν, αὖθις δὲ πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμπε καὶ γράμματα ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τοῦ υἱέος ὁπόσα τε Ἀκμὴ συγκακουργήσειεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀντίγραφα τῶν ἐπιστολῶν.

[¶9] 146. NOW Herod’s ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed.a thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar’s wife, to Caesar’s children, and friends and freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.

> Greek: 146. Καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἠπείγοντο ὁπόσα τε ἀνακρινομένους δεήσοι λέγειν προσεκδιδαχθέντες καὶ τὰ γράμματα φέροντες· εἰς νόσον δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐμπεσὼν διαθήκας γράφει τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν υἱῶν τὴν βασιλείαν διδοὺς μίσει τῷ τε πρὸς τὸν Ἀρχέλαον καὶ Φίλιππον ἐκ τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου διαβολῶν, Καίσαρί τε ταλάντων χιλίων καὶ γυναικὶ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος καὶ τέκνοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ ἀπελευθέροις Καίσαρος πεντακοσίων. ἔνεμε δὲ καὶ τοῖς υἱέσιν χρήματα καὶ προσόδους καὶ ἀγροὺς καὶ υἱέσι τοῖς ἐκείνων, Σαλώμην δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα ἐπλούτιζεν τὴν ἀδελφὴν εὔνουν τε αὐτῷ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν διαμεμενηκυῖαν καὶ μηδαμόθι θρασυνομένην κακουργεῖν. ἀπεγνωκὼς δὲ περιοίσειν, καὶ γὰρ περὶ ἔτος ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἦν, ἐξηγρίωσεν ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ καὶ πικρίᾳ εἰς πάντα χρώμενος· αἴτιον δὲ ἦν δόξα τοῦ καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ ἡδονῇ τὰς τύχας αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔθνος φέρειν· ἄλλως τʼ ἐπειδή τινες τῶν δημοτικωτέρων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐπανέστησαν αὐτῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν.

[¶10] 149. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Mattbias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when they found that the king’s distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod’s rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.

> Greek: 149. Ἦν Ἰούδας ὁ Σαριφαίου καὶ Ματθίας ὁ Μεργαλώθου Ἰουδαίων λογιώτατοι καὶ παρʼ οὕστινας ἐξηγηταὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων, ἄνδρες καὶ δήμῳ προσφιλεῖς διὰ παιδείαν τοῦ νεωτέρου· ὁσημέραι γὰρ διημέρευον αὐτοῖς πάντες οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς ἐπετετήδευτο. οἵ τε πυνθανόμενοι τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν νόσον θεραπεύειν ἄπορον οὖσαν ἐξῆραν τὸ νεώτερον, ὥστε ὁπόσα παρὰ νόμον τοῦ πατρίου κατεσκεύαστο ἔργα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα καθελόντες εὐσεβείας ἀγωνίσματα παρὰ τῶν νόμων φέρεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ δὴ διὰ τὴν τόλμαν αὐτῶν παρʼ ὃ διηγόρευεν ὁ νόμος τῆς ποιήσεως τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ συντυχεῖν, οἷς παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου διετρίβη, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὴν νόσον. ἦν γὰρ τῷ Ἡρώδῃ τινὰ πραγματευθέντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἃ δὴ ἐπεκάλουν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἰούδαν καὶ Ματθίαν. κατεσκευάκει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μεγάλου πυλῶνος τοῦ ναοῦ ἀνάθημα καὶ λίαν πολυτελές, ἀετὸν χρύσεον μέγαν· κωλύει δὲ ὁ νόμος εἰκόνων τε ἀναστάσεις ἐπινοεῖν καί τινων ζῴων ἀναθέσεις ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τοῖς βιοῦν κατʼ αὐτὸν προῃρημένοις. ὥστε ἐκέλευον οἱ σοφισταὶ τὸν ἀετὸν κατασπᾶν· καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος τῷ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακειμένῳ, πολὺ τῆς ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδονῆς λυσιτελεστέραν φαίνεσθαι τὴν προστιθεμένην ἀρετὴν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ πατρίου μελλήσουσι τελευτᾶν διὰ τὸ ἀίδιον τοῦ ἐπαινεῖσθαι φήμην κατασκευασαμένους ἔν τε τοῖς νῦν ἐπαινεθήσεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἀειμνημόνευτον καταλείπειν τὸν βίον. καίτοι γε καὶ τοῖς ἀκινδύνως διαιτωμένοις ἄφυκτον εἶναι τὴν συμφοράν, ὥστε καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς ὀριγνωμένοις τὸ κατεψηφισμένον αὐτοῦ μετʼ ἐπαίνων καὶ τιμῶν δεχομένοις ἀπιέναι τοῦ βίου. φέρειν γὰρ κούφισιν πολλὴν τὸ ἐπὶ καλοῖς ἔργοις ὧν μνηστῆρα τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τελευτᾶν, καὶ ἅμα υἱέσι τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσοι τοῦ συγγενοῦς καταλείποιντο ἄνδρες γυναῖκες καὶ τοῖσδε περιποιῆσαι ὄφελος εὐκλείᾳ τῇ ἀπʼ αὐτῶν.