---
title: "Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία"
author: "Josephus"
translator: "William Whiston"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Second Temple"
section: 83 of 96
url: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/83/
cite: "Josephus, tr. William Whiston, Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία, section 83. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/83/"
---

# Jewish Antiquities · Ἰουδαϊκὴ ἀρχαιολογία

*Josephus, tr. William Whiston*

The history of the Jews from the Creation to the eve of the revolt, in twenty books, with the passages on John the Baptist and Jesus: Niese’s Greek beside Whiston’s English.

> Greek: ed. Benedikt Niese, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0526.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: William Whiston, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0526.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 83. Book XVII · sections 224–295

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/83/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/josephus-jewish-antiquities-greek/83/#p-N

[¶0] 224. Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod’s most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father’s last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.

> Greek: 224. Πλεῖ δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἐπὶ Ῥώμης καὶ Ἀντίπας Ἡρώδου μὲν παῖς, ἐπὶ δʼ ἀντιποιήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑποσχέσεσι Σαλώμης ἠρμένος ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν καὶ πολὺ δικαιότερον Ἀρχελάου παραλήψεσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἠξιωκὼς τῷ κατὰ τὰς προτέρας διαθήκας βασιλεὺς ἀποπεφάνθαι, ἃς ἀσφαλεστέρας εἶναι τῶν ἐπιγραφεισῶν. ἐπήγετο δὲ οὗτος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν Νικολάου Πτολεμαῖον φίλον τε Ἡρώδῃ τιμιώτατον γεγενημένον καὶ αὐτῷ προσκείμενον. μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνῆγεν ἐπʼ ἀντιποιήσει τῆς βασιλείας φρονεῖν Εἰρηναῖος ῥήτωρ ἀνὴρ καὶ δόξῃ δεινότητος τῆς περὶ αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν πεπιστευμένος. διὸ δὴ καὶ τῶν κελευόντων εἴκειν Ἀρχελάῳ πρεσβυτέρῳ τε ὄντι κἀν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγγεγραμμένῳ βασιλεῖ οὐκ ἠνείχετο. ἐπεὶ δʼ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀφίκετο, καὶ πάντων τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπόστασις ἦν πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου, μίσει δὲ τῷ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον, μάλιστα μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐλευθερίας καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγῷ τετάχθαι, εἰ δʼ ἄρα τι ἀντισταίη, λυσιτελέστερον Ἀρχελάου τὸν Ἀντίπαν λογιζόμενοι, συνέπραττον Ἀντίπᾳ τὴν βασιλείαν. καὶ Σαβῖνος κατηγόρει παρὰ Καίσαρι τοῦ Ἀρχελάου διὰ γραμμάτων.

[¶1] 228. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to. the kingdom, and his father’s testament, with the accounts of Herod’s money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod’s seal, he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus’s and Sabinus’s letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater, Salome’s son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival; and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while lie was but a private person.

> Greek: 228. Καῖσαρ δὲ Ἀρχελάου τε εἰσπέμψαντος ὡς αὐτὸν γράμματα, ἐν οἷς τὰ δικαιώματα προετίθει τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν διαθήκην τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λογισμοὺς τῶν Ἡρώδου χρημάτων σὺν τῷ σημαντῆρι κομίζοντα Πτολεμαῖον, ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον. ὁ δὲ ταῦτά τε ἀναγνοὺς τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὰς Οὐάρου καὶ Σαβίνου ἐπιστολὰς ὁπόσα τε χρήματα ἦν καὶ τί ἐπʼ ἔτος ἐφοίτα καὶ ὅσα Ἀντίπας ἐπʼ οἰκειώσει τῆς βασιλείας ἐπεπόμφει γράμματα συνῆγεν ἐπὶ παροκωχῇ γνωμῶν τοὺς φίλους, σὺν οἷς καὶ Γάιον τὸν Ἀγρίππου μὲν καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς αὐτοῦ θυγατρὸς υἱὸν ποιητὸν δὲ αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρῶτόν τε καθεδούμενον παρέλαβε, καὶ κελεύει λέγειν τοῖς βουλομένοις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων. καὶ πρῶτος ὁ Σαλώμης υἱὸς Ἀντίπατρος δεινότατός τε ὢν εἰπεῖν καὶ τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ ἐναντιώτατος ἔλεγεν Ἀρχελάῳ παιδιὰν τὸν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι λόγον ἔργῳ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῆς πρότερον ἢ Καίσαρα συγχωρῆσαι παρειληφότι, ἐπικαλῶν τὰ τετολμημένα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπολωλόσι κατὰ τὴν ἑορτήν· ὧν καὶ ἀδικούντων ἄλλως ἔσχεν τὴν τιμωρίαν εἰς τοὺς ἔξω χρῆσθαι δυναμένους ἀνακειμένην εἶναι, καὶ μὴ ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς πεπρᾶχθαι, εἰ μὲν βασιλέως, ἀδικοῦντος τὸ Καίσαρος διαγνοίᾳ περὶ αὐτοῦ ἔτι χρώμενον, εἰ δὲ ἰδιώτου, πολὺ χειρόνως, διὰ τὸ μὴ βασιλείας ἀντιποιουμένῳ καλῶς ἂν συγκεχωρῆσθαι, διὰ τὸ Καίσαρα τῆς ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι. καθήπτετο δὲ αὐτοῦ ἡγεμόνων τινῶν ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ μετάστασιν ἐπικαλῶν καὶ προκάθισιν ἐπὶ θρόνου βασιλείου καὶ δικῶν διάλυσιν ὡς ὑπὸ βασιλέως γενομένην κατανεύσεις τε αἰτήσεων τοῖς δημοσίᾳ αἰτουμένοις καὶ πάντων διάπραξιν, ὧν οὐδὲν ἂν μειζόνως ἐπινοῆσαι καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀνετίθει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου δεσμωτῶν τὴν ἄφεσιν καὶ πολλὰ τὰ μὲν γεγονότα τὰ δὲ καὶ πιστεύεσθαι δυνάμενα διὰ τὸ φύσιν ἔχειν γίνεσθαι ὑπό τε νεωτέρων καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ τοῦ ἄρχειν προλαμβανόντων τὴν ἐξουσίαν, πένθους τε τοῦ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ ἀμελείας καὶ κωμασμοὺς αὐτονυκτὶ τῇ ἐκείνου τελευτῇ γεγονότας, ἐφʼ οἷς δὴ καὶ τὴν πληθὺν ἀρχὴν τοῦ στασιάζειν λαβεῖν, εἰ τοιαῦτα εὐεργετήσαντος αὐτὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ οὕτως μεγάλων ἠξιωκότος τοιοῖσδε ἀμείβεσθαι τὸν νέκυν, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σκηνῆς δακρύειν μὲν προσποιούμενον τὰς ἡμέρας, ἀπολαύοντα δὲ ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅσαι νύκτες. φανεῖσθαί τε καὶ περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τοιόνδε ὄντα Ἀρχέλαον συγχωροῦντα τὴν βασιλείαν, ὁποῖος γένοιτο καὶ περὶ τὸν πατέρα· χορεύειν γὰρ καὶ ᾄδειν ὥσπερ ἐχθροῦ πεσόντος, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἀνδρὸς οὕτως μὲν συγγενοῦς, τηλικαῦτα δʼ εὐεργετεῖν ἐξηγμένου. δεινότατόν τε πάντων ἀπέφηνε τὸ νῦν ἥκειν ἐπὶ Καίσαρος κατανεύσει τῇ ἐκείνου χρησόμενον τῇ βασιλείᾳ πάντων αὐτῷ προπεποιημένων, ὁπόσα γένοιτο ἂν ὑπὸ σοῦ βεβαίως ἤδη τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρεσχηκότος πρασσόμενα. μάλιστα δὲ τὴν σφαγὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐδείνου τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὴν δυσσέβειαν, ὡς ἑορτῆς τε ἐνεστηκυίας καὶ ἱερείων ἐν τρόπῳ σφαχθεῖεν ἔνιοι μὲν ξένοι οἱ δὲ ἐγχώριοι, πλησθείη δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν νεκρῶν οὐχ ὑπʼ ἀλλοφύλου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ καὶ μετὰ νομίμων ὀνομάτων τῆς βασιλείας ἐφιεμένου τῆς πράξεως, ὅπως δυνηθείη πληρῶσαι τῆς φύσει τυραννίδος τὴν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις μεμισημένην ἀδικίαν. διʼ ἣν μηδὲ ὄναρ ποτὲ ἑωρᾶσθαι βασιλείας αὐτῷ τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀρετῇ τοῦ πατρός· ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον καί τοι ἐχθρὸν αὐτῷ [ἐκ] τῶν διαθηκῶν ἰσχυρότερον Ἀντιπάτρῳ καθίστασθαι· κληθῆναι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχὶ νοσοῦντος πρὸς τῷ σώματι καὶ τὴν ψυχήν, ἀλλὰ ἀκραιφνεῖ μὲν τῷ λογισμῷ χρωμένου, ἀλκῇ δὲ σώματος τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφεστηκότος. εἰ δὲ καὶ πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπίσης τοῖς νῦν διατεθεῖσθαι τὸν πατέρα, ἀποπεφάνθαι ποταπὸς ἂν γένοιτο βασιλεὺς τὸν μὲν κύριον παρασχεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν Καίσαρα ἀφῃρημένον τοῦ δοῦναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ἰδιώτην ὄντα ἀκμὴν σφάζειν ἐν ἱερῷ μὴ ἀποτετραμμένον.

[¶2] 240. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus’s own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, “That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men’s inclination to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father’s benefactor, and familiarity acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod’s whole life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination, while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar’s virtuous and upright disposition, which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and to one who flies to Caesar’s upright determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar’s determination.”

> Greek: 240. Καὶ Ἀντίπατρος μὲν τοιάδε εἰπὼν καὶ μαρτύρων παραστάσεσιν τὰ εἰρημένα κρατυνάμενος πολλοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν παύεται τοῦ λέγειν. ἀνίσταται δὲ Νικόλαος ὑπὲρ Ἀρχελάου καὶ ἔλεγεν τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γνώμῃ τῶν πεπονθότων ἀναθεὶς μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ Ἀρχελάου· τοὺς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἄρχοντας οὐ μόνον τῷ καθʼ αὑτοὺς ὑβρίζοντι εἶναι πονηρούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ἀναγκάζοντι εἰς τὴν ἄμυναν τῶν εὐγνωμονεῖν προαιρουμένων. ὡς δὲ πολέμια ἔδρων λόγῳ μὲν κατʼ Ἀρχελάου τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς εἰς Καίσαρα φανερὸν εἶναι· τοὺς γὰρ ὑβριοῦντας κωλυτὰς παραγενομένους ἢ ὑπʼ Ἀρχελάου πεπομφότος κτεῖναι ἐπιθεμένους οὔτε τοῦ θεοῦ οὔτε τοῦ νόμου τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐν φροντίδι γενομένους, ὧν Ἀντίπατρον οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι ἐκδικητὴν καθιστάμενον ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ ἔχθρας τῆς αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον ἢ φύσει τοῦ ἀρετῇ δικαίου. οἱ παρελθόντες καὶ μὴ πρὸς διανοουμένους ἄρχοντες ἀδίκων ἔργων, οἵδε εἰσὶν οἱ βιαζόμενοι καὶ μὴ θέλοντας τοὺς ἀμυνομένους ἐφʼ ὅπλα χωρεῖν. ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν βουλῇ τῶν κατηγόρων· οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι μὴ οὐ μετὰ γνώμης τῆς αὐτῶν γεγενημένον αἰτίᾳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν ὑπάγεσθαι, οὐ τῇ φύσει τῇ οὕτως αὐτὰ γεγονότα πονηρὰ εἶναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ βλάψειν ἂν δοκεῖν Ἀρχέλαον. τοσήνδε αὐτοῖς εἶναι βουλὴν τοῦ ὑβριοῦντος εἰς ἄνδρα συγγενῆ, καὶ πατρὸς μὲν εὐεργέτου, συνήθη δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς οἰκείως πεπολιτευμένον. τάς γε μὴν διαθήκας ὑπό τε σωφρονοῦντος γεγράφθαι τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ κυριωτέρας τῶν γεγραμμένων πρότερον διὰ τὸ Καίσαρι δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων καταλελεῖφθαι τὴν κρίσιν τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς γεγραμμένων. μιμήσεσθαί τε οὐδαμῶς Καίσαρα τὴν ὕβριν αὐτῶν, οἳ τῆς Ἡρώδου παντοίως ἀπολαύσαντες παρʼ ὃν ἔζη καιρὸν δυνάμεως τὰ πάντα ἐπὶ ὕβρει γνώμης ἐπείγοιντο αὐτοῦ, οὐδʼ αὐτῶν περὶ τὸν συγγενῆ τοιούτων γεγονότων. οὔκουν Καίσαρά γε ἀνδρὸς ἐπʼ αὐτῷ πεποιημένου τὰ πάντα καὶ φίλου καὶ συμμάχου καταλύσειν τὰς διαθήκας ἐπὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένας, οὐδὲ μιμήσεσθαι κακίαν τὴν ἐκείνων τὴν Καίσαρος ἀρετὴν καὶ πίστιν πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀνενδοίαστον γενομένην, καὶ μανίαν καὶ λογισμῶν ἔκστασιν κατακρίνειν ἀνδρὸς βασιλέως, υἱεῖ μὲν ἀγαθῷ τὴν διαδοχὴν καταλελοιπότος, πίστει δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ προσπεφευγότος· οὔτʼ ἁμαρτάνειν Ἡρώδην ποτὲ περὶ κρίσιν τοῦ διαδόχου σωφροσύνῃ κεχρημένον ἐπὶ τῇ Καίσαρος γνώμῃ τὰ πάντα ποιεῖσθαι.

[¶3] 248. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father’s testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod’s posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to support them.

> Greek: 248. Καὶ Νικόλαος μὲν τοιάδε διελθὼν καταπαύει τὸν λόγον· Καῖσαρ δὲ Ἀρχέλαον προσπεσόντα αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα φιλοφρόνως τε ἀνίστη φάμενος ἀξιώτατον εἶναι τῆς βασιλείας πολλήν τε ἀπέφαινε τροπὴν γνώμης τῆς αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἄλλα πράξειν, ἀλλʼ ὁπόσα αἵ τε διαθῆκαι ὑπηγόρευον καὶ Ἀρχελάῳ συνέφερεν. οὐ μέντοι γε ἐκεκύρωτο οὐδέν, ὡς ἂν ἐχεγγύῳ παραδείγματι χρώμενον ἐπʼ ἀδείας Ἀρχέλαον εἶναι. καὶ διαλύσεως τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενομένης ἐσκοπεῖτο καθʼ αὑτόν, εἴτε Ἀρχελάῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπικυρωτέον, εἴτε νομὴν αὐτῆς ποιεῖσθαι παντὶ τῷ Ἡρώδου γένει καὶ ταῦτα πάντων πολλῆς ἐπικουρίας δεομένων.

[¶4] 250. BUT before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt of the Jews; for after Archlaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antiocli, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar’s procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king’s money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.

> Greek: 250. Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κύρωσίν τινα τούτων γενέσθαι Μαλθάκη τε ἡ Ἀρχελάου μήτηρ νόσῳ τελευτᾷ καὶ παρὰ Οὐάρου τοῦ Συρίας στρατηγοῦ παρῆν γράμματα τὴν Ἰουδαίων ἀπόστασιν διασαφοῦντα· τοῦ γὰρ Ἀρχελάου μετὰ τὸν ἔκπλουν ἐθορυβήθη τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος. καὶ Οὔαρος αὐτὸς ἐπεὶ παρὼν ὡς τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς κινήσεως τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλὼν καὶ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῆς στάσεως ἐπίσχεσιν ποιησάμενος πολλῆς γενομένης ἐπʼ Ἀντιοχείας τὴν ἀναζυγὴν ἐποιεῖτο, τάγμα ἓν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις λειπόμενος τὴν Ἰουδαίων νεωτεροποιίαν ἐπιστομιοῦντας. οὐ μὴν ἐπεραίνετό γε οὐδὲν ἐπὶ παύλῃ τοῦ μὴ οὐ στασιάσοντος αὐτῶν. ὅτε γὰρ Οὔαρος ἀπῄει καὶ Σαβῖνος ὁ ἐπίτροπος τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπομείνας αὐτόθι μεγάλως τοὺς στασιώτας κατεπόνει, στρατιᾷ τε τῇ καταλελειμμένῃ πιστεύων, ὡς καὶ περιέσοιτο αὐτῶν, καὶ τῷ πλήθει· πολλοὺς δὲ ὄντας ὁπλίσας δορυφόροις ἐχρῆτο αὐτοῖς ἐπείγων τοὺς Ἰουδαίους καὶ ἐκταράσσων ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει· τάς τε γὰρ ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο παραλαμβάνειν καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν χρημάτων ἐπʼ ἐρεύνῃ προθύμως ὥρμητο βίᾳ διὰ κέρδη καὶ πλεονεξιῶν ἐπιθυμίας.

[¶5] 254. But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: - some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king’s palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men’s number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces; while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod’s brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death. So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were destitute of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents.

> Greek: 254. Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς, ἑορτὴ δὲ ἡμῶν ἐστιν πάτριος τοῦτο κεκλημένη, οὔτι κατὰ τὴν θρησκείαν μόνον παρῆσαν, ἀλλʼ ὀργῇ φέροντες τὴν παροινίαν τῆς Σαβίνου ὕβρεως μυριάδες συνηθροίσθησαν ἀνθρώπων καὶ πάνυ πολλαὶ Γαλιλαίων τε καὶ Ἰδουμαίων, Ἱεριχουντίων τε ἦν πληθὺς καὶ ὁπόσοι περάσαντι Ἰορδάνην ποταμὸν οἰκοῦσιν, αὐτῶν τε Ἰουδαίων πλῆθος πρὸς πάντας συνειλέχατο καὶ πολὺ προθυμότεροι τῶν ἄλλων ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ Σαβίνου ὡρμήκεσαν. καὶ τρία μέρη νεμηθέντες ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε στρατοπεδεύονται χωρίων, οἱ μὲν τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἀπολαβόντες, καὶ τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν δύο μερῶν οἱ μὲν τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν τετραμμένοι, οἱ δὲ ἑῴαν μοῖραν εἶχον, μοῖρα δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ τρίτη τὰ πρὸς δυόμενον ἥλιον, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ βασίλειον ἦν. ἐπράσσετο δὲ τὰ πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἁπανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκλεισμένων. καὶ Σαβῖνος, ἔδεισε γὰρ τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἀνδρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ θανεῖν ποιουμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡττᾶσθαι μὴ ἐθέλειν ἐφʼ οἷς ἀρετὴν κρίνειαν τὸ νικᾶν, παραχρῆμά τε ὡς τὸν Οὔαρον ἔπεμπε γράμματα καὶ τὸ σύνηθες οὐκ ἀνίει κελεύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος βοηθεῖν, ὡς κινδύνου μεγίστου τὸ ἐγκαταλειφθὲν στράτευμα περιεσχηκότος διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς μακρὰν ἐλπίζειν κατακοπήσεσθαι ληφθέντας αὐτούς. αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ φρουρίου τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν πύργων καταλαβόμενος Φασάηλον ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ Ἡρώδου ἀδελφοῦ Φασαήλου ᾠκοδομημένον τε καὶ οὕτως εἰρημένον τελευτῆς ὑπὸ Παρθυαίων αὐτῷ γενομένης, κατέσειε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδʼ εἰς τοὺς φίλους τολμῶν κατιέναι, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους προαποθνήσκειν αὐτοῦ τῆς πλεονεξίας δικαιῶν. τολμησάντων δʼ εἰς τὴν ἔξοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων μάχη συνῄει καρτερά, καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πολλῶν μὲν ἔργων ἐκράτουν, οὐ μὴν τὰ φρονήματά γε τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις ἔκαμνε τῇ ὄψει τοῦ δεινοῦ πολλῶν αὐτοῖς πεπτωκότων, περιοδεύσαντες δʼ ἀνίασιν ἐπὶ τὰς στοάς, αἵπερ ἦσαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἔξω περίβολον περιέχουσαι, καὶ πολλοῖς ἀμάχου γενομένης λίθους τε ἠφίεσαν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ὑπάραντες, οὓς δὲ σφενδονῶν, ἀθληταὶ τρόπου τοιαύτης μάχης ὄντες. καὶ οἱ τοξόται πάντες παρατεταγμένοι μεγάλα ἔβλαπτον τοὺς Ῥωμαίους διὰ τὸ ὑπερδέξιοί τε εἶναι καὶ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι μὲν ἄποροι διὰ τὸ ἀνέφικτον τοῖς εἰσακοντίζειν πειρωμένοις εἶναι, ῥᾴους δὲ κρατεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔχοντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἡ μάχη συνέστη τοιάδε οὖσα. ἔπειτα Ῥωμαῖοι δεινῶς φέροντες τοῖς δρωμένοις πῦρ ἐνιᾶσιν ταῖς στοαῖς λαθόντες Ἰουδαίων τοὺς ἀναβεβηκότας ἐπʼ αὐταῖς. καὶ τὸ πῦρ ὑπό τε πολλῶν προστεθειμένον καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἐγείρειν φλόγα δυναμένων ἥπτετο τοῦ ὀρόφου ᾗ τάχος. ὁ δὲ ξύλωσιν παρέχων πίσσης τε καὶ κηροῦ πλέον ἔτι δὲ χρυσὸν ἐπαληλιμμένον εὐθέως ήκειν, ἔργα τε μεγάλα ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἠφανίζετο. καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν στοῶν ὄλεθρος οὗτος ἀπροσδόκητος κατέλαβεν· οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ὀρόφου καταρραγέντος συγκατεφέροντο αὐτῷ, τοὺς δὲ περισταδὸν ἔβαλλον οἱ πολέμιοι· πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπορίᾳ σωτηρίας τε καὶ ἐκπλήξει κακοῦ τοῦ περιεστηκότος, οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἵεσαν αὑτούς, οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ξίφεσι χρώμενοι διάδρασιν αὐτοῦ ἐποιοῦντο, ὁπόσοι δὲ εἰς τὸ κατόπιν χωρήσαντες ὁδῷ ᾗ ἀναβεβήκεσαν ἐσώζοντο, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πάντας ἔκτεινον γυμνούς τε ὄντας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἐκλελυμένους, οὐδὲν τῆς ἀπονοίας διὰ τὸ ἄνοπλον βοηθεῖν δυναμένης. ἐσώθη τε τῶν ἀνελθόντων ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος οὐδʼ ὁστισοῦν. καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διὰ τοῦ πυρὸς ᾗ παρείκοι ὠσθέντες ἐκράτουν τοῦ θησαυροῦ, καθʼ ὃν ἱερὰ ἦν χρήματα. καὶ διεκλάπη μὲν πολλὰ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, Σαβῖνος δὲ περιεποίησεν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν τετρακόσια τάλαντα.

[¶6] 265. But this calamity of the Jews’ friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king’s troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod’s army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Ruffis, which itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side not to be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country’s ancient liberty; and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege.

> Greek: 265. Ἰουδαίους δὲ ἐλύπει μὲν τὸ πάθος τῶν φίλων, οἳ ἐν τῇδε ἔπεσον τῇ μάχῃ, ἐλύπει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἡ ἀφαίρεσις, οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπερ αὐτῶν ἐτύγχανεν συνεστραμμένον καὶ μαχιμώτατον τούτῳ ἐμπεριέχοντες τὸ βασίλειον ἠπείλουν πῦρ τε ἐνήσειν αὐτῷ καὶ πάντας κτείνειν, κελεύοντες ᾗ τάχος ἀπιέναι καὶ πειθομένοις ὑπισχνούμενοι ἄδειαν καὶ Σαβίνῳ σὺν αὐτοῖς. καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν τὸ πλεῖστον ηὐτομολήκεσαν σὺν αὐτοῖς, Ῥοῦφος δὲ καὶ Γρᾶτος τρισχιλίους τὸ μαχιμώτατον τοῦ Ἡρώδου στρατεύματος ἔχοντες ἄνδρας τοῖς σώμασι δραστηρίους Ῥωμαίοις προστίθενται. καί τι καὶ ἱππικὸν ἦν τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Ῥούφῳ τεταγμένων, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ προσθήκη τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐγεγόνει. Ἰουδαίοις δὲ οὐκ ἠμέλητο ἡ πολιορκία, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τείχη μετήλλευον καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις ἐκέλευον μὴ ἐμποδισταῖς εἶναι τοῦ ἀποληψομένου χρόνῳ παροῦσαν αὐτοῖς ἐλευθερίαν τὴν πάτριον. Σαβίνῳ μὲν οὖν εὐκτὸν ἀπιέναι μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, πιστεύειν δʼ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν διὰ τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ τὸ λίαν εὔγνωμον τῶν πολεμίων ἐπʼ ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ κατασταθησομένου εἶχεν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν Οὔαρον ἥξειν προσδοκῶν ὑπέμενε τὴν πολιορκίαν.

[¶7] 269. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod’s old soldiers, who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against the king’s troops, although Achiabus, Herod’s first cousin, opposed them; but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.

> Greek: 269. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα μυρία θορύβων ἐχόμενα τὴν Ἰουδαίαν κατελάμβανεν πολλῶν πολλαχόσε οἳ κατʼ οἰκείων ἐλπίδας κερδῶν καὶ Ἰουδαίων ἔχθρας ἐπὶ τὸ πολεμεῖν ὡρμημένων· δισχίλιοι μὲν τῶν ὑφʼ Ἡρώδῃ ποτὲ στρατευσαμένων καὶ ἤδη καταλελυκότες ἐν αὐτῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ συστάντες προσεπολέμουν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ἀντιστατοῦντος αὐτοῖς Ἀχιάβου τοῦ Ἡρώδου ἀνεψιοῦ, καὶ τῶν μὲν πεδίων εἰς τὰ μετέωρα ἀνεωσμένου διʼ ἐμπειρίαν τὴν εἰς τὰ πολεμικὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ταῖς δὲ δυσχωρίαις σώζοντος ὁπόσα δυνατά.

[¶8] 271. There was also Judas, the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great dificulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there; and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.

> Greek: 271. Ἰούδας δὲ ἦν Ἐζεκίου τοῦ ἀρχιλῃστοῦ υἱὸς ἐπὶ μέγα δυνηθέντος ὑφʼ Ἡρώδου δὲ μεγάλοις ληφθέντος πόνοις. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ἰούδας περὶ Σέπφωριν τῆς Γαλιλαίας συστησάμενος πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀπονενοημένων ἐπιδρομὴν τῷ βασιλείῳ ποιεῖται καὶ ὅπλων κρατήσας ὁπόσα αὐτόθι ἀπέκειτο ὥπλιζε τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποφέρεται χρήματα ὁπόσα κατελήφθη αὐτόθι, φοβερός τε ἅπασιν ἦν ἄγων καὶ φέρων τοὺς προστυγχάνοντας ἐπιθυμίᾳ μειζόνων πραγμάτων καὶ ζηλώσει βασιλείου τιμῆς, οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἐμπειρίᾳ τοῦ δὲ ὑβρίζειν περιουσίᾳ κτήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν γέρας.

[¶9] 273. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king’s houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs.

> Greek: 273. Ἦν δὲ καὶ Σίμων δοῦλος μὲν Ἡρώδου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἄλλως δὲ ἀνὴρ εὐπρεπὴς καὶ μεγέθει καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος ἐπὶ μέγα προύχων τε καὶ πεπιστευμένος. οὗτος ἀρθεὶς τῇ ἀκρισίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων διάδημά τε ἐτόλμησε περιθέσθαι, καί τινος πλήθους συστάντος καὶ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀναγγελθεὶς μανίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων καὶ εἶναι ἄξιος ἐλπίσας παρʼ ὁντινοῦν τό τε ἐν Ἱεριχοῦντι βασίλειον πίμπρησιν διʼ ἁρπαγῆς ἄγων τὰ ἐγκατειλημμένα, πολλάς τε καὶ ἄλλας τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰκήσεων πολλαχοῦ τῆς χώρας πῦρ ἐνιεὶς ἠφάνιζεν, τοῖς συνεστηκόσιν λείαν ἄγειν τὰ ἐγκαταλελειμμένα ἐπιτρέπων. ἐπέπρακτο δʼ ἄν τι μεῖζον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μὴ ταχείας ἐπιστροφῆς γενομένης· ὁ γὰρ Γρᾶτος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν στρατιωτῶν Ῥωμαίοις προστεθειμένος μεθʼ ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως ὑπαντιάζει τὸν Σίμωνα, καὶ μάχης αὐτοῖς μεγάλης ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης τό τε πολὺ τῶν Περαίων ἀσύντακτοι ὄντες καὶ τόλμῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ μαχόμενοι ἐφθάρησαν, καὶ αὐτοῦ Σίμωνος διά τινος φάραγγος σώζοντος αὑτὸν Γρᾶτος ἐντυχὼν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνει. κατεπρήσθη δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπʼ Ἰορδάνῃ ποταμῷ ἐν Ἀμμάθοις βασίλεια ὑπό τινων συστάντων ἀνδρῶν Σίμωνι παραπλησίων. οὕτως πολλὴ ἀφροσύνη ἐνεπολίτευσε τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τὸ βασιλέα μὲν οἰκεῖον οὐκ εἶναι τὸν καθέξοντα τὸ πλῆθος ἀρετῇ, τοὺς δʼ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπελθόντας σωφρονιστὰς τοῦ μὴ στασιάσοντος τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπέκκαυμα αὐτῶν διά τε τοῦ ὑβρίζειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν γενέσθαι.

[¶10] 278. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were aftrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king’s troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other’s misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archclaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward.

> Greek: 278. Ἐπεὶ καὶ Ἀθρόγγης ἀνὴρ οὔτε προγόνων ἐπιφανὴς ἀξιώματι οὔτε ἀρετῆς περιουσίᾳ ἤ τινων πλήθει χρημάτων, ποιμὴν δὲ καὶ ἀνεπιφανὴς τοῖς πᾶσιν εἰς τὰ πάντα ὤν, ἄλλως δὲ μεγέθει σώματος καὶ τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀλκῇ διαπρέπων, ἐτόλμησεν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ φρονῆσαι τῷ κτώμενόν τε αὐτὴν ἡδονῆς πλέον ὑβρίσαι καὶ θνήσκων οὐκ ἐν μεγάλοις τίθεσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀνάλωμα γενησόμενον. ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες μεγάλοι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἐπὶ μέγα προύχειν τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀρετῇ πεπιστευμένοι, πρόεχμα εἶναι τῆς καθέξεως τῆς βασιλείας δοκοῦντες, λόχου τε αὐτῶν ἦρχεν ἕκαστος· συλλέγεται γὰρ μεγάλη πληθὺς πρὸς αὐτούς. καὶ οἵδε μὲν στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν καὶ ὑπεστράτευον αὐτῷ ὁπόσα εἰς τὰς μάχας φοιτῶντες διʼ αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ διάδημα περιθέμενος βουλευτήριόν τε ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις καὶ τὰ πάντα γνώμῃ ἀνακείμενα εἶχεν τῇ αὐτοῦ. διέμενέ τε ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἡ ἰσχὺς βασιλεῖ τε κεκλημένῳ καὶ ἃ πράσσειν ἐθέλοι μὴ ἀποστερουμένῳ, φόνῳ τε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα προσκείμενοι Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ βασιλικῶν μίσει πολιτεύοντες ὁμοίως πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, τοῦτο μὲν ὕβρει ᾗ χρήσαιντο ἐπὶ τῆς Ἡρώδου ἀρχῆς, Ῥωμαίους δὲ ὧν τὸ παρὸν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν. προϊόντος δὲ χρόνου καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον ὁμοίως ἐξηγριώθησαν διάφευξίς τε οὐκ ἦν τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμπεσεῖν, τὰ μὲν κέρδους ἐλπίδι, τὰ δὲ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τοῦ φονεύειν. ἐπιτίθενται δέ ποτε καὶ Ῥωμαίων λόχῳ κατὰ Ἐμμαοῦντα, οἳ σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅπλα τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔφερον. καὶ περιστάντες Ἄρειον μὲν τὸν ἑκατόνταρχον, ὃς ἡγεῖτο τοῦ παντὸς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πεζῶν τοὺς κρατίστους κατηκόντισαν. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δείσαντες πρὸς τὸ πάθος αὐτῶν Γράτου σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, σκέπης αὐτοῖς γενομένης σώζονται τοὺς νεκροὺς καταλιπόντες. καὶ πολὺν μὲν τοιουτοτρόποις χρώμενοι χρόνον μάχαις Ῥωμαίους τε παρελύπησαν οὐκ εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐκάκωσαν ἐπὶ μέγα. χειροῦται δὲ αὐτῶν χρόνῳ ὕστερον ὁ μὲν Γράτῳ συμβαλὼν ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαίῳ, καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον Ἀρχελάου λαβόντος ὁ τελευταῖος πάθει τε τῷ ἐκείνου λελυπημένος καὶ ἄπορον ἐπὶ πλέον ὁρῶν τὴν σωτηρίαν ὑπὸ μονώσεως καὶ καμάτου πολλοῦ ψιλωθεὶς τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ δεξιαῖς καὶ πίστει τοῦ θείου Ἀρχελάῳ παραδίδωσιν αὑτόν. καὶ τάδε μὲν ὕστερον γίνεται.

[¶11] 285. And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.

> Greek: 285. Λῃστηρίων δὲ ἡ Ἰουδαία πλέως ἦν, καὶ ὃς παρατύχοι τινῶν οἳ συστασιάσοιεν αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς προϊστάμενος ἐπʼ ὀλέθρῳ τοῦ κοινοῦ ἠπείγετο, ὀλίγα μὲν καὶ ἐπʼ ὀλίγοις Ῥωμαίοις λυπηροὶ καθιστάμενοι, τοῦ δὲ ὁμοφύλου φόνον ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐμποιοῦντες.

[¶12] 286. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus’s writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen; and when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter. Emmaus was also burnt by Varus’s order, after its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather than having any inclination to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not come into Varus’s presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went to the sea-side.

> Greek: 286. Οὔαρος δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον πυνθάνεται [τὰ πεπραγμένα] Σαβίνου γράψαντος πρὸς αὐτόν, δείσας περὶ τοῦ τάγματος δύο τὰ λοιπὰ ἀναλαβών, τρία γὰρ ἐπὶ Συρίας τὰ πάντα ἦν, καὶ ἴλας ἱππέων τέσσαρας ὁπόσα τε ἐπικουρικὰ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς οἵ τινες τετράρχαι τότε παρεῖχον, ἠπείγετο βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἐν Ἰουδαίᾳ τότε πολιορκουμένοις. εἴρητο δὲ πᾶσιν εἰς Πτολεμαΐδα ἐπείγεσθαι ὁπόσοι προεξεπέμποντο. διδόασί τε αὐτῷ καὶ Βηρύτιοι διιόντι αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐπικούρους πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους, πέμπει δὲ καὶ Ἀρέτας ὁ Πετραῖος ἔχθει τῷ Ἡρώδου φιλίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων κτώμενος οὐκ ὀλίγην χεῖρα πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων. σταθείσης δʼ ἐν Πτολεμαΐδι πάσης ἤδη τῆς δυνάμεως μέρος τι ταύτης τῷ υἱῷ παραδοὺς [καὶ] ἑνὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ φίλων Γαλιλαίους ἐξέπεμπεν πολεμεῖν, οἳ ὑπὲρ τῆς Πτολεμαΐδος ἐχόμενοι κατοικοῦσιν. ὃς ἐμβαλὼν τούς τε ἀντικαταστάντας εἰς μάχην τρέπεται καὶ Σέπφωριν ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἠνδραποδίσατο, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν. αὐτὸς δὲ Οὔαρος ἐπὶ Σαμαρείας τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ προιὼν τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετο διὰ τὸ ἀνέγκλητον ἐπὶ τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς εἶναι, στρατοπεδεύεται δὲ ἔν τινι κώμῃ Πτολεμαίου κτήματι, Ἀροὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ. καὶ οἱ Ἄραβες μίσει τῷ Ἡρώδου ἐμπιπρᾶσιν αὐτὴν ἐχθρῶς καὶ πρὸς φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἔχοντες. κἀνθένδε προϊόντες Σαμφὼ κώμην ἑτέραν διήρπασάν τε οἱ Ἄραβες καὶ ἔκαυσαν πάνυ ἐρυμνὴν οὖσαν, καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐν τῇ προόδῳ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ πυρὸς καὶ φόνου τὰ πάντα μεστὰ ἦν. πίμπραται δὲ καὶ Ἐμμαοῦς Οὐάρου κελεύσαντος ἐπʼ ἐκδικίᾳ τῶν συντετελευτηκότων προεκλειφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ Ἱεροσολύμοις ἤδη συνῆπτε, καὶ Ἰουδαίων οἱ κατὰ πολιορκίαν τοῦ τάγματος τῇδε στρατοπεδευόμενοι τὴν ὄψιν τῆς προσόδου τῶν στρατευμάτων οὐχ ὑπομείναντες ᾤχοντο ἡμίεργον τὴν πολιορκίαν καταλιπόντες. οἱ δʼ ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις Ἰουδαῖοι δεινῶς τοῦ Οὐάρου σφίσιν ἐγκαλοῦντος ἀπελύοντο τὰς αἰτίας, ὡς τῆς μὲν συνόδου τῆς πληθύος διὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν γενομένης, τοῦ δὲ πολέμου μηδαμὰ γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν, τόλμῃ δὲ τῶν ἐπηλύδων συνελθόντες αὐτοῖς καὶ συμπολιορκηθέντες Ῥωμαίοις μᾶλλον ἢ πολιορκεῖν προθυμίαν σχόντες. προαπηντήκασιν δὲ τῷ Οὐάρῳ Ἰώσηπός τε ἀνεψιὸς Ἡρώδου βασιλέως Γρᾶτος τε καὶ Ῥοῦφος τοὺς ὑπʼ αὐτοῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἄγοντες καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οἱ πολιορκούμενοι. Σαβῖνος δὲ οὐκ ἀφίκετο Οὐάρῳ εἰς ὄψιν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν.

[¶13] 295. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand. After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whom Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to justice, fought against their own kindred.

> Greek: 295. Οὔαρος δὲ κατὰ τὴν χώραν πέμψας τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος ἐπεζήτει τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως. καὶ σημαινομένων τοὺς μὲν ἐκόλασεν ὡς αἰτιωτάτους, εἰσὶ δʼ οὓς καὶ ἀφῆκεν· ἐγίνοντο δὲ οἱ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν σταυρωθέντες δισχίλιοι. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὴν μὲν αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν ἀποπέμπεται, χρήσιμον μὲν ὁρῶν ἐπʼ οὐδαμοῖς οὖσαν πράγμασιν· πολλὰ δὲ ἠτάκτητο αὐτοῖς καὶ παρήκουστο τῶν δογμάτων καὶ ὧν ἠξίου Οὔαρος ἐφέσει κερδῶν, ἃ ἐκ τοῦ κακουργεῖν περιεγίνοντο αὐτοῖς. αὐτὸς δὲ μυρίους Ἰουδαίους συνεστηκέναι πυνθανόμενος ἠπείγετο εἰς κατάληψιν αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ οὐδʼ ἧκον εἰς χεῖρας, ἀλλὰ παρέδοσαν αὑτοὺς γνώμῃ τῇ Ἀχιάβου συνελθόντες. καὶ Οὔαρος τῷ πλήθει συγχωρῶν τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα ὁπόσοι ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτῶν. Καῖσαρ δὲ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν πολλοὺς διῆκεν, ὁπόσοι δὲ συγγενεῖς ὄντες Ἡρώδου συνεστράτευον αὐτοῖς τούσδε ἐκόλασεν μόνους, εἰ μηδὲν φροντίσαντες τοῦ δικαίου κατὰ τῶν οἰκείων ἐστράτευον.