---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Book I · preface, chapters 1–9](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/1.md)
2. [Book I · chapters 9–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/2.md)
3. [Book I · chapters 21–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/3.md)
4. [Book I · chapters 29–39](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4.md)
5. [Book I · chapters 39–50](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/5.md)
6. [Book I · chapters 50–60](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6.md)
7. [Book II · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7.md)
8. [Book II · chapters 11–23](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8.md)
9. [Book II · chapters 23–33](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/9.md)
10. [Book II · chapters 33–43](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/10.md)
11. [Book II · chapters 43–53](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/11.md)
12. [Book II · chapters 53–65](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/12.md)
13. [Book III · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/13.md)
14. [Book III · chapters 12–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/14.md)
15. [Book III · chapters 24–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/15.md)
16. [Book III · chapters 38–50](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/16.md)
17. [Book III · chapters 50–61](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/17.md)
18. [Book III · chapters 61–72](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/18.md)
19. [Book IV · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19.md)
20. [Book IV · chapters 12–25](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/20.md)
21. [Book IV · chapters 25–37](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/21.md)
22. [Book IV · chapters 37–49](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/22.md)
23. [Book IV · chapters 49–61](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/23.md)
24. [Book V · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/24.md)
25. [Book V · chapters 11–21](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/25.md)
26. [Book V · chapters 21–32](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/26.md)
27. [Book V · chapters 32–44](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/27.md)
28. [Book V · chapters 45–55](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/28.md)
29. [Book VI · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29.md)
30. [Book VI · chapters 12–22](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30.md)
31. [Book VI · chapters 22–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31.md)
32. [Book VI · chapters 34–42](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/32.md)
33. [Book VII · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/33.md)
34. [Book VII · chapters 12–23](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/34.md)
35. [Book VII · chapters 24–33](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/35.md)
36. [Book VII · chapters 33–42](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/36.md)
37. [Book VIII · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/37.md)
38. [Book VIII · chapters 10–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/38.md)
39. [Book VIII · chapters 20–30](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/39.md)
40. [Book VIII · chapters 31–40](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/40.md)
41. [Book IX · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/41.md)
42. [Book IX · chapters 10–19](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/42.md)
43. [Book IX · chapters 19–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/43.md)
44. [Book IX · chapters 30–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/44.md)
45. [Book IX · chapters 38–46](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/45.md)
46. [Book X · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/46.md)
47. [Book X · chapters 11–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/47.md)
48. [Book X · chapters 20–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/48.md)
49. [Book X · chapters 29–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/49.md)
50. [Book X · chapters 38–47](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/50.md)

## 1. Book I · preface, chapters 1–9

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/1/#p-N

[¶0] pr.1. Whether I am likely to accomplish anything worthy of the labour, if I record the achievements of the Roman people from the foundation of the city, I do not really know, nor if I knew would I dare to avouch it; perceiving as I do that the theme is not only old but hackneyed, through the constant succession of new historians, who believe either that in their facts they can produce more authentic information, or that in their style they will prove better than the rude attempts of the ancients.

> Latin: pr.1. facturusne operae pretium sim si a primordio urbis res populi Romani perscripserim nec satis scio nec, si sciam, dicere ausim, quippe qui cum ueterem tum uolgatam esse rem uideam, dum noui semper scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se aut scribendi arte rudem uetustatem superaturos credunt.

[¶1] pr.3. Yet, however this shall be, it will be a satisfaction to have done myself as much as lies in me to commemorate the deeds of the foremost people of the world; and if in so vast a company of writers my own reputation should be obscure, my consolation would be the fame and greatness of those whose renown will throw mine into the shade.

> Latin: pr.3. utcumque erit, iuuabit tamen rerum gestarum memoriae principis terrarum populi pro uirili parte et ipsum consuluisse; et si in tanta scriptorum turba mea fama in obscuro sit, nobilitate ac magnitudine eorum me qui nomini officient meo consoler.

[¶2] pr.4. Moreover, my subject involves infinite labour, seeing that it must be traced back above seven hundred years, and that proceeding from slender beginnings it has so increased as now to be burdened by its own magnitude; and at the same time I doubt not that to most readers the earliest origins and the period immediately succeeding them will give little pleasure, for they will be in haste to reach these modern times, in which the might of a people which has long been very powerful is working its own undoing.

> Latin: pr.4. res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creuerit ut iam magnitudine laboret sua; et legentium plerisque haud dubito quin primae origines proximaque originibus minus praebitura uoluptatis sint, festinantibus ad haec noua quibus iam pridem praeualentis populi uires se ipsae conficiunt:

[¶3] pr.5. I myself, on the contrary, shall seek in this an additional reward for my toil, that I may avert my gaze from the troubles which our age has been witnessing for so many years, so long at least as I am absorbed in the recollection of the brave days of old, free from every care which, even if it could not divert the historian's mind from the truth, might nevertheless cause it anxiety.

> Latin: pr.5. ego contra hoc quoque laboris praemium petam, ut me a conspectu malorum quae nostra tot per annos uidit aetas, tantisper certe dum prisca [tota] illa mente repeto, auertam, omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum, etsi non flectere a uero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset. quae ante conditam condendamue urbem poeticis magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in animo est.

[¶4] pr.7. Such traditions as belong to the time before the city was founded, or rather was presently to be founded, and are rather adorned with poetic legends than based upon trustworthy historical proofs, I purpose neither to affirm nor to refute. It is the privilege of antiquity to mingle divine things with human, and so to add dignity to the beginnings of cities;

> Latin: pr.7. datur haec uenia antiquitati ut miscendo humana diuinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat; et si cui populo licere oportet consecrare origines suas et ad deos referre auctores, ea belli gloria est populo Romano ut cum suum conditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat, tam et hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo quam imperium patiuntur.

[¶5] pr.8. and if any people ought to be allowed to consecrate their origins and refer them to a divine source, so great is the military glory of the Roman People that when they profess that their Father and the Father of their Founder was none other than Mars, the nations of the earth may well submit to this also with as good a grace as they submit to Rome's dominion. But to such legends as these, however they shall be regarded and judged, I shall, for my own part, attach no great importance. Here are the questions to which I would have every reader give his close attention —what life and morals were like; through what men and by what policies, in peace and in war, empire was established and enlarged; then let him note how, with the gradual relaxation of discipline, morals first gave way, as it were, then sank lower and lower, and finally began the downward plunge which has brought us to the present time, when we can endure neither our vices nor their cure.

> Latin: pr.8. sed haec et his similia utcumque animaduersa aut existimata erunt haud in magno equidem ponam discrimine: ad illa mihi pro se quisque acriter intendat animum, quae uita, qui mores fuerint, per quos uiros quibusque artibus domi militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit; labente deinde paulatim disciplina uelut desidentes primo mores sequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sint, tum ire coeperint praecipites, donec ad haec tempora quibus nec uitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus peruentum est.

[¶6] pr.10. What chiefly makes the study of history wholesome and profitable is this, that you behold the lessons of every kind of experience set forth as on a conspicuous monument; from these you may choose for yourself and for your own state what to imitate, from these mark for avoidance what is shameful in the conception and shameful in the result.

> Latin: pr.10. hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum. omnis te exempli documenta in inlustri posita monumento intueri; inde tibi tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde foedum inceptu foedum exitu quod uites.

[¶7] pr.11. For the rest, either love of the task I have set myself deceives me, or no state was ever greater, none more righteous or richer in good examples, none ever was where avarice and luxury came into the social order so late, or where humble means and thrift were so highly esteemed and so long held in honour.

> Latin: pr.11. ceterum aut me amor negotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla unquam res publica nec maior nec sanctior nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit, nec in quam [ciuitatem] tam serae auaritia luxuriaque immigrauerint, nec ubi tantus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit.

[¶8] pr.12. For true it is that the less men's wealth was, the less was their greed. Of late, riches have brought in avarice, and excessive pleasures the longing to carry wantonness and licence to the point of ruin for oneself and of universal destruction. But complaints are sure to be disagreeable, even when they shall perhaps be necessary; let the beginning, at all events, of so great an enterprise have none.

> Latin: pr.12. adeo quanto rerum minus, tanto minus cupiditatis erat: nuper diuitiae auaritiam et abundantes uoluptates desiderium per luxum atque libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia inuexere. sed querellae, ne tum quidem gratae futurae cum forsitan necessariae erunt, ab initio certe tantae ordiendae rei absint:

[¶9] pr.13. With good omens rather would we begin, and, if historians had the same custom which poets have, with prayers and entreaties to the gods and goddesses, that they might grant us to bring to a successful issue the great task we have undertaken.

> Latin: pr.13. cum bonis potius ominibus uotisque et precationibus deorum dearumque, si, ut poetis, nobis quoque mos esset, libentius inciperemus, ut orsis tantum operis successus prosperos darent.

[¶10] 1.1. First of all, then, it is generally agreed that when Troy was taken vengeance was wreaked upon the other Trojans, but that two, Aeneas and Antenor, were spared all the penalties of war by the Achivi, owing to long-standing claims of hospitality, and because they had always advocated peace and the giving back of Helen.

> Latin: 1.1. iam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta in ceteros saeuitum esse Troianos, duobus, Aeneae Antenorique, et uetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, omne ius belli Achiuos abstinuisse;

[¶11] 1.2. They then experienced various vicissitudes. Antenor, with a company of Eneti who had been expelled from Paphlagonia in a revolution and were looking for a home and a leader —for they had lost their king, Pylaemenes, at Troy —came to the inmost bay of the Adriatic.

> Latin: 1.2. casibus deinde uariis Antenorem cum multitudine Enetum, qui seditione ex Paphlagonia pulsi et sedes et ducem rege Pylaemene ad Troiam amisso quaerebant, uenisse in intimum maris Hadriatici sinum, Euganeisque qui inter mare Alpesque incolebant pulsis Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras.

[¶12] 1.3. There, driving out the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps, the Eneti and Trojans took possession of those lands. And in fact the place where they first landed is called Troy, and the district is therefore known as Trojan, while the people as a whole are called the Veneti.

> Latin: 1.3. et in quem primo egressi sunt locum Troia uocatur pagoque inde Troiano nomen est: gens uniuersa Ueneti appellati.

[¶13] 1.4. Aeneas, driven from home by a similar misfortune, but guided by fate to undertakings of greater consequence, came first to Macedonia; thence was carried, in his quest of a place of settlement, to Sicily; and from Sicily laid his course towards the land of Laurentum. This place too is called Troy.

> Latin: 1.4. Aeneam ab simili clade domo profugum sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis, primo in Macedoniam uenisse, inde in Siciliam quaerentem sedes delatum, ab Sicilia classe ad Laurentem agrum tenuisse.

[¶14] 1.5. Landing there, the Trojans, as men who, after their all but immeasurable wanderings, had nothing left but their swords and ships, were driving booty from the fields, when King Latinus and the Aborigines, who then occupied that country, rushed down from their city and their fields to repel with arms the violence of the invaders. From this point the tradition follows two lines. Some say that Latinus, having been defeated in the battle, made a peace with Aeneas, and later an alliance of marriage.

> Latin: 1.5. Troia et huic loco nomen est. ibi egressi Troiani, ut quibus ab immenso prope errore nihil praeter arma et naues superesset, cum praedam ex agris agerent, Latinus rex Aboriginesque qui tum ea tenebant loca ad arcendam uim aduenarum armati ex urbe atque agris concurrunt.

[¶15] 1.6. Others maintain that when the opposing lines had been drawn up, Latinus did not wait for the charge to sound, but advanced amidst his chieftains and summoned the captain of the strangers to a parley.

> Latin: 1.6. duplex inde fama est. alii proelio uictum Latinum pacem cum Aenea, deinde adfinitatem iunxisse tradunt:

[¶16] 1.7. He then inquired what men they were, whence they had come, what mishap had caused them to leave their home, and what they sought in landing on the coast of Laurentum. He was told that the people were Trojans and their leader Aeneas, son of Anchises and Venus; that their city had been burnt, and that, driven from home, they were looking for a dwelling-place and a site where they might build a city. Filled with wonder at the renown of the race and the hero, and at his spirit, prepared alike for war or peace, he gave him his right hand in solemn pledge of lasting friendship.

> Latin: 1.7. alii, cum instructae acies constitissent, priusquam signa canerent processisse Latinum inter primores ducemque aduenarum euocasse ad conloquium; percontatum deinde qui mortales essent, unde aut quo casu profecti domo quidue quaerentes in agrum Laurentinum exissent, postquam audierit multitudinem Troianos esse, ducem Aeneam filium Anchisae et Ueneris, cremata patria domo profugos, sedem condendaeque urbi locum quaerere, et nobilitatem admiratum gentis uirique et animum uel bello uel paci paratum, dextra data fidem futurae amicitiae sanxisse.

[¶17] 1.9. The commanders then made a treaty, and the armies saluted each other. Aeneas became a guest in the house of Latinus; there the latter, in the presence of his household gods, added a domestic treaty to the public one, by giving his daughter in marriage to Aeneas.

> Latin: 1.9. inde foedus ictum inter duces, inter exercitus salutationem factam. Aeneam apud Latinum fuisse in hospitio; ibi Latinum apud penates deos domesticum publico adiunxisse foedus filia Aeneae in matrimonium data.

[¶18] 1.10. This event removed any doubt in the minds of the Trojans that they had brought their wanderings to an end at last in a permanent and settled habitation.

> Latin: 1.10. ea res utique Troianis spem adfirmat tandem stabili certaque sede finiendi erroris. oppidum condunt;

[¶19] 1.11. They founded a town, which Aeneas named Lavinium, after his wife. In a short time, moreover, there was a male scion of the new marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of Ascanius.

> Latin: 1.11. Aeneas ab nomine uxoris Lauinium appellat. breui stirpis quoque uirilis ex nouo matrimonio fuit, cui Ascanium parentes dixere nomen.

[¶20] 2.1. War was then made upon Trojans and Aborigines alike. Turnus was king of the Rutulians, and to him Lavinia had been betrothed before the coming of Aeneas. Indignant that a stranger should be preferred before him, he attacked, at the same time, both Aeneas and Latinus.

> Latin: 2.1. bello deinde Aborigines Troianique simul petiti. Turnus rex Rutulorum, cui pacta Lauinia ante aduentum Aeneae fuerat, praelatum sibi aduenam aegre patiens simul Aeneae Latinoque bellum intulerat.

[¶21] 2.2. Neither army came off rejoicing from that battle. The Rutulians were beaten: the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader Latinus.

> Latin: 2.2. neutra acies laeta ex eo certamine abiit: uicti Rutuli: uictores Aborigines Troianique ducem Latinum amisere.

[¶22] 2.3. Then Turnus and the Rutulians, discouraged at their situation, fled for succour to the opulent and powerful Etruscans and their king Mezentius, who held sway in Caere, at that time an important town. Mezentius had been, from the very beginning, far from pleased at the birth of the new city; he now felt that the Trojan state was growing much more rapidly than was altogether safe for its neighbours, and readily united his forces with those of the Rutulians.

> Latin: 2.3. inde Turnus Rutulique diffisi rebus ad florentes opes Etruscorum Mezentiumque regem eorum confugiunt, qui Caere opulento tum oppido imperitans, iam inde ab initio minime laetus nouae origine urbis et tum nimio plus quam satis tutum esset accolis rem Troianam crescere ratus, haud grauatim socia arma Rutulis iunxit.

[¶23] 2.4. Aeneas, that he might win the goodwill of the Aborigines to confront so formidable an array, and that all might possess not only the same rights but also the same name, called both nations Latins; and from that time on the Aborigines were no less ready and faithful than the Trojans in the service of King Aeneas.

> Latin: 2.4. Aeneas aduersus tanti belli terrorem ut animos Aboriginum sibi conciliaret nec sub eodem iure solum sed etiam nomine omnes essent, Latinos utramque gentem appellauit;

[¶24] 2.5. Accordingly, trusting to this friendly spirit of the two peoples, which were growing each day more united, and, despite the power of Etruria, which had filled with the glory of her name not only the lands but the sea as well, along the whole extent of Italy from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, Aeneas declined to defend himself behind his walls, as he might have done, but led out his troops to battle.

> Latin: 2.5. nec deinde Aborigines Troianis studio ac fide erga regem Aeneam cessere. fretusque his animis coalescentium in dies magis duorum populorum Aeneas, quamquam tanta opibus Etruria erat ut iam non terras solum sed mare etiam per totam Italiae longitudinem ab Alpibus ad fretum Siculum fama nominis sui implesset, tamen cum moenibus bellum propulsare posset in aciem copias eduxit.

[¶25] 2.6. The fight which ensued was a victory for the Latins: for Aeneas it was, besides, the last of his mortal labours. He lies buried, whether it is fitting and right to term him god or man, on the banks of the river Numicus; men, however, call him Jupiter Indiges.

> Latin: 2.6. secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam ultimum operum mortalium fuit. situs est, quemcumque eum dici ius fasque est super Numicum flumen: Iouem indigetem appellant.

[¶26] 3.1. Ascanius, Aeneas' son, was not yet ripe for authority; yet the authority was kept for him, unimpaired, until he arrived at manhood. Meanwhile, under a woman's regency, the Latin State and the kingdom of his father and his grandfather stood unshaken —so strong was Lavinia's character —until the boy could claim it.

> Latin: 3.1. nondum maturus imperio Ascanius Aeneae filius erat; tamen id imperium ei ad puberem aetatem incolume mansit; tantisper tutela muliebri—tanta indoles in Lauinia erat—res Latina et regnum auitum paternumque puero stetit.

[¶27] 3.2. I shall not discuss the question —for who could affirm for certain so ancient a matter? —whether this boy was Ascanius, or an elder brother, born by Creusa while Ilium yet stood, who accompanied his father when he fled from the city, being the same whom the Julian family call Iulus and claim as the author of their name.

> Latin: 3.2. haud ambigam—quis enim rem tam ueterem pro certo adfirmet?— hicine fuerit Ascanius an maior quam hic, Creusa matre Ilio incolumi natus comesque inde paternae fugae, quem Iulum eundem Iulia gens auctorem nominis sui nuncupat.

[¶28] 3.3. This Ascanius, no matter where born, or of what mother —it is agreed in any case that he was Aeneas' son —left Lavinium, when its population came to be too large, for it was already a flourishing and wealthy city for those days, to his mother, or stepmother, and founded a new city himself below the Alban Mount.

> Latin: 3.3. is Ascanius, ubicumque et quacumque matre genitus—certe natum Aenea constat—abundante Lauinii multitudine florentem iam ut tum res erant atque opulentam urbem matri seu nouercae relinquit, nouam ipse aliam sub Albano monte condidit quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Longa Alba appellata.

[¶29] 3.4. This was known from its position, as it lay stretched out along the ridge, by the name of Alba Longa. From the settlement of Lavinium to the planting of the colony at Alba Longa was an interval of some thirty years.

> Latin: 3.4. inter Lauinium et Albam Longam coloniam deductam triginta ferme interfuere anni. tantum tamen opes creuerant maxime fusis Etruscis ut ne morte quidem Aeneae nec deinde inter muliebrem tutelam rudimentumque primum puerilis regni mouere arma aut Mezentius Etruscique aut ulli alii accolae ausi sint.

[¶30] 3.5. Yet the nation had grown so powerful, in consequence especially of the defeat of the Etruscans, that even when Aeneas died, and even when a woman became its regent and a boy began his apprenticeship as king, neither Mezentius and his Etruscans nor any other neighbours dared to attack them.

> Latin: 3.5. pax ita conuenerat ut Etruscis Latinisque fluuius Albula, quem nunc Tiberim uocant, finis esset.

[¶31] 3.6. Peace had been agreed to on these terms, that the River Albula, which men now call the Tiber, should be the boundary between the Etruscans and the Latins.

> Latin: 3.6. Siluius deinde regnat Ascani filius, casu quodam in siluis natus;

[¶32] 3.7. Next Silvius reigned, son of Ascanius, born, as it chanced, in the forest. He begat Aeneas Silvius, and he Latinus Silvius. By him several colonies were planted, and called the Ancient Latins.

> Latin: 3.7. is Aeneam Siluium creat; is deinde Latinum Siluium. ab eo coloniae aliquot deductae, Prisci Latini appellati. mansit Siluiis postea omnibus cognomen, qui Albae regnarunt.

[¶33] 3.8. Thereafter the cognomen Silvius was retained by all who ruled at Alba. From Latinus came Alba, from Alba Atys, from Atys Capys, from Capys Capetus, from Capetus Tiberinus.

> Latin: 3.8. Latino Alba ortus, Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus, Capeto Tiberinus, qui in traiectu Albulae amnis submersus celebre ad posteros nomen flumini dedit.

[¶34] 3.9. This last king was drowned in crossing the River Albula, and gave the stream the name which has been current with later generations. Then Agrippa, son of Tiberinus, reigned, and after Agrippa Romulus Silvius was king, having received the power from his father. Upon the death of Romulus by lightning, the kingship passed from him to Aventinus. This king was buried on that hill, which is now a part of the City of Rome, and gave his name to the hill.

> Latin: 3.9. Agrippa inde Tiberini filius, post Agrippam Romulus Siluius a patre accepto imperio regnat. Auentino fulmine ipse ictus regnum per manus tradidit. is sepultus in eo colle qui nunc pars Romanae est urbis, cognomen colli fecit. Proca deinde regnat.

[¶35] 3.10. Proca ruled next. He begat Numitor and Amulius; to Numitor, the elder, he bequeathed the ancient realm of the Silvian family. Yet violence proved more potent than a father's wishes or respect for seniority. Amulius drove out his brother and ruled in his stead.

> Latin: 3.10. is Numitorem atque Amulium procreat; Numitori, qui stirpis maximus erat, regnum uetustum Siluiae gentis legat. plus tamen uis potuit quam uoluntas patris aut uerecundia aetatis: pulso fratre Amulius regnat.

[¶36] 3.11. Adding crime to crime, he destroyed Numitor's male issue; and Rhea Silvia, his brother's daughter, he appointed a Vestal under pretence of honouring, her, and by consigning her to perpetual virginity, deprived her of the hope of children.

> Latin: 3.11. addit sceleri scelus: stirpem fratris uirilem interemit, fratris filiae Reae Siluiae per speciem honoris cum Uestalem eam legisset perpetua uirginitate spem partus adimit.

[¶37] 4.1. But the Fates were resolved, as I suppose, upon the founding of this great City, and the beginning of the mightiest of empires, next after that of Heaven.

> Latin: 4.1. sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo urbis maximique secundum deorum opes imperii principium.

[¶38] 4.2. The Vestal was ravished, and having given birth to twin sons, named Mars as the father of her doubtful offspring, whether actually so believing, or because it seemed less wrong if a god were the author of her fault.

> Latin: 4.2. ui compressa Uestalis cum geminum partum edidisset, seu ita rata seu quia deus auctor culpae honestior erat, Martem incertae stirpis patrem nuncupat.

[¶39] 4.3. But neither gods nor men protected the mother herself or her babes from the king's cruelty; the priestess he ordered to be manacled and cast into prison, the children to be committed to the river.

> Latin: 4.3. sed nec di nec homines aut ipsam aut stirpem a crudelitate regia uindicant: sacerdos uincta in custodiam datur, pueros in profluentem aquam mitti iubet.

[¶40] 4.4. It happened by singular good fortune that the Tiber having spread beyond its banks into stagnant pools afforded nowhere any access to the regular channel of the river, and the men who brought the twins were led to hope that being infants they might be drowned, no matter how sluggish the stream.

> Latin: 4.4. forte quadam diuinitus super ripas Tiberis effusus lenibus stagnis nec adiri usquam ad iusti cursum poterat amnis et posse quamuis languida mergi aqua infantes spem ferentibus dabat.

[¶41] 4.5. So they made shift to discharge the king's command, by exposing the babes at the nearest point of the overflow, where the fig-tree Ruminalis —formerly, they say, called Romularis —now stands.

> Latin: 4.5. ita uelut defuncti regis imperio in proxima alluuie ubi nunc ficus Ruminalis est—Romularem uocatam ferunt— pueros exponunt.

[¶42] 4.6. In those days this was a wild and uninhabited region. The story persists that when the floating basket in which the children had been exposed was left high and dry by the receding water, a she-wolf, coming down out of the surrounding hills to slake her thirst, turned her steps towards the cry of the infants, and with her teats gave them suck so gently, that the keeper of the royal flock found her licking them with her tongue.

> Latin: 4.6. uastae tum in his locis solitudines erant. tenet fama cum fluitantem alueum, quo expositi erant pueri, tenuis in sicco aqua destituisset, lupam sitientem ex montibus qui circa sunt ad puerilem uagitum cursum flexisse; eam submissas infantibus adeo mitem praebuisse mammas ut lingua lambentem pueros magister regii pecoris inuenerit— Faustulo fuisse nomen ferunt—ab eo ad stabula Larentiae uxori educandos datos.

[¶43] 4.7. Tradition assigns to this man the name of Faustulus, and adds that he carried the twins to his hut and gave them to his wife Larentia to rear. Some think that Larentia, having been free with her favours, had got the name of “she-wolf” among the shepherds, and that this gave rise to this marvellous story.

> Latin: 4.7. sunt qui Larentiam uolgato corpore lupam inter pastores uocatam putent; inde locum fabulae ac miraculo datum.

[¶44] 4.8. The boys, thus born and reared, had no sooner attained to youth than they began —yet without neglecting the farmstead or the flocks —to range the glades of the mountains for game.

> Latin: 4.8. ita geniti itaque educati, cum primum adoleuit aetas, nec in stabulis nec ad pecora segnes uenando peragrare saltus.

[¶45] 4.9. Having in this way gained both strength and resolution, they would now not only face wild beasts, but would attack robbers laden with their spoils, and divide up what they took from them among the shepherds, with whom they shared their toils and pranks, while their band of young men grew larger every day.

> Latin: 4.9. hinc robore corporibus animisque sumpto iam non feras tantum subsistere sed in latrones praeda onustos impetus facere pastoribusque rapta diuidere et cum his crescente in dies grege iuuenum seria ac iocos celebrare.

[¶46] 5.1. They say that the Palatine was even then the scene of the merry festival of the Lupercalia which we have to-day, and that the hill was named Pallantium, from Pallanteum, an Arcadian city, and then Palatium.

> Latin: 5.1. iam tum in Palatio [monte] Lupercal hoc fuisse ludicrum ferunt, et a Pallanteo, urbe Arcadica, Pallantium, dein Palatium montem appellatum;

[¶47] 5.2. There Evander, an Arcadian of that stock, who had held the place many ages before the time of which I am writing, is said to have established the yearly rite, derived from Arcadia, that youths should run naked about in playful sport, doing honour to Lycaean Pan, whom the Romans afterwards called Inuus.

> Latin: 5.2. ibi Euandrum, qui ex eo genere Arcadum multis ante tempestatibus tenuerit loca, sollemne allatum ex Arcadia instituisse ut nudi iuuenes Lycaeum Pana uenerantes per lusum atque lasciuiam currerent, quem Romani deinde uocarunt Inuum.

[¶48] 5.3. When the young men were occupied in this celebration, the rite being generally known, some robbers who had been angered by the loss of their plunder laid an ambush for them, and although Romulus successfully defended himself, captured Remus and delivered up their prisoner to King Amulius, even lodging a complaint against him.

> Latin: 5.3. huic deditis ludicro cum sollemne notum esset insidiatos ob iram praedae amissae latrones, cum Romulus ui se defendisset, Remum cepisse, captum regi Amulio tradidisse, ultro accusantes.

[¶49] 5.4. The main charge was that the brothers made raids on the lands of Numitor, and pillaged them, with a band of young fellows which they had got together, like an invading enemy.

> Latin: 5.4. crimini maxime dabant in Numitoris agros ab iis impetum fieri; inde eos collecta iuuenum manu hostilem in modum praedas agere.

[¶50] 5.5. So Remus was given up to Numitor to be punished. From the very beginning Faustulus had entertained the suspicion that they were children of the royal blood that he was bringing up in his house; for he was aware both that infants had been exposed by order of the king, and that the time when he had himself taken up the children exactly coincided with that event. But he had been unwilling that the matter should be disclosed prematurely, until opportunity offered or necessity compelled.

> Latin: 5.5. sic Numitori ad supplicium Remus deditur. iam inde ab initio Faustulo spes fuerat regiam stirpem apud se educari; nam et expositos iussu regis infantes sciebat et tempus quo ipse eos sustulisset ad id ipsum congruere; sed rem immaturam nisi aut per occasionem aut per necessitatem aperiri noluerat.

[¶51] 5.6. Necessity came first; accordingly, driven by fear, he revealed the facts to Romulus. It chanced that Numitor too, having Remus in custody, and hearing that the brothers were twins, had been reminded, upon considering their age and their far from servile nature, of his grandsons. The inquiries he made led him to the same conclusion, so that he was almost ready to acknowledge Remus. Thus on every hand the toils were woven about the king.

> Latin: 5.6. necessitas prior uenit: ita metu subactus Romulo rem aperit. forte et Numitori cum in custodia Remum haberet audissetque geminos esse fratres, comparando et aetatem eorum et ipsam minime seruilem indolem, tetigerat animum memoria nepotum; sciscitandoque eodem peruenit ut haud procul esset quin Remum agnosceret. ita undique regi dolus nectitur.

[¶52] 5.7. Romulus did not assemble his company of youths —for he was not equal to open violence —but commanded his shepherds to come to the palace at an appointed time, some by one way, some by another, and so made his attack upon the king; while from the house of Numitor came Remus, with another party which he had got together, to help his brother. So Romulus slew the king.

> Latin: 5.7. Romulus non cum globo iuuenum—nec enim erat ad uim apertam par—sed aliis alio itinere iussis certo tempore ad regiam uenire pastoribus ad regem impetum facit; et a domo Numitoris alia comparata manu adiuuat Remus. ita regem obtruncat.

[¶53] 6.1. At the beginning of the fray Numitor exclaimed that an enemy had invaded the city and attacked the palace, and drew off the active men of the place to serve as an armed garrison for the defence of the citadel; and when he saw the young men approaching, after they had dispatched the king, to congratulate him, he at once summoned a council, and laid before it his brother's crimes against himself, the parentage of his grandsons, and how they had been born, reared, and recognised.

> Latin: 6.1. Numitor inter primum tumultum, hostes inuasisse urbem atque adortos regiam dictitans, cum pubem Albanam in arcem praesidio armisque obtinendam auocasset, postquam iuuenes perpetrata caede pergere ad se gratulantes uidit, extemplo aduocato concilio scelera in se fratris, originem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti essent, caedem deinceps tyranni seque eius auctorem ostendit.

[¶54] 6.2. He then announced the tyrant's death, and declared himself to be responsible for it. The brothers advanced with their band through the midst of the crowd, and hailed their grandfather king, whereupon such a shout of assent arose from the entire throng as confirmed the new monarch's title and authority.

> Latin: 6.2. iuuenes per mediam contionem agmine ingressi cum auum regem salutassent, secuta ex omni multitudine consentiens uox ratum nomen imperiumque regi efficit.

[¶55] 6.3. The Alban state being thus made over to Numitor, Romulus and Remus were seized with the desire to found a city in the region where they had been exposed and brought up. And in fact the population of Albans and Latins was too large; besides, there were the shepherds. All together, their numbers might easily lead men to hope that Alba would be small, and Lavinium small, compared with the city which they should build.

> Latin: 6.3. ita Numitori Albana re permissa Romulum Remumque cupido cepit in iis locis ubi expositi ubique educati erant urbis condendae. et supererat multitudo Albanorum Latinorumque; ad id pastores quoque accesserant, qui omnes facile spem facerent paruam Albam, paruum Lauinium prae ea urbe quae conderetur fore.

[¶56] 6.4. These considerations were interrupted by the curse of their grandsires, the greed of kingly power, and by a shameful quarrel which grew out of it, upon an occasion innocent enough. Since the brothers were twins, and respect for their age could not determine between them, it was agreed that the gods who had those places in their protection should choose by augury who should give the new city its name, who should govern it when built. Romulus took the Palatine for his augural quarter, Remus the Aventine.

> Latin: 6.4. interuenit deinde his cogitationibus auitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde foedum certamen coortum a satis miti principio. quoniam gemini essent nec aetatis uerecundia discrimen facere posset, ut di quorum tutelae ea loca essent auguriis legerent qui nomen nouae urbi daret, qui conditam imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus Auentinum ad inaugurandum templa capiunt.

[¶57] 7.1. Remus is said to have been the first to receive an augury, from the flight of six vultures. The omen had been already reported when twice that number appeared to Romulus. Thereupon each was saluted king by his own followers, the one party laying claim to the honour from priority, the other from the number of the birds.

> Latin: 7.1. priori Remo augurium uenisse fertur, sex uoltures; iamque nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerus Romulo se ostendisset, utrumque regem sua multitudo consalutauerat: tempore illi praecepto, at hi numero auium regnum trahebant.

[¶58] 7.2. They then engaged in a battle of words and, angry taunts leading to bloodshed, Remus was struck down in the affray. The commoner story is that Remus leaped over the new walls in mockery of his brother, whereupon Romulus in great anger slew him, and in menacing wise added these words withal, “So perish whoever else shall leap over my walls!”

> Latin: 7.2. inde cum altercatione congressi certamine irarum ad caedem uertuntur; ibi in turba ictus Remus cecidit. uolgatior fama est ludibrio fratris Remum nouos transiluisse muros; inde ab irato Romulo, cum uerbis quoque increpitans adiecisset, 'sic deinde, quicumque alius transiliet moenia mea,' interfectum.

[¶59] 7.3. Thus Romulus acquired sole power, and the city, thus founded, was called by its founder's name. His first act was to fortify the Palatine, on which he had himself been reared. To other gods he sacrificed after the Alban custom, but employed the Greek for Hercules, according to the institution of Evander.

> Latin: 7.3. ita solus potitus imperio Romulus; condita urbs conditoris nomine appellata. Palatium primum, in quo ipse erat educatus, muniit. sacra dis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi, ut ab Euandro instituta erant, facit.

[¶60] 7.4. The story is as follows: Hercules, after slaying Geryones, was driving off his wondrously beautiful cattle, when, close to the river Tiber, where he had swum across it with the herd before him, he found a green spot, where he could let the cattle rest and refresh themselves with the abundant grass; and being tired from his journey he lay down himself.

> Latin: 7.4. Herculem in ea loca Geryone interempto boues mira specie abegisse memorant, ac prope Tiberim fluuium, qua prae se armentum agens nando traiecerat, loco herbido ut quiete et pabulo laeto reficeret boues et ipsum fessum uia procubuisse.

[¶61] 7.5. When he had there fallen into a deep sleep, for he was heavy with food and wine, a shepherd by the name of Cacus, who dwelt hard by and was insolent by reason of his strength, was struck with the beauty of the animals, and wished to drive them off as plunder. But if he had driven the herd into his cave, their tracks would have been enough to guide their owner to the place in his search; he therefore chose out those of the cattle that were most remarkable for their beauty, and turning them the other way, dragged them into the cave by their tails.

> Latin: 7.5. ibi cum eum cibo uinoque grauatum sopor oppressisset, pastor accola eius loci, nomine Cacus, ferox uiribus, captus pulchritudine boum cum auertere eam praedam uellet, quia si agendo armentum in speluncam compulisset ipsa uestigia quaerentem dominum eo deductura erant, auersos boues eximium quemque pulchritudine caudis in speluncam traxit.

[¶62] 7.6. At daybreak Hercules awoke. Glancing over the herd, and perceiving that a part of their number was lacking, he proceeded to the nearest cave, in case there might be foot-prints leading into it. When he saw that they were all turned outward and yet did not lead to any other place, he was confused and bewildered, and made ready to drive his herd away from that uncanny spot.

> Latin: 7.6. Hercules ad primam auroram somno excitus cum gregem perlustrasset oculis et partem abesse numero sensisset, pergit ad proximam speluncam, si forte eo uestigia ferrent. quae ubi omnia foras uersa uidit nec in partem aliam ferre, confusus atque incertus animi ex loco infesto agere porro armentum occepit.

[¶63] 7.7. As the cattle were being driven off, some of them lowed, as usually happens, missing those which had been left behind. They were answered with a low by the cattle shut up in the cave, and this made Hercules turn back. When he came towards the cave, Cacus would have prevented his approach with force, but received a blow from the hero's club, and calling in vain upon the shepherds to protect him, gave up the ghost.

> Latin: 7.7. inde cum actae boues quaedam ad desiderium, ut fit, relictarum mugissent, reddita inclusarum ex spelunca boum uox Herculem conuertit. quem cum uadentem ad speluncam Cacus ui prohibere conatus esset, ictus claua fidem pastorum nequiquam inuocans [morte] occubuit.

[¶64] 7.8. Evander, an exile from the Peloponnese, controlled that region in those days, more through personal influence than sovereign power. He was a man revered for his wonderful invention of letters, a new thing to men unacquainted with the arts, and even more revered because of the divinity which men attributed to his mother Carmenta, whom those tribes had admired as a prophetess before the Sibyl's coming into Italy.

> Latin: 7.8. Euander tum ea, profugus ex Peloponneso, auctoritate magis quam imperio regebat loca, uenerabilis uir miraculo litterarum, rei nouae inter rudes artium homines, uenerabilior diuinitate credita Carmentae matris, quam fatiloquam ante sibyllae in Italiam aduentum miratae eae gentes fuerant.

[¶65] 7.9. Now this Evander was then attracted by the concourse of shepherds, who, crowding excitedly about the stranger, were accusing him as a murderer caught red-handed. When he had been told about the deed and the reason for it, and had marked the bearing of the man and his figure, which was somewhat ampler and more august than a mortal's, he inquired who he was.

> Latin: 7.9. is tum Euander concursu pastorum trepidantium circa aduenam manifestae reum caedis excitus postquam facinus facinorisque causam audiuit, habitum formamque uiri aliquantum ampliorem augustioremque humana intuens rogitat qui uir esset.

[¶66] 7.10. Upon learning his name, his father, and his birth-place, he exclaimed, “Hail, Hercules, son of Jupiter! You are he, of whom my mother, truthful interpreter of Heaven, foretold to me that you should be added to the number of the gods, and that an altar should be dedicated to you here which the nation one day to ” “be the most powerful on earth should call the Greatest Altar, and should serve according to your rite.”

> Latin: 7.10. ubi nomen patremque ac patriam accepit, 'Ioue nate, Hercules, salue,' inquit; 'te mihi mater, ueridica interpres deum, aucturum caelestium numerum cecinit, tibique aram hic dicatum iri quam opulentissima olim in terris gens maximam uocet tuoque ritu colat.' dextra Hercules data accipere se omen impleturumque fata ara condita ac dicata ait.

[¶67] 7.12. Hercules gave him his hand, and declared that he accepted the omen, and would fulfil the prophecy by establishing and dedicating an altar. Then and there men took a choice victim from the herd, and for the first time made sacrifice to Hercules.

> Latin: 7.12. ibi tum primum boue eximia capta de grege sacrum Herculi, adhibitis ad ministerium dapemque Potitiis ac Pinariis, quae tum familiae maxime inclitae ea loca incolebant, factum.

[¶68] 7.13. For the ministry and the banquet they employed the Potitii and the Pinarii, being the families of most distinction then living in that region. It so fell out that the Potitii were there at the appointed time, and to them were served the inwards; the Pinarii came after the inwards had been eaten, in season for the remainder of the feast.

> Latin: 7.13. forte ita euenit ut Potitii ad tempus praesto essent iisque exta apponerentur, Pinarii extis adesis ad ceteram uenirent dapem. inde institutum mansit donec Pinarium genus fuit, ne extis eorum sollemnium uescerentur.

[¶69] 7.14. Thence came the custom, which persisted as long as the Pinarian family endured, that they should not partake of the inwards at that sacrifice. The Potitii, instructed by Evander, were priests of this cult for many generations, until, having delegated to public slaves the solemn function of their family, the entire stock of the Potitii died out.

> Latin: 7.14. Potitii ab Euandro edocti antistites sacri eius per multas aetates fuerunt, donec tradito seruis publicis sollemni familiae ministerio genus omne Potitiorum interiit.

[¶70] 7.15. This was the only sacred observance, of all those of foreign origin, which Romulus then adopted, honouring even then the immortality won by worth to which his own destiny was leading him.

> Latin: 7.15. haec tum sacra Romulus una ex omnibus peregrina suscepit, iam tum immortalitatis uirtute partae ad quam eum sua fata ducebant fautor.

[¶71] 8.1. When Romulus had duly attended to the worship of the gods, he called the people together and gave them the rules of law, since nothing else but law could unite them into a single body politic.

> Latin: 8.1. rebus diuinis rite perpetratis uocataque ad concilium multitudine quae coalescere in populi unius corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus poterat, iura dedit;

[¶72] 8.2. But these, he was persuaded, would only appear binding in the eyes of a rustic people in case he should invest his own person with majesty, by adopting emblems of authority. He therefore put on a more august state in every way, and especially by the assumption of twelve lictors.

> Latin: 8.2. quae ita sancta generi hominum agresti fore ratus, si se ipse uenerabilem insignibus imperii fecisset, cum cetero habitu se augustiorem, tum maxime lictoribus duodecim sumptis fecit.

[¶73] 8.3. Some think the twelve birds which had given him an augury of kingship led him to choose this number. For my part, I am content to share the opinion of those who derive from the neighbouring Etruscans (whence were borrowed the curule chair and purple-bordered toga) not only the type of attendants but their number as well —a number which the Etruscans themselves are thought to have chosen because each of the twelve cities which united to elect the king contributed one lictor.

> Latin: 8.3. alii ab numero auium quae augurio regnum portenderant eum secutum numerum putant: me haud paenitet eorum sententiae esse quibus et apparitores hoc genus ab Etruscis finitimis, unde sella curulis, unde toga praetexta sumpta est, <et> numerum quoque ipsum ductum placet, et ita habuisse Etruscos quod ex duodecim populis communiter creato rege singulos singuli populi lictores dederint.

[¶74] 8.4. Meanwhile the City was expanding and reaching out its walls to include one place after another, for they built their defences with an eye rather to the population which they hoped one day to have than to the numbers they had then.

> Latin: 8.4. crescebat interim urbs munitionibus alia atque alia appetendo loca, cum in spem magis futurae multitudinis quam ad id quod tum hominum erat munirent.

[¶75] 8.5. Next, lest his big City should be empty, Romulus resorted to a plan for increasing the inhabitants which had long been employed by the founders of cities, who gather about them an obscure and lowly multitude and pretend that the earth has raised up sons to them. In the place which is now enclosed, between the two groves as you go up the hill, he opened a sanctuary.

> Latin: 8.5. deinde ne uana urbis magnitudo esset, adiciendae multitudinis causa uetere consilio condentium urbes, qui obscuram atque humilem conciendo ad se multitudinem natam e terra sibi prolem ementiebantur, locum qui nunc saeptus escendentibus inter duos lucos est asylum aperit.

[¶76] 8.6. Thither fled, from the surrounding peoples, a miscellaneous rabble, without distinction of bond or free, eager for new conditions; and these constituted the first advance in power towards that greatness at which Romulus aimed.

> Latin: 8.6. eo ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discrimine, liber an seruus esset, auida nouarum rerum perfugit, idque primum ad coeptam magnitudinem roboris fuit.

[¶77] 8.7. He had now no reason to be dissatisfied with his strength, and proceeded to add policy to strength. He appointed a hundred senators, whether because this number seemed to him sufficient, or because there were no more than a hundred who could be designated Fathers. At all events, they received the designation of Fathers from their rank, and their descendants were called patricians.

> Latin: 8.7. cum iam uirium haud paeniteret consilium deinde uiribus parat. centum creat senatores, siue quia is numerus satis erat, siue quia soli centum erant qui creari patres possent. patres certe ab honore patriciique progenies eorum appellati.

[¶78] 9.1. Rome was now strong enough to hold her own in war with any of the adjacent states; but owing to the want of women a single generation was likely to see the end of her greatness, since she had neither prospect of posterity at home nor the right of intermarriage with her neighbours.

> Latin: 9.1. iam res Romana adeo erat ualida ut cuilibet finitimarum ciuitatum bello par esset; sed penuria mulierum hominis aetatem duratura magnitudo erat, quippe quibus nec domi spes prolis nec cum finitimis conubia essent.

[¶79] 9.2. So, on the advice of the senate, Romulus sent envoys round among all the neighbouring nations to solicit for the new people an alliance and the privilege of intermarrying.

> Latin: 9.2. tum ex consilio patrum Romulus legatos circa uicinas gentes misit qui societatem conubiumque nouo populo peterent:

[¶80] 9.3. Cities, they argued, as well as all other things, take their rise from the lowliest beginnings. As time goes on, those which are aided by their own worth and by the favour of Heaven achieve great power and renown.

> Latin: 9.3. urbes quoque, ut cetera, ex infimo nasci; dein, quas sua uirtus ac di iuuent, magnas opes sibi magnumque nomen facere;

[¶81] 9.4. They said they were well assured that Rome's origin had been blessed with the favour of Heaven, and that worth would not be lacking; their neighbours should not be reluctant to mingle their stock and their blood with the Romans, who were as truly men as they were.

> Latin: 9.4. satis scire, origini Romanae et deos adfuisse et non defuturam uirtutem; proinde ne grauarentur homines cum hominibus sanguinem ac genus miscere.

[¶82] 9.5. Nowhere did the embassy obtain a friendly hearing. In fact men spurned, at the same time that they feared, both for themselves and their descendants, that great power which was then growing up in their midst; and the envoys were frequently asked, on being dismissed, if they had opened a sanctuary for women as well as for men, for in that way only would they obtain suitable wives.

> Latin: 9.5. nusquam benigne legatio audita est: adeo simul spernebant, simul tantam in medio crescentem molem sibi ac posteris suis metuebant. ac plerisque rogitantibus dimissi ecquod feminis quoque asylum aperuissent; id enim demum compar conubium fore.

[¶83] 9.6. This was a bitter insult to the young Romans, and the matter seemed certain to end in violence. Expressly to afford a fitting time and place for this, Romulus, concealing his resentment, made ready solemn games in honour of the equestrian Neptune, which he called Consualia.

> Latin: 9.6. aegre id Romana pubes passa et haud dubie ad uim spectare res coepit. cui tempus locumque aptum ut daret Romulus aegritudinem animi dissimulans ludos ex industria parat Neptuno equestri sollemnes; Consualia uocat.

[¶84] 9.7. He then bade proclaim the spectacle to the surrounding peoples, and his subjects prepared to celebrate it with all the resources within their knowledge and power, that they might cause the occasion to be noised abroad and eagerly expected.

> Latin: 9.7. indici deinde finitimis spectaculum iubet; quantoque apparatu tum sciebant aut poterant, concelebrant ut rem claram exspectatamque facerent.

[¶85] 9.8. Many people —for they were also eager to see the new city —gathered for the festival, especially those who lived nearest, the inhabitants of Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae.

> Latin: 9.8. multi mortales conuenere, studio etiam uidendae nouae urbis, maxime proximi quique, Caeninenses, Crustumini, Antemnates;

[¶86] 9.9. The Sabines, too, came with all their people, including their children and wives. They were hospitably entertained in every house, and when they had looked at the site of the City, its walls, and its numerous buildings, they marvelled that Rome had so rapidly grown great.

> Latin: 9.9. iam Sabinorum omnis multitudo cum liberis ac coniugibus uenit. inuitati hospitaliter per domos cum situm moeniaque et frequentem tectis urbem uidissent, mirantur tam breui rem Romanam creuisse.

[¶87] 9.10. When the time came for the show, and people's thoughts and eyes were busy with it, the preconcerted attack began. At a given signal the young Romans darted this way and that, to seize and carry off the maidens.

> Latin: 9.10. ubi spectaculi tempus uenit deditaeque eo mentes cum oculis erant, tum ex composito orta uis signoque dato iuuentus Romana ad rapiendas uirgines discurrit.

[¶88] 9.11. In most cases these were taken by the men in whose path they chanced to be. Some, of exceptional beauty, had been marked out for the chief senators, and were carried off to their houses by plebeians to whom the office had been entrusted.

> Latin: 9.11. magna pars forte in quem quaeque inciderat raptae: quasdam forma excellentes, primoribus patrum destinatas, ex plebe homines quibus datum negotium erat domos deferebant.

[¶89] 9.12. One, who far excelled the rest in mien and loveliness, was seized, the story relates, by the gang of a certain Thalassius. Being repeatedly asked for whom they were bearing her off, they kept shouting that no one should touch her, for they were taking her to Thalassius, and this was the origin of the wedding-cry.

> Latin: 9.12. unam longe ante alias specie ac pulchritudine insignem a globo Thalassi cuiusdam raptam ferunt multisque sciscitantibus cuinam eam ferrent, identidem ne quis uiolaret Thalassio ferri clamitatum; inde nuptialem hanc uocem factam.

[¶90] 9.13. The sports broke up in a panic, and the parents of the maidens fled sorrowing. They charged the Romans with the crime of violating hospitality, and invoked the gods to whose solemn games they had come, deceived in violation of religion and honour.

> Latin: 9.13. turbato per metum ludicro maesti parentes uirginum profugiunt, incusantes uiolati hospitii foedus deumque inuocantes cuius ad sollemne ludosque per fas ac fidem decepti uenissent.

## 2. Book I · chapters 9–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/2/#p-N

[¶0] 9.14. The stolen maidens were no more hopeful of their plight, nor less indignant. But Romulus himself went amongst them and explained that the pride of their parents had caused this deed, when they had refused their neighbours the right to intermarry; nevertheless the daughters should be wedded and become co-partners in all the possessions of the Romans, in their citizenship and, dearest privilege of all to the human race, in their children; only let them moderate their anger, and give their hearts to those to whom fortune had given their persons.

> Latin: 9.14. nec raptis aut spes de se melior aut indignatio est minor. sed ipse Romulus circumibat docebatque patrum id superbia factum qui conubium finitimis negassent; illas tamen in matrimonio, in societate fortunarum omnium ciuitatisque et quo nihil carius humano generi sit liberum fore;

[¶1] 9.15. A sense of injury had often given place to affection, and they would find their husbands the kinder for this reason, that every man would earnestly endeavour not only to be a good husband, but also to console his wife for the home and parents she had lost.

> Latin: 9.15. mollirent modo iras et, quibus fors corpora dedisset, darent animos; saepe ex iniuria postmodum gratiam ortam; eoque melioribus usuras uiris quod adnisurus pro se quisque sit ut, cum suam uicem functus officio sit, parentium etiam patriaeque expleat desiderium.

[¶2] 9.16. His arguments were seconded by the wooing of the men, who excused their act on the score of passion and love, the most moving of all pleas to a woman's heart.

> Latin: 9.16. accedebant blanditiae uirorum, factum purgantium cupiditate atque amore, quae maxime ad muliebre ingenium efficaces preces sunt.

[¶3] 10.1. The resentment of the brides was already much diminished at the very moment when their parents, in mourning garb and with tears and lamentations, were attempting to arouse their states to action. Nor did they confine their complaints to their home towns, but thronged from every side to the house of Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines; and thither, too, came official embassies, for the name of Tatius was the greatest in all that country.

> Latin: 10.1. iam admodum mitigati animi raptis erant; at raptarum parentes tum maxime sordida ueste lacrimisque et querellis ciuitates concitabant. nec domi tantum indignationes continebant sed congregabantur undique ad T. Tatium regem Sabinorum, et legationes eo quod maximum Tati nomen in iis regionibus erat conueniebant.

[¶4] 10.2. The men of Caenina, Crustumium, and Antemnae, were those who had had a share in the wrong. It seemed to them that Tatius and the Sabines were procrastinating, and without waiting for them these three tribes arranged for a joint campaign.

> Latin: 10.2. Caeninenses Crustuminique et Antemnates erant ad quos eius iniuriae pars pertinebat. lente agere his Tatius Sabinique uisi sunt: ipsi inter se tres populi communiter bellum parant.

[¶5] 10.3. But even the Crustuminians and Antemnates moved too slowly to satisfy the burning anger of the Caeninenses, and accordingly that nation invaded alone the Roman territory. But while they were dispersed and engaged in pillage, Romulus appeared with his troops and taught them, by an easy victory, how ineffectual is anger without strength.

> Latin: 10.3. ne Crustumini quidem atque Antemnates pro ardore iraque Caeninensium satis se impigre mouent; ita per se ipsum nomen Caeninum in agrum Romanum impetum facit.

[¶6] 10.4. Their army he broke and routed, and pursued it as it fled; their king he killed in battle and despoiled; their city, once their leader was slain, he captured at the first assault.

> Latin: 10.4. sed effuse uastantibus fit obuius cum exercitu Romulus leuique certamine docet uanam sine uiribus iram esse. exercitum fundit fugatque, fusum persequitur: regem in proelio obtruncat et spoliat:

[¶7] 10.5. He then led his victorious army back, and being not more splendid in his deeds than willing to display them, he arranged the spoils of the enemy's dead commander upon a fame, suitably fashioned for the purpose, and, carrying it himself, mounted the Capitol. Having there deposited his burden, by an oak which the shepherds held sacred, at the same time as he made his offering he marked out the limits of a temple to Jupiter, and bestowed a title upon him.

> Latin: 10.5. duce hostium occiso urbem primo impetu capit. inde exercitu uictore reducto, ipse cum factis uir magnificus tum factorum ostentator haud minor, spolia ducis hostium caesi suspensa fabricato ad id apte ferculo gerens in Capitolium escendit; ibique ea cum ad quercum pastoribus sacram deposuisset, simul cum dono designauit templo Iouis fines cognomenque addidit deo:

[¶8] 10.6. “Jupiter Feretrius,” he said, “to thee I, victorious Romulus, myself a king, bring the panoply of a king, and dedicate a sacred precinct within the bounds which I have even now marked off in my mind, to be a seat for the spoils of honour which men shall bear hither in time to come, following my example, when they have slain kings and commanders of the enemy.”

> Latin: 10.6. 'Iuppiter Feretri' inquit, 'haec tibi uictor Romulus rex regia arma fero, templumque his regionibus quas modo animo metatus sum dedico, sedem opimis spoliis quae regibus ducibusque hostium caesis me auctorem sequentes posteri ferent.'

[¶9] 10.7. This was the origin of the first temple that was consecrated in Rome. It pleased Heaven, in the sequel, that while the founder's words should not be in vain, when he declared that men should bring spoils thither in the after time, yet the glory of that gift should not be staled by a multitude of partakers. Twice only since then, in all these years with their many wars, have the spoils of honour been won; so rarely have men had the good fortune to attain to that distinction.

> Latin: 10.7. haec templi est origo quod primum omnium Romae sacratum est. ita deinde dis uisum nec inritam conditoris templi uocem esse qua laturos eo spolia posteros nuncupauit nec multitudine compotum eius doni uolgari laudem. bina postea, inter tot annos, tot bella, opima parta sunt spolia: adeo rara eius fortuna decoris fuit.

[¶10] 11.1. While the Romans were thus occupied in the City, the army of the Antemnates seized the opportunity afforded by their absence, and made an inroad upon their territory; but so swiftly was the Roman levy led against them that they, too, were taken off their guard while scattered about in the fields.

> Latin: 11.1. dum ea ibi Romani gerunt, Antemnatium exercitus per occasionem ac solitudinem hostiliter in fines Romanos incursionem facit. raptim et ad hos Romana legio ducta palatos in agris oppressit.

[¶11] 11.2. They were therefore routed at the first charge and shout, and their town was taken. As Romulus was exulting in his double victory, his wife Hersilia, beset with entreaties by the captive women, begged him to forgive their parents and receive them into the state; which would, in that case, gain in strength by harmony.

> Latin: 11.2. fusi igitur primo impetu et clamore hostes, oppidum captum; duplicique uictoria ouantem Romulum Hersilia coniunx precibus raptarum fatigata orat ut parentibus earum det ueniam et in ciuitatem accipiat: ita rem coalescere concordia posse.

[¶12] 11.3. He readily granted her request. He then set out to meet the Crustuminians, who were marching to attack him. They offered even less resistance than their allies had done, for their ardour had been quenched by the defeats of the others.

> Latin: 11.3. facile impetratum. inde contra Crustuminos profectus bellum inferentes. ibi minus etiam quod alienis cladibus ceciderant animi certaminis fuit.

[¶13] 11.4. Colonies were sent out to both places, though most of the colonists preferred to enrol for Crustumium on account of the fertility of its soil.

> Latin: 11.4. utroque coloniae missae: plures inuenti qui propter ubertatem terrae in Crustuminum nomina darent. et Romam inde frequenter migratum est, a parentibus maxime ac propinquis raptarum.

[¶14] 11.5. On the other hand, many persons left Crustumium and came to live in Rome, chiefly parents and kinsmen of the captured women. The last to attack Rome were the Sabines, and this war was by far the gravest of all, for passion and greed were not their motives, nor did they parade war before they made it.

> Latin: 11.5. nouissimum ab Sabinis bellum ortum multoque id maximum fuit; nihil enim per iram aut cupiditatem actum est, nec ostenderunt bellum prius quam intulerunt.

[¶15] 11.6. To their prudence they even added deception. Spurius Tarpeius commanded the Roman citadel. This man's maiden daughter was bribed with gold by Tatius to admit armed men into the fortress: she happened at that time to have gone outside the walls to fetch water for a sacrifice.

> Latin: 11.6. consilio etiam additus dolus. Sp. Tarpeius Romanae praeerat arci. huius filiam uirginem auro corrumpit Tatius ut armatos in arcem accipiat; aquam forte ea tum sacris extra moenia petitum ierat.

[¶16] 11.7. Once within, they threw their shields upon her and killed her so, whether to make it appear that the citadel had been taken by assault, or to set an example, that no one might anywhere keep faith with a traitor.

> Latin: 11.7. accepti obrutam armis necauere, seu ut ui capta potius arx uideretur seu prodendi exempli causa ne quid usquam fidum proditori esset.

[¶17] 11.8. There is also a legend that because most of the Sabines wore heavy golden bracelets on their left arms and magnificent jewelled rings, she had stipulated for what they had on their left arms, and that they had therefore heaped their shields upon her, instead of gifts of gold.

> Latin: 11.8. additur fabula, quod uolgo Sabini aureas armillas magni ponderis brachio laeuo gemmatosque magna specie anulos habuerint, pepigisse eam quod in sinistris manibus haberent; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis congesta.

[¶18] 11.9. Some say that, in virtue of the compact that they should give her what they wore on their arms, she flatly demanded their shields and, her treachery being perceived, forfeited her life to the bargain she herself had struck.

> Latin: 11.9. sunt qui eam ex pacto tradendi quod in sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant et fraude uisam agere sua ipsam peremptam mercede.

[¶19] 12.1. Be that as it may, the Sabines held the citadel. Next day the Roman army was drawn up, and covered the ground between the Palatine Hill and the Capitoline, but the Sabines would not come down till rage and eagerness to regain the citadel had goaded their enemy into marching up the slope against them.

> Latin: 12.1. tenuere tamen arcem Sabini; atque inde postero die, cum Romanus exercitus instructus quod inter Palatinum Capitolinumque collem campi est complesset, non prius descenderunt in aequum quam ira et cupiditate reciperandae arcis stimulante animos in aduersum Romani subiere.

[¶20] 12.2. Two champions led the fighting, the Sabine Mettius Curtius on the one side, and the Roman Hostius Hostilius on the other. Hostius held the Romans firm, despite their disadvantage of position, by the reckless courage he displayed in the thick of the fray.

> Latin: 12.2. principes utrimque pugnam ciebant ab Sabinis Mettius Curtius ab Romanis Hostius Hostilius. hic rem Romanam iniquo loco ad prima signa animo atque audacia sustinebat.

[¶21] 12.3. But when he fell, the Roman line gave way at once and fled towards the old gate of the Palatine. Romulus himself was swept along in the crowd of the fugitives, till lifting his sword and shield to heaven, he cried, “O Jupiter, it was thy omen that directed me when I laid here on the Palatine the first foundations of my City.

> Latin: 12.3. ut Hostius cecidit, confestim Romana inclinatur acies fusaque est. ad ueterem portam Palati Romulus et ipse turba fugientium actus, arma ad caelum tollens, 'Iuppiter, tuis' inquit 'iussus auibus hic in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta ieci.

[¶22] 12.4. The fortress is already bought by a crime and in the possession of the Sabines, whence they are come, sword in hand, across the valley to seek us here.”

> Latin: 12.4. arcem iam scelere emptam Sabini habent; inde huc armati superata media ualle tendunt;

[¶23] 12.5. “But do thou, father of gods and men, keep them back from this spot at least; deliver the Romans from their terror, and stay their shameful flight!”

> Latin: 12.5. at tu, pater deum hominumque, hinc saltem arce hostes;

[¶24] 12.6. “I here vow to thee, Jupiter the Stayer, a temple, to be a memorial to our descendants how the City was saved by thy present help.”

> Latin: 12.6. deme terrorem Romanis fugamque foedam siste. hic ego tibi templum Statori Ioui, quod monumentum sit posteris tua praesenti ope seruatam urbem esse, uoueo.'

[¶25] 12.7. Having uttered this prayer he exclaimed, as if he had perceived that it was heard, “Here, Romans, Jupiter Optimus Maximus commands us to stand and renew the fight!” The Romans did stand, as though directed by a voice from Heaven, Romulus himself rushing into the forefront of the battle.

> Latin: 12.7. haec precatus, ueluti sensisset auditas preces, 'hinc' inquit, 'Romani, Iuppiter optimus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam iubet.' restitere Romani tamquam caelesti uoce iussi: ipse ad primores Romulus prouolat.

[¶26] 12.8. Mettius Curtius, on the Sabine side, had led the charge down from the citadel, and driven the Romans in disorder over all that ground which the Forum occupies. He was not now far from the gate of the Palatine, shouting, “We have beaten our faithless hosts, our cowardly enemies! They know now how great is the difference between carrying off maidens and fighting with men!” While he pronounced this boast a band of gallant youths, led on by Romulus, assailed him.

> Latin: 12.8. Mettius Curtius ab Sabinis princeps ab arce decucurrerat et effusos egerat Romanos toto quantum foro spatium est. nec procul iam a porta Palati erat, clamitans: 'uicimus perfidos hospites, imbelles hostes; iam sciunt longe aliud esse uirgines rapere, aliud pugnare cum uiris.'

[¶27] 12.9. It chanced that Mettius was fighting on horseback at the time, and was therefore the more easily put to flight. As he fled, the Romans followed; and the rest of their army, too, fired by the reckless daring of their king, drove the Sabines before them.

> Latin: 12.9. in eum haec gloriantem cum globo ferocissimorum iuuenum Romulus impetum facit. ex equo tum forte Mettius pugnabat; eo pelli facilius fuit. pulsum Romani persequuntur; et alia Romana acies, audacia regis accensa, fundit Sabinos.

[¶28] 12.10. Mettius plunged into a swamp, his horse becoming unmanageable in the din of the pursuit, and even the Sabines were drawn off from the general engagement by the danger to so great a man. As for Mettius, heartened by the gestures and shouts of his followers and the encouragement of the throng, he made his escape; and the Romans and the Sabines renewed their battle in the valley that lies between the two hills. But the advantage rested with the Romans.

> Latin: 12.10. Mettius in paludem sese strepitu sequentium trepidante equo coniecit; auerteratque ea res etiam Sabinos tanti periculo uiri. et ille quidem adnuentibus ac uocantibus suis fauore multorum addito animo euadit: Romani Sabinique in media conualle duorum montium redintegrant proelium; sed res Romana erat superior.

[¶29] 13.1. Then the Sabine women, whose wrong had given rise to the war, with loosened hair and torn garments, their woman's timidity lost in a sense of their misfortune, dared to go amongst the flying missiles, and rushing in from the side, to part the hostile forces and disarm them of their anger, beseeching their fathers on this side, on that their husbands, that fathers-in-law and sons-in-law should not stain themselves with impious bloodshed, nor pollute with parricide the suppliants' children, grandsons to one party and sons to the other.

> Latin: 13.1. tum Sabinae mulieres, quarum ex iniuria bellum ortum erat, crinibus passis scissaque ueste, uicto malis muliebri pauore, ausae se inter tela uolantia inferre, ex transuerso impetu facto dirimere infestas acies, dirimere iras, hinc patres, hinc uiros orantes, ne sanguine se nefando soceri generique respergerent, ne parricidio macularent partus suos, nepotum illi, hi liberum progeniem.

[¶30] 13.3. “If you regret,” they continued, “the relationship that unites you, if you regret the marriage-tie, turn your anger against us; we are the cause of war, the cause of wounds, and even death to both our husbands and our parents. It will be better for us to perish than to live, lacking either of you, as widows or as orphans.”

> Latin: 13.3. 'si adfinitatis inter uos, si conubii piget, in nos uertite iras; nos causa belli, nos uolnerum ac caedium uiris ac parentibus sumus; melius peribimus quam sine alteris uestrum uiduae aut orbae uiuemus.' mouet res cum multitudinem tum duces;

[¶31] 13.4. It was a touching plea, not only to the rank and file, but to their leaders as well. A stillness fell on them, and a sudden hush. Then the leaders came forward to make a truce, and not only did they agree on peace, but they made one people out of the two.

> Latin: 13.4. silentium et repentina fit quies; inde ad foedus faciendum duces prodeunt. nec pacem modo sed ciuitatem unam ex duabus faciunt. regnum consociant: imperium omne conferunt Romam.

[¶32] 13.5. They shared the sovereignty, but all authority was transferred to Rome. In this way the population was doubled, and that some concession might after all be granted the Sabines, the citizens were named Quirites, from the town of Cures.

> Latin: 13.5. ita geminata urbe ut Sabinis tamen aliquid daretur Quirites a Curibus appellati. monumentum eius pugnae, ubi primum ex profunda emersus palude equus Curtium in uado statuit, Curtium lacum appellarunt.

[¶33] 13.6. As a reminder of this battle they gave the name of Curtian Lake to the pool where the horse of Curtius first emerged from the deep swamp and brought his rider to safety. The sudden exchange of so unhappy a war for a joyful peace endeared the Sabine women even more to their husbands and parents, and above all to Romulus himself.

> Latin: 13.6. ex bello tam tristi laeta repente pax cariores Sabinas uiris ac parentibus et ante omnes Romulo ipsi fecit. itaque cum populum in curias triginta diuideret, nomina earum curiis imposuit.

[¶34] 13.7. And so, when he divided the people into thirty curiae, he named these wards after the women. Undoubtedly the number of the women was somewhat greater than this, but tradition does not tell whether it was their age, their own or their husbands' rank, or the casting of lots, that determined which of them should give their names to the wards.

> Latin: 13.7. id non traditur, cum haud dubie aliquanto numerus maior hoc mulierum fuerit, aetate an dignitatibus suis uirorumue an sorte lectae sint, quae nomina curiis darent.

[¶35] 13.8. At the same time there were formed three centuries of knights: the Ramnenses were named after Romulus; the Titienses after Titus Tatius; the name and origin of the Luceres are alike obscure. From this time forth the two kings ruled not only jointly but in harmony.

> Latin: 13.8. eodem tempore et centuriae tres equitum conscriptae sunt. Ramnenses ab Romulo, ab T. Tatio Titienses appellati: Lucerum nominis et originis causa incerta est. inde non modo commune sed concors etiam regnum duobus regibus fuit.

[¶36] 14.1. Some years later the kinsmen of King Tatius maltreated the envoys of the Laurentians, and when their fellow-citizens sought redress under the law of nations, Titus yielded to his partiality for his relations and to their entreaties.

> Latin: 14.1. post aliquot annos propinqui regis Tati legatos Laurentium pulsant; cumque Laurentes iure gentium agerent, apud Tatium gratia suorum et preces plus poterant.

[¶37] 14.2. In consequence of this he drew down their punishment upon himself, for at Lavinium, whither he had gone to the annual sacrifice, a mob came together and killed him.

> Latin: 14.2. igitur illorum poenam in se uertit; nam Lauinii cum ad sollemne sacrificium eo uenisset concursu facto interficitur.

[¶38] 14.3. This act is said to have awakened less resentment than was proper in Romulus, whether owing to the disloyalty that attends a divided rule, or because he thought Tatius had been not unjustly slain. He therefore declined to go to war; but yet, in order that he might atone for the insults to the envoys and the murder of the king, he caused the covenant between Rome and Lavinium to be renewed.

> Latin: 14.3. eam rem minus aegre quam dignum erat tulisse Romulum ferunt, seu ob infidam societatem regni seu quia haud iniuria caesum credebat. itaque bello quidem abstinuit; ut tamen expiarentur legatorum iniuriae regisque caedes, foedus inter Romam Lauiniumque urbes renouatum est.

[¶39] 14.4. Thus with the Laurentians peace was preserved against all expectation; but another war broke out, much nearer, and indeed almost at the city gates. The men of Fidenae, perceiving the growth of a power which they thought too near themselves for safety, did not wait till its promised strength should be realized, but began war themselves. Arming the young men, they sent them to ravage the land between the City and Fidenae.

> Latin: 14.4. et cum his quidem insperata pax erat: aliud multo propius atque in ipsis prope portis bellum ortum. Fidenates nimis uicinas prope se conualescere opes rati, priusquam tantum roboris esset quantum futurum apparebat, occupant bellum facere. iuuentute armata immissa uastatur agri quod inter urbem ac Fidenas est;

[¶40] 14.5. Thence they turned to the left —for the Tiber stopped them on the right —and by their devastations struck terror into the farmers, whose sudden stampede from the fields into the City brought the first tidings of war.

> Latin: 14.5. inde ad laeuam uersi quia dextra Tiberis arcebat, cum magna trepidatione agrestium populantur, tumultusque repens ex agris in urbem inlatus pro nuntio fuit.

[¶41] 14.6. Romulus led forth his army on the instant, for delay was impossible with the enemy so near, and pitched his camp a mile from Fidenae. Leaving there a small guard, he marched out with all his forces.

> Latin: 14.6. excitus Romulus—neque enim dilationem pati tam uicinum bellum poterat—exercitum educit, castra a Fidenis mille passuum locat.

[¶42] 14.7. A part of his men he ordered to lie in ambush, on this side and on that, where thick underbrush afforded cover; advancing with the greater part of the infantry and all the cavalry, and delivering a disorderly and provoking attack, in which the horsemen galloped almost up to the gates, he accomplished his purpose of drawing out the enemy. For the flight, too, which had next to be feigned, the cavalry engagement afforded a favourable pretext.

> Latin: 14.7. ibi modico praesidio relicto, egressus omnibus copiis partem militum locis circa densa obsita uirgulta obscuris subsidere in insidiis iussit: cum parte maiore atque omni equitatu profectus, id quod quaerebat, tumultuoso et minaci genere pugnae adequitando ipsis prope portis hostem exciuit. fugae quoque, quae simulanda erat, eadem equestris pugna causam minus mirabilem dedit.

[¶43] 14.8. And when not only the cavalry began to waver, as if undecided whether to fight or run, but the infantry also fell back, the city gates were quickly thronged by the enemy, who poured out and hurled themselves against the Roman line, and in the ardour of attack and pursuit were drawn on to the place of ambuscade.

> Latin: 14.8. et cum, uelut inter pugnae fugaeque consilium trepidante equitatu, pedes quoque referret gradum, plenis repente portis effusi hostes impulsa Romana acie studio instandi sequendique trahuntur ad locum insidiarum.

[¶44] 14.9. There the Romans suddenly sprang out and assailed the enemy's flanks, while, to add to their terror, the standards of the detachment which had been left on guard were seen advancing from the camp; thus threatened by so many dangers the men of Fidenae scarcely afforded time for Romulus and those whom they had seen riding off with him to wheel about, before they broke and ran, and in far greater disorder than that of the pretended fugitives whom they had just been chasing —for the flight was a real one this time — sought to regain the town.

> Latin: 14.9. inde subito exorti Romani transuersam inuadunt hostium aciem; addunt pauorem mota e castris signa eorum qui in praesidio relicti fuerant. ita multiplici terrore perculsi Fidenates prius paene, quam Romulus quique <auehi> cum eo uisi erant circumagerent frenis equos, terga uertunt; multoque effusius, quippe uera fuga, qui simulantes paulo ante secuti erant oppidum repetebant.

[¶45] 14.11. But the Fidenates did not escape their foes; the Romans followed close upon their heels, and before the gates could be shut burst into the city, as though they both formed but a single army.

> Latin: 14.11. non tamen eripuere se hosti: haerens in tergo Romanus, priusquam fores portarum obicerentur, uelut agmine uno inrumpit.

[¶46] 15.1. From Fidenae the war-spirit, by a kind of contagion, spread to the Veientes, whose hostility was aroused by their kinship with the Fidenates, Etruscans like themselves, and was intensified by the danger which lay in their very proximity to Rome, if her arms should be directed against all her neighbours.

> Latin: 15.1. belli Fidenatis contagione inritati Ueientium animi et consanguinitate—nam Fidenates quoque Etrusci fuerunt—et quod ipsa propinquitas loci, si Romana arma omnibus infesta finitimis essent, stimulabat. in fines Romanos excucurrerunt populabundi magis quam iusti more belli.

[¶47] 15.2. They made an incursion into Roman territory which more resembled a marauding expedition than a regular campaign; and so, without having entrenched a camp or waited for the enemy's army, they carried off their booty from the fields and brought it back to Veii. The Romans, on the contrary, not finding their enemy in the fields, crossed the Tiber, ready and eager for a decisive struggle.

> Latin: 15.2. itaque non castris positis, non exspectato hostium exercitu, raptam ex agris praedam portantes Ueios rediere. Romanus contra postquam hostem in agris non inuenit, dimicationi ultimae instructus intentusque Tiberim transit.

[¶48] 15.3. When the Veientes heard that they were making a camp, and would be advancing against their city, they went out to meet them, preferring to settle the quarrel in the field of battle rather than to be shut up and compelled to fight for their homes and their town.

> Latin: 15.3. quem postquam castra ponere et ad urbem accessurum Ueientes audiuere, obuiam egressi ut potius acie decernerent quam inclusi de tectis moenibusque dimicarent.

[¶49] 15.4. Without employing strategy to aid his forces, the Roman king won the battle by the sheer strength of his seasoned army, and routing his enemies, pursued them to their walls. But the city was strongly fortified, besides the protection afforded by its site, and he refrained from attacking it.

> Latin: 15.4. ibi uiribus nulla arte adiutis, tantum ueterani robore exercitus rex Romanus uicit; persecutusque fusos ad moenia hostes, urbe ualida muris ac situ ipso munita abstinuit, agros rediens uastat, ulciscendi magis quam praedae studio;

[¶50] 15.5. Their fields, indeed, he laid waste as he returned, more in revenge than from a desire for booty, and this disaster, following upon their defeat, induced the Veientes to send envoys to Rome and sue for peace. They were deprived of a part of their land, and a truce was granted them for a hundred years.

> Latin: 15.5. eaque clade haud minus quam aduersa pugna subacti Ueientes pacem petitum oratores Romam mittunt. agri parte multatis in centum annos indutiae datae.

[¶51] 15.6. Such were the principal achievements of the reign of Romulus, at home and in the field, nor is any of them incompatible with the belief in his divine origin and the divinity which was ascribed to the king after his death, whether one considers his spirit in recovering the kingdom of his ancestors, or his wisdom in founding the City and in strengthening it by warlike and peaceful measures.

> Latin: 15.6. haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque gesta, quorum nihil absonum fidei diuinae originis diuinitatisque post mortem creditae fuit, non animus in regno auito reciperando, non condendae urbis consilium, non bello ac pace firmandae.

[¶52] 15.7. For it was to him, assuredly, that Rome owed the vigour which enabled her to enjoy an untroubled peace for the next forty years.

> Latin: 15.7. ab illo enim profecto uiribus datis tantum ualuit ut in quadraginta deinde annos tutam pacem haberet.

[¶53] 15.8. Nevertheless, he was more liked by the commons than by the senate, and was preeminently dear to the hearts of his soldiers. Of these he had three hundred for a bodyguard, to whom he gave the name of Celeres, and kept them by him, not only in war, but also in time of peace.

> Latin: 15.8. multitudini tamen gratior fuit quam patribus, longe ante alios acceptissimus militum animis; trecentosque armatos ad custodiam corporis quos Celeres appellauit non in bello solum sed etiam in pace habuit.

[¶54] 16.1. When these deathless deeds had been done, as the king was holding a muster in the Campus Martius, near the swamp of Capra, for the purpose of reviewing the army, suddenly a storm came up, with loud claps of thunder, and enveloped him in a cloud so thick as to hide him from the sight of the assembly; and from that moment Romulus was no more on earth.

> Latin: 16.1. his immortalibus editis operibus cum ad exercitum recensendum contionem in campo ad Caprae paludem haberet, subito coorta tempestas cum magno fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem operuit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstulerit; nec deinde in terris Romulus fuit.

[¶55] 16.2. The Roman soldiers at length recovered from their panic, when this hour of wild confusion had been succeeded by a sunny calm; but when they saw that the royal seat was empty, although they readily believed the assertion of the senators, who had been standing next to Romulus, that he had been caught up on high in the blast, they nevertheless remained for some time sorrowful and silent, as if filled with the fear of orphanhood.

> Latin: 16.2. Romana pubes sedato tandem pauore postquam ex tam turbido die serena et tranquilla lux rediit, ubi uacuam sedem regiam uidit, etsi satis credebat patribus qui proximi steterant sublimem raptum procella, tamen uelut orbitatis metu icta maestum aliquamdiu silentium obtinuit.

[¶56] 16.3. Then, when a few men had taken the initiative, they all with one accord hailed Romulus as a god and a god's son, the King and Father of the Roman City, and with prayers besought his favour that he would graciously be pleased forever to protect his children.

> Latin: 16.3. deinde a paucis initio facto, deum deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae saluere uniuersi Romulum iubent; pacem precibus exposcunt, uti uolens propitius suam semper sospitet progeniem.

[¶57] 16.4. There were some, I believe, even then who secretly asserted that the king had been rent in pieces by the hands of the senators, for this rumour, too, got abroad, but in very obscure terms; the other version obtained currency, owing to men's admiration for the hero and the intensity of their panic.

> Latin: 16.4. fuisse credo tum quoque aliquos qui discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent; manauit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama; illam alteram admiratio uiri et pauor praesens nobilitauit.

[¶58] 16.5. And the shrewd device of one man is also said to have gained new credit for the story. This was Proculus Julius, who, when the people were distracted with the loss of their king and in no friendly mood towards the senate, being, as tradition tells, weighty in council, were the matter never so important, addressed the assembly as follows: “Quirites, the Father of this City, Romulus, descended suddenly from the sky at dawn this morning and appeared to me. Covered with confusion, I stood reverently before him, praying that it might be vouchsafed me to look upon his face without sin.”

> Latin: 16.5. et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei dicitur fides. namque Proculus Iulius, sollicita ciuitate desiderio regis et infensa patribus, grauis, ut traditur, quamuis magnae rei auctor in contionem prodit. 'Romulus' inquit, 'Quirites, parens urbis huius, prima hodierna luce caelo repente delapsus se mihi obuium dedit. cum perfusus horrore uenerabundusque adstitissem petens precibus ut contra intueri fas esset, "abi, nuntia" inquit "Romanis, caelestes ita uelle ut mea Roma caput orbis terrarum sit;

[¶59] 16.7. 'Go,' said he, 'and declare to the Romans the will of Heaven that my Rome shall be the capital of the world; so let them cherish the art of war, and let them know and teach their children that no human strength can resist Roman arms.'

> Latin: 16.7. proinde rem militarem colant sciantque et ita posteris tradant nullas opes humanas armis Romanis resistere posse.

[¶60] 16.8. “So saying,” he concluded, “Romulus departed on high.” It is wonderful what credence the people placed in that man's tale, and how the grief for the loss of Romulus, which the plebeians and the army felt, was quieted by the assurance of his immortality.

> Latin: 16.8. 'haec' inquit 'locutus sublimis abiit.'" mirum quantum illi uiro nuntianti haec fidei fuerit, quamque desiderium Romuli apud plebem exercitumque facta fide immortalitatis lenitum sit.

[¶61] 17.1. The senators meanwhile were engaged in a struggle for the coveted kingship. So far it had not come to a question of any one person, for nobody stood out with special prominence in the new nation; instead, a strife of factions was waging between the two stocks.

> Latin: 17.1. patrum interim animos certamen regni ac cupido uersabat; necdum †a singulis, quia nemo magno opere eminebat in nouo populo, peruenerat: factionibus inter ordines certabatur†.

[¶62] 17.2. Those of Sabine origin, having had no king on their side since the death of Tatius, feared that despite their equal rights they might lose their hold upon the sovereign power, and hence desired that the king should be chosen from their own body.

> Latin: 17.2. oriundi ab Sabinis, ne quia post Tati mortem ab sua parte non erat regnatum, in societate aequa possessionem imperii amitterent, sui corporis creari regem uolebant: Romani ueteres peregrinum regem aspernabantur.

[¶63] 17.3. The original Romans spurned the idea of an alien king. Various, however, as were men's inclinations, to be ruled by a king was their universal wish, for they had not yet tasted the sweetness of liberty.

> Latin: 17.3. in uariis uoluntatibus regnari tamen omnes uolebant, libertatis dulcedine nondum experta.

[¶64] 17.4. Then the senators became alarmed, lest the state wanting a ruler and the army a leader, and many neighbouring states being disaffected, some violence might be offered from without.

> Latin: 17.4. timor deinde patres incessit ne ciuitatem sine imperio, exercitum sine duce, multarum circa ciuitatium inritatis animis, uis aliqua externa adoriretur. et esse igitur aliquod caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in animum inducebat.

[¶65] 17.5. All therefore were agreed that there should be some head, but nobody could make up his mind to yield to his fellow. And so the hundred senators shared the power among themselves, establishing ten decuries and appointing one man for each decury to preside over the administration.

> Latin: 17.5. ita rem inter se centum patres, decem decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis qui summae rerum praeessent consociant.

[¶66] 17.6. Ten men exercised authority; only one had its insignia and lictors. Five days was the period of his power, which passed in rotation to all; and for a year the monarchy lapsed. This interval was called, as it was, an interregnum, a name which even yet obtains.

> Latin: 17.6. decem imperitabant: unus cum insignibus imperii et lictoribus erat: quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium ac per omnes in orbem ibat, annuumque interuallum regni fuit. id ab re quod nunc quoque tenet nomen interregnum appellatum.

[¶67] 17.7. Murmurs then arose among the plebs that their servitude had been multiplied; that a hundred masters had been given them instead of one. No longer, it seemed, would they endure anything short of a king, and a king, too, of their own choosing.

> Latin: 17.7. fremere deinde plebs multiplicatam seruitutem, centum pro uno dominos factos; nec ultra nisi regem et ab ipsis creatum uidebantur passuri.

[¶68] 17.8. Perceiving that such ideas were in the wind, the senators thought it would be well to proffer spontaneously a thing which they were on the verge of losing, and obtained the favour of the people by granting them supreme power on such terms as to part with no greater prerogative than they retained.

> Latin: 17.8. cum sensissent ea moueri patres, offerendum ultro rati quod amissuri erant, ita gratiam ineunt summa potestate populo permissa ut non plus darent iuris quam detinerent.

[¶69] 17.9. For they decreed that when the people should have named a king, their act should only be valid in case the senators ratified it. Even now, in voting for laws and magistrates, the same right is exercised, but is robbed of its significance; before the people can begin to vote, and when the result of the election is undetermined, the Fathers ratify it.

> Latin: 17.9. decreuerunt enim ut cum populus regem iussisset, id sic ratum esset si patres auctores fierent. hodie quoque in legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem ius, ui adempta: priusquam populus suffragium ineat, in incertum comitiorum euentum patres auctores fiunt.

[¶70] 17.10. On the present occasion the interrex summoned the assembly and spoke as follows: “May prosperity, favour, and fortune attend our action! Quirites, choose your king. Such is the pleasure of the Fathers, who, in their turn, if your choice fall upon one worthy to be called Romulus' successor, will confirm your election.”

> Latin: 17.10. tum interrex contione aduocata, 'quod bonum, faustum felixque sit' inquit, 'Quirites, regem create: ita patribus uisum est. patres deinde, si dignum qui secundus ab Romulo numeretur crearitis, auctores fient.'

[¶71] 17.11. This so pleased the plebs, that, unwilling to appear outdone in generosity, they merely resolved and ordered that the senate should decree who should be king in Rome.

> Latin: 17.11. adeo id gratum plebi fuit ut, ne uicti beneficio uiderentur, id modo sciscerent iuberentque ut senatus decerneret qui Romae regnaret.

[¶72] 18.1. A great reputation for justice and piety was enjoyed in those days by Numa Pompilius. Cures, a town of the Sabines, was his home, and he was deeply versed, so far as anyone could be in that age, in all law, divine and human.

> Latin: 18.1. inclita iustitia religioque ea tempestate Numae Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat, consultissimus uir, ut in illa quisquam esse aetate poterat, omnis diuini atque humani iuris.

[¶73] 18.2. The teacher to whom he owed his learning was not, as men say, in default of another name, the Samian Pythagoras; for it is well established that Servius Tullius was king at Rome, more than a hundred years after this time, when Pythagoras gathered about him, on the farthest coasts of Italy, in the neighbourhood of Metapontum, Heraclea, and Croton, young men eager to share his studies.

> Latin: 18.2. auctorem doctrinae eius, quia non exstat alius, falso Samium Pythagoram edunt, quem Seruio Tullio regnante Romae centum amplius post annos in ultima Italiae ora circa Metapontum Heracleamque et Crotona iuuenum aemulantium studia coetus habuisse constat.

[¶74] 18.3. And from that country, even if he had been contemporary, how could his fame have reached the Sabines? Again, in what common language could he have induced anyone to seek instruction of him? Or under whose protection could a solitary man have made his way through so many nations differing in speech and customs?

> Latin: 18.3. ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem aetatis fuisset, quae fama in Sabinos? aut quo linguae commercio quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi exciuisset? quoue praesidio unus per tot gentes dissonas sermone moribusque peruenisset?

[¶75] 18.4. It was Numa's native disposition, then, as I incline to believe, that tempered his soul with noble qualities, and his training was not in foreign studies, but in the stern and austere discipline of the ancient Sabines, a race incorruptible as any race of the olden time.

> Latin: 18.4. suopte igitur ingenio temperatum animum uirtutibus fuisse opinor magis instructumque non tam peregrinis artibus quam disciplina tetrica ac tristi ueterum Sabinorum, quo genere nullum quondam incorruptius fuit.

[¶76] 18.5. When Numa's name had been proposed, the Roman senators perceived that the Sabines would gain the ascendancy if a king were to be chosen from that nation; yet nobody ventured to urge his own claims in preference to those of such a man, nor the claim of any other of his faction, nor those, in short, of any of the senators or citizens.

> Latin: 18.5. audito nomine Numae patres Romani, quamquam inclinari opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto uidebantur, tamen neque se quisquam nec factionis suae alium nec denique patrum aut ciuium quemquam praeferre illi uiro ausi, ad unum omnes Numae Pompilio regnum deferendum decernunt.

[¶77] 18.6. And so they unanimously voted to offer the sovereignty to Numa Pompilius. Being summoned to Rome he commanded that, just as Romulus had obeyed the augural omens in building his city and assuming regal power, so too in his own case the gods should be consulted. Accordingly an augur (who thereafter, as a mark of honour, was made a priest of the state in permanent charge of that function) conducted him to the citadel and caused him to sit down on a stone, facing the south.

> Latin: 18.6. accitus, sicut Romulus augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se quoque deos consuli iussit. inde ab augure, cui deinde honoris ergo publicum id perpetuumque sacerdotium fuit, deductus in arcem, in lapide ad meridiem uersus consedit.

[¶78] 18.7. The augur seated himself on Numa's left, having his head covered, and holding his in right hand the crooked staff without a knot which they call a lituus. Then, looking out over the City and the country beyond, he prayed to the gods, and marked off the heavens by a line from east to west, designating as ' right' the regions to the south, as 'left' those to the north, and fixing in his mind a landmark opposite to him and as far away as the eye could reach;

> Latin: 18.7. augur ad laeuam eius capite uelato sedem cepit, dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum appellarunt. inde ubi prospectu in urbem agrumque capto deos precatus regiones ab oriente ad occasum determinauit, dextras ad meridiem partes, laeuas ad septentrionem esse dixit; signum contra quo longissime conspectum oculi ferebant animo finiuit; tum lituo in laeuam manum translato, dextra in caput Numae imposita, ita precatus est:

[¶79] 18.9. next shifting the crook to his left hand and, laying his right hand on Numa's head, he uttered the following prayer: “Father Jupiter, if it is Heaven's will that this man Numa Pompilius, whose head I am touching, be king in Rome, do thou exhibit to us unmistakable signs within those limits which I have set.”

> Latin: 18.9. Iuppiter pater, si est fas hunc Numam Pompilium cuius ego caput teneo regem Romae esse, ut tu signa nobis certa adclarassis inter eos fines quos feci.'

[¶80] 18.10. He then specified the auspices which he desired should be sent, and upon their appearance Numa was declared king, and so descended from the augural station.

> Latin: 18.10. tum peregit uerbis auspicia quae mitti uellet. quibus missis declaratus rex Numa de templo descendit.

[¶81] 19.1. When he had thus obtained the kingship, he prepared to give the new City, founded by force of arms, a new foundation in law, statutes, and observances.

> Latin: 19.1. qui regno ita potitus urbem nouam conditam ui et armis, iure eam legibusque ac moribus de integro condere parat.

[¶82] 19.2. And perceiving that men could not grow used to these things in the midst of wars, since their natures grew wild and savage through warfare, he thought it needful that his warlike people should be softened by the disuse of arms, and built the temple of Janus at the bottom of the Argiletum, as an index of peace and war, that when open it might signify that the nation was in arms, when closed that all the peoples round about were pacified.

> Latin: 19.2. quibus cum inter bella adsuescere uideret non posse—quippe efferari militia animos—, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum desuetudine ratus, Ianum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse ciuitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos significaret.—bis deinde post Numae regnum clausus fuit, semel T.

[¶83] 19.3. Twice since Numa's reign has it been closed: once in the consulship of Titus Manlius, after the conclusion of the First Punic War; the second time, which the gods permitted our own generation to witness, was after the battle of Actium, when the emperor Caesar Augustus had brought about peace on land and sea. Numa closed the temple after first securing the good will of all the neighbouring tribes by alliances and treaties. And fearing lest relief from anxiety on the score of foreign perils might lead men who had hitherto been held back by fear of their enemies and by military discipline into extravagance and idleness, he thought the very first thing to do, as being the most efficacious with a populace which was ignorant and, in those early days, uncivilized, was to imbue them with the fear of Heaven.

> Latin: 19.3. Manlio consule post Punicum primum perfectum bellum, iterum, quod nostrae aetati di dederunt ut uideremus, post bellum Actiacum ab imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique parta.— clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis externorum periculorum curis, ne luxuriarent otio animi quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continuerat, omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem imperitam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est.

[¶84] 19.5. As he could not instil this into their hearts without inventing some marvellous story, he pretended to have nocturnal meetings with the goddess Egeria, and that hers was the advice which guided him in the establishment of rites most approved by the gods, and in the appointment of special priests for the service of each.

> Latin: 19.5. qui cum descendere ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset, simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos esse; eius se monitu quae acceptissima dis essent sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique deorum praeficere.

[¶85] 19.6. And first of all he divided the year into twelve months, according to the revolutions of the moon. But since the moon does not give months of quite thirty days each, and eleven days are wanting to the full complement of a year as marked by the sun's revolution, he inserted intercalary months in such a way that in the twentieth year the days should fall in with the same position of the sun from which they had started, and the period of twenty years be rounded out.

> Latin: 19.6. atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duodecim menses discribit annum; quem quia tricenos dies singulis mensibus luna non explet desuntque sex dies solido anno qui solstitiali circumagitur orbe, intercalariis mensibus interponendis ita dispensauit, ut uicesimo anno ad metam eandem solis unde orsi essent, plenis omnium annorum spatiis dies congruerent.

[¶86] 19.7. He also appointed days when public business might not be carried on, and others when it might, since it would sometimes be desirable that nothing should be brought before the people.

> Latin: 19.7. idem nefastos dies fastosque fecit quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi utile futurum erat.

[¶87] 20.1. He then turned his attention to the appointment of priests, although lie performed very many priestly duties himself, especially those which now belong to the Flamen Dialis.

> Latin: 20.1. tum sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit, quamquam ipse plurima sacra obibat, ea maxime quae nunc ad Dialem flaminem pertinent.

[¶88] 20.2. But inasmuch as he thought that in a warlike nation there would be more kings like Romulus than like Numa, and that they would take the field in person, he did not wish the sacrificial duties of the kingly office to be neglected, and so appointed a flamen for Jupiter, as his perpetual priest, and provided him with a conspicuous dress and the royal curule chair. To him he added two other flamens, one for Mars, the other for Quirinus.

> Latin: 20.2. sed quia in ciuitate bellicosa plures Romuli quam Numae similes reges putabat fore iturosque ipsos ad bella, ne sacra regiae uicis desererentur flaminem Ioui adsiduum sacerdotem creauit insignique eum ueste et curuli regia sella adornauit. huic duos flamines adiecit, Marti unum, alterum Quirino, uirginesque Uestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et genti conditoris haud alienum.

[¶89] 20.3. In like manner he designated virgins for Vesta's service —a priesthood, this, that derived from Alba and so was not unsuited to the founder's stock. That they might be perpetual priestesses of the temple, he assigned them a stipend from the public treasury, and by the rule of virginity and other observances invested them with awe and sanctity.

> Latin: 20.3. his ut adsiduae templi antistites essent stipendium de publico statuit; uirginitate aliisque caerimoniis uenerabiles ac sanctas fecit.

[¶90] 20.4. He likewise chose twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and granted them the distinction of wearing the embroidered tunic and over it a bronze breastplate, and of bearing the divine shields which men call ancilia, while they proceeded through the City, chanting their hymns to the triple beat of their solemn dance.

> Latin: 20.4. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradiuo legit, tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen; caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu iussit.

[¶91] 20.5. He next chose as pontifex Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, one of the senators, and to him he intrusted written directions, full and accurate, for performing the rites of worship; with what victims, on what days, in what temple, sacrifices should be offered, and from what sources money was to be disbursed to pay their costs.

> Latin: 20.5. pontificem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex patribus legit eique sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque attribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa sacra fierent, atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur.

[¶92] 20.6. All other public and private sacrifices lie likewise made subject to the decrees of the pontifex, that there might be someone to whom the commons could come for advice, lest any confusion should arise in the religious law through the neglect of ancestral rites and the adoption of strange ones.

> Latin: 20.6. cetera quoque omnia publica priuataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset quo consultum plebes ueniret, ne quid diuini iuris neglegendo patrios ritus peregrinosque adsciscendo turbaretur;

[¶93] 20.7. And not merely ceremonies relating to the gods above, but also proper funeral observances and the propitiation of the spirits of the dead were to be taught by the pontifex as well, and also what prodigies manifested by lightning or other visible sign were to be taken in hand and averted. With the purpose of eliciting this knowledge from the minds of the gods, Numa dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, and consulted the god by augury, that he might learn what portents were to be regarded.

> Latin: 20.7. nec caelestes modo caerimonias, sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus alioue quo uisu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. ad ea elicienda ex mentibus diuinis Ioui Elicio aram in Auentino dicauit deumque consuluit auguriis, quae suscipienda essent.

## 3. Book I · chapters 21–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/3/#p-N

[¶0] 21.1. The consideration and disposal of these matters diverted the thoughts of the whole people from violence and arms. Not only had they something to occupy their minds, but their constant preoccupation with the gods, now that it seemed to them that concern for human affairs was felt by the heavenly powers, had so tinged the hearts of all with piety, that the nation was governed by its regard for promises and oaths, rather than by the dread of laws and penalties.

> Latin: 21.1. ad haec consultanda procurandaque multitudine omni a ui et armis conuersa, et animi aliquid agendo occupati erant, et deorum adsidua insidens cura, cum interesse rebus humanis caeleste numen uideretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat ut fides ac ius iurandum †proximo† legum ac poenarum metu ciuitatem regerent.

[¶1] 21.2. And while Numa's subjects were spontaneously imitating the character of their king, as their unique exemplar, the neighboring peoples also, who had hitherto considered that it was no city but a camp that had been set up in their midst, as a menace to the general peace, came to feel such reverence for them, that they thought it sacrilege to injure a nation so wholly bent upon the worship of the gods.

> Latin: 21.2. et cum ipsi se homines in regis uelut unici exempli mores formarent, tum finitimi etiam populi, qui antea castra non urbem positam in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem crediderant, in eam uerecundiam adducti sunt, ut ciuitatem totam in cultum uersam deorum uiolari ducerent nefas.

[¶2] 21.3. There was a grove watered by a perennial spring which flowed through the midst of it, out of a dark cave. Thither Numa would often withdraw, without witnesses, as if to meet the goddess; so he dedicated the grove to the Camenae, alleging that they held counsel there with his wife Egeria.

> Latin: 21.3. lucus erat quem medium ex opaco specu fons perenni rigabat aqua. quo quia se persaepe Numa sine arbitris uelut ad congressum deae inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacrauit, quod earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent.

[¶3] 21.4. He also established an annual worship of Faith, to whose chapel he ordered that the flamens should proceed in a two-horse hooded carriage, and should wrap up their arms as far as the fingers before sacrificing, as a sign that faith must be kept, and that even in men's clasped hands her seat is sacred.

> Latin: 21.4. et [soli] Fidei sollemne instituit. ad id sacrarium flamines bigis curru arcuato uehi iussit manuque ad digitos usque inuoluta rem diuinam facere, significantes fidem tutandam sedemque eius etiam in dexteris sacratam esse.

[¶4] 21.5. He established many other rites, as well as places of sacrifice, which the pontiffs called Argei. But of all his services the greatest was this, that throughout his reign he guarded peace no less jealously than his kingdom.

> Latin: 21.5. multa alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis quae Argeos pontifices uocant dedicauit. omnium tamen maximum eius operum fuit tutela per omne regni tempus haud minor pacis quam regni.

[¶5] 21.6. Thus two successive kings in different ways, one by war, the other by peace, promoted the nation's welfare. Romulus ruled thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three. The state was not only strong, but was also well organized in the arts both of war and of peace.

> Latin: 21.6. ita duo deinceps reges, alius alia uia, ille bello, hic pace, ciuitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta regnauit annos, Numa tres et quadraginta. cum ualida tum temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat ciuitas.

[¶6] 22.1. At Numa's death the state reverted to an interregnum. Then Tullus Hostilius, grandson of that Hostilius who had distinguished himself in the battle with the Sabines at the foot of the citadel, was declared king by the people, and the senate confirmed their choice.

> Latin: 22.1. Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit. inde Tullum Hostilium, nepotem Hostili, cuius in infima arce clara pugna aduersus Sabinos fuerat, regem populus iussit; patres auctores facti.

[¶7] 22.2. This monarch was not only unlike the last, but was actually more warlike than Romulus had been. Besides his youth and strength, the glory of his grandfather was also an incentive to him. So, thinking that the nation was growing decrepit from inaction, he everywhere sought excuses for stirring up war.

> Latin: 22.2. hic non solum proximo regi dissimilis sed ferocior etiam quam Romulus fuit. cum aetas uiresque tum auita quoque gloria animum stimulabat. senescere igitur ciuitatem otio ratus undique materiam excitandi belli quaerebat.

[¶8] 22.3. It happened that the Roman rustics were driving off cattle from Alban territory, while the Albans were treating the Romans in the same way. The man who was then in power in Alba was Gaius Cluilius.

> Latin: 22.3. forte euenit ut agrestes Romani ex Albano agro, Albani ex Romano praedas in uicem agerent.

[¶9] 22.4. Each side, at about the same time, sent envoys to demand restitution. Tullus had commanded his envoys to do nothing else till they had carried out his orders; he felt convinced that the Albans would refuse his demands, in which case he could declare war with a good conscience. The Alban representatives proceeded rather laxly.

> Latin: 22.4. imperitabat tum Gaius Cluilius Albae. utrimque legati fere sub idem tempus ad res repetendas missi. Tullus praeceperat suis ne quid prius quam mandata agerent; satis sciebat negaturum Albanum; ita pie bellum indici posse.

[¶10] 22.5. Received by Tullus with gracious and kindly hospitality, they attended in a friendly spirit the banquet which he gave in their honour. Meanwhile the Romans had been beforehand with them in seeking redress, and, being denied it by the Alban leader, had made a declaration of war, to take effect in thirty days.

> Latin: 22.5. ab Albanis socordius res acta; excepti hospitio ab Tullo blande ac benigne, comiter regis conuiuium celebrant. tantisper Romani et res repetiuerant priores et neganti Albano bellum in tricesimum diem indixerant. haec renuntiant Tullo.

[¶11] 22.6. Returning, they reported these things to Tullus, who thereupon invited the Alban envoys to inform him of the object of their mission. They, knowing nothing of what had happened, at first spent some time in apologies. They said they should be sorry to utter anything which might give offence to Tullus, but that they were compelled to do so by their orders; they had come to seek restitution; if it should be denied them they were commanded to declare war.

> Latin: 22.6. tum legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem quid petentes uenerint facit. illi omnium ignari primum purgando terunt tempus: se inuitos quicquam quod minus placeat Tullo dicturos, sed imperio subigi; res repetitum se uenisse; ni reddantur bellum indicere iussos.

[¶12] 22.7. To this Tullus replied: “Tell your king the Roman king calls the gods to witness which people first spurned the other's demand for redress and dismissed its envoys, that they may call down upon the guilty nation all the disasters of this war.”

> Latin: 22.7. ad haec Tullus 'nuntiate' inquit, 'regi uestro regem Romanum deos facere testes, uter prius populus res repetentes legatos aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes expetant huiusce clades belli.'

[¶13] 23.1. With this answer the Albans returned to their city, and both sides prepared for war with the greatest energy —a civil war, to all intents and purposes, almost as if fathers were arrayed against sons; for both were of Trojan ancestry, since Lavinium had been planted from Troy, Alba from Lavinium, and from the line of the Alban kings had come the Romans.

> Latin: 23.1. haec nuntiant domum Albani. et bellum utrimque summa ope parabatur, ciuili simillimum bello, prope inter parentes natosque, Troianam utramque prolem, cum Lauinium ab Troia, ab Lauinio Alba, ab Albanorum stirpe regum oriundi Romani essent.

[¶14] 23.2. Still, the issue of the war made the struggle less deplorable, for no battle was fought, and when only the buildings of one of the cities had been destroyed, the two peoples were fused into one.

> Latin: 23.2. euentus tamen belli minus miserabilem dimicationem fecit, quod nec acie certatum est et tectis modo dirutis alterius urbis duo populi in unum confusi sunt.

[¶15] 23.3. The Albans were first in the field, and with a great army invaded the Roman territory. Their camp they pitched not more than five miles from the City, and surrounded it with a trench. (This was known for some centuries as the Cluilian Trench, from the name of the general, until in the course of time both trench and name disappeared.)

> Latin: 23.3. Albani priores ingenti exercitu in agrum Romanum impetum fecere. castra ab urbe haud plus quinque milia passuum locant, fossa circumdant; fossa Cluilia ab nomine ducis per aliquot saecula appellata est, donec cum re nomen quoque uetustate aboleuit.

[¶16] 23.4. In this camp Cluilius the Alban king died, and the Albans chose as dictator Mettius Fufetius. Meantime Tullus, emboldened principally by the death of the king, and asserting that Heaven's great powers would take vengeance upon all of the Alban name, beginning with their king himself, for their unscrupulous war, made a night march past the enemy's camp and led his army into the country of the Albans. This move drew Mettius out from his fortifications.

> Latin: 23.4. in his castris Cluilius Albanus rex moritur; dictatorem Albani Mettium Fufetium creant. interim Tellus ferox, praecipue morte regis, magnumque deorum numen ab ipso capite orsum in omne nomen Albanum expetiturum poenas ob bellum impium dictitans, nocte praeteritis hostium castris, infesto exercitu in agrum Albanum pergit.

[¶17] 23.5. Leading his troops the shortest way towards the enemy, he sent an envoy on ahead to say to Tullus that before they fought it was well that they should confer together; if Tullus would meet him he was confident he had that to say which would be of no less moment to the Roman state than to the Alban. Without rejecting this suggestion, Tullus nevertheless drew up his men in line of battle, in case the proposals should prove impracticable.

> Latin: 23.5. ea res ab statiuis exciuit Mettium. ducit quam proxime ad hostem potest; inde legatum praemissum nuntiare Tullo iubet priusquam dimicent opus esse conloquio; si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se allaturum quae nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam ad Albanam pertineant.

[¶18] 23.6. On the other side the Albans also formed up. When both armies had been marshalled, the leaders, attended by a few of their nobles, advanced to the middle of the field.

> Latin: 23.6. haud aspernatus Tullus, tamen si uana adferantur in aciem educit. exeunt contra et Albani. postquam instructi utrimque stabant, cum paucis procerum in medium duces procedunt.

[¶19] 23.7. Then the Alban began as follows: “Pillage and failure to make the amends demanded in accordance with our treaty I think I have myself heard named by our king, Cluilius, as the occasion of this war, and I doubt not, Tullus, but you make the same contention. But if truth is to be spoken, rather than sophistries, it is greed for dominion that is goading two kindred and neighbouring peoples into war.”

> Latin: 23.7. ibi infit Albanus: 'iniurias et non redditas res ex foedere quae repetitae sint, et ego regem nostrum Cluilium causam huiusce esse belli audisse uideor, nec te dubito, Tulle, eadem prae te ferre; sed si uera potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido imperii duos cognatos uicinosque populos ad arma stimulat.

[¶20] 23.8. “Whether rightly or wrongly I do not attempt to determine; that is a question that may well have been considered by him who undertook the war; I am only the general appointed by the Albans to prosecute that war. But this is the point, Tullus, which I wish to suggest to you: Of the magnitude of the Etruscan power which encompasses us, and you especially, you are better aware than we, in proportion as you are nearer to that people. Great is their strength on land, exceedingly great on the sea.”

> Latin: 23.8. neque, recte an perperam, interpretor. fuerit ista eius deliberatio qui bellum suscepit: me Albani gerendo bello ducem creauere. illud te, Tulle, monitum uelim: Etrusca res quanta circa nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es [Uolscis] hoc magis scis. multum illi terra, plurimum mari pollent.

[¶21] 23.9. “You must consider that the instant you give the signal for battle, the Tuscans will be watching our two armies, so that, when we have become tired and exhausted, they may attack at once the victor and the vanquished. In Heaven's name, therefore, since we are not content with unquestioned liberty, but are proceeding to the doubtful hazard of dominion or enslavement, let us adopt some plan by which we may decide the question which nation shall rule the other, without a great disaster and much carnage on both sides.”

> Latin: 23.9. memor esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas acies spectaculo fore ut fessos confectosque simul uictorem ac uictum adgrediantur. itaque si nos di amant, quoniam non contenti libertate certa in dubiam imperii seruitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam uiam qua utri utris imperent sine magna clade, sine multo sanguine utriusque populi decerni possit.'

[¶22] 23.10. Tullus made no objection, though inclined to war by nature no less than by his anticipation of victory. While both parties were considering what to do, a plan was hit upon for the execution of which Fortune herself supplied the means.

> Latin: 23.10. haud displicet res Tullo quamquam cum indole animi tum spe uictoriae ferocior erat. quaerentibus utrimque ratio initur cui et fortuna ipsa praebuit materiam.

[¶23] 24.1. It chanced that there were in each of these armies triplet brothers, not ill-matched either in age or in physical prowess. That they were Horatii and Curiatii is generally allowed, and scarcely any other ancient tradition is better known; yet, in spite of the celebrity of the affair, an uncertainty persists in regard to the names —to which people, that is, the Horatii belonged, and to which the Curiatii. The writers of history are divided. Still, the majority, I find, call the Roman brothers Horatii, and theirs is the opinion I incline to adopt.

> Latin: 24.1. forte in duobus tum exercitibus erant trigemini fratres, nec aetate nec uiribus dispares. Horatios Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nec ferme res antiqua alia est nobilior; tamen in re tam clara nominum error manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius Curiatii fuerint. auctores utroque trahunt; plures tamen inuenio qui Romanos Horatios uocent; hos ut sequar inclinat animus.

[¶24] 24.2. To these young men the kings proposed a combat in which each should fight for his own city, the dominion to belong with that side where the victory should rest.

> Latin: 24.2. cum trigeminis agunt reges ut pro sua quisque patria dimicent ferro; ibi imperium fore unde uictoria fuerit. nihil recusatur; tempus et locus conuenit.

[¶25] 24.3. No objection was raised, and time and place were agreed on. Before proceeding with the battle, a treaty was made between the Romans and the Albans, providing that the nation whose citizens should triumph in this contest should hold undisputed sway over the other nation. One treaty differs from another in its terms, but the same procedure is always employed.

> Latin: 24.3. priusquam dimicarent foedus ictum inter Romanos et Albanos est his legibus ut cuiusque populi ciues eo certamine uicissent, is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret. foedera alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia fiunt.

[¶26] 24.4. On the present occasion we are told that they did as follows, nor has tradition preserved the memory of any more ancient compact. The fetial asked King Tullus, “Dost thou command me, King, to make a treaty with the pater patratus of the Alban People?” Being so commanded by the king, he said, “I demand of thee, King, the sacred herb.”

> Latin: 24.4. tum ita factum accepimus, nec ullius uetustior foederis memoria est. fetialis regem Tullum ita rogauit: 'iubesne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi Albani foedus ferire?' iubente rege, 'sagmina' inquit 'te, rex, posco.' rex ait: 'pura tollito.'

[¶27] 24.5. The king replied, “Thou shalt take it untainted.” The fetial brought from the citadel an untainted plant. After this he asked the king, “Dost thou grant me, King, with my emblems and my companions, the royal sanction, to speak for the Roman People of the Quirites?”

> Latin: 24.5. fetialis ex arce graminis herbam puram attulit. postea regem ita rogauit: 'rex, facisne me tu regium nuntium populi Romani Quiritium, uasa comitesque meos?' rex respondit: 'quod sine fraude mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, facio.'

[¶28] 24.6. The king made answer, “So far as may be without prejudice to myself and the Roman People of the Quirites, I grant it.” The fetial was Marcus Valerius; he made Spurius Fusius pater patratus, touching his head and hair with the sacred sprig. The pater patratus is appointed to pronounce the oath, that is, to solemnize the pact; and this he accomplishes with many words, expressed in a long metrical formula which it is not worth while to quote.

> Latin: 24.6. fetialis erat M. Ualerius; is patrem patratum Sp. Fusium fecit, uerbena caput capillosque tangens. pater patratus ad ius iurandum patrandum, id est, sanciendum fit foedus; multisque id uerbis, quae longo effata carmine non operae est referre, peragit.

[¶29] 24.7. The conditions being then recited, he cries, “Hear, Jupiter; hear, pater patratus of the Alban People: hear ye, People of Alba: From these terms, as they have been publicly rehearsed from beginning to end, without fraud, from these tablets, or this wax, and as they have been this day clearly understood, the Roman People will not be the first to depart.”

> Latin: 24.7. legibus deinde recitatis, 'audi' inquit, 'Iuppiter; audi, pater patrate populi Albani; audi tu, populus Albanus. ut illa palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis ceraue recitata sunt sine dolo malo, utique ea hic hodie rectissime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus Romanus prior non deficiet.

[¶30] 24.8. “If it shall first depart from them, by general consent, with malice aforethought, then on that day do thou, great Diespiter, so smite the Roman People as I shall here to-day smite this pig: and so much the harder smite them as thy power and thy strength are greater.”

> Latin: 24.8. si prior defexit publico consilio dolo malo, tum tu ille Diespiter populum Romanum sic ferito ut ego hunc porcum hic hodie feriam; tantoque magis ferito quanto magis potes pollesque.'

[¶31] 24.9. When Spurius had said these words, he struck the pig with a flint. In like manner the Albans pronounced their own forms and their own oath, by the mouth of their own dictator and priests.

> Latin: 24.9. id ubi dixit porcum saxo silice percussit. sua item carmina Albani suumque ius iurandum per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdotes peregerunt.

[¶32] 25.1. When the treaty had been established, the brothers armed themselves, in accordance with the agreement. On either side the soldiers urged on their champions. They reminded them that their fathers' gods, their native land, their parents, and all their countrymen, whether at home or with the army, had their eye only on their swords and their right hands.

> Latin: 25.1. foedere icto trigemini, sicut conuenerat, arma capiunt. cum sui utrosque adhortarentur, deos patrios, patriam ac parentes, quidquid ciuium domi, quidquid in exercitu sit, illorum tunc arma, illorum intueri manus, feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni adhortantium uocibus in medium inter duas acies procedunt.

[¶33] 25.2. Eager for the combat, as well owing to their native spirit as to the shouts of encouragement which filled their ears, the brothers advanced into the space between the two lines of battle. The two armies were drawn up, each in front of its own camp, no longer in any immediate danger, but their concern as great as ever; and no wonder, since empire was staked on those few men's valour and good fortune!

> Latin: 25.2. consederant utrimque pro castris duo exercitus, periculi magis praesentis quam curae expertes; quippe imperium agebatur in tam paucorum uirtute atque fortuna positum. itaque ergo erecti suspensique in minime gratum spectaculum animo incenduntur.

[¶34] 25.3. Alert, therefore, and in suspense, they concentrated their attention upon this unpleasing spectacle. The signal was given, and with drawn steel, like advancing battle-lines, the six young men rushed to the charge, breathing the courage of great armies. Neither side thought of its own danger, but of the nation's sovereignty or servitude, and how from that day forward their country must experience the fortune they should themselves create.

> Latin: 25.3. datur signum infestisque armis uelut acies terni iuuenes magnorum exercituum animos gerentes concurrunt. nec his nec illis periculum suum, publicum imperium seruitiumque obuersatur animo futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna quam ipsi fecissent.

[¶35] 25.4. The instant they encountered, there was a clash of shields and a flash of glittering blades, while a deep shudder ran through the onlookers, who, as long as neither side had the advantage, remained powerless to speak or breathe.

> Latin: 25.4. ut primo statim concursu increpuere arma micantesque fulsere gladii, horror ingens spectantes perstringit et neutro inclinata spe torpebat uox spiritusque.

[¶36] 25.5. Then, in the hand-to-hand fight which followed, wherein were soon exhibited to men's eyes not only struggling bodies and the play of the sword and shield, but also bloody wounds, two of the Romans fell, fatally wounded, one upon the other, while all three of the Albans were wounded.

> Latin: 25.5. consertis deinde manibus cum iam non motus tantum corporum agitatioque anceps telorum armorumque sed uolnera quoque et sanguis spectaculo essent, duo Romani super alium alius, uolneratis tribus Albanis, exspirantes corruerunt.

[¶37] 25.6. At the fall of the Romans a shout of joy burst from the Alban army, while the Roman levies now bade farewell to all their hopes; but not to their anxiety, for they were horror-stricken at the plight of the single warrior whom the three Curiatii had surrounded.

> Latin: 25.6. ad quorum casum cum conclamasset gaudio Albanus exercitus, Romanas legiones iam spes tota, nondum tamen cura deseruerat, exanimes uice unius quem tres Curiatii circumsteterant.

[¶38] 25.7. He happened to have got no hurt, and though no match for his enemies together, was ready to fight them one at a time. So, to divide their attack, he fled, thinking that each of them would pursue him with what speed his wounds permitted.

> Latin: 25.7. forte is integer fuit, ut uniuersis solus nequaquam par, sic aduersus singulos ferox. ergo ut segregaret pugnam eorum capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos ut quemque uolnere adfectum corpus sineret.

[¶39] 25.8. He had already run some little distance from the spot where they had fought, when, looking back, he saw that they were following at wide intervals and that one of them had nearly overtaken him.

> Latin: 25.8. iam aliquantum spatii ex eo loco ubi pugnatum est aufugerat, cum respiciens uidet magnis interuallis sequentes, unum haud procul ab sese abesse.

[¶40] 25.9. Facing about, he ran swiftly up to his man, and while the Alban host were calling out to the Curiatii to help their brother, Horatius had already slain him, and was hastening, flushed with victory, to meet his second antagonist. Then with a cheer, such as is often drawn from partisans by a sudden turn in a contest, the Romans encouraged their champion, and he pressed on to end the battle.

> Latin: 25.9. in eum magno impetu rediit; et dum Albanus exercitus inclamat Curiatiis uti opem ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste uictor secundam pugnam petebat. tunc clamore qualis ex insperato fauentium solet Romani adiuuant militem suum;

[¶41] 25.10. And so, before the third Curiatius could come up —and he was not far off —Horatius dispatched the second.

> Latin: 25.10. et ille defungi proelio festinat. prius itaque quam alter— nec procul aberat—consequi posset, et alterum Curiatium conficit;

[¶42] 25.11. They were now on even terns, one soldier surviving on each side, but in hope and vigour they were far from equal. The one, unscathed and elated by his double victory, was eager for a third encounter. The other dragged himself along, faint from his wound and exhausted with running; he thought how his brothers had been slaughtered before him, and was a beaten man when he faced his triumphant foe. What followed was no combat.

> Latin: 25.11. iamque aequato Marte singuli supererant, sed nec spe nec uiribus pares. alterum intactum ferro corpus et geminata uictoria ferocem in certamen tertium dabat: alter fessum uolnere, fessum cursu trahens corpus uictusque fratrum ante se strage uictori obicitur hosti. nec illud proelium fuit.

[¶43] 25.12. The Roman cried exultantly, “Two victims I have given to the shades of my brothers: the third I will offer up to the cause of this war, that Roman may rule Alban.” His adversary could barely hold up his shield.

> Latin: 25.12. Romanus exsultans 'duos' inquit, 'fratrum manibus dedi; tertium causae belli huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo.' male sustinenti arma gladium superne iugulo defigit, iacentem spoliat.

[¶44] 25.13. With a downward thrust Horatius buried his sword in the Alban's throat, and despoiled him where he lay. The Romans welcomed their hero with jubilations and thanksgivings, and their joy was all the greater that they had come near despairing. The burial of their dead then claimed the attention of the two armies, —with widely different feelings, since one nation was exalted with imperial power, the other made subject to a foreign sway.

> Latin: 25.13. Romani ouantes ac gratulantes Horatium accipiunt, eo maiore cum gaudio, quo prope metum res fuerat. ad sepulturam inde suorum nequaquam paribus animis uertuntur, quippe imperio alteri aucti, alteri dicionis alienae facti.

[¶45] 25.14. The graves may still be seen where each soldier fell: two Roman graves in one spot, nearer Alba; those of the three Albans towards Rome, but separated, just as they had fought.

> Latin: 25.14. sepulcra exstant quo quisque loco cecidit, duo Romana uno loco propius Albam, tria Albana Romam uersus sed distantia locis ut et pugnatum est.

[¶46] 26.1. Before they left the field Mettius asked, in pursuance of the compact, what Tullus commanded him to do, and the Roman ordered him to hold his young men under arms, saying that he should employ their services, if war broke out with the Veientes.

> Latin: 26.1. priusquam inde digrederentur, roganti Mettio ex foedere icto quid imperaret, imperat Tullus uti iuuentutem in armis habeat: usurum se eorum opera si bellum cum Ueientibus foret.

[¶47] 26.2. The armies then marched home. In the van of the Romans came Horatius, displaying his triple spoils. As he drew near the Porta Capena he was met by his unwedded sister, who had been promised in marriage to one of the Curiatii. When she recognized on her brother's shoulders the military cloak of her betrothed, which she herself had woven, she loosed her hair and, weeping, called on her dead lover's name.

> Latin: 26.2. ita exercitus inde domos abducti. princeps Horatius ibat, trigemina spolia prae se gerens; cui soror uirgo, quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat, obuia ante portam Capenam fuit, cognitoque super umeros fratris paludamento sponsi quod ipsa confecerat, soluit crines et flebiliter nomine sponsum mortuum appellat.

[¶48] 26.3. It enraged the fiery youth to hear his sister's lamentations in the hour of his own victory and the nation's great rejoicing. And so, drawing his sword and at the same time angrily upbraiding her, he ran her through the body.

> Latin: 26.3. mouet feroci iuueni animum comploratio sororis in uictoria sua tantoque gaudio publico. stricto itaque gladio simul uerbis increpans transfigit puellam.

[¶49] 26.4. “Begone” he cried, “to your betrothed, with your ill-timed love, since you have forgot your brothers, both the dead and the living, and forgot your country!”

> Latin: 26.4. 'abi hinc cum immaturo amore ad sponsum,' inquit, 'oblita fratrum mortuorum uiuique, oblita patriae. sic eat quaecumque Romana lugebit hostem.'

[¶50] 26.5. “So perish every Roman woman who mourns a foe!” Horrid as this deed seemed to the Fathers and the people, his recent service was an off-set to it; nevertheless he was seized and brought before the king for trial. The king, that he might not take upon himself the responsibility for so stern and unpopular a judgement, and for the punishment which must follow sentence, called together the council of the people and said: “In accordance with the law I appoint duumvirs to pass judgement upon Horatius for treason.”

> Latin: 26.5. atrox uisum id facinus patribus plebique, sed recens meritum facto obstabat. tamen raptus in ius ad regem. rex ne ipse tam tristis ingratique ad uolgus iudicii ac secundum iudicium supplicii auctor esset, concilio populi aduocato 'duumuiros' inquit, 'qui Horatio perduellionem iudicent, secundum legem facio.' lex horrendi carminis erat:

[¶51] 26.6. The dread formula of the law ran thus: “Let the duumvirs pronounce him guilty of treason; if he shall appeal from the duumvirs, let the appeal be tried; if the duumvirs win, let the lictor veil his head; let him bind him with a rope to a barren tree; let him scourge him either within or without the pomerium.”

> Latin: 26.6. 'duumuiri perduellionem iudicent; si a duumuiris prouocarit, prouocatione certato; si uincent, caput obnubito; infelici arbori reste suspendito; uerberato uel intra pomerium uel extra pomerium.'

[¶52] 26.7. By the terms of this law duumvirs were appointed. They considered that they might not acquit, under that act, even one who was innocent, and having given a verdict of guilty, one of them pronounced the words, “Publius Horatius, I adjudge you a traitor; go, lictor, bind his hands.”

> Latin: 26.7. hac lege duumuiri creati, qui se absoluere non rebantur ea lege ne innoxium quidem posse, cum condemnassent, tum alter ex iis 'Publi Horati, tibi perduellionem iudico' inquit. 'i, lictor, colliga manus.'

[¶53] 26.8. The lictor had approached and was about to fit the noose. Then Horatius, at the prompting of Tullus, who put a merciful construction upon the law, cried, “I appeal!”

> Latin: 26.8. accesserat lictor iniciebatque laqueum. tum Horatius auctore Tullo, clemente legis interprete, 'prouoco' inquit. itaque prouocatione certatum ad populum est.

[¶54] 26.9. And so the appeal was tried before the people. What influenced men most of all in that trial was the assertion of Publius Horatius, the father, that his daughter had been justly slain; otherwise he should have used a father's authority and have punished his son, himself. He then implored them not to make him childless whom they had beheld a little while before surrounded by a goodly offspring.

> Latin: 26.9. moti homines sunt in eo iudicio maxime P. Horatio patre proclamante se filiam iure caesam iudicare; ni ita esset, patrio iure in filium animaduersurum fuisse. orabat deinde ne se quem paulo ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent orbum liberis facerent.

[¶55] 26.10. So saying, the old man embraced the youth, and pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii set up in the place which is now called “the Horatian Spears,” he exclaimed, “This man you saw but lately advancing decked with spoils and triumphing in his victory; can you bear, Quirites, to see him bound beneath a fork and scourged and tortured? Hardly could Alban eyes endure so hideous a sight.”

> Latin: 26.10. inter haec senex iuuenem amplexus, spolia Curiatiorum fixa eo loco qui nunc Pila Horatia appellatur ostentans, 'huncine' aiebat, 'quem modo decoratum ouantemque uictoria incedentem uidistis, Quirites, eum sub furca uinctum inter uerbera et cruciatus uidere potestis? quod uix Albanorum oculi tam deforme spectaculum ferre possent.

[¶56] 26.11. “Go, lictor, bind the hands which but now, with sword and shield, brought imperial power to the Roman People! Go, veil the head of the liberator of this city! Bind him to a barren tree! Scourge him within the pomerium, if you will —so it be amidst yonder spears and trophies of our enemies —or outside the pomerium —so it be amongst the graves of the Curiatii! For whither can you lead this youth where his own honours will not vindicate him from so foul a punishment?”

> Latin: 26.11. i, lictor, colliga manus, quae paulo ante armatae imperium populo Romano pepererunt. i, caput obnube liberatoris urbis huius; arbore infelici suspende; uerbera uel intra pomerium, modo inter illa pila et spolia hostium, uel extra pomerium, modo inter sepulcra Curiatiorum; quo enim ducere hunc iuuenem potestis ubi non sua decora eum a tanta foeditate supplicii uindicent?'

[¶57] 26.12. The people could not withstand the father's tears, or the courage of Horatius himself, steadfast in every peril; and they acquitted him, more in admiration of his valour than from the justice of his cause. And so, that the flagrant murder might yet be cleansed away, by some kind of expiatory rite, the father was commanded to make atonement for his son at the public cost.

> Latin: 26.12. non tulit populus nec patris lacrimas nec ipsius parem in omni periculo animum, absolueruntque admiratione magis uirtutis quam iure causae. itaque ut caedes manifesta aliquo tamen piaculo lueretur, imperatum patri ut filium expiaret pecunia publica.

[¶58] 26.13. He therefore offered certain piacular sacrifices, which were thenceforward handed down in the Horatian family, and, erecting a beam across the street, to typify a yoke, he made his son pass under it, with covered head. It remains to this day, being restored from time to time at the state's expense, and is known as “the Sister's Beam.”

> Latin: 26.13. is quibusdam piacularibus sacrificiis factis quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt, transmisso per uiam tigillo, capite adoperto uelut sub iugum misit iuuenem. id hodie quoque publice semper refectum manet; sororium tigillum uocant.

[¶59] 26.14. Horatia's tomb, of hewn stone, was built on the place where she had been struck down.

> Latin: 26.14. Horatiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, constructum est saxo quadrato.

[¶60] 27.1. But the peace with Alba did not last long. The discontent of the people, who criticized the dictator for having confided the nation's welfare to three soldiers, broke down his weak character, and since honest measures had proved unsuccessful, he resorted to evil ones to regain the favour of his countrymen.

> Latin: 27.1. nec diu pax Albana mansit. inuidia uolgi quod tribus militibus fortuna publica commissa fuerit, uanum ingenium dictatoris corrupit, et quoniam recta consilia haud bene euenerant, prauis reconciliare popularium animos coepit.

[¶61] 27.2. Accordingly, just as in war he had sought peace, so now in time of peace he desired war. But seeing that his own state was richer in courage than in strength, he stirred up other tribes to make war openly after due declaration; while for his own people he reserved the part of the traitor under the disguise of friendship.

> Latin: 27.2. igitur ut prius in bello pacem, sic in pace bellum quaerens, quia suae ciuitati animorum plus quam uirium cernebat esse, ad bellum palam atque ex edicto gerundum alios concitat populos, suis per speciem societatis proditionem reseruat.

[¶62] 27.3. The men of Fidenae, a Roman colony, and the Veientes, whom they admitted to a share in their designs, were induced to commence hostilities by a promise that the Albans would go over to their side.

> Latin: 27.3. Fidenates, colonia Romana, Ueientibus sociis consilii adsumptis, pacto transitionis Albanorum ad bellum atque arma incitantur.

[¶63] 27.4. Fidenae having openly revolted, Tullus summoned Mettius and his army from Alba, and led his forces against the enemy. Crossing the Anio, he pitched his camp at the confluence of the rivers. The Veientine army had crossed the Tiber between that place and Fidenae.

> Latin: 27.4. cum Fidenae aperte descissent, Tullus Mettio exercituque eius ab Alba accito contra hostes ducit. ubi Anienem transiit, ad confluentes conlocat castra. inter eum locum et Fidenas Ueientium exercitus Tiberim transierat.

[¶64] 27.5. These troops, drawn up next the river, formed the right wing; on the left the Fidenates were posted, nearer the mountains. Tullus marshalled his own men against the Veientine enemy; the Albans he posted opposite the army of Fidenae. The Alban commander was as wanting in courage as in loyalty. Not daring, therefore, either to hold his ground or openly to desert, he drew off by imperceptible degrees in the direction of the mountains.

> Latin: 27.5. hi et in acie prope flumen tenuere dextrum cornu; in sinistro Fidenates propius montes consistunt. Tullus aduersus Ueientem hostem derigit suos, Albanos contra legionem Fidenatium conlocat. Albano non plus animi erat quam fidei. nec manere ergo nec transire aperte ausus sensim ad montes succedit;

[¶65] 27.6. Then, when he thought he had got near enough to them, he brought up his whole battle-line to an elevated position, and still irresolute, deployed his ranks with the object of consuming time. His purpose was to swing his forces to the side which fortune favoured.

> Latin: 27.6. inde ubi satis subisse sese ratus est, erigit totam aciem, fluctuansque animo ut tereret tempus ordines explicat. consilium erat qua fortuna rem daret, ea inclinare uires.

[¶66] 27.7. At first the Romans posted next to the Albans were amazed when they perceived that their flank was being uncovered by the withdrawal of their allies; then a horseman galloped up to the king, and told him that the Albans were marching off. In this crisis Tullus vowed to establish twelve Salian priests, and to build shrines to Pallor and Panic.

> Latin: 27.7. miraculo primo esse Romanis qui proximi steterant ut nudari latera sua sociorum digressu senserunt; inde eques citato equo nuntiat regi abire Albanos. Tullus in re trepida duodecim uouit Salios fanaque Pallori ac Pauori.

[¶67] 27.8. The horseman he reprimanded in a loud voice, that the enemy might overhear him, and ordered him to go back and fight; there was no occasion for alarm; it was by his own command that the Alban army was marching round, that they might attack the unprotected rear of the Fidenates.

> Latin: 27.8. equitem clara increpans uoce ut hostes exaudirent, redire in proelium iubet: nihil trepidatione opus esse; suo iussu circumduci Albanum exercitum ut Fidenatium nuda terga inuadant;

[¶68] 27.9. He also ordered the cavalry to raise their spears. This manœuvre hid the retreat of the Alban army from a large part of the Roman foot-soldiers; those who had seen it, believing what the king had been heard to say, fought all the more impetuously. The enemy in their turn now became alarmed; they had heard Tullus's loud assertion, and many of the Fidenates, having had Romans among them as colonists, knew Latin.

> Latin: 27.9. idem imperat ut hastas equites erigerent. id factum magnae parti peditum Romanorum conspectum abeuntis Albani exercitus intersaepsit; qui uiderant, id quod ab rege auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. terror ad hostes transit; et audiuerant clara uoce dictum, et magna pars Fidenatium, ut quibus coloni additi Romani essent, Latine sciebant.

[¶69] 27.10. And so, lest the Albans should suddenly charge down from the hills and cut them off from their town, they beat a retreat. Tullus pressed them hard, and having routed the wing composed of the Fidenates, returned, bolder than ever, to the Veientes, who were demoralized by the panic of their neighbours.

> Latin: 27.10. itaque ne subito ex collibus decursu Albanorum intercluderentur ab oppido, terga uertunt. instat Tullus fusoque Fidenatium cornu in Ueientem alieno pauore perculsum ferocior redit. nec illi tulere impetum, sed ab effusa fuga flumen obiectum ab tergo arcebat.

[¶70] 27.11. They, too, failed to withstand his attack, but their rout was stopped by the river in their rear When they had fled thus far, some basely threw away their arms and rushed blindly into the water, others hesitated on the bank and were overtaken before they had made up their minds whether to flee or resist. Never before had the Romans fought a bloodier battle.

> Latin: 27.11. quo postquam fuga inclinauit, alii arma foede iactantes in aquam caeci ruebant, alii dum cunctantur in ripis inter fugae pugnaeque consilium oppressi. non alia ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit.

[¶71] 28.1. Then the Alban army, which had been a spectator of the battle, was led down into the plain. Mettius congratulated Tullus on the conquest of his enemies; Tullus replied kindly to Mettius, and commanded the Albans in a good hour to join their camp to that of the Romans.

> Latin: 28.1. tum Albanus exercitus, spectator certaminis, deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo deuictos hostes gratulatur; contra Tullus Mettium benigne adloquitur. quod bene uertat, castra Albanos Romanis castris iungere iubet; sacrificium lustrale in diem posterum parat.

[¶72] 28.2. He then made preparations to perform, on the morrow, a sacrifice of purification. At dawn, when all things were in readiness, he issued to both armies the customary order, convoking them to an assembly.

> Latin: 28.2. ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus ut adsolet, uocari ad contionem utrumque exercitum iubet. praecones ab extremo orsi primos exciuere Albanos. hi nouitate etiam rei moti ut regem Romanum contionantem audirent proximi constitere.

[¶73] 28.3. The heralds, beginning at the outskirts of the camp, called out the Albans first, who being moved by the very novelty of the occasion, took their stand close to the Roman king, that they might hear him harangue his army.

> Latin: 28.3. ex composito armata circumdatur Romana legio; centurionibus datum negotium erat ut sine mora imperia exsequerentur.

[¶74] 28.4. The Roman troops, by previous arrangement, were armed and disposed around them, and the centurions were bidden to execute orders promptly. Then Tullus began as follows: “Romans, if ever anywhere in any war you have had reason to give thanks, first to the immortal gods and then to your own valour, it was in the battle of yesterday. For you fought not only against your enemies, but a harder and more dangerous fight —against the treachery and the perfidy of your allies.”

> Latin: 28.4. tum ita Tullus infit: 'Romani, si unquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit quod primum dis immortalibus gratias ageretis, deinde uestrae ipsorum uirtuti, hesternum id proelium fuit. dimicatum est enim non magis cum hostibus quam, quae dimicatio maior atque periculosior est, cum proditione ac perfidia sociorum.

[¶75] 28.5. “For, to undeceive you, I gave no orders that the Albans should draw off towards the mountains. What you heard was not my command, but a trick and a pretended command, devised in order that you might not know you were being deserted, and so be distracted from the fight; and that the enemy, thinking that they were being hemmed in on the rear, might be panic-stricken and flee.”

> Latin: 28.5. nam ne uos falsa opinio teneat, iniussu meo Albani subiere ad montes, nec imperium illud meum sed consilium et imperii simulatio fuit, ut nec uobis, ignorantibus deseri uos, auerteretur a certamine animus, et hostibus, circumueniri se ab tergo ratis, terror ac fuga iniceretur.

[¶76] 28.6. “And yet this guilt which I am charging does not attach to all the Albans; they but followed their general, as you, too, would have done, had I desired to lead you off anywhere. It is Mettius yonder who led this march; Mettius, too, who contrived this war; Mettius who broke the treaty between Roman and Alban.”

> Latin: 28.6. nec ea culpa quam arguo omnium Albanorum est: ducem secuti sunt, ut et uos, si quo ego inde agmen declinare uoluissem, fecissetis. Mettius ille est ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius machinator belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique ruptor. audeat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc insigne iam documentum mortalibus dedero.'

[¶77] 28.7. “Let another dare such a deed hereafter if I do not speedily visit such a punishment on him as shall be a conspicuous warning to all mankind.” Thereupon the centurions, sword in hand, surrounded Mettius, while the king proceeded: “May prosperity, favour, and fortune be with the Roman people and myself, and with you, men of Alba! I purpose to bring all the Alban people over to Rome, to grant citizenship to their commons, to enroll the nobles in the senate, to make one city and one state. As formerly from one people the Alban nation was divided into two, so now let it be reunited into one.” Hearing these words the Alban soldiers, themselves unarmed and fenced in by armed men, were constrained, however their wishes might differ, by a common fear, and held their peace.

> Latin: 28.7. centuriones armati Mettium circumsistunt; rex cetera ut orsus erat peragit: 'quod bonum faustum felixque sit populo Romano ac mihi uobisque, Albani, populum omnem Albanum Romam traducere in animo est, ciuitatem dare plebi, primores in patres legere, unam urbem, unam rem publicam facere; ut ex uno quondam in duos populos diuisa Albana res est, sic nunc in unum redeat.' ad haec Albana pubes, inermis ab armatis saepta, in uariis uoluntatibus communi tamen metu cogente, silentium tenet.

[¶78] 28.9. Then Tullus said: “Mettius Fufetius, if you were capable of learning, yourself, to keep faith and abide by treaties, you should have lived that I might teach you this; as it is, since your disposition is incurable, you shall yet by your punishment teach the human race to hold sacred the obligations you have violated.”

> Latin: 28.9. tum Tullus 'Metti Fufeti' inquit, 'si ipse discere posses fidem ac foedera seruare, uiuo tibi ea disciplina a me adhibita esset; nunc quoniam tuum insanabile ingenium est, at tu tuo supplicio doce humanum genus ea sancta credere quae a te uiolata sunt. ut igitur paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distrahendum dabis.'

[¶79] 28.10. “Accordingly, just as a little while ago your heart was divided between the states of Fidenae and Rome, so now you shall give up your body to be torn two ways,” He then brought up two four-horse chariots, and caused Mettius to be stretched out and made fast to them, after which the horses were whipped up in opposite directions, and bore off in each of the cars fragments of the mangled body, where the limbs held to their fastenings.

> Latin: 28.10. exinde duabus admotis quadrigis, in currus earum distentum inligat Mettium; deinde in diuersum iter equi concitati, lacerum in utroque curru corpus, qua inhaeserant uinculis membra, portantes.

[¶80] 28.11. All eyes were turned away from so dreadful a sight. Such was the first and last punishment among the Romans of a kind that disregards the laws of humanity. In other cases we may boast that with no nation have milder punishments found favour.

> Latin: 28.11. auertere omnes ab tanta foeditate spectaculi oculos. primum ultimumque illud supplicium apud Romanos exempli parum memoris legum humanarum fuit: in aliis gloriari licet nulli gentium mitiores placuisse poenas.

[¶81] 29.1. While this was going on, horsemen had already been sent on to Alba to fetch the inhabitants to Rome, and afterwards the legions were marched over to demolish the city.

> Latin: 29.1. inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant equites qui multitudinem traducerent Romam. legiones deinde ductae ad diruendam urbem.

[¶82] 29.2. When they entered the gates there was not, indeed, the tumult and panic which usually follow the capture of a city, when its gates have been forced or its walls breached with a ram or its stronghold stormed, when the shouts of the enemy and the rush of armed men through the streets throw the whole town into a wild confusion of blood and fire.

> Latin: 29.2. quae ubi intrauere portas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille nec pauor qualis captarum esse urbium solet, cum effractis portis stratisue ariete muris aut arce ui capta clamor hostilis et cursus per urbem armatorum omnia ferro flammaque miscet;

[¶83] 29.3. But at Alba oppressive silence and grief that found no words quite overwhelmed the spirits of all the people; too dismayed to think what they should take with them and what leave behind, they would ask each other's advice again and again, now standing on their thresholds, and now roaming aimlessly through the houses they were to look upon for that last time.

> Latin: 29.3. sed silentium triste ac tacita maestitia ita defixit omnium animos, ut prae metu [obliti] quid relinquerent, quid secum ferrent deficiente consilio rogitantesque alii alios, nunc in liminibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas ultimum illud uisuri peruagarentur.

[¶84] 29.4. But when at length the horsemen began to be urgent, and clamorously commanded them to come out; when they could now hear the crash of the buildings which were being pulled down in the outskirts of the city; when the dust rising in different quarters had overcast the sky like a gathering cloud; then everybody made haste to carry out what he could, and forth they went, abandoning their lares and penates, and the houses where they had been born and brought up. And now the streets were filled with an unbroken procession of emigrants, whose mutual pity, as they gazed at one another, caused their tears to start afresh; plaintive cries too began to be heard, proceeding chiefly from the women, when they passed the venerable temples beset by armed men, and left in captivity, as it seemed to them, their gods.

> Latin: 29.4. ut uero iam equitum clamor exire iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur puluisque ex distantibus locis ortus uelut nube inducta omnia impleuerat, raptim quibus quisque poterat elatis, cum larem ac penates tectaque in quibus natus quisque educatusque esset relinquentes exirent, iam continens agmen migrantium impleuerat uias, et conspectus aliorum mutua miseratione integrabat lacrimas, uocesque etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur, mulierum praecipue, cum obsessa ab armatis templa augusta praeterirent ac uelut captos relinquerent deos.

## 4. Book I · chapters 29–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/#p-N

[¶0] 29.6. When the Albans had quitted the city, the Romans everywhere levelled with the ground all buildings, both public and private, and a single hour gave over to destruction and desolation the work of the four hundred years during which Alba had stood. But the temples of the gods were spared, for so the king had decreed.

> Latin: 29.6. egressis urbe Albanis Romanus passim publica priuataque omnia tecta adaequat solo, unaque hora quadringentorum annorum opus quibus Alba steterat excidio ac ruinis dedit. templis tamen deum—ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat—temperatum est.

[¶1] 30.1. Rome, meanwhile, was increased by Alba's downfall. The number of citizens was doubled, the Caelian Hill was added to the City, and, that it might be more thickly settled, Tullus chose it for the site of the king's house and from that time onwards resided there.

> Latin: 30.1. Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis. duplicatur ciuium numerus; Caelius additur urbi mons, et quo frequentius habitaretur eam sedem Tullus regiae capit ibique habitauit.

[¶2] 30.2. The chief men of the Albans he made senators, that this branch of the nation might grow too. Such were the Julii, the Servilii, the Quinctii, the Geganii, the Curiatii, and the Cloelii. He also built, as a consecrated place for the order he had enlarged, a senate-house, which continued to be called the Curia Hostilia as late as the time of our own fathers.

> Latin: 30.2. principes Albanorum in patres ut ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret legit, Iulios, Seruilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curiatios, Cloelios; templumque ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum aetatem appellata est.

[¶3] 30.3. And that all the orders might gain some strength from the new people, he enrolled ten squadrons of knights from among the Albans, and from the same source filled up the old legions and enlisted new ones.

> Latin: 30.3. et ut omnium ordinum uiribus aliquid ex nouo populo adiceretur equitum decem turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones et ueteres eodem supplemento expleuit et nouas scripsit.

[¶4] 30.4. Confiding in these forces, Tullus declared war on the Sabines, a nation second only at that time to the Etruscans in its wealth of men and arms. On either side there had been aggressions and refusals to grant satisfaction.

> Latin: 30.4. hac fiducia uirium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, genti ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentissimae uiris armisque. utrimque iniuriae factae ac res nequiquam erant repetitae.

[¶5] 30.5. Tullus complained that at the shrine of Feronia, in a crowded fair, Roman traders had been seized; the Sabines alleged that, before this, refugees from their country had fled to the grove of sanctuary, and had been detained in Rome.

> Latin: 30.5. Tullus ad Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Romanos comprehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in lucum confugisse ac Romae retentos. hae causae belli ferebantur.

[¶6] 30.6. These were put forward as the causes of war. The Sabines, not forgetting that a portion of their own forces had been settled in Rome by Tatius and that the Roman state had recently been further strengthened by the addition of the Alban people, began themselves to look about for outside help.

> Latin: 30.6. Sabini haud parum memores et suarum uirium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam, circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia.

[¶7] 30.7. Etruria was close by, and the nearest of the Etruscans were the Veientes. There the resentment left over from the wars was the strongest incentive to revolt, and procured them some volunteers; while with certain vagrant and poverty-stricken plebeians even the prospect of pay was effectual. Official aid there was none, and the Veientes (for there is less to surprise us in the others) held firmly to the truce they had agreed upon with Romulus.

> Latin: 30.7. Etruria erat uicina, proximi Etruscorum Ueientes. inde ob residuas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectionem animis uoluntarios traxere, et apud uagos quosdam ex inopi plebe etiam merces ualuit: publico auxilio nullo adiuti sunt ualuitque apud Ueientes—nam de ceteris minus mirum est—pacta cum Romulo indutiarum fides.

[¶8] 30.8. While preparations for war were making on both sides with the greatest energy, and success appeared to hinge upon which should first take the field, Tullus anticipated his enemies and invaded the Sabine country.

> Latin: 30.8. cum bellum utrimque summa ope pararent uertique in eo res uideretur utri prius arma inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire.

[¶9] 30.9. A desperate battle was fought near the Silva Malitiosa, where, owing partly, it is true, to the strength of their infantry, but most of all to their newly augmented cavalry, the Roman army gained the mastery.

> Latin: 30.9. pugna atrox ad siluam Malitiosam fuit, ubi et peditum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu aucto nuper plurimum Romana acies ualuit.

[¶10] 30.10. The cavalry made a sudden charge; the ranks of the Sabines were thrown into disorder, and from that moment were unable, without heavy loss, either to hold their own in the fight or to extricate themselves by a retreat.

> Latin: 30.10. ab equitibus repente inuectis turbati ordines sunt Sabinorum, nec pugna deinde illis constare nec fuga explicari sine magna caede potuit.

[¶11] 31.1. After the defeat of the Sabines, when King Tullus and the entire Roman state were at a high pitch of glory and prosperity, it was reported to the king and senators that there had been a rain of stones on the Alban Mount.

> Latin: 31.1. deuictis Sabinis cum in magna gloria magnisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano lapidibus pluuisse.

[¶12] 31.2. As this could scarce be credited, envoys were dispatched to examine the prodigy, and in their sight there fell from the sky, like hail-stones which the wind piles in drifts upon the ground, a shower of pebbles.

> Latin: 31.2. quod cum credi uix posset, missis ad id uisendum prodigium in conspectu haud aliter quam cum grandinem uenti glomeratam in terras agunt crebri cecidere caelo lapides.

[¶13] 31.3. They thought too that they heard a mighty voice issuing from the grove on the mountain-top, which commanded the Albans to celebrate, according to the fashion of their fathers, the sacrifices, which as though they had forsaken their gods along with their city, they had given over to oblivion, either adopting Roman rites, or in anger at their fortune, such as men sometimes feel, abandoning the worship of the gods.

> Latin: 31.3. uisi etiam audire uocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae uelut dis quoque simul cum patria relictis obliuioni dederant, et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunae, ut fit, obirati cultum reliquerant deum.

[¶14] 31.4. The Romans also, in consequence of the same portent, undertook an official nine days' celebration, whether so commanded by the divine utterance from the Alban Mount —for this too is handed down —or on the advice of soothsayers.

> Latin: 31.4. Romanis quoque ab eodem prodigio nouendiale sacrum publice susceptum est, seu uoce caelesti ex Albano monte missa—nam id quoque traditur—seu haruspicum monitu; mansit certe sollemne ut quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur feriae per nouem dies agerentur.

[¶15] 31.5. At all events it remained a regular custom that whenever the same prodigy was reported there should be a nine days' observance. Not very long after this Rome was afflicted with a pestilence. This caused a reluctance to bear arms, yet no respite from service was allowed by the warlike king (who believed, besides, that the young men were healthier in the field than at home) until he himself contracted a lingering illness.

> Latin: 31.5. haud ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est. unde cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora etiam credente militiae quam domi iuuenum corpora esse, donec ipse quoque longinquo morbo est implicitus.

[¶16] 31.6. Then that haughty spirit was so broken, with the breaking of his health, that he who had hitherto thought nothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to sacred rites, suddenly became a prey to all sorts of superstitions great and small, and filled even the minds of the people with religious scruples.

> Latin: 31.6. tunc adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt spiritus illi feroces ut qui nihil ante ratus esset minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente omnibus magnis paruisque superstitionibus obnoxius degeret religionibusque etiam populum impleret.

[¶17] 31.7. Men were now agreed in wishing to recall the conditions which had obtained under King Numa, believing that the only remedy left for their ailing bodies was to procure peace and forgiveness from the gods.

> Latin: 31.7. uolgo iam homines eum statum rerum qui sub Numa rege fuerat requirentes, unam opem aegris corporibus relictam si pax ueniaque ab dis impetrata esset credebant.

[¶18] 31.8. The king himself, so tradition tells, in turning over the commentaries of Numa discovered there certain occult sacrifices performed in honour of Jupiter Elicius, and devoted himself in secret to those rites; but the ceremony was improperly undertaken or performed, and not only was no divine manifestation vouchsafed him, but in consequence of the wrath of Jupiter, who was provoked by his faulty observance, he was struck by a thunderbolt and consumed in the flames of his house. Tullus was greatly renowned in war and reigned thirty-two years.

> Latin: 31.8. ipsum regem tradunt uoluentem commentarios Numae, cum ibi quaedam occulta sollemnia sacrificia Ioui Elicio facta inuenisset, operatum his sacris se abdidisse; sed non rite initum aut curatum id sacrum esse, nec solum nullam ei oblatam caelestium speciem sed ira Iouis sollicitati praua religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. Tullus magna gloria belli regnauit annos duos et triginta.

[¶19] 32.1. On the death of Tullus, the government reverted, in accordance with the custom established in the beginning, to the senators, who named an interrex. This official called together the comitia, and the people elected Ancus Marcius king, a choice which the Fathers ratified. Ancus Marcius was a grandson, on the mother's side, of King Numa Pompilius.

> Latin: 32.1. mortuo Tullo res, ut institutum iam inde ab initio erat, ad patres redierat hique interregem nominauerant. quo comitia habente Ancum Marcium regem populus creauit; patres fuere auctores. Numae Pompili regis nepos filia ortus Ancus Marcius erat.

[¶20] 32.2. When he began to rule he was mindful of his grandfather's glory, and considered that the last reign, excellent in all else, had failed to prosper in one respect, owing to neglect or misconduct of religious observances. Deeming it therefore a matter of the utmost consequence to perform the state sacrifices as Numa had established them, he bade the pontifex copy out all these from the commentaries of the king and display them in public on a whitened table. This act led the citizens, who were eager for peace, and also the neighbouring nations, to hope that he would adopt the character and institutions of his grandfather.

> Latin: 32.2. qui ut regnare coepit et auitae gloriae memor et quia proximum regnum, cetera egregium, ab una parte haud satis prosperum fuerat aut neglectis religionibus aut praue cultis, longe antiquissimum ratus sacra publica ut ab Numa instituta erant facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regiis pontificem in album elata proponere in publico iubet. inde et ciuibus otii cupidis et finitimis ciuitatibus facta spes in aui mores atque instituta regem abiturum.

[¶21] 32.3. Hence the Latins, with whom a treaty had been made in the time of Tullus, plucked up courage, and raided Roman territory, and when called on by the Romans to make restitution, returned an arrogant answer, persuaded that the Roman king would spend his reign in inactivity amid shrines and altars. But the character of Ancus was well balanced, and he honoured the memory of Romulus, as well as Numa.

> Latin: 32.3. igitur Latini cum quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat sustulerant animos, et cum incursionem in agrum Romanum fecissent repetentibus res Romanis superbe responsum reddunt, desidem Romanum regem inter sacella et aras acturum esse regnum rati.

[¶22] 32.4. And besides having a conviction that peace had been more necessary to his grandfather's reign, when the nation had been both young and mettlesome, he also believed that the tranquillity, so free of attack, which had fallen to the lot of Numa would be no easy thing for himself to compass; his patience was being tried, and when proved would be regarded with contempt, and in short the times were better suited to the rule of a Tullus than a Numa.

> Latin: 32.4. medium erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae et Romuli memor; et praeterquam quod aui regno magis necessariam fuisse pacem credebat cum in nouo tum feroci populo, etiam quod illi contigisset otium sine iniuria id se haud facile habiturum; temptari patientiam et temptatam contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora quam Numae.

[¶23] 32.5. In order however that, as Numa had instituted religious practices in time of peace, he might himself give out a ceremonial of war, and that wars might not only be waged but also declared with some sort of formality, he copied from the ancient tribe of the Aequicoli the law, which the fetials now have, by which redress is demanded.

> Latin: 32.5. ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace religiones instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae proderentur, nec gererentur solum sed etiam indicerentur bella aliquo ritu, ius ab antiqua gente Aequicolis quod nunc fetiales habent descripsit, quo res repetuntur.

[¶24] 32.6. When the envoy has arrived at the frontiers of the people from whom satisfaction is sought, he covers his head with a bonnet —the covering is of wool —and says: “Hear, Jupiter; hear, ye boundaries of” —naming whatever nation they belong to; — “let righteousness hear!”

> Latin: 32.6. legatus ubi ad fines eorum uenit unde res repetuntur, capite uelato filo—lanae uelamen est—'audi, Iuppiter' inquit; 'audite, fines'—cuiuscumque gentis sunt, nominat—; 'audiat fas. ego sum publicus nuntius populi Romani; iuste pieque legatus uenio, uerbisque meis fides sit.' peragit deinde postulata.

[¶25] 32.7. “I am the public herald of the Roman People; I come duly and religiously commissioned; let my words be credited,” Then he recites his demands, after which he takes Jupiter to witness: “If I demand unduly and against religion that these men and these things be surrendered to me, then let me never enjoy my native land.” These words he rehearses when he crosses the boundary line, the same to what man soever first meets him, the same when he enters the city gates, the same when he has come into the market-place, with only a few changes in the form and wording of the oath.

> Latin: 32.7. inde Iouem testem facit: 'si ego iniuste impieque illos homines illasque res dedier mihi exposco, tum patriae compotem me nunquam siris esse.' haec, cum fines suprascandit, haec, quicumque ei primus uir obuius fuerit, haec portam ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis uerbis carminis concipiendique iuris iurandi mutatis, peragit.

[¶26] 32.9. If those whom he demands are not surrendered, at the end of three and thirty days —for such is the conventional number —he declares war thus: “Hear, Jupiter, and thou, Janus Quirinus, and hear all heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth, and ye of the lower world; I call you to witness that this people ” —naming whatever people it is — “is unjust, and does not make just reparation.”

> Latin: 32.9. si non deduntur quos exposcit diebus tribus et triginta—tot enim sollemnes sunt—peractis bellum ita indicit: 'audi, Iuppiter, et tu, Iane Quirine, dique omnes caelestes, uosque terrestres uosque inferni, audite;

[¶27] 32.10. “But of these matters we will take counsel of the elders in our country, how we may obtain our right.” Then the messenger returns to Rome for the consultation.

> Latin: 32.10. ego uos testor populum illum'—quicumque est, nominat—'iniustum esse neque ius persoluere; sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus, quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur.' cum †.....† nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit.

[¶28] 32.11. Immediately the king would consult the Fathers, in some such words as these: “Touching the things, the suits, the causes, concerning which the pater patratus of the Roman People of the Quirites has made demands on the pater patratus of the Ancient Latins, and upon the men of the Ancient Latins, which things they have not delivered, nor fulfilled, nor satisfied, being things which ought to have been delivered, fulfilled, and satisfied, speak,” —turning to the man whose opinion he was wont to ask first, — “what think you?” Then the other would reply: “I hold that those things ought to be sought in warfare just and righteous; and so I consent and vote.”

> Latin: 32.11. confestim rex his ferme uerbis patres consulebat: 'quarum rerum litium causarum condixit pater patratus populi Romani Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis, quas res nec dederunt [nec soluerunt] nec fecerunt, quas res dari fieri [solui] oportuit, dic' inquit ei quem primum sententiam rogabat, 'quid censes?' tum ille:

[¶29] 32.12. The others were then asked the question, in their order, and when the majority of those present went over to the same opinion, war had been agreed upon. It was customary for the fetial to carry to the bounds of the other nation a cornet-wood spear, iron-pointed or hardened in the fire, and in the presence of not less than three grown men to say: “Whereas the tribes of the Ancient Latins and men of the Ancient Latins have been guilty of acts and offences against the Roman People of the Quirites; and whereas the Roman People of the Quirites has commanded that war be made on the Ancient Latins, and the Senate of the Roman People has approved, agreed, and voted a war with the Ancient Latins; I therefore and the Roman People declare and make war on the tribes of the Ancient Latins and the men of the Ancient Latins.”

> Latin: 32.12. 'puro pioque duello quaerendas censeo, itaque consentio consciscoque.' inde ordine alii rogabantur; quandoque pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandem sententiam ibat, bellum erat consensum. fieri solitum ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguineam ad fines eorum ferret et non minus tribus puberibus praesentibus diceret: 'quod populi Priscorum Latinorum hominesque Prisci Latini aduersus populum Romanum Quiritium fecerunt deliquerunt, quod populus Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit esse senatusque populi Romani Quiritium censuit consensit consciuit ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis fieret, ob eam rem ego populusque Romanus populis Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis bellum indico facioque.'

[¶30] 32.14. Having said this, he would hurl his spear into their territory. This is the manner in which at that time redress was sought from the Latins and war was declared, and the custom has been received by later generations.

> Latin: 32.14. id ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. hoc tum modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum, moremque eum posteri acceperunt.

[¶31] 33.1. Ancus delegated the care of the sacrifices to the flamens and other priests, and having enlisted a new army proceeded to Politorium, one of the Latin cities. He took this place by storm, and adopting the plan of former kings, who had enlarged the state by making her enemies citizens, transferred the whole population to Rome.

> Latin: 33.1. Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flaminibus sacerdotibusque aliis, exercitu nouo conscripto profectus, Politorium, urbem Latinorum, ui cepit; secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam auxerant hostibus in ciuitatem accipiendis, multitudinem omnem Romam traduxit.

[¶32] 33.2. The Palatine was the quarter of the original Romans; on the one hand were the Sabines, who had the Capitol and the Citadel; on the other lay the Caelian, occupied by the Albans. The Aventine was therefore assigned to the newcomers, and thither too were sent shortly afterwards the citizens recruited from the captured towns of Tellenae and Ficana.

> Latin: 33.2. et cum circa Palatium, sedem ueterum Romanorum, Sabini Capitolium atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani implessent, Auentinum nouae multitudini datum. additi eodem haud ita multo post, Tellenis Ficanaque captis, noui ciues.

[¶33] 33.3. Politorium was then attacked a second time, for having been left empty it had been seized by the Ancient Latins, and this gave the Romans an excuse for razing the town, lest it should serve continually as a refuge for their enemies.

> Latin: 33.3. Politorium inde rursus bello repetitum quod uacuum occupauerant Prisci Latini, eaque causa diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis ne hostium semper receptaculum esset.

[¶34] 33.4. In the end the Latin levies were all forced back upon Medullia, where for some time the fighting was indecisive and victory shifted from one side to the other; for the city was protected by fortifications and was defended by a strong garrison, and from their camp in the open plain the Latin army several times came to close quarters with the Romans.

> Latin: 33.4. postremo omni bello Latino Medulliam compulso, aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto, uaria uictoria pugnatum est; nam et urbs tuta munitionibus praesidioque firmata ualido erat, et castris in aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus cum Romanis signa contulerat.

[¶35] 33.5. At last, throwing all his troops into the struggle, Ancus succeeded first in defeating the enemy's army, and then in capturing the town, whence he returned to Rome enriched with immense spoils. On this occasion also many thousands of Latins were granted citizenship. These people, in order that the Aventine might be connected with the Palatine, were made to settle in the region of the Altar of Murcia.

> Latin: 33.5. ad ultimum omnibus copiis conisus Ancus acie primum uincit; inde ingenti praeda potens Romam redit, tum quoque multis milibus Latinorum in ciuitatem acceptis, quibus, ut iungeretur Palatio Auentinum, ad Murciae datae sedes.

[¶36] 33.6. Janiculum was also annexed to the city, not from any lack of room, but lest it might some day become a stronghold of Rome's enemies. It was decided not only to fortify it, but also to connect it with the City, for greater ease in passing to and fro, by a bridge of piles, the first bridge ever built over the Tiber.

> Latin: 33.6. Ianiculum quoque adiectum, non inopia loci sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. id non muro solum sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris ponte sublicio, tum primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi urbi placuit.

[¶37] 33.7. The Quirites' Ditch also, no small protection on the more level and accessible side of town, was the work of King Ancus.

> Latin: 33.7. Quiritium quoque fossa, haud paruum munimentum a planioribus aditu locis, Anci regis opus est.

[¶38] 33.8. When these enormous additions to the community had been effected, it was found that in so great a multitude the distinction between right and wrong had become obscured, and crimes were being secretly committed. Accordingly, to overawe men's growing lawlessness, a prison was built in the midst of the city, above the Forum.

> Latin: 33.8. ingenti incremento rebus auctis, cum in tanta multitudine hominum, discrimine recte an perperam facti confuso, facinora clandestina fierent, carcer ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe imminens foro aedificatur.

[¶39] 33.9. And this reign was a period of growth, not only for the City, but also for her lands and boundaries. The Maesian Forest was taken from the Veientes, extending Rome's dominion clear to the sea; at the Tiber's mouth the city of Ostia was founded, and salt-works were established near-by; while in recognition of signal success in war the temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged.

> Latin: 33.9. nec urbs tantum hoc rege creuit sed etiam ager finesque. Silua Maesia Ueientibus adempta usque ad mare imperium prolatum et in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae circa factae, egregieque rebus bello gestis aedis Iouis Feretri amplificata.

[¶40] 34.1. In the reign of Ancus one Lucumo, a man of energy and wealth, took up his residence in Rome, chiefly from ambition and the hope that he might there achieve a station such as he had found no opportunity of attaining in Tarquinii; for though he had been born there himself, his race was alien to that place also.

> Latin: 34.1. Anco regnante Lucumo, uir impiger ac diuitiis potens, Romam commigrauit cupidine maxime ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis—nam ibi quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat—facultas non fuerat.

[¶41] 34.2. He was the son of Demaratus of Corinth, who had been driven from home by a political upheaval. Happening to settle in Tarquinii, he had married there and had two sons, named Lucumo and Arruns. Lucumo survived his father and inherited all his property; Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife with child.

> Latin: 34.2. Demarati Corinthii filius erat, qui ob seditiones domo profugus cum Tarquiniis forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit. nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo superfuit patri bonorum omnium heres: Arruns prior quam pater moritur uxore grauida relicta.

[¶42] 34.3. Demaratus did not long survive Arruns, and, unaware that his son's wife was to become a mother, he died without making provision for his grandson in his will. When the babe was born his grandfather was dead, and having no share in the inheritance, he was given the name of Egerius, in consequence of his penniless condition.

> Latin: 34.3. nec diu manet superstes filio pater; qui cum, ignorans nurum uentrem ferre, immemor in testando nepotis decessisset, puero post aui mortem in nullam sortem bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum nomen.

[¶43] 34.4. Lucumo, on the other hand, was heir to the whole estate. The self-confidence implanted in his bosom by his wealth was heightened by his marriage with Tanaquil, who was a woman of the most exalted birth, and not of a character lightly to endure a humbler rank in her new environment than she had enjoyed in the condition to which she had been born.

> Latin: 34.4. Lucumoni contra, omnium heredi bonorum, cum diuitiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimonium Tanaquil, summo loco nata et quae haud facile iis in quibus nata erat humiliora sineret ea quo innupsisset.

[¶44] 34.5. The Etruscans looked with disdain on Lucumo, the son of a banished man and a stranger. She could not endure this indignity, and forgetting the love she owed her native land, if she could only see her husband honoured, she formed the project of emigrating from Tarquinii.

> Latin: 34.5. spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem exsule aduena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit, oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis dummodo uirum honoratum uideret, consilium migrandi ab Tarquiniis cepit.

[¶45] 34.6. Rome appeared to be the most suitable place for her purpose; amongst a new people, where all rank was of sudden growth and founded on worth, there would be room for a brave and strenuous man; the City had been ruled by Tatius the Sabine, it had summoned Numa to the sovereignty from Cures, even Ancus was the son of a Sabine mother, and could point to no noble ancestor but Numa.

> Latin: 34.6. Roma est ad id potissima uisa: in nouo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex uirtute nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo uiro; regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum nobilemque una imagine Numae esse.

[¶46] 34.7. She had no trouble in persuading a man who was eager for distinction, to whom Tarquinii was only his mother's birthplace.

> Latin: 34.7. facile persuadet ut cupido honorum et cui Tarquinii materna tantum patria esset.

[¶47] 34.8. They therefore gathered their possessions together and removed to Rome. They had come, as it happened, as far as Janiculum, when, as they were sitting in their covered waggon, an eagle poised on its wings gently descended upon them and plucked off Lucumo's cap, after which, rising noisily above the car and again stooping, as if sent from heaven for that service, it deftly replaced the cap upon his head, and departed on high.

> Latin: 34.8. sublatis itaque rebus amigrant Romam. ad Ianiculum forte uentum erat; ibi ei carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila suspensis demissa leuiter alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum cum magno clangore uolitans rursus uelut ministerio diuinitus missa capiti apte reponit; inde sublimis abiit.

[¶48] 34.9. This augury was joyfully accepted, it is said, by Tanaquil, who was a woman skilled in celestial prodigies, as was the case with most Etruscans. Embracing her husband, she bade him expect transcendent greatness: such was the meaning of that bird, appearing from that quarter of the sky, and bringing tidings from that god; the highest part of the man had been concerned in the omen; the eagle had removed the adornment placed upon a mortal's head that it might restore it with the divine approbation.

> Latin: 34.9. accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil, perita ut uolgo Etrusci caelestium prodigiorum mulier. excelsa et alta sperare complexa uirum iubet: eam alitem ea regione caeli et eius dei nuntiam uenisse; circa summum culmen hominis auspicium fecisse; leuasse humano superpositum capiti decus ut diuinitus eidem redderet.

[¶49] 34.10. Such were their hopes and their reflections as they entered the City. Having obtained a house, they gave out the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.

> Latin: 34.10. has spes cogitationesque secum portantes urbem ingressi sunt, domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tarquinium Priscum edidere nomen.

[¶50] 34.11. The Romans regarded him with special interest, as a stranger and a man of wealth, and he steadily pushed his fortune by his own exertions, making friends wherever possible, by kind words, courteous hospitality, and benefactions, until his reputation extended even to the palace.

> Latin: 34.11. Romanis conspicuum eum nouitas diuitiaeque faciebant; et ipse fortunam benigno adloquio, comitate inuitandi beneficiisque quos poterat sibi conciliando adiuuabat, donec in regiam quoque de eo fama perlata est.

[¶51] 34.12. He had not long been known in this way to the king before the liberality and adroitness of his services procured him the footing of an intimate friend. He was now consulted in matters both of public and private importance, in time of war and in time of peace, and having been tested in every way was eventually even named in the king's will as guardian of his children.

> Latin: 34.12. notitiamque eam breui apud regem liberaliter dextereque obeundo officia in familiaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac priuatis consiliis bello domique interesset et per omnia expertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis testamento institueretur.

[¶52] 35.1. Ancus reigned four and twenty years, a king inferior to none of his predecessors in the arts of peace and war and in the reputation they conferred. By this time his sons were nearly grown. Tarquinius was therefore all the more insistent in urging that the comitia should be held without delay to choose a king.

> Latin: 35.1. regnauit Ancus annos quattuor et uiginti, cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus et gloria par. iam filii prope puberem aetatem erant. eo magis Tarquinius instare ut quam primum comitia regi creando fierent.

[¶53] 35.2. When the meeting had been proclaimed, and the day drew near, he sent the boys away on a hunting expedition. Tarcuinius was the first, they say, to canvass votes for the kingship and to deliver a speech designed to win the favour of the commons.

> Latin: 35.2. quibus indictis sub tempus pueros uenatum ablegauit. isque primus et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur habuisse ad conciliandos plebis animos compositam:

[¶54] 35.3. He pointed out that it; was no new thing he sought; he was not the first outsider to aim at the sovereignty in Rome —a thing which might have occasioned indignation and astonishment, —but the third. Tatius indeed, had been not merely an alien but an enemy when he was made king; while Numa was a stranger to the City, and, far from seeking the kingship, had actually been invited to come and take it.

> Latin: 35.3. [cum] se non rem nouam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirariue posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis, non petentem, in regnum ultro accitum:

[¶55] 35.4. As for himself, he had no sooner become his own master than he had removed to Rome with his wife and all his property. For the greater part of that period of life during which men serve the state he had lived in Rome, and not in the city of his birth.

> Latin: 35.4. se ex quo sui potens fuerit Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse; maiorem partem aetatis eius qua ciuilibus officiis fungantur homines, Romae se quam in uetere patria uixisse;

[¶56] 35.5. Both in civil life and in war he had had no mean instructor —King Ancus himself had taught him Roman laws and Roman rites. In subordination and deference to the king he had vied, he said, with all his hearers; in generosity to his fellow-subjects he had emulated the king himself.

> Latin: 35.5. domi militiaeque sub haud paenitendo magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Romanos ritus didicisse; obsequio et obseruantia in regem cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso certasse.

[¶57] 35.6. Hearing him advance these not unwarranted claims, the people, with striking unanimity, named him king. The result was that the man, so admirable in all other respects, continued even after he had obtained the sovereignty to manifest the same spirit of intrigue which had governed him in seeking it; and being no less concerned to strengthen his own power than to enlarge the state, he added a hundred members to the senate, who were known thenceforward as Fathers of the “lesser families,” and formed a party of unwavering loyalty to the king, to whom they owed their admission to the Curia.

> Latin: 35.6. haec eum haud falsa memorantem ingenti consensu populus Romanus regnare iussit. ergo uirum cetera egregium secuta, quam in petendo habuerat, etiam regnantem ambitio est; nec minus regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae memor centum in patres legit qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati, factio haud dubia regis cuius beneficio in curiam uenerant.

[¶58] 35.7. His first war was with the Latins, whose town of Apiolae he took by storm. Returning thence with more booty than the rumours about the war had led people to expect, he exhibited games on a more splendid and elaborate scale than former kings had done.

> Latin: 35.7. bellum primum cum Latinis gessit et oppidum ibi Apiolas ui cepit; praedaque inde maiore quam quanta belli fama fuerat reuecta ludos opulentius instructiusque quam priores reges fecit.

[¶59] 35.8. It was then that the ground was first marked out for the circus now called Maximus. Places were divided amongst the Fathers and the knights where they might each make seats for themselves; these were called 'rows.'

> Latin: 35.8. tum primum circo qui nunc maximus dicitur designatus locus est. loca diuisa patribus equitibusque ubi spectacula sibi quisque facerent;

[¶60] 35.9. They got their view from seats raised on props to a height of twelve feet from the ground. The entertainment was furnished by horses and boxers, imported for the most part from Etruria. From that time the Games continued to be a regular annual show, and were called indifferently the Roman and the Great Games.

> Latin: 35.9. fori appellati; spectauere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula alta sustinentibus pedes. ludicrum fuit equi pugilesque ex Etruria maxime acciti. sollemnes deinde annui mansere ludi, Romani magnique uarie appellati.

[¶61] 35.10. It was the same king, too, who apportioned building sites about the Forum among private citizens, and erected covered walks and booths.

> Latin: 35.10. ab eodem rege et circa forum priuatis aedificanda diuisa sunt loca; porticus tabernaeque factae.

[¶62] 36.1. He was also preparing to build a stone wall around the City, when a Sabine war interrupted his plans. And so sudden was the invasion, that they had crossed the Anio before the Roman army was able to march out and stop them, so that the City was thrown into a panic.

> Latin: 36.1. muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem parabat cum Sabinum bellum coeptis interuenit. adeoque ea subita res fuit ut prius Anienem transirent hostes quam obuiam ire ac prohibere exercitus Romanus posset.

[¶63] 36.2. The first battle was indecisive, with heavy losses on both sides. The enemy then withdrew into their camp, affording the Romans an opportunity to renew their preparations for the war. Tarquinius believed that cavalry was what he chiefly lacked. To the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, the centuries which Romulus had enrolled, he therefore determined to add others, and to give them his own name as a permanent distinction.

> Latin: 36.2. itaque trepidatum Romae est; et primo dubia uictoria, magna utrimque caede pugnatum est. reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis datoque spatio Romanis ad comparandum de integro bellum, Tarquinius equitem maxime suis deesse uiribus ratus ad Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, quas centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit suoque insignes relinquere nomine.

[¶64] 36.3. But since this was a matter in which Romulus had obtained the sanction of augury before acting, it was asserted by Attus Navius, a famous augur of those days, that no change or innovation could be introduced unless the birds had signified their approval.

> Latin: 36.3. id quia inaugurato Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Nauius, inclitus ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque nouum constitui nisi aues addixissent posse.

[¶65] 36.4. The king's ire was aroused by this, and he is reported to have said, in derision of the science, “Come now, divine seer! Inquire of your augury if that of which I am now thinking can come to pass.” When Attus, having taken the auspices, replied that it would surely come to pass, the king said, “Nay, but this is what I was thinking of, that you should cleave a whetstone with a razor. Take them, and accomplish what your birds declare is possible!” Whereupon, they say, the augur, without a sign of hesitation, cut the whetstone in two.

> Latin: 36.4. ex eo ira regi mota; eludensque artem ut ferunt, 'age dum' inquit, 'diuine tu, inaugura fierine possit quod nunc ego mente concipio.' cum ille augurio rem expertus profecto futuram dixisset, 'atqui hoc animo agitaui' inquit, 'te nouacula cotem discissurum. cape haec et perage quod aues tuae fieri posse portendunt.' tum illum haud cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt.

[¶66] 36.5. There was a statue of Attus standing, with his head covered, on the spot where the thing was done, in the comitium, even at the steps on the left of the senate-house; tradition adds that the whetstone also was deposited in the same place, to be a memorial of that miracle to posterity.

> Latin: 36.5. statua Atti capite uelato, quo in loco res acta est in comitio in gradibus ipsis ad laeuam curiae fuit; cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse memorant ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monumentum.

[¶67] 36.6. However this may be, auguries and the augural priesthood so increased in honour that nothing was afterwards done, in the field or at home, unless the auspices had first been taken: popular assemblies, musterings of the army, acts of supreme importance —all were put off when the birds refused their consent.

> Latin: 36.6. auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum tantus honos accessit ut nihil belli domique postea nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus uocati, summa rerum, ubi aues non admisissent, dirimerentur.

[¶68] 36.7. Neither did Tarquinius at that time make any change in the organization of the centuries of knights. Their numerical strength he doubled, so that there were now eighteen hundred knights, in three centuries.

> Latin: 36.7. neque tum Tarquinius de equitum centuriis quicquam mutauit; numero alterum tantum adiecit, ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus centuriis essent.

[¶69] 36.8. But though enrolled under the old names, the new men were called the “secondary knights,” and the centuries are now, because doubled, known as the “six centuries.”

> Latin: 36.8. posteriores modo sub iisdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati sunt; quas nunc quia geminatae sunt sex uocant centurias.

[¶70] 37.1. When this arm of the service had been enlarged, a second battle was fought with the Sabines. And in this, besides being increased in strength, the Roman army was further helped by a stratagem, for men were secretly dispatched to light a great quantity of firewood lying on the bank of the Anio, and throw it into the river. A favouring wind set the wood in a blaze, and the greater part of it lodged against the boats and piles, where it stuck fast and set the bridge on fire.

> Latin: 37.1. hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum Sabinis confligitur. sed praeterquam quod uiribus creuerat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur dolus, missis qui magnam uim lignorum, in Anienis ripa iacentem, ardentem in flumen conicerent; uentoque iuuante accensa ligna et pleraque [in] ratibus impacta sublicis<que> cum haererent, pontem incendunt.

[¶71] 37.2. This was another source of alarm to the Sabines during the battle, and upon their being routed the same thing hindered their flight, so that many of them escaped the Romans only to perish in the stream; while their shields floated down the Tiber toward the City, and, being recognized, gave assurance that a victory had been won almost sooner than the news of it could be brought.

> Latin: 37.2. ea quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et fusis eadem fugam impedit; multique mortales cum hostem effugissent in flumine ipso periere, quorum fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius paene quam nuntiari posset insignem uictoriam fecere.

[¶72] 37.3. In this battle the cavalry particularly distinguished themselves. They were posted on either flank of the Romans, and when the centre, composed of infantry, was already in retreat, they are said to have charged from both sides, with such effect that they not only checked the Sabine forces, which were pressing hotly forward as their enemy gave way, but suddenly put them to flight.

> Latin: 37.3. eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit; utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateribus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones ferociter instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam auerterent.

[¶73] 37.4. The Sabines made for the mountains in a scattered rout, and indeed a few gained that refuge. Most of them, as has been said before, were driven by the cavalry into the river.

> Latin: 37.4. montes effuso cursu Sabini petebant, et pauci tenuere: maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab equitibus in flumen acti sunt.

[¶74] 37.5. Tarquinius thought it proper to follow up his victory while the other side was panic-stricken; he therefore sent the booty and the prisoners to Rome, and after making a huge pile of the captured arms and setting fire to it, in fulfilment of a vow to Vulcan, pushed forward at the head of his army into the enemy's country.

> Latin: 37.5. Tarquinius, instandum perterritis ratus, praeda captiuisque Romam missis, spoliis hostium—id uotum Uolcano erat—ingenti cumulo accensis, pergit porro in agrum Sabinum exercitum inducere;

[¶75] 37.6. Although defeat had been the portion of the Sabines, and another battle could not be expected to result in better success, still, as the situation allowed no room for deliberation, they took the field with what soldiers they could hastily muster, and being then routed a second time and fairly reduced to extremities, they sued for peace.

> Latin: 37.6. et quamquam male gesta res erat nec gesturos melius sperare poterant, tamen, quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, ire obuiam Sabini tumultuario milite; iterumque ibi fusi, perditis iam prope rebus pacem petiere.

[¶76] 38.1. Collatia, and what land the Sabines had on the hither side of Collatia, was taken from them, and Egerius, the son of the king's brother, was left in the town with a garrison.

> Latin: 38.1. Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam agri erat Sabinis ademptum; Egerius—fratris hic filius erat regis—Collatiae in praesidio relictus. deditosque Collatinos ita accipio eamque deditionis formulam esse:

[¶77] 38.2. The surrender of the Collatini took place, I understand, in accordance with this formula: the king asked, “Are you the legates and spokesmen sent by the People of Collatia to surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia?” “We are.” “Is the People of Collatia its own master?” “It is.” “Do you surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia, city, lands, water, boundary marks, shrines, utensils, all appurtenances, divine and human, into my power and that of the Roman People?”

> Latin: 38.2. rex interrogauit: 'estisne uos legati oratoresque missi a populo Collatino ut uos populumque Collatinum dederetis?'—'sumus.'—'estne populus Collatinus in sua potestate?'—'est.'—'deditisne uos populumque Collatinum, urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia, diuina humanaque omnia, in meam populique Romani dicionem?'—'dedimus.'—'at ego recipio.'

[¶78] 38.3. “We do.” “I receive the surrender.” Upon the conclusion of the Sabine war Tarquinius returned to Rome and triumphed.

> Latin: 38.3. bello Sabino perfecto Tarquinius triumphans Romam redit.

[¶79] 38.4. He then made war against the Ancient Latins. In this campaign there was no general engagement at any point, but the king led his army from one town to another until he had subdued the entire Latin race. Corniculum, Ficulea Vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum —these were the towns which were captured from the Ancient Latins, or from those who had gone over to the Latins.

> Latin: 38.4. inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit; ubi nusquam ad uniuersae rei dimicationem uentum est, ad singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea uetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, haec de Priscis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos defecerant, capta oppida.

[¶80] 38.5. Peace was then made. From that moment the king devoted himself to peaceful undertakings with an enthusiasm which was even greater than the efforts he had expended in waging war, so that there was no more rest for the people at home than there had been in the field.

> Latin: 38.5. pax deinde est facta. maiore inde animo pacis opera incohata quam quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus domi esset quam militiae fuisset.

[¶81] 38.6. For he set to work to encircle the hitherto unfortified parts of the City with a stone wall, a task which had been interrupted by the Sabine war; and he drained the lowest parts of the City, about the Forum, and the other valleys between the hills, which were too flat to carry off the flood-waters easily, by means of sewers so made as to slope down toward the Tiber. Finally, with prophetic anticipation of the splendour which the place was one day to possess, he laid foundations for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, which he had vowed in the Sabine war.

> Latin: 38.6. nam et muro lapideo, cuius exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum erat, urbem qua nondum munierat cingere parat, et infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque interiectas collibus conualles, quia ex planis locis haud facile euehebant aquas, cloacis fastigio in Tiberim ductis siccat, et aream ad aedem in Capitolio Iouis quam uouerat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futuram olim amplitudinem loci, occupat fundamentis.

[¶82] 39.1. At this time there happened in the house of the king a portent which was remarkable alike in its manifestation and in its outcome. The story is that while a child named Servius Tullius lay sleeping, his head burst into flames in the sight of many.

> Latin: 39.1. eo tempore in regia prodigium uisu euentuque mirabile fuit. puero dormienti, cui Seruio Tullio fuit nomen, caput arsisse ferunt multorum in conspectu;

[¶83] 39.2. The general outcry which so great a miracle called forth brought the king and queen to the place. One of the servants fetched water to quench the fire, but was checked by the queen, who stilled the uproar and commanded that the boy should not be disturbed until he awoke of himself. Soon afterwards sleep left him, and with it disappeared the flames.

> Latin: 39.2. plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et cum quidam familiarium aquam ad restinguendum ferret, ab regina retentum, sedatoque eam tumultu moueri uetuisse puerum donec sua sponte experrectus esset; mox cum somno et flammam abisse.

[¶84] 39.3. Then, taking her husband aside, Tanaquil said: “Do you see this child whom we are bringing up in so humble a fashion? Be assured he will one day be a lamp to our dubious fortunes, and a protector to the royal house in the day of its distress. Let us therefore rear with all solicitude one who will lend high renown to the state and to our family.”

> Latin: 39.3. tum abducto in secretum uiro Tanaquil 'uiden tu puerum hunc' inquit, 'quem tam humili cultu educamus? scire licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae; proinde materiam ingentis publice priuatimque decoris omni indulgentia nostra nutriamus.'

[¶85] 39.4. It is said that from that moment the boy began to be looked upon as a son, and to be trained in the studies by which men are inspired to bear themselves greatly. It was a thing easily accomplished, being the will of Heaven. The youth turned out to be of a truly royal nature, and when Tarquinius sought a son-in-law there was no other young Roman who could be at all compared to Servius; and the king accordingly betrothed his daughter to him.

> Latin: 39.4. inde puerum liberum loco coeptum haberi erudirique artibus quibus ingenia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. euenit facile quod dis cordi esset: iuuenis euasit uere indolis regiae nec, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, quisquam Romanae iuuentutis ulla arte conferri potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit.

[¶86] 39.5. This great honour, for whatever cause conferred on him, forbids us to suppose that his mother was a slave and that he himself had been in a state of servitude as a child. I am rather of the opinion of those who say, that on the capture of Corniculum, when Servius Tullius, the chief man of that city, had been slain, his wife, who was great with child, had been recognized amongst the other captive women, and on the score of her unique nobility had been rescued from slavery by the Roman queen, and had brought forth her child at Rome in the house of Priscus Tarquinius;

> Latin: 39.5. hic quacumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere prohibet serua natum eum paruumque ipsum seruisse. eorum magis sententiae sum qui Corniculo capto Ser. Tulli, qui princeps in illa urbe fuerat, grauidam uiro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captiuas cognita esset, ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana prohibitam ferunt seruitio partum Romae edidisse Prisci Tarquini <in> domo;

## 5. Book I · chapters 39–50

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/5/#p-N

[¶0] 39.6. in the sequel this act of generosity led to a growing intimacy between the women, and the boy, as one reared from childhood in the palace, was held in affection and esteem; it was his mother's misfortune, who by the capture of her native town came into the power of its enemies, which gave rise to the belief that Servius was born of a slave woman.

> Latin: 39.6. inde tanto beneficio et inter mulieres familiaritatem auctam et puerum, ut in domo a paruo eductum, in caritate atque honore fuisse; fortunam matris, quod capta patria in hostium manus uenerit, ut serua natus crederetur fecisse.

[¶1] 40.1. It was now about thirty-eight years since Tarquinius had begun to reign, and not only the king, but the Fathers and the commons too, held Servius Tullius in the very highest honour.

> Latin: 40.1. duodequadragesimo ferme anno ex quo regnare coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo sed apud patres plebemque longe maximo honore Ser. Tullius erat.

[¶2] 40.2. Now the two sons of Ancus had always considered it a great outrage that they had been ousted from their father's kingship by the crime of their guardian, and that Rome should be ruled by a stranger whose descent was derived from a race not only remote but actually not even Italian. But their indignation was vastly increased by the prospect that even after Tarquinius' death the sovereignty would not revert to them, but, plunging down to yet baser depths, would fall into the hands of slaves; so that where, a hundred years before, Romulus, a god's son and himself a god, had borne sway, so long as he remained on earth, in that self-same state a slave and the son of a slave woman would be king. It would be not only a general disgrace to the Roman name, but particularly to their own house, if during the lifetime of Ancus' sons it should be open not only to strangers, but even to slaves to rule over the Romans.

> Latin: 40.2. tum Anci filii duo etsi antea semper pro indignissimo habuerant se patrio regno tutoris fraude pulsos, regnare Romae aduenam non modo uicinae sed ne Italicae quidem stirpis, tum impensius iis indignitas crescere si ne ab Tarquinio quidem ad se rediret regnum, sed praeceps inde porro ad seruitia caderet, ut in eadem ciuitate post centesimum fere annum quam Romulus deo prognatus deus ipse tenuerit regnum donec in terris fuerit, id seruus serua natus possideat. cum commune Romani nominis tum praecipue id domus suae dedecus fore, si Anci regis uirili stirpe salua non modo aduenis sed seruis etiam regnum Romae pateret.

[¶3] 40.4. They therefore determined to repel that insult with the sword. But resentment at their wrong urged them rather against Tarquinius himself than against Servius, not only because the king, if he survived, would be more formidable to avenge the murder than a subject would be, but because if Servius should be dispatched it seemed probable that the kingdom would be inherited by whomsoever else Tarquinius might choose to be his son-in-law. For these reasons they laid their plot against the king himself.

> Latin: 40.4. ferro igitur eam arcere contumeliam statuunt; sed et iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis quam in Seruium eos stimulabat, et quia grauior ultor caedis, si superesset, rex futurus erat quam priuatus; tum Seruio occiso, quemcumque alium generum delegisset, eundem regni heredem facturus uidebatur; ob haec ipsi regi insidiae parantur.

[¶4] 40.5. Two very desperate shepherds were selected to do the deed. Armed with the rustic implements to which they were both accustomed, they feigned a brawl in the entrance-court of the palace and, making as much noise as possible, attracted the attention of all the royal attendants; then they appealed to the king, until their shouts were heard inside the palace and they were sent for and came before him.

> Latin: 40.5. ex pastoribus duo ferocissimi delecti ad facinus, quibus consueti erant uterque agrestibus ferramentis, in uestibulo regiae quam potuere tumultuosissime specie rixae in se omnes apparitores regios conuertunt; inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum penitus in regiam peruenisset, uocati ad regem pergunt.

[¶5] 40.6. At first each raised his voice and tried to shout the other down. Being repressed by the lictor and bidden to speak in turn, they finally ceased to interrupt each other, and one of them began to state his case, as they had planned beforehand.

> Latin: 40.6. primo uterque uociferari et certatim alter alteri obstrepere; coerciti ab lictore et iussi in uicem dicere tandem obloqui desistunt; unus rem ex composito orditur.

[¶6] 40.7. While the king, intent upon the speaker, turned quite away from the other shepherd, the latter lifted his axe and brought it down upon his head. Then, leaving the weapon in the wound, they both ran out of doors.

> Latin: 40.7. cum intentus in eum se rex totus auerteret, alter elatam securim in caput deiecit, relictoque in uolnere telo ambo se foras eiciunt.

[¶7] 41.1. The dying Tarquinius had hardly been caught up in the arms of the bystanders when the fugitives were seized by the lictors. Then there was an uproar, as crowds hurried to the scene, asking one another in amazement what the matter was. In the midst of the tumult Tanaquil gave orders to close the palace, and ejected all witnesses. She busily got together the remedies needful for healing a wound, as if there were still hope, taking at the same time other measures to protect herself in case her hope should fail her.

> Latin: 41.1. Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant excepissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehendunt. clamor inde concursusque populi, mirantium quid rei esset. Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam iubet, arbitros eiecit. simul quae curando uolneri opus sunt, tamquam spes subesset, sedulo comparat, simul si destituat spes, alia praesidia molitur.

[¶8] 41.2. Having hastily summoned Servius, she showed him her husband's nearly lifeless body, and grasping his right hand, besought him not to suffer the death of his father-in-law to go unpunished, nor his mother-in-law to become a jest to her enemies.

> Latin: 41.2. Seruio propere accito cum paene exsanguem uirum ostendisset, dextram tenens orat ne inultam mortem soceri, ne socrum inimicis ludibrio esse sinat.

[¶9] 41.3. “To you, Servius,” she cried, “if you are a man, belongs this kingdom, not to those who by the hands of others have committed a dastardly crime. Arouse yourself and follow the guidance of the gods, who once declared by the token of divine fire poured out upon this head that you should be a famous man. Now is the time for that heaven-sent flame to quicken you! Now wake in earnest! We, too, were foreigners, yet we reigned. Consider what you are, not whence you were born. If your own counsels are benumbed in this sudden crisis, at least use mine.”

> Latin: 41.3. 'tuum est' inquit, 'Serui, si uir es, regnum, non eorum qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fecere. erige te deosque duces sequere qui clarum hoc fore caput diuino quondam circumfuso igni portenderunt. nunc te illa caelestis excitet flamma; nunc expergiscere uere. et nos peregrini regnauimus; qui sis, non unde natus sis reputa. si tua re subita consilia torpent, at tu mea consilia sequere.'

[¶10] 41.4. When the shouting and pushing of the crowd could hardly be withstood, Tanaquil went up into the upper storey of the house, and through a window looking out upon the Nova Via —for the king lived near the temple of Jupiter the Stayer — addressed the populace.

> Latin: 41.4. cum clamor impetusque multitudinis uix sustineri posset, ex superiore parte aedium per fenestras in Nouam uiam uersas—habitabat enim rex ad Iouis Statoris—populum Tanaquil adloquitur.

[¶11] 41.5. She bade them be of good cheer: the king had been stunned by a sudden blow; the steel had not sunk deep into his body; he had already recovered consciousness; the blood had been wiped away and the wound examined; all the symptoms were favourable; she trusted that they would soon see Tarquinius himself; meanwhile she commanded that the people should obey Servius Tullius, who would dispense justice and perform the other duties of the king.

> Latin: 41.5. iubet bono animo esse; sopitum fuisse regem subito ictu; ferrum haud alte in corpus descendisse; iam ad se redisse; inspectum uolnus absterso cruore; omnia salubria esse; confidere propediem ipsum eos uisuros; interim Ser. Tullio iubere populum dicto audientem esse; eum iura redditurum obiturumque alia regis munia esse.

[¶12] 41.6. Servius went forth in the royal robe, accompanied by lictors, and sitting in the king's seat rendered judgment in some cases, while in regard to others he gave out that he would consult the king. In this way for several days after Tarquinius had breathed his last he concealed his death, pretending that he was merely doing another's work, while he was really strengthening his own position; then at last the truth was allowed to be known, from the lamentations which arose within the palace. Servius surrounded himself with a strong guard, and ruled at first without the authorization of the people, but with the consent of the Fathers.

> Latin: 41.6. Seruius cum trabea et lictoribus prodit ac sede regia sedens alia decernit, de aliis consulturum se regem esse simulat. itaque per aliquot dies cum iam exspirasset Tarquinius celata morte per speciem alienae fungendae uicis suas opes firmauit; tum demum palam factum est comploratione in regia orta. Seruius praesidio firmo munitus, primus iniussu populi, uoluntate patrum regnauit.

[¶13] 41.7. The sons of Ancus, upon the arrest of the agents of their crime and the report that the king was alive and that Servius was so strong, had already gone into voluntary exile at Suessa Pometia.

> Latin: 41.7. Anci liberi iam tum comprensis sceleris ministris ut uiuere regem et tantas esse opes Serui nuntiatum est, Suessam Pometiam exsulatum ierant.

[¶14] 42.1. Servius now took steps to assure his position by private as well as public measures. In order that the sons of Tarquinius might not show the same animosity towards himself which the sons of Ancus had felt towards Tarquinius, he married his two daughters to the young princes, Lucius and Arruns Tarquinius.

> Latin: 42.1. nec iam publicis magis consiliis Seruius quam priuatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci liberum animus aduersus Tarquinium fuerat, talis aduersus se Tarquini liberum esset, duas filias iuuenibus regiis, Lucio atque Arrunti Tarquiniis iungit;

[¶15] 42.2. But he could not break the force of destiny by human wisdom; and jealousy of his power, even among the members of his household, created an atmosphere of treachery and hostility. Most opportune for the tranquil preservation of the existing state of things was a war which was undertaken against the people of Veii —for the truce had now run out —and the other Etruscans.

> Latin: 42.2. nec rupit tamen fati necessitatem humanis consiliis quin inuidia regni etiam inter domesticos infida omnia atque infesta faceret. peropportune ad praesentis quietem status bellum cum Ueientibus—iam enim indutiae exierant—aliisque Etruscis sumptum.

[¶16] 42.3. In this war the bravery and good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous; and when he had utterly defeated the vast army of his enemies, he found on returning to Rome that his title to the kingship was no longer questioned, whether he tested the feeling of the Fathers or that of the commons.

> Latin: 42.3. in eo bello et uirtus et fortuna enituit Tulli; fusoque ingenti hostium exercitu haud dubius rex, seu patrum seu plebis animos periclitaretur, Romam rediit.

[¶17] 42.4. He then addressed himself to what is by far the most important work of peace: as Numa had established religious law, so Servius intended that posterity should celebrate himself as the originator of all distinctions among the citizens, and of the orders which clearly differentiate the various grades of rank and fortune.

> Latin: 42.4. adgrediturque inde ad pacis longe maximum opus, ut quemadmodum Numa diuini auctor iuris fuisset, ita Seruium conditorem omnis in ciuitate discriminis ordinumque quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunaeque aliquid interlucet posteri fama ferrent.

[¶18] 42.5. For he instituted the census, a most useful thing for a government destined to such wide dominion, since it would enable the burdens of war and peace to be borne not indiscriminately, as heretofore, but in proportion to men's wealth. He then distributed the people into classes and centuries according to the following scale, which was based upon the census and was suitable either for peace or war:

> Latin: 42.5. censum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto futuro imperio, ex quo belli pacisque munia non uiritim, ut ante, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent; tum classes centuriasque et hunc ordinem ex censu discripsit, uel paci decorum uel bello.

[¶19] 43.1. Out of those who had a rating of a hundred thousand assess or more he made eighty centuries, forty each of seniors and of juniors; these were all known as the first class; the seniors were to be ready to guard the city, the juniors to wage war abroad.

> Latin: 43.1. ex iis qui centum milium aeris aut maiorem censum haberent octoginta confecit centurias, quadragenas seniorum ac iuniorum;

[¶20] 43.2. The armour which these men were required to provide consisted of helmet, round shield, greaves, and breast-plate, all of bronze, for the protection of their bodies; their offensive weapons were a spear and a sword.

> Latin: 43.2. prima classis omnes appellati; seniores ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuuenes ut foris bella gererent; arma his imperata galea, clipeum, ocreae, lorica, omnia ex aere; haec ut tegumenta corporis essent: tela in hostem hastaque et gladius.

[¶21] 43.3. There were added to this class two centuries of mechanics, who were to serve without arms; to them was entrusted the duty of fashioning siege-engines in war.

> Latin: 43.3. additae huic classi duae fabrum centuriae quae sine armis stipendia facerent; datum munus ut machinas in bello ferrent.

[¶22] 43.4. The second class was drawn up out of those whose rating was between a hundred thousand and seventy-five thousand; of these, seniors and juniors, twenty centuries were enrolled. The arms prescribed for them were an oblong shield in place of the round one, and everything else, save for the breast-plate, as in the class above.

> Latin: 43.4. secunda classis intra centum usque ad quinque et septuaginta milium censum instituta, et ex iis, senioribus iunioribusque, uiginti conscriptae centuriae; arma imperata scutum pro clipeo et praeter loricam omnia eadem.

[¶23] 43.5. He fixed the rating of the third class at fifty thousand; a like number of centuries was formed in this class as in the second, and with the same distinction of ages; neither was any change made in their arms, except that the greaves were omitted.

> Latin: 43.5. tertiae classis [in] quinquaginta milium censum esse uoluit; totidem centuriae et hae eodemque discrimine aetatium factae; nec de armis quicquam mutatum, ocreae tantum ademptae.

[¶24] 43.6. In the fourth class the rating was twenty-five thousand; the same number of centuries was formed, but their equipment was changed, nothing being given them but a spear and a javelin.

> Latin: 43.6. in quarta classe census quinque et uiginti milium, totidem centuriae factae, arma mutata:

[¶25] 43.7. The fifth class was made larger, and thirty centuries were formed. These men carried slings, with stones for missiles. Rated with them were the horn-blowers and trumpeters, divided into two centuries. Eleven thousand was the rating of this class.

> Latin: 43.7. nihil praeter hastam et uerutum datum. quinta classis aucta; centuriae triginta factae; fundas lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant; [in] his accensi cornicines tubicinesque in duas centurias distributi; undecim milibus haec classis censebatur.

[¶26] 43.8. Those who were assessed at less than this amount, being all the rest of the population, were made into a single century, exempt from military service. When the equipment and distribution of the infantry had been thus provided for, Servius enrolled twelve centuries of knights out of the leading men of the state.

> Latin: 43.8. hoc minor census reliquam multitudinem habuit; inde una centuria facta est, immunis militia. ita pedestri exercitu ornato distributoque, equitum ex primoribus ciuitatis duodecim scripsit centurias;

[¶27] 43.9. He likewise formed six other centuries —three had been instituted by Romulus —employing the same names which had been hallowed to their use by augury. For the purchase of horses they were allowed ten thousand asses each from the state treasury, and for the maintenance of these horses unmarried women were designated, who had to pay two thousand asses each, every year. All these burdens were shifted from the shoulders of the poor to those of the rich.

> Latin: 43.9. sex item alias centurias, tribus ab Romulo institutis, sub iisdem quibus inauguratae erant nominibus fecit. ad equos emendos dena milia aeris ex publico data, et, quibus equos alerent, uiduae attributae quae bina milia aeris in annos singulos penderent. haec omnia in dites a pauperibus inclinata onera.

[¶28] 43.10. The latter were then granted special privileges: for manhood suffrage, implying equality of power and of rights, was no longer given promiscuously to all, as had been the practice handed down by Romulus and observed by all the other kings; but gradations were introduced, so that ostensibly no one should be excluded from the suffrage, and yet the power should rest with the leading citizens.

> Latin: 43.10. deinde est honos additus. non enim, ut ab Romulo traditum ceteri seruauerant reges, uiritim suffragium eadem ui eodemque iure promisce omnibus datum est; sed gradus facti, ut neque exclusus quisquam suffragio uideretur et uis omnis penes primores ciuitatis esset;

[¶29] 43.11. For the knights were called upon to vote first; then the eighty centuries of the first class: if there were any disagreement there, which rarely happened, it was provided that the centuries of the second class should be called; and they almost never descended so far as to reach the lowest citizens.

> Latin: 43.11. equites enim uocabantur primi, octoginta inde primae classis centuriae; ibi si uariaret —quod raro incidebat—secundae classis; nec fere unquam infra ita descenderunt ut ad infimos peruenirent.

[¶30] 43.12. Nor ought it to cause any surprise that the present organization, which exists since the increase of the tribes to thirty-five, and the doubling of their number in the matter of the junior and senior centuries, does not correspond with the total established by Servius Tullius.

> Latin: 43.12. nec mirari oportet hunc ordinem qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus, duplicato earum numero centuriis iuniorum seniorumque, ad institutam ab Ser. Tullio summam non conuenire.

[¶31] 43.13. For, having divided the City according to its inhabited regions and hills into four parts, he named them “tribes,” a word derived, I suppose, from “tribute”; for this likewise the same king planned to have apportioned equitably, on the basis of the census; nor had these tribes anything whatever to do with the distribution or the number of the centuries.

> Latin: 43.13. quadrifariam enim urbe diuisa [regionibus] collibus qui habitabantur, partes eas tribus appellauit, ut ego arbitror, ab tributo; nam eius quoque aequaliter ex censu conferendi ab eodem inita ratio est; neque eae tribus ad centuriarum distributionem numerumque quicquam pertinuere.

[¶32] 44.1. Upon the completion of the census, which had been expedited by fear of a law that threatened with death and imprisonment those who failed to register, Servius issued a proclamation calling on all Roman citizens, both horse and foot, to assemble at daybreak, each in his own century, in the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 44.1. censu perfecto quem maturauerat metu legis de incensis latae cum uinculorum minis mortisque, edixit ut omnes ciues Romani, equites peditesque, in suis quisque centuriis, in campo Martio prima luce adessent.

[¶33] 44.2. There the whole army was drawn up, and a sacrifice of a pig, a sheep, and a bull was offered by the king for its purification. This was termed the “closing of the lustrum,” because it was the last act in the enrolment. Eighty thousand citizens are said to have been registered in that census; the most ancient of the historians, Fabius Pictor, adds that this was the number of those capable of bearing arms.

> Latin: 44.2. ibi instructum exercitum omnem suouetaurilibus lustrauit, idque conditum lustrum appellatum, quia is censendo finis factus est. milia octoginta eo lustro ciuium censa dicuntur; adicit scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor, eorum qui arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse.

[¶34] 44.3. To meet the wants of this population it was apparent that the City must expand, and so the king added two hills, the Quirinal and the Viminal, after which he proceeded to enlarge the Esquiline, going there to live himself, that the place might obtain a good reputation. He surrounded the City with a rampart, trenches, and a wall, and so extended the “pomerium.”

> Latin: 44.3. ad eam multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda uisa est. addit duos colles, Quirinalem Uiminalemque; Uiminalem inde deinceps auget Esquiliis; ibique ipse, ut loco dignitas fieret, habitat; aggere et fossis et muro circumdat urbem; ita pomerium profert.

[¶35] 44.4. This word is interpreted by those who look only at its etymology as meaning “the tract behind the wall,” but it signifies rather “the tract on both sides of the wall,” the space which the Etruscans used formerly to consecrate with augural ceremonies, where they proposed to erect their wall, establishing definite limits on either side of it, so that they might at the same time keep the walls free on their inward face from contact with buildings, which now, as a rule, are actually joined to them, and on the outside keep a certain area free from human uses.

> Latin: 44.4. pomerium uerbi uim solam intuentes postmoerium interpretantur esse; est autem magis circamoerium, locus quem in condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci qua murum ducturi erant certis circa terminis inaugurato consecrabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus continuarentur, quae nunc uolgo etiam coniungunt, et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret soli.

[¶36] 44.5. This space, which the gods forbade men to inhabit or to till, was called “pomerium” by the Romans, quite as much because the wall stood behind it as because it stood behind the wall; and as the city grew, these consecrated limits were always pushed out for as great a distance as the walls themselves were to be advanced.

> Latin: 44.5. hoc spatium quod neque habitari neque arari fas erat, non magis quod post murum esset quam quod murus post id, pomerium Romani appellarunt; et in urbis incremento semper quantum moenia processura erant tantum termini hi consecrati proferebantur.

[¶37] 45.1. When the king had promoted the grandeur of the state by enlarging the City, and had shaped all his domestic policy to suit the demands of peace as well as those of war, he was unwilling that arms should always be the means employed for strengthening Rome's power, and sought to increase her sway by diplomacy, and at the same time to add something to the splendour of the City.

> Latin: 45.1. aucta ciuitate magnitudine urbis, formatis omnibus domi et ad belli et ad pacis usus, ne semper armis opes adquirerentur, consilio augere imperium conatus est, simul et aliquod addere urbi decus.

[¶38] 45.2. Even at that early date the temple of Diana at Ephesus enjoyed great renown. It was reputed to have been built through the cooperation of the cities of Asia, and this harmony and community of worship Servius praised in superlative terms to the Latin nobles, with whom, both officially and in private, he had taken pains to establish a footing of hospitality and friendship.

> Latin: 45.2. iam tum erat inclitum Dianae Ephesiae fanum; id communiter a ciuitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat. eum consensum deosque consociatos laudare mire Seruius inter proceres Latinorum, cum quibus publice priuatimque hospitia amicitiasque de industria iunxerat. saepe iterando eadem perpulit tandem, ut Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini cum populo Romano facerent.

[¶39] 45.3. By dint of reiterating the same arguments he finally carried his point, and a shrine of Diana was built in Rome by the nations of Latium conjointly with the Roman People. This was an admission that Rome was the capital —a point which had so often been disputed with force of arms. But though it seemed that the Latins had lost all interest in this contention after the repeated failure of their appeals to war, there was one man amongst the Sabines who thought that he saw an opportunity to recover the empire by a shrewd plan of his own.

> Latin: 45.3. ea erat confessio caput rerum Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certatum fuerat. id quamquam omissum iam ex omnium cura Latinorum ob rem totiens infeliciter temptatam armis uidebatur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare uisa est priuato consilio imperii reciperandi.

[¶40] 45.4. In the Sabine country, on the farm of a certain head of a family, there was born a heifer of extraordinary size and beauty;

> Latin: 45.4. bos in Sabinis nata cuidam patri familiae dicitur miranda magnitudine ac specie; fixa per multas aetates cornua in uestibulo templi Dianae monumentum ei fuere miraculo.

[¶41] 45.5. a marvel to which the horns afterwards bore testimony, for they were fastened up for many generations in the vestibule of Diana's temple.

> Latin: 45.5. habita, ut erat, res prodigii loco est, et cecinere uates cuius ciuitatis eam ciuis Dianae immolasset, ibi fore imperium;

[¶42] 45.6. This heifer was regarded as a prodigy, as indeed it was; soothsayers prophesied that the state whose citizens should sacrifice the animal to Diana would be the seat of empire, and this prediction had reached the ears of the priest of Diana's shrine. On the earliest day which seemed suitable for the sacrifice, the Sabine drove the heifer to Rome, and bringing her to the shrine of Diana, led her up to the altar. There the Roman priest, moved by the great size of the victim, which had been much talked of, and recalling the prophecy, asked the Sabine, “What is this that you are doing, stranger? Would you sacrifice, unpurified, to Diana? Not so! First bathe in a running stream; the Tiber flows by in the bottom of the valley.”

> Latin: 45.6. idque carmen peruenerat ad antistitem fani Dianae Sabinusque ut prima apta dies sacrificio uisa est, bouem Romam actam deducit ad fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit. ibi antistes Romanus, cum eum magnitudo uictimae celebrata fama mouisset, memor responsi Sabinum ita adloquitur: 'quidnam tu, hospes, paras?' inquit, 'inceste sacrificium Dianae facere? quin tu ante uiuo perfunderis flumine? infima ualle praefluit Tiberis.'

[¶43] 45.7. The stranger, touched by a scruple and wishing to do everything according to ritual, that the prodigy might be answered by the event, at once descended to the Tiber. Meanwhile the Roman offered the heifer to Diana, an act which was exceedingly acceptable to the king and the citizens.

> Latin: 45.7. religione tactus hospes, qui omnia, ut prodigio responderet euentus, cuperet rite facta, extemplo descendit ad Tiberim; interea Romanus immolat Dianae bouem. id mire gratum regi atque ciuitati fuit.

[¶44] 46.1. Servius had by this time a definite prescriptive right to the supreme power. Still, hearing that the young Tarquinius now and then threw out a hint that he was reigning without the consent of the people, he proceeded to gain the goodwill of the commons by dividing among all the citizens the land obtained by conquest from the enemy; after which he made bold to call upon the people to vote whether he should be their ruler, and was declared king with such unanimity as none of his predecessors had experienced.

> Latin: 46.1. Seruius quamquam iam usu haud dubie regnum possederat, tamen quia interdum iactari uoces a iuuene Tarquinio audiebat se iniussu populi regnare, conciliata prius uoluntate plebis agro capto ex hostibus uiritim diuiso, ausus est ferre ad populum uellent iuberentne se regnare; tantoque consensu quanto haud quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus.

[¶45] 46.2. Yet the circumstance did not lessen Tarquinius's hopes of obtaining the kingship. On the contrary, perceiving that the bestowal of land on the plebeians was in opposition to the wishes of the senate, he felt that he had got the better opportunity of vilifying Servius to the Fathers and of increasing his own influence in the senate-house. He was a hot-headed youth himself, and he had at hand, in the person of Tullia his wife, one who goaded on his restless spirit.

> Latin: 46.2. neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit; immo eo impensius quia de agro plebis aduersa patrum uoluntate senserat agi, criminandi Serui apud patres crescendique in curia sibi occasionem datam ratus est, et ipse iuuenis ardentis animi et domi uxore Tullia inquietum animum stimulante.

[¶46] 46.3. For the royal house of Rome produced an example of tragic guilt, as others had done, in order that loathing of kings might hasten the coming of liberty, and that the end of reigning might come in that reign which was the fruit of crime.

> Latin: 46.3. tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici exemplum, ut taedio regum maturior ueniret libertas ultimumque regnum esset quod scelere partum foret.

[¶47] 46.4. This Lucius Tarquinius —whether he was the son or the grandson of King Tarquinius Priscus is uncertain; but, following the majority of historians, I would designate him son —had a brother, Arruns Tarquinius, a youth of a gentle disposition.

> Latin: 46.4. hic L. Tarquinius —Prisci Tarquini regis filius neposne fuerit parum liquet; pluribus tamen auctoribus filium ediderim—fratrem habuerat Arruntem Tarquinium mitis ingenii iuuenem.

[¶48] 46.5. These two, as has been said before, had married the two Tullias, daughters of the king, themselves of widely different characters. Chance had so ordered matters that the two violent natures should not be united in wedlock, thanks doubtless to the good fortune of the Roman People, that the reign of Servius might be prolonged and the traditions of the state become established.

> Latin: 46.5. his duobus, ut ante dictum est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupserant, et ipsae longe dispares moribus. forte ita inciderat ne duo uiolenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur fortuna, credo, populi Romani, quo diuturnius Serui regnum esset constituique ciuitatis mores possent.

[¶49] 46.6. It was distressing to the headstrong Tullia that her husband should be destitute of ambition and enterprise. With her whole soul she turned from him to his brother; him she admired, him she called a man and a prince: she despised her sister because, having got a man for a mate, she lacked a woman's daring.

> Latin: 46.6. angebatur ferox Tullia nihil materiae in uiro neque ad cupiditatem neque ad audaciam esse; tota in alterum auersa Tarquinium eum mirari, eum uirum dicere ac regio sanguine ortum: spernere sororem, quod uirum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia.

[¶50] 46.7. Their similarity soon brought these two together, as is generally the case, for evil is strongly drawn to evil; but it was the woman who took the lead in all the mischief. Having become addicted to clandestine meetings with another's husband, she spared no terms of insult when speaking of her own husband to his brother, or of her sister to that sister's husband. She urged that it would have been juster for her to be unmarried and for him to lack a wife than for them to be united to their inferiors and be compelled to languish through the cowardice of others.

> Latin: 46.7. contrahit celeriter similitudo eos, ut fere fit: malum malo aptissimum; sed initium turbandi omnia a femina ortum est. ea secretis uiri alieni adsuefacta sermonibus nullis uerborum contumeliis parcere de uiro ad fratrem, de sorore ad uirum; et se rectius uiduam et illum caelibem futurum fuisse contendere, quam cum impari iungi ut elanguescendum aliena ignauia esset;

[¶51] 46.8. If the gods had given her the man she deserved she would soon have seen in her own house the royal power which she now saw in her father's.

> Latin: 46.8. si sibi eum quo digna esset di dedissent uirum, domi se propediem uisuram regnum fuisse quod apud patrem uideat.

[¶52] 46.9. It was not long before she had inspired the young man with her own temerity, and, having made room in their respective houses for a new marriage, by deaths which followed closely upon one another, they were joined together in nuptials which Servius rather tolerated than approved.

> Latin: 46.9. celeriter adulescentem suae temeritatis implet; [Arruns Tarquinius et Tullia minor] prope continuatis funeribus cum domos uacuas nouo matrimonio fecissent, iunguntur nuptiis, magis non prohibente Seruio quam adprobante.

[¶53] 47.1. From that moment the insecurity of the aged Tullius and the menace to his authority increased with each succeeding day. For the woman was already looking forward from one crime to another, nor would she allow her husband any rest by night or day, lest the murders they had done before should be without effect.

> Latin: 47.1. tum uero in dies infestior Tulli senectus, infestius coepit regnum esse; iam enim ab scelere ad aliud spectare mulier scelus. nec nocte nec interdiu uirum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita parricidia essent:

[¶54] 47.2. She had not wanted a man just to be called a wife, just to endure servitude with him in silence; she had wanted one who should deem himself worthy of the sovereignty, who bethought him that he was the son of Tarquinius Priscus, who preferred the possession of the kingship to the hope of it.

> Latin: 47.2. non sibi defuisse cui nupta diceretur, nec cum quo tacita seruiret; defuisse qui se regno dignum putaret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci Tarquini filium, qui habere quam sperare regnum mallet.

[¶55] 47.3. “If you are he,” she cried, “whom I thought I was marrying, I call you both man and king; if not, then I have so far changed for the worse, in that crime is added, in your case, to cowardice. Come, rouse yourself!”

> Latin: 47.3. 'si tu is es cui nuptam esse me arbitror, et uirum et regem appello; sin minus, eo nunc peius mutata res est quod istic cum ignauia est scelus.

[¶56] 47.4. “You are not come, like your father, from Corinth or Tarquinii, that you must make yourself king in a strange land; the gods of your family and your ancestors, your father's image, the royal palace, with its throne, and the name of Tarquinius create and proclaim you king. Else, if you have no courage for this, why do you cheat the citizens? why do you suffer yourself to be looked on as a prince? Away with you to Tarquinii or Corinth!”

> Latin: 47.4. quin accingeris? non tibi ab Corintho nec ab Tarquiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna moliri necesse est: di te penates patriique et patris imago et domus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen Tarquinium creat uocatque regem.

[¶57] 47.5. “Sink back into the rank of your family, more like your brother than your father!” With these and other taunts she excited the young man's ambition.

> Latin: 47.5. aut si ad haec parum est animi, quid frustraris ciuitatem? quid te ut regium iuuenem conspici sinis? facesse hinc Tarquinios aut Corinthum; deuoluere retro ad stirpem, fratri similior quam patri.'

[¶58] 47.6. Nor could she herself submit with patience to the thought that Tanaquil, a foreign woman, had exerted her spirit to such purpose as twice in succession to confer the royal power —upon her husband first, and again upon her son-in-law — if Tullia, the daughter of a king, were to count for nothing in bestowing and withdrawing a throne. Inspired by this woman's frenzy Tarquinius began to go about and solicit support, especially among the heads of the lesser families, whom he reminded of his father's kindness to them, and desired their favour in return; the young men he attracted by gifts; both by the great things he promised to do himself, and by slandering the king as well, he everywhere strengthened his interest.

> Latin: 47.6. his aliisque increpando iuuenem instigat, nec conquiescere ipsa potest si, cum Tanaquil, peregrina mulier, tantum moliri potuisset animo ut duo continua regna uiro ac deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa regio semine orta nullum momentum in dando adimendoque regno faceret.

[¶59] 47.7. At length, when it seemed that the time for action was now come, he surrounded himself with a body of armed men and burst into the Forum. Then, amidst the general consternation which ensued, he seated himself on the throne in front of the Curia, and commanded, by the mouth of a herald, that the senators should come to King Tarquinius at the senate-house. They at once assembled: some of them already prepared beforehand, others afraid that they might be made to suffer for it if they did not come; for they were astounded at this strange and wonderful sight, and supposed that Servius was utterly undone.

> Latin: 47.7. his muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius circumire et prensare minorum maxime gentium patres; admonere paterni beneficii ac pro eo gratiam repetere; allicere donis iuuenes; cum de se ingentia pollicendo tum regis criminibus omnibus locis crescere. postremo ut iam agendae rei tempus uisum est, stipatus agmine armatorum in forum inrupit. inde omnibus perculsis pauore, in regia sede pro curia sedens patres in curiam per praeconem ad regem Tarquinium citari iussit.

[¶60] 47.9. Tarquinius then went back to the very beginning of Servius's family and abused the king for a slave and a slave-woman's son who, after the shameful death of his own father, Tarquinius Priscus, had seized the power;

> Latin: 47.9. conuenere extemplo, alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu ne non uenisse fraudi esset, nouitate ac miraculo attoniti et iam de Seruio actum rati.

[¶61] 47.10. there had been no observance of the interregnum, as on former occasions; there had been no election held; not by the votes of the people had sovereignty come to him, not with the confirmation of the Fathers, but by a woman's gift.

> Latin: 47.10. ibi Tarquinius maledicta ab stirpe ultima orsus: seruum seruaque natum post mortem indignam parentis sui, non interregno, ut antea, inito, non comitiis habitis, non per suffragium populi, non auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono regnum occupasse.

[¶62] 47.11. Such having been his birth, and such his appointment to the kingship, he had been an abettor of the lowest class of society, to which he himself belonged, and his hatred of the nobility possessed by others had led him to plunder the leading citizens of their land and divide it amongst the dregs of the populace.

> Latin: 47.11. ita natum, ita creatum regem, fautorem infimi generis hominum ex quo ipse sit, odio alienae honestatis ereptum primoribus agrum sordidissimo cuique diuisisse;

[¶63] 47.12. All the burdens which had before been borne in common he had laid upon the nation's foremost men. He had instituted the census that he might hold up to envy the fortunes of the wealthy, and make them available, when he chose to draw upon them, for largesses to the destitute.

> Latin: 47.12. omnia onera quae communia quondam fuerint inclinasse in primores ciuitatis; instituisse censum ut insignis ad inuidiam locupletiorum fortuna esset et parata unde, ubi uellet, egentissimis largiretur.

[¶64] 48.1. In the midst of this harangue Servius, who had been aroused by the alarming news, came up and immediately called out in a loud voice from the vestibule of the Curia: “What means this, Tarquinius?”

> Latin: 48.1. huic orationi Seruius cum interuenisset trepido nuntio excitatus, extemplo a uestibulo curiae magna uoce 'quid hoc' inquit, 'Tarquini, rei est? qua tu audacia me uiuo uocare ausus es patres aut in sede considere mea?'

[¶65] 48.2. “With what assurance have you dared, while I live, to convene the Fathers or to sit in my chair?” Tarquinius answered truculently that it was his own father's seat he occupied; that the king's son was a fitter successor to his kingdom than a slave was; that Tullius had long enough been suffered to mock his masters and insult them. Shouts arose from the partisans of each, and the people began to rush into the senate-house; it was clear that he would be king who won the day.

> Latin: 48.2. cum ille ferociter ad haec—se patris sui tenere sedem; multo quam seruum potiorem filium regis regni heredem; satis illum diu per licentiam eludentem insultasse dominis—, clamor ab utriusque fautoribus oritur et concursus populi fiebat in curiam, apparebatque regnaturum qui uicisset.

[¶66] 48.3. Tarquinius was now compelled by sheer necessity to go on boldly to the end. Being much superior to Servius in youth and strength, he seized him by the middle, and bearing him out of the senate-house, flung him down the steps. He then went back into the Curia to hold the senate together.

> Latin: 48.3. tum Tarquinius necessitate iam et ipsa cogente ultima audere, multo et aetate et uiribus ualidior, medium arripit Seruium elatumque e curia in inferiorem partem per gradus deiecit; inde ad cogendum senatum in curiam rediit.

[¶67] 48.4. The king's servitors and companions fled. The king himself, half fainting, was making his way home without the royal attendants, when the men whom Tarquinius had sent in pursuit of the fugitive came up with him and killed him.

> Latin: 48.4. fit fuga regis apparitorum atque comitum; ipse prope exsanguis cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem consecuti erant interficitur.

[¶68] 48.5. It is believed, inasmuch as it is not inconsistent with the rest of her wickedness, that this deed was suggested by Tullia. It is agreed, at all events, that she was driven in her carriage into the Forum, and nothing abashed at the crowd of men, summoned her husband from the Curia and was the first to hail him king.

> Latin: 48.5. creditur, quia non abhorret a cetero scelere, admonitu Tulliae id factum. carpento certe, id quod satis constat, in forum inuecta nec reuerita coetum uirorum euocauit uirum e curia regemque prima appellauit.

[¶69] 48.6. Tarquinius bade her withdraw from so turbulent a scene. On her way home she had got to the top of the Vicus Cyprius, where the shrine of Diana recently stood, and was bidding her driver turn to the right into the Clivus Urbius, to take her to the Esquiline Hill, when the man gave a start of terror, and pulling up the reins pointed out to his mistress the prostrate form of the murdered Servius.

> Latin: 48.6. a quo facessere iussa ex tanto tumultu cum se domum reciperet peruenissetque ad summum Cyprium uicum, ubi Dianium nuper fuit, flectenti carpentum dextra in Urbium cliuum ut in collem Esquiliarum eueheretur, restitit pauidus atque inhibuit frenos is qui iumenta agebat iacentemque dominae Seruium trucidatum ostendit.

[¶70] 48.7. Horrible and inhuman was the crime that is said to have ensued, which the place commemorates —men call it the Street of Crime —for there, crazed by the avenging spirits of her sister and her former husband, they say that Tullia drove her carriage over her father's corpse, and, herself contaminated and defiled, carried away on her vehicle some of her murdered father's blood to her own and her husband's penates, whose anger was the cause that the evil beginning of this reign was, at no long date, followed by a similar end.

> Latin: 48.7. foedum inhumanumque inde traditur scelus monumentoque locus est—Sceleratum uicum uocant—quo amens, agitantibus furiis sororis ac uiri, Tullia per patris corpus carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis ac caedis paternae cruento uehiculo, contaminata ipsa respersaque, tulisse ad penates suos uirique sui, quibus iratis malo regni principio similes propediem exitus sequerentur.

[¶71] 48.8. Servius Tullius had ruled forty-four years, so well that even a good and moderate successor would have found it hard to emulate him. But there was this to enhance his renown, that just and lawful kingship perished with him. Yet, mild and moderate though his sway was, some writers state that he had intended to resign it, as being a government by one man, had not the crime of one of his family interrupted his plans for the liberation of his country.

> Latin: 48.8. Ser. Tullius regnauit annos quattuor et quadraginta ita ut bono etiam moderatoque succedenti regi difficilis aemulatio esset; ceterum id quoque ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legitima regna occiderunt. id ipsum tam mite ac tam moderatum imperium tamen quia unius esset deponere eum in animo habuisse quidam auctores sunt, ni scelus intestinum liberandae patriae consilia agitanti interuenisset.

[¶72] 49.1. Now began the reign of Lucius Tarquinius, whose conduct procured him the surname of Superbus, or the Proud. For he denied the rites of sepulture to his own father-in-law, asserting that Romulus had also perished without burial. He put to death the leading senators, whom he believed to have favoured the cause of Servius and, conscious that a precedent for gaining the kingship by crime might be found in his own career and turned against himself, he assumed a body-guard.

> Latin: 49.1. inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui Superbo cognomen facta indiderunt, quia socerum gener sepultura prohibuit, Romulum quoque insepultum perisse dictitans, primoresque patrum, quos Serui rebus fauisse credebat, interfecit; conscius deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso aduersus se exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit;

[¶73] 49.3. He had indeed no right to the throne but might, since he was ruling neither by popular decree nor senatorial sanction.

> Latin: 49.3. neque enim ad ius regni quicquam praeter uim habebat ut qui neque populi iussu neque auctoribus patribus regnaret.

[¶74] 49.4. Moreover, as he put no trust in the affection of his people, he was compelled to safeguard his authority by fear. To inspire terror therefore in many persons, he adopted the practice of trying capital causes by himself, without advisers; and, under the pretext thus afforded, was able to inflict death, exile, and forfeiture of property, not only upon persons whom he suspected and disliked, but also in cases where he could have nothing to gain but plunder.

> Latin: 49.4. eo accedebat ut in caritate ciuium nihil spei reponenti metu regnum tutandum esset. quem ut pluribus incuteret cognitiones capitalium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat, perque eam causam occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis multare poterat non suspectos modo aut inuisos sed unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare posset.

[¶75] 49.6. It was chiefly the senators whose numbers were reduced by this procedure, and Tarquinius determined to make no new appointments to the order, that it might be the more despised for its very paucity, and might chafe less at being ignored in all business of state.

> Latin: 49.6. praecipue ita patrum numero imminuto statuit nullos in patres legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa ordo esset minusque per se nihil agi indignarentur.

[¶76] 49.7. For this king was the first to break with the custom handed down by his predecessors, of consulting the senate on all occasions, and governed the nation without other advice than that of his own household. War, peace, treaties, and alliances were entered upon or broken off by the monarch himself, with whatever states he wished, and without the decree of people or senate.

> Latin: 49.7. hic enim regum primus traditum a prioribus morem de omnibus senatum consulendi soluit; domesticis consiliis rem publicam administrauit; bellum, pacem, foedera, societates per se ipse, cum quibus uoluit, iniussu populi ac senatus, fecit diremitque.

[¶77] 49.8. The Latin race he strove particularly to make his friends, that his strength abroad might contribute to his security at home. He contracted with their nobles not only relations of hospitality but also matrimonial connections.

> Latin: 49.8. Latinorum sibi maxime gentem conciliabat ut peregrinis quoque opibus tutior inter ciues esset, neque hospitia modo cum primoribus eorum sed adfinitates quoque iungebat.

[¶78] 49.9. To Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, a man by long odds the most important of the Latin name, and descended, if we may believe report, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe, he gave his daughter in marriage, and in this way attached to himself the numerous kinsmen and friends of the man.

> Latin: 49.9. Octauio Mamilio Tusculano—is longe princeps Latini nominis erat, si famae credimus, ab Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus—, ei Mamilio filiam nuptum dat, perque eas nuptias multos sibi cognatos amicosque eius conciliat.

[¶79] 50.1. Tarquinius had already won great influence with the Latin nobles, when he gave notice that they should assemble on a certain day at the grove of Ferentina, saying that there were matters of common interest which he wished to discuss.

> Latin: 50.1. iam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum proceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum Ferentinae conueniant indicit: esse, quae agere de rebus communibus uelit.

[¶80] 50.2. The Latins gathered at daybreak in large numbers; Tarquinius himself, though he did indeed keep the day, arrived but a little while before sundown. There had been much talk in the council all day about various subjects. Turnus Herdonius of Aricia had inveighed violently against the absent Tarquinius.

> Latin: 50.2. conueniunt frequentes prima luce: ipse Tarquinius diem quidem seruauit, sed paulo ante quam sol occideret uenit. multa ibi toto die in concilio uariis iactata sermonibus erant.

[¶81] 50.3. He said it was no wonder he had been given the name of Superbus at Rome —for that was the name by which they already called him, secretly and in whispers, but still quite generally; —could anything be more overbearing than to flout the whole Latin race as he was doing then?

> Latin: 50.3. Turnus Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem Tarquinium erat inuectus: haud mirum esse Superbo inditum Romae cognomen.—iam enim ita clam quidem mussitantes, uolgo tamen eum appellabant.—an quicquam superbius esse quam ludificari sic omne nomen Latinum?

[¶82] 50.4. Their leaders had been summoned from distant homes, and the very man who had called the council was not there. He was evidently trying their patience, intending, if they submitted to the yoke, to use them as his vassals. For who could fail to see that he was aiming at sovereignty over the Latins?

> Latin: 50.4. longe ab domo excitis, ipsum, qui concilium indixerit, non adesse. temptari profecto patientiam ut, si iugum acceperint, obnoxios premat. cui enim non apparere, adfectare eum imperium in Latinos?

[¶83] 50.5. If his own people had done well to intrust this to him, if indeed it had been intrusted to him at all, and had not been ravished by foul murder, then it was right that the Latins also should intrust it to him —nay, not even then, for he was of foreign birth; but if his own subjects were weary of him, as men who, one after another, were being made to suffer death, exile, confiscation, what better prospect was held out to the Latins?

> Latin: 50.5. quod si sui bene crediderint ciues, aut si creditum illud et non raptum parricidio sit, credere et Latinos quamquam ne sic quidem alienigenae debere:

[¶84] 50.6. If they were guided by the speaker they would depart every man to his own home, nor observe the day of meeting more than he who had proclaimed it was observing it. As these words and others of the same import were being uttered by the factious and turbulent Latin, who owed to these qualities his influence amongst his own people, Tarquinius came up.

> Latin: 50.6. sin suos eius paeniteat, quippe qui alii super alios trucidentur exsulatum eant bona amittant, quid spei melioris Latinis portendi? si se audiant, domum suam quemque inde abituros neque magis obseruaturos diem concilii quam ipse qui indixerit obseruet. haec atque alia eodem pertinentia seditiosus facinorosusque homo hisque artibus opes domi nactus cum maxime dissereret, interuenit Tarquinius.

## 6. Book I · chapters 50–60

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/#p-N

[¶0] 50.8. This was the end of the speech; all turned to salute Tarquinius. Silence was commanded, and the king, being advised by those nearest him to excuse himself for having come so late, declared that he had been chosen arbiter between a father and his son, and had been delayed by his anxiety to reconcile them. He added that since this business had used up that day, he would take up on the morrow the matters which he had meant to bring before them.

> Latin: 50.8. is finis orationi fuit; auersi omnes ad Tarquinium salutandum. qui silentio facto monitus a proximis ut purgaret se quod id temporis uenisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum inter patrem et filium cura reconciliandi eos in gratiam moratum esse, et quia ea res exemisset illum diem, postero die acturum quae constituisset.

[¶1] 50.9. They say that Turnus would not suffer even this to go unchallenged, asserting that there was no question more quickly settled than one betwixt father and son, for these few words were enough to end it: “Unless you obey your father it will be the worse for you.”

> Latin: 50.9. ne id quidem ab Turno tulisse tacitum ferunt; dixisse enim nullam breuiorem esse cognitionem quam inter patrem et filium paucisque transigi uerbis posse: ni pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse.

[¶2] 51.1. Girding thus against the Roman king, the Arician quitted the council. Tarquinius was considerably more vexed than he appeared to be, and at once looked about him for the means of destroying Turnus, that he might inspire in the Latins the same terror with which he had broken the spirit of the Romans.

> Latin: 51.1. haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans ex concilio abiit. quam rem Tarquinius aliquanto quam uidebatur aegrius ferens confestim Turno necem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem quo ciuium animos domi oppresserat Latinis iniceret.

[¶3] 51.2. And since he could not openly put his man to death by virtue of sovereign right, he charged him with a crime of which he was innocent, and so destroyed him. Through the agency of certain men of the opposite party in Aricia, he bribed a slave of Turnus with gold to allow a large quantity of swords to be brought secretly into his master's lodging.

> Latin: 51.2. et quia pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso crimine insontem oppressit. per aduersae factionis quosdam Aricinos seruum Turni auro corrupit, ut in deuersorium eius uim magnam gladiorum inferri clam sineret.

[¶4] 51.3. Having accomplished this in a single night, Tarquinius, shortly before dawn, summoned the chief men of the Latins to his quarters, pretending to have received alarming news, and informed them that his tardiness on the preceding day, as though somehow providentially occasioned, had been the means of saving himself and them.

> Latin: 51.3. ea cum una nocte perfecta essent, Tarquinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se principibus Latinorum quasi re noua perturbatus, moram suam hesternam uelut deorum quadam prouidentia inlatam ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse.

[¶5] 51.4. For he was told that Turnus was plotting his murder and that of the chief men of the different cities, that he might be sole ruler over the Latins. He would have attacked them the day before in the council, but had postponed the attempt because the summoner of the council, whom he chiefly aimed at, was not there.

> Latin: 51.4. ab Turno dici sibi et primoribus populorum parari necem ut Latinorum solus imperium teneat. adgressurum fuisse hesterno die in concilio; dilatam rem esse, quod auctor concilii afuerit quem maxime peteret.

[¶6] 51.5. That was the reason Turnus had railed at him in his absence, for his delay had balked the Arician's expectation. Tarquinius said that he had no doubt, if his information was true, that Turnus would come at dawn, when they had assembled in the council, and would be armed and attended by a band of conspirators.

> Latin: 51.5. inde illam absentis insectationem esse natam quod morando spem destituerit. non dubitare, si uera deferantur, quin prima luce, ubi uentum in concilium sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque uenturus sit.

[¶7] 51.6. It was said that a great quantity of swords had been carried to his lodging; the falsity or truth of this could be ascertained immediately, and he asked them to go with him to Turnus's quarters.

> Latin: 51.6. dici gladiorum ingentem esse numerum ad eum conuectum. id uanum necne sit, extemplo sciri posse. rogare eos ut inde secum ad Turnum ueniant.

[¶8] 51.7. The charge was made plausible both by the aggressive spirit of Turnus and his speech of the day before, and by Tarquinius's delay, since it seemed that the massacre might have been postponed on that account. The nobles went therefore with a disposition to believe the story, but still, if the swords should not be found, they were prepared to conclude the other charges false.

> Latin: 51.7. suspectam fecit rem et ingenium Turni ferox et oratio hesterna et mora Tarquini, quod uidebatur ob eam differri caedes potuisse. eunt inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, tamen, nisi gladiis deprehensis, cetera uana existimaturi.

[¶9] 51.8. As soon as they reached the place they wakened Turnus from his sleep and surrounded him with guards; and having overpowered the slaves, who out of affection for their master would have resorted to force, they proceeded to pull out the hidden swords from every corner of the inn. There was now no doubt that Turnus was caught in the act, and he was cast into chains, while the summons was instantly sent out, amidst intense excitement, for a council of the Latins.

> Latin: 51.8. ubi est eo uentum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circumsistunt custodes; comprehensisque seruis qui caritate domini uim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus locis deuerticuli protraherentur, enimuero manifesta res uisa iniectaeque Turno catenae; et confestim Latinorum concilium magno cum tumultu aduocatur.

[¶10] 51.9. There such bitter resentment was aroused by the public display of the swords, that the accused was not permitted to plead his cause, but suffered a new kind of death, being plunged into the source of the Ferentine Water and sunk beneath a wicker crate heaped up with stones.

> Latin: 51.9. ibi tam atrox inuidia orta est gladiis in medio positis, ut indicta causa, nouo genere leti, deiectus ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta saxisque congestis mergeretur.

[¶11] 52.1. Tarquinius then called the Latins again to the place of council, and praised them for the punishment which they had justly meted out to the rebellious attempt of Turnus, in view of the treason in which he had just been taken.

> Latin: 52.1. reuocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tarquinius conlaudatisque qui Turnum nouantem res pro manifesto parricidio merita poena adfecissent, ita uerba fecit:

[¶12] 52.2. The king then went on to say that it was in his power to proceed according to an ancient right, since all the Latins, having sprung from Alba, were included in that treaty by which, from the time of Tullus, the whole Alban state, with its colonies, had come under Rome's dominion.

> Latin: 52.2. posse quidem se uetusto iure agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba oriundi sint, [in] eo foedere teneantur, quo sub Tullo res omnis Albana cum colonis suis in Romanum cesserit imperium;

[¶13] 52.3. But the advantage of all would be better served, he thought, if that treaty were renewed and the good fortune of the Roman people were thrown open to the participation of the Latins, than if they were always to be dreading or enduring the razing of their cities and the devastation of their lands which they had suffered first in Ancus's reign and afterward in that of the speaker's father.

> Latin: 52.3. ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium causa censere ut renouetur id foedus, secundaque potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini fruantur quam urbium excidia uastationesque agrorum, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante perpessi sint, semper aut exspectent aut patiantur.

[¶14] 52.4. It was not difficult to persuade the Latins, although the Roman interest preponderated in this treaty. For the rest, they saw that the chiefs of the Latin name stood with the king and took his view of the matter, and they had just been given a demonstration of the danger they would each incur if they opposed the project.

> Latin: 52.4. haud difficulter persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo foedere superior Romana res erat; ceterum et capita nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege uidebant, et [Turnus] sui cuique periculi, si aduersatus esset, recens erat documentum.

[¶15] 52.5. So the treaty was renewed, and the Latin juniors were commanded to present themselves at the grove of Ferentina on a certain day, armed and in full force, as the treaty prescribed.

> Latin: 52.5. ita renouatum foedus, indictumque iunioribus Latinorum ut ex foedere die certa ad lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent.

[¶16] 52.6. When they had assembled, agreeably to the king's edict, from the different districts, Tarquinius was unwilling that they should have their own leaders, or a separate command, or their own standards; he therefore mingled Latins and Romans in the maniples, making one maniple of two and two of one, and over the maniples thus doubled he put centurions.

> Latin: 52.6. qui ubi ad edictum Romani regis ex omnibus populis conuenere, ne ducem suum neue secretum imperium propriaue signa haberent, miscuit manipulos ex Latinis Romanisque ut ex binis singulos faceret binosque ex singulis; ita geminatis manipulis centuriones imposuit.

[¶17] 53.1. But if the king was unjust in peace, yet he was not a bad general in war. Indeed, he would have equalled in this art the kings who had gone before him, if his degeneracy in other things had not also dimmed his glory here.

> Latin: 53.1. nec ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli prauus fuit; quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset.

[¶18] 53.2. It was he who began the war with the Volsci which was to last more than two hundred years after his time, and took Suessa Pometia from them by storm.

> Latin: 53.2. is primus Uolscis bellum in ducentos amplius post suam aetatem annos mouit, Suessamque Pometiam ex iis ui cepit.

[¶19] 53.3. There, having sold off the booty and raised forty talents of silver, he conceived the project of a temple of Jupiter so magnificent that it should be worthy of the king of gods and men, the Roman empire, and the majesty of the site itself. The money from the captured city he put aside to build this temple.

> Latin: 53.3. ubi cum diuendita praeda quadraginta talenta argenti refecisset, concepit animo eam amplitudinem Iouis templi quae digna deum hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius etiam loci maiestate esset; captiuam pecuniam in aedificationem eius templi seposuit.

[¶20] 53.4. He then engaged in an unexpectedly tedious war with Gabii, a neighbouring town After first assaulting the place in vain, he laid siege to it, but this attempt was as unsuccessful as the other, for he was driven off from the walls; and he finally resorted to the policy, so unlike a Roman, of deceit and trickery.

> Latin: 53.4. excepit deinde lentius spe bellum, quo Gabios, propinquam urbem, nequiquam ui adortus, cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude ac dolo, adgressus est.

[¶21] 53.5. For he pretended to have given up the war and to be engrossed in laying the foundations of his temple and in other city works, arranging meanwhile to let Sextus, who was the youngest of his three sons, desert to Gabii, and there complain that his father was intolerably cruel to him.

> Latin: 53.5. nam cum uelut posito bello fundamentis templi iaciendis aliisque urbanis operibus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus filius eius, qui minimus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composito Gabios, patris in se saeuitiam intolerabilem conquerens:

[¶22] 53.6. His father's pride, he said, was now diverted from strangers upon his own family. Even his children were too many to please him, and the solitude which he had caused in the senate-house he wished to bring to pass in his own home also, that he might leave no descendant, no heir to his kingdom.

> Latin: 53.6. iam ab alienis in suos uertisse superbiam et liberorum quoque eum frequentiae taedere, ut quam in curia solitudinem fecerit domi quoque faciat, ne quam stirpem, ne quem heredem regni relinquat.

[¶23] 53.7. The young man said that he had himself escaped from amidst the swords and javelins of his father, and had made up his mind that there was no safety for him anywhere save with the enemies of Lucius Tarquinius. Let them not delude themselves, he said; the war which the king pretended to have abandoned was still awaiting them, and when the chance offered he would attack them unawares.

> Latin: 53.7. se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini credidisse. nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum quod positum simuletur, et per occasionem eum incautos inuasurum.

[¶24] 53.8. But if they had no room for suppliants, he was prepared to wander all over Latium, and thence seek out the Volsci and the Aequi and the Hernici, till at last he should come to people who knew how to protect a son from the cruel and wicked tortures inflicted on him by a father.

> Latin: 53.8. quod si apud eos supplicibus locus non sit, pererraturum se omne Latium, Uolscosque se inde et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum donec ad eos perueniat qui a patrum crudelibus atque impiis suppliciis tegere liberos sciant.

[¶25] 53.9. Possibly he might even discover some enthusiasm for war and arms against the haughtiest of kings and the most insolent of nations.

> Latin: 53.9. forsitan etiam ardoris aliquid ad bellum armaque se aduersus superbissimum regem ac ferocissimum populum inuenturum.

[¶26] 53.10. When it appeared that if they were indifferent he would leave them in anger and continue his flight, the Gabini bade him welcome. They told him not to be surprised if the king had been the same to his children that he had been to his subjects, to his allies; he would end by venting his cruelty upon himself if other objects failed him.

> Latin: 53.10. cum si nihil morarentur infensus ira porro inde abiturus uideretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur. uetant mirari si, qualis in ciues, qualis in socios, talis ad ultimum in liberos esset;

[¶27] 53.11. But for their own part, they said, they were glad of his coming, and they believed that in a short time, with his help, the seat of war would be shifted from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 53.11. in se ipsum postremo saeuiturum, si alia desint. sibi uero gratum aduentum eius esse, futurumque credere breui ut illo adiuuante a portis Gabinis sub Romana moenia bellum transferatur.

[¶28] 54.1. Sextus next obtained admission to the Gabian councils of state, where, on all subjects but one, he professed a deference for the opinion of those who had long been citizens of Gabii and were better acquainted with the facts. War, however, he did take it upon himself to urge, again and again; and in so doing he assumed a special competence, as one who was acquainted with the strength of both nations, and knew that the king's pride must necessarily be hateful to all the citizens, since even his children had not been able to put up with it.

> Latin: 54.1. inde in consilia publica adhiberi. ubi cum de aliis rebus adsentire se ueteribus Gabinis diceret quibus eae notiores essent, ipse identidem belli auctor esse et in eo sibi praecipuam prudentiam adsumere quod utriusque populi uires nosset, sciretque inuisam profecto superbiam regiam ciuibus esse quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuissent.

[¶29] 54.2. In this way, little by little, he stirred up the leaders of the Gabini to reopen the war. He would himself take the boldest of the young men and go upon raids and forays. All his words and acts were calculated to deceive, and their ill-grounded confidence so increased that in the end he was chosen commander-in-chief.

> Latin: 54.2. ita cum sensim ad rebellandum primores Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuuenum praedatum atque in expeditiones iret et dictis factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis uana adcresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur.

[¶30] 54.3. The war began, and the people had no suspicion of what was going forward. Skirmishes took place between Rome and Gabii, in which, as a rule, the Gabini had the best of it. Thereupon their citizens, both high and low, contended who should be loudest in expressing the belief that in Sextus Tarquinius they had a heaven-sent leader.

> Latin: 54.3. ibi cum, inscia multitudine quid ageretur, proelia parua inter Romam Gabiosque fierent quibus plerumque Gabina res superior esset, tum certatim summi infimique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi missum ducem credere.

[¶31] 54.4. And the soldiers, seeing him ever ready to share in their dangers and hardships, and ever lavish in distributing the plunder, came to love him so devotedly that the elder Tarquinius was not more truly master in Rome than was his son in Gabii.

> Latin: 54.4. apud milites uero obeundo pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largiendo tanta caritate esse ut non pater Tarquinius potentior Romae quam filius Gabiis esset.

[¶32] 54.5. And so, when Sextus saw that he had acquired strength enough for any enterprise, he despatched one of his own followers to his father in Rome, to ask what the king might please to have him do, since the gods had granted that at Gabii all power in the state should rest with him alone.

> Latin: 54.5. itaque postquam satis uirium conlectum ad omnes conatus uidebat, tum ex suis unum sciscitatum Romam ad patrem mittit quidnam se facere uellet, quando quidem ut omnia unus publice Gabiis posset ei di dedissent.

[¶33] 54.6. To this messenger, I suppose because he seemed not quite to be trusted, no verbal reply was given. The king, as if absorbed in meditation, passed into the garden of his house, followed by his son's envoy. There, walking up and down without a word, he is said to have struck off the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick.

> Latin: 54.6. huic nuntio, quia, credo, dubiae fidei uidebatur, nihil uoce responsum est; rex uelut deliberabundus in hortum aedium transit sequente nuntio filii; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papauerum capita dicitur baculo decussisse.

[¶34] 54.7. Tired of asking questions and waiting for an answer, the messenger returned to Gabii, his mission, as he thought, unaccomplished. He reported what he had said himself and what he had seen. Whether from anger, or hatred, or native pride, the king, he said, had not pronounced a single word.

> Latin: 54.7. interrogando exspectandoque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imperfecta, redit Gabios; quae dixerit ipse quaeque uiderit refert; seu ira seu odio seu superbia insita ingenio nullam eum uocem emisisse.

[¶35] 54.8. As soon as it was clear to Sextus what his father meant and what was the purport of his silent hints, he rid himself of the chief men of the state. Some he accused before the people; against others he took advantage of the odium they had themselves incurred. Many were openly executed; some, whom it would not have looked well to accuse, were put to death in secret.

> Latin: 54.8. Sexto ubi quid uellet parens quidue praeciperet tacitis ambagibus patuit, primores ciuitatis criminando alios apud populum, alios sua ipsos inuidia opportunos interemit. multi palam, quidam in quibus minus speciosa criminatio erat futura clam interfecti.

[¶36] 54.9. Some were permitted, if they chose, to leave the country; or they were driven into banishment, and once out of the way, their property was forfeited, just as in the case of those who had been put to death.

> Latin: 54.9. patuit quibusdam uolentibus fuga, aut in exsilium acti sunt, absentiumque bona iuxta atque interemptorum diuisui fuere.

[¶37] 54.10. Thence came largesses and spoils, and in the sweetness of private gain men lost their feeling for the wrongs of the nation, until, deprived of counsel and aid, the state of Gabii was handed over unresisting to the Roman king.

> Latin: 54.10. largitiones inde praedaeque; et dulcedine priuati commodi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donec orba consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla dimicatione in manum traditur.

[¶38] 55.1. Having got possession of Gabii, Tarquinius made peace with the Aequian nation and renewed the treaty with the Etruscans. He next turned his attention to affairs in the city. Here his first concern was to build a temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian Mount to stand as a memorial of his reign and of his name, testifying that of the two Tarquinii, both kings, the father had made the vow and the son had fulfilled it.

> Latin: 55.1. Gabiis receptis Tarquinius pacem cum Aequorum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renouauit. inde ad negotia urbana animum conuertit; quorum erat primum ut Iouis templum in monte Tarpeio monumentum regni sui nominisque relinqueret: Tarquinios reges ambos patrem uouisse, filium perfecisse.

[¶39] 55.2. And that the site might be free from all other religious claims and belong wholly to Jupiter and his temple, which was building there, he determined to annul the consecration of several fanes and shrines which had been first vowed by King Tatius at the crisis of the battle against Romulus, and had afterwards been consecrated and inaugurated.

> Latin: 55.2. et ut libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota Iouis templique eius quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana sacellaque statuit quae aliquod ibi, a Tatio rege primum in ipso discrimine aduersus Romulum pugnae uota, consecrata inaugurataque postea fuerant.

[¶40] 55.3. At the very time when he began this task the gods are said to have exerted their power to show the magnitude of this mighty empire. For whereas the birds permitted that the consecrations of all the other shrines should be rescinded, they refused their consent for the shrine of Terminus.

> Latin: 55.3. inter principia condendi huius operis mouisse numen ad indicandam tanti imperii molem traditur deos; nam cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes admitterent aues, in Termini fano non addixere;

[¶41] 55.4. This omen and augury was thus construed: the fact that the seat of Terminus was not moved, and that of all the gods he alone was not called away from the place consecrated to him, meant that the whole kingdom would be firm and steadfast.

> Latin: 55.4. idque omen auguriumque ita acceptum est non motam Termini sedem unumque eum deorum non euocatum sacratis sibi finibus firma stabiliaque cuncta portendere.

[¶42] 55.5. When this auspice of permanence had been received, there followed another prodigy foretelling the grandeur of their empire. A human head, its features intact, was found, so it is said, by the men who were digging for the foundations of the temple.

> Latin: 55.5. hoc perpetuitatis auspicio accepto, secutum aliud magnitudinem imperii portendens prodigium est: caput humanum integra facie aperientibus fundamenta templi dicitur apparuisse.

[¶43] 55.6. This appearance plainly foreshowed that here was to be the citadel of the empire and the head of the world, and such was the interpretation of the soothsayers, both those who were in the City and those who were called in from Etruria to consider the matter.

> Latin: 55.6. quae uisa species haud per ambages arcem eam imperii caputque rerum fore portendebat; idque ita cecinere uates quique in urbe erant quosque ad eam rem consultandam ex Etruria acciuerant.

[¶44] 55.7. This made the king all the more ready to spend money on the work. Hence the Pometian spoils, which had been destined to carry the building up to the roof, barely sufficed for the foundations.

> Latin: 55.7. augebatur ad impensas regis animus; itaque Pometinae manubiae, quae perducendo ad culmen operi destinatae erant, uix in fundamenta suppeditauere.

[¶45] 55.8. This disposes me to believe the statement of Fabius (who is, besides, the earlier writer) that the spoils were only forty talents, rather than Piso's, who writes that forty thousand pounds of silver were put aside for this work. So great a sum of money could not be expected from the booty of a single city of that time, and there is no building, even among those of our own day, for the foundations of which it would not be more than enough.

> Latin: 55.8. eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta fuisse, quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta milia pondo argenti seposita in eam rem scribit, summam pecuniae neque ex unius tum urbis praeda sperandam et nullius ne horum quidem operum fundamenta non exsuperaturam.

[¶46] 56.1. Being intent upon completing the temple, the king called in workmen from every quarter of Etruria, and used for this purpose not only the state funds but labourers drawn from the commons. This work was far from light in itself, and was added to their military service. Yet the plebeians felt less abused at having to build with their own hands the temples of the gods, than they did when they came to be transferred to other tasks also, which, while less in show, were yet rather more laborious.

> Latin: 56.1. intentus perficiendo templo, fabris undique ex Etruria accitis, non pecunia solum ad id publica est usus sed operis etiam ex plebe. qui cum haud paruus et ipse militiae adderetur labor, minus tamen plebs grauabatur se templa deum exaedificare manibus suis quam postquam et ad alia, ut specie minora, sic laboris aliquanto maioris traducebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque maximam, receptaculum omnium purgamentorum urbis, sub terra agendam;

[¶47] 56.2. I mean the erection of seats in the circus, and the construction underground of the Great Sewer, as a receptacle for all the offscourings of the City, —two works for which the new splendour of these days has scarcely been able to produce a match. After making the plebeians toil at these hard tasks, the king felt that a populace which had now no work to do was only a burden to the City; he wished, moreover, by sending out settlers, to extend the frontiers of his dominions.

> Latin: 56.2. quibus duobus operibus uix noua haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare potuit. his laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi multitudinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines uolebat, Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia urbi futura terra marique.

[¶48] 56.4. He therefore sent colonists to Signia and Circei, to safeguard the City by land and sea. While he was thus occupied, a terrible portent appeared. A snake glided out of a wooden pillar, causing fright and commotion in the palace. As for the king himself, his heart was not so much struck with sudden terror as filled with anxious forebodings.

> Latin: 56.4. haec agenti portentum terribile uisum: anguis ex columna lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in regia fecisset, ipsius regis non tam subito pauore perculit pectus quam anxiis impleuit curis.

[¶49] 56.5. Now for public prodigies none but Etruscan soothsayers were wont to be employed, but this domestic apparition, as he regarded it, so thoroughly alarmed him that he determined to send to Delphi, the most famous oracle in the world;

> Latin: 56.5. itaque cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tantum uates adhiberentur, hoc uelut domestico exterritus uisu Delphos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere statuit.

[¶50] 56.6. and, not daring to trust the oracle's reply to anybody else, he sent two of his sons, through strange lands, as they were then, and over stranger seas, to Greece.

> Latin: 56.6. neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere ausus, duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras, ignotiora maria in Graeciam misit.

[¶51] 56.7. Titus and Arruns were the ones who went; and, to bear them company, Lucius Junius Brutus was sent too, the son of Tarquinia, sister of the king, a young man of a very different mind from that which he pretended to bear. Having heard that the leading men of the state, and among them his own brother, had been put to death by his uncle, he determined to leave nothing in his disposition which the king might justly fear, nor anything in his fortune to covet, resolving to find safety in contempt, where justice afforded no protection.

> Latin: 56.7. Titus et Arruns profecti; comes iis additus L. Iunius Brutus, Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus, iuuenis longe alius ingenii quam cuius simulationem induerat. is cum primores ciuitatis, in quibus fratrem suum, ab auunculo interfectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relinquere statuit contemptuque tutus esse ubi in iure parum praesidii esset.

[¶52] 56.8. He therefore deliberately assumed the appearance of stupidity, and permitted himself and his property to become the spoil of the king; he even accepted the surname Brutus, that behind the screen afforded by this title the great soul which was to free the Roman People might bide its time unseen.

> Latin: 56.8. ergo ex industria factus ad imitationem stultitiae, cum se suaque praedae esse regi sineret, Bruti quoque haud abnuit cognomen ut sub eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi Romani animus latens opperiretur tempora sua.

[¶53] 56.9. He it was who was then taken by the Tarquinii to Delphi, more as a butt than as a comrade; and he is said to have carried a golden staff inclosed within one of cornel wood, hollowed out to receive it, as a gift to Apollo, and a roundabout indication of his own character.

> Latin: 56.9. is tum ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium uerius quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cauato ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per ambages effigiem ingenii sui.

[¶54] 56.10. When they came there, and had carried out their father's instructions, a desire sprang up in the hearts of the youths to find out which one of them should be king at Rome. From the depths of the cavern this answer, they say, was returned: “The highest power at Rome shall be his, young men, who shall be first among you to kiss his mother.”

> Latin: 56.10. quo postquam uentum est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos iuuenum sciscitandi ad quem eorum regnum Romanum esset uenturum. ex infimo specu uocem redditam ferunt: imperium summum Romae habebit qui uestrum primus, o iuuenes, osculum matri tulerit.

[¶55] 56.11. The Tarquinii, anxious that Sextus, who had been left in Rome, might know nothing of the answer and have no share in the rule, gave orders that the incident should be kept strictly secret; as between themselves, they decided by lot which should be first, upon their return to Rome, to give their mother a kiss.

> Latin: 56.11. Tarquinii ut Sextus, qui Romae relictus fuerat, ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem summa ope taceri iubent; ipsi inter se uter prior, cum Romam redisset, matri osculum daret, sorti permittunt.

[¶56] 56.12. Brutus thought the Pythian utterance had another meaning; pretending to stumble, he fell and touched his lips to Earth, evidently regarding her as the common mother of all mortals.

> Latin: 56.12. Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam uocem, uelut si prolapsus cecidisset, terram osculo contigit, scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium esset.

[¶57] 56.13. They then returned to Rome, where preparations for war with the Rutuli were being pushed with the greatest vigour.

> Latin: 56.13. reditum inde Romam, ubi aduersus Rutulos bellum summa ui parabatur.

[¶58] 57.1. Ardea belonged to the Rutuli, who were a nation of commanding wealth, for that place and period. This very fact was the cause of the war, since the Roman king was eager not only to enrich himself, impoverished as he was by the splendour of his public works, but also to appease with booty the feeling of the common people; who, besides the enmity they bore the monarch for other acts of pride, were especially resentful that the king should have kept them employed so long as artisans and doing the work of slaves.

> Latin: 57.1. Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens, ut in ea regione atque in ea aetate, diuitiis praepollens; eaque ipsa causa belli fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse ditari, exhaustus magnificentia publicorum operum, tum praeda delenire popularium animos studebat, praeter aliam superbiam regno infestos etiam quod se in fabrorum ministeriis ac seruili tam diu habitos opere ab rege indignabantur.

[¶59] 57.3. An attempt was made to capture Ardea by assault. Having failed in this, the Romans invested the place with intrenchments, and began to beleaguer the enemy.

> Latin: 57.3. temptata res est, si primo impetu capi Ardea posset: ubi id parum processit, obsidione munitionibusque coepti premi hostes.

[¶60] 57.4. Here in their permanent camp, as is usual with a war not sharp but long drawn out, furlough was rather freely granted, more freely however to the leaders than to the soldiers; the young princes for their part passed their idle hours together at dinners and drinking bouts.

> Latin: 57.4. in his statiuis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, satis liberi commeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis quam militibus;

[¶61] 57.5. It chanced, as they were drinking in the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius, where Tarquinius Collatinus, son of Egerius, was also a guest, that the subject of wives came up.

> Latin: 57.5. regii quidem iuuenes interdum otium conuiuiis comisationibusque inter se terebant.

[¶62] 57.6. Every man fell to praising his own wife with enthusiasm, and, as their rivalry grew hot, Collatinus said that there was no need to talk about it, for it was in their power to know, in a few hours' time, how far the rest were excelled by his own Lucretia.

> Latin: 57.6. forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius, Egeri filius, incidit de uxoribus mentio. suam quisque laudare miris modis;

[¶63] 57.7. “Come! If the vigour of youth is in us let us mount our horses and see for ourselves the disposition of our wives. Let every man regard as the surest test what meets his eyes when the woman's husband enters unexpected.” They were heated with wine. “Agreed!”

> Latin: 57.7. inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat uerbis opus esse; paucis id quidem horis posse sciri quantum ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. 'quin, si uigor iuuentae inest, conscendimus equos inuisimusque praesentes nostrarum ingenia? id cuique spectatissimum sit quod necopinato uiri aduentu occurrerit oculis.'

[¶64] 57.8. they all cried, and clapping spurs to their horses were off for Rome. Arriving there at early dusk, they thence proceeded to Collatia, where Lucretia was discovered very differently employed from the daughters-in-law of the king. These they had seen at a luxurious banquet, whiling away the time with their young friends; but Lucretia, though it was late at night, was busily engaged upon her wool, while her maidens toiled about her in the lamplight as she sat in the hall of her house.

> Latin: 57.8. incaluerant uino; 'age sane' omnes; citatis equis auolant Romam. quo cum primis se intendentibus tenebris peruenissent, pergunt inde Collatiam, ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus, quas in conuiuio luxuque cum aequalibus uiderant tempus terentes sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem inueniunt.

[¶65] 57.10. The prize of this contest in womanly virtues fell to Lucretia. As Collatinus and the Tarquinii approached, they were graciously received, and the victorious husband courteously invited the young princes to his table. It was there that Sextus Tarquinius was seized with a wicked desire to debauch Lucretia by force; not only her beauty, but her proved chastity as well, provoked him.

> Latin: 57.10. muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam fuit. adueniens uir Tarquiniique excepti benigne; uictor maritus comiter inuitat regios iuuenes. ibi Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per uim stuprandae capit; cum forma tum spectata castitas incitat.

[¶66] 57.11. However, for the present they ended the boyish prank of the night and returned to the camp.

> Latin: 57.11. et tum quidem ab nocturno iuuenali ludo in castra redeunt.

[¶67] 58.1. When a few days had gone by, Sextus Tarquinius, without letting Collatinus know, took a single attendant and went to Collatia.

> Latin: 58.1. paucis interiectis diebus Sex. Tarquinius inscio Collatino cum comite uno Collatiam uenit.

[¶68] 58.2. Being kindly welcomed, for no one suspected his purpose, he was brought after dinner to a guest-chamber. Burning with passion, he waited till it seemed to him that all about him was secure and everybody fast asleep; then, drawing his sword, he came to the sleeping Lucretia. Holding the woman down with his left hand on her breast, he said, “Be still, Lucretia! I am Sextus Tarquinius. My sword is in my hand. Utter a sound, and you die!” In affright the woman started out of her sleep.

> Latin: 58.2. ubi exceptus benigne ab ignaris consilii cum post cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore ardens, postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes uidebantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam uenit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso 'tace, Lucretia' inquit; ' Sex. Tarquinius sum; ferrum in manu est; moriere, si emiseris uocem.'

[¶69] 58.3. No help was in sight, but only imminent death. Then Tarquinius began to declare his love, to plead, to mingle threats with prayers, to bring every resource to bear upon her woman's heart.

> Latin: 58.3. cum pauida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope mortem imminentem uideret, tum Tarquinius fateri amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, uersare in omnes partes muliebrem animum.

[¶70] 58.4. When he found her obdurate and not to be moved even by fear of death, he went farther and threatened her with disgrace, saying that when she was dead he would kill his slave and lay him naked by her side, that she might be said to have been put to death in adultery with a man of base condition.

> Latin: 58.4. ubi obstinatam uidebat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad metum dedecus: cum mortua iugulatum seruum nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata dicatur.

[¶71] 58.5. At this dreadful prospect her resolute modesty was overcome, as if with force, by his victorious lust; and Tarquinius departed, exulting in his conquest of a woman's honour. Lucretia, grieving at her great disaster, dispatched the same message to her father in Rome and to her husband at Ardea: that they should each take a trusty friend and come; that they must do this and do it quickly, for a frightful thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came with Publius Valerius, Volesus' son.

> Latin: 58.5. quo terrore cum uicisset obstinatam pudicitiam uelut <ui> uictrix libido, profectusque inde Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad uirum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis ueniant; ita facto maturatoque opus esse; rem atrocem incidisse.

[¶72] 58.6. Collatinus brought Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he chanced to be returning to Rome when he was met by the messenger from his wife. Lucretia they found sitting sadly in her chamber. The entrance of her friends brought the tears to her eyes, and to her husband's question, “Is all well?”

> Latin: 58.6. Sp. Lucretius cum P. Ualerio Uolesi filio, Collatinus cum L. Iunio Bruto uenit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio uxoris erat conuentus.

[¶73] 58.7. she replied, “Far from it; for what can be well with a woman when she has lost her honour? The print of a strange man, Collatinus, is in your bed. Yet my body only has been violated; my heart is guiltless, as death shall be my witness. But pledge your right hands and your words that the adulterer shall not go unpunished. Sextus Tarquinius is he that last night returned hostility for hospitality, and armed with force brought ruin on me, and on himself no less —if you are men —when he worked his pleasure with me.”

> Latin: 58.7. Lucretiam sedentem maestam in cubiculo inueniunt. aduentu suorum lacrimae obortae, quaerentique uiro 'satin salue?' 'minime' inquit; 'quid enim salui est mulieri amissa pudicitia? uestigia uiri alieni, Collatine, in lecto sunt tuo; ceterum corpus est tantum uiolatum, animus insons; mors testis erit. sed date dexteras fidemque haud impune adultero fore.

[¶74] 58.8. They give their pledges, every man in turn. They seek to comfort her, sick at heart as she is, by diverting the blame from her who was forced to the doer of the wrong.

> Latin: 58.8. Sex. est Tarquinius qui hostis pro hospite priore nocte ui armatus mihi sibique, si uos uiri estis, pestiferum hinc abstulit gaudium.'

[¶75] 58.9. They tell her it is the mind that sins, not the body; and that where purpose has been wanting there is no guilt.

> Latin: 58.9. dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi auertendo noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti: mentem peccare, non corpus, et unde consilium afuerit culpam abesse.

[¶76] 58.10. “It is for you to determine,” she answers, “what is due to him; for my own part, though I acquit myself of the sin, I do not absolve myself from punishment; not in time to come shall ever unchaste woman live through the example of Lucretia.” Taking a knife which she had concealed beneath her dress, she plunged it into her heart, and sinking forward upon the wound, died as she fell.

> Latin: 58.10. 'uos' inquit 'uideritis quid illi debeatur: ego me etsi peccato absoluo, supplicio non libero; nec ulla deinde impudica Lucretiae exemplo uiuet.' cultrum, quem sub ueste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit, prolapsaque in uolnus moribunda cecidit.

[¶77] 58.12. The wail for the dead was raised by her husband and her father.

> Latin: 58.12. conclamat uir paterque;

[¶78] 59.1. Brutus, while the others were absorbed in grief, drew out the knife from Lucretia's wound, and holding it up, dripping with gore, exclaimed, “By this blood, most chaste until a prince wronged it, I swear, and I take you, gods, to witness, that I will pursue Lucius Tarquinius Superbus and his wicked wife and all his children, with sword, with fire, aye with whatsoever violence I may; and that I will suffer neither them nor any other to be king in Rome!” The knife he then passed to Collatinus, and from him to Lucretius and Valerius.

> Latin: 59.1. Brutus illis luctu occupatis cultrum ex uolnere Lucretiae extractum, manantem cruore prae se tenens, 'per hunc' inquit 'castissimum ante regiam iniuriam sanguinem iuro, uosque, di, testes facio me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata coniuge et omni liberorum stirpe ferro igni quacumque dehinc ui possim exsecuturum, nec illos nec alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum.'

[¶79] 59.2. They were dumbfounded at this miracle. Whence came this new spirit in the breast of Brutus? As he bade them, so they swore. Grief was swallowed up in anger; and when Brutus summoned them to make war from that very moment on the power of the kings, they followed his lead.

> Latin: 59.2. cultrum deinde Collatino tradit, inde Lucretio ac Ualerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde nouum in Bruti pectore ingenium. ut praeceptum erat iurant; totique ab luctu uersi in iram, Brutum iam inde ad expugnandum regnum uocantem sequuntur ducem.

[¶80] 59.3. They carried out Lucretia's corpse from the house and bore it to the market-place, where men crowded about them, attracted, as they were bound to be, by the amazing character of the strange event and its heinousness.

> Latin: 59.3. elatum domo Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt, concientque miraculo, ut fit, rei nouae atque indignitate homines.

[¶81] 59.4. Every man had his own complaint to make of the prince's crime and his violence. They were moved, not only by the father's sorrow, but by the fact that it was Brutus who chid their tears and idle lamentations and urged them.to take up the sword, as befitted men and Romans, against those who had dared to treat them as enemies.

> Latin: 59.4. pro se quisque scelus regium ac uim queruntur. mouet cum patris maestitia, tum Brutus castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum auctorque quod uiros, quod Romanos deceret, arma capiendi aduersus hostilia ausos.

[¶82] 59.5. The boldest of the young men seized their weapons and offered themselves for service, and the others followed their example. Then, leaving Lucretia's father to guard Collatia, and posting sentinels so that no one might announce the rising to the royal family, the rest, equipped for battle and with Brutus in command, set out for Rome.

> Latin: 59.5. ferocissimus quisque iuuenum cum armis uoluntarius adest; sequitur et cetera iuuentus. inde patre praeside relicto Collatiae [ad portas] custodibusque datis ne quis eum motum regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati duce Bruto Romam profecti.

[¶83] 59.6. Once there, wherever their armed band advanced it brought terror and confusion; but. again, when people saw that in the van were the chief men of the state, they concluded that whatever it was it could be no meaningless disturbance.

> Latin: 59.6. ubi eo uentum est, quacumque incedit armata multitudo, pauorem ac tumultum facit; rursus ubi anteire primores ciuitatis uident, quidquid sit haud temere esse rentur.

[¶84] 59.7. And in fact there was no less resentment at Rome when this dreadful story was known than there had been at Collatia. So from every quarter of the City men came running to the Forum. No sooner were they there than a crier summoned the people before the Tribune of the Celeres, which office Brutus then happened to be holding.

> Latin: 59.7. nec minorem motum animorum Romae tam atrox res facit quam Collatiae fecerat; ergo ex omnibus locis urbis in forum curritur. quo simul uentum est, praeco ad tribunum celerum, in quo tum magistratu forte Brutus erat, populum aduocauit.

[¶85] 59.8. There he made a speech by no means like what might have been expected of the mind and the spirit which he had feigned up to that day. He spoke of the violence and lust of Sextus Tarquinius, of the shameful defilement of Lucretia and her deplorable death, of the bereavement of Tricipitinus, in whose eyes the death of his daughter was not so outrageous and deplorable as was the cause of her death.

> Latin: 59.8. ibi oratio habita nequaquam eius pectoris ingeniique quod simulatum ad eam diem fuerat, de ui ac libidine Sex. Tarquini, de stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili caede, de orbitate Tricipitini cui morte filiae causa mortis indignior ac miserabilior esset.

[¶86] 59.9. He reminded them, besides, of the pride of the king himself and the wretched state of the commons, who were plunged into ditches and sewers and made to clear them out. The men of Rome, he said, the conquerors of all the nations round about, had been transformed from warriors into artisans and stone-cutters.

> Latin: 59.9. addita superbia ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas cloacasque exhauriendas demersae; Romanos homines, uictores omnium circa populorum, opifices ac lapicidas pro bellatoribus factos.

[¶87] 59.10. He spoke of the shameful murder of King Tullius, and how his daughter had driven her accursed chariot over her father's body, and he invoked the gods who punish crimes against parents.

> Latin: 59.10. indigna Ser. Tulli regis memorata caedes et inuecta corpori patris nefando uehiculo filia, inuocatique ultores parentum di.

[¶88] 59.11. With these and, I fancy, even fiercer reproaches, such as occur to a man in the very presence of an outrage, but are far from easy for an historian to reproduce, he inflamed the people, and brought them to abrogate the king's authority and to exile Lucius Tarquinius, together with his wife and children.

> Latin: 59.11. his atrocioribusque, credo, aliis, quae praesens rerum indignitas haudquaquam relatu scriptoribus facilia subicit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit ut imperium regi abrogaret exsulesque esse iuberet L. Tarquinium cum coniuge ac liberis.

[¶89] 59.12. Brutus himself then enrolled the juniors, who voluntarily gave in their names, and arming them set out for the camp at Ardea to arouse the troops against the king. The command at Rome he left with Lucretius, who had been appointed Prefect of the City by the king, some time before.

> Latin: 59.12. ipse iunioribus qui ultro nomina dabant lectis armatisque, ad concitandum inde aduersus regem exercitum Ardeam in castra est profectus: imperium in urbe Lucretio, praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege instituto, relinquit.

[¶90] 59.13. During this confusion Tullia fled from her house, cursed wherever she went by men and women, who called down upon her the furies that avenge the wrongs of kindred.

> Latin: 59.13. inter hunc tumultum Tullia domo profugit exsecrantibus quacumque incedebat inuocantibusque parentum furias uiris mulieribusque.

[¶91] 60.1. When the news of these events reached the camp, the king, in alarm at the unexpected danger, set out for Rome to put down the revolt. Brutus, who had perceived the king's approach, made a circuit to avoid meeting him, and at almost the same moment, though by different roads, Brutus reached Ardea and Tarquinius Rome.

> Latin: 60.1. harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis cum re noua trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad comprimendos motus, flexit uiam Brutus—senserat enim aduentum—ne obuius fieret; eodemque fere tempore, diuersis itineribus, Brutus Ardeam, Tarquinius Romam uenerunt.

[¶92] 60.2. Against Tarquinius the gates were closed and exile was pronounced. The liberator of the City was received with rejoicings in the camp, and the sons of the king were driven out of it. Two of them followed their father, and went into exile at Caere, in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius departed for Gabii, as though it had been his own kingdom, and there the revengers of old quarrels, which he had brought upon himself by murder and rapine, slew him.

> Latin: 60.2. Tarquinio clausae portae exsiliumque indictum: liberatorem urbis laeta castra accepere, exactique inde liberi regis. duo patrem secuti sunt qui exsulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt. Sex. Tarquinius Gabios tamquam in suum regnum profectus ab ultoribus ueterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse caedibus rapinisque concierat, est interfectus.

[¶93] 60.3. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus ruled for five and twenty years. The rule of the kings at Rome, from its foundation to its liberation, lasted two hundred and forty-four years. Two consuls were then chosen in the centuriate comitia, under the presidency of the Prefect of the City, in accordance with the commentaries of Servius Tullius. These were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

> Latin: 60.3. L. Tarquinius Superbus regnauit annos quinque et uiginti. regnatum Romae ab condita urbe ad liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor. duo consules inde comitiis centuriatis a praefecto urbis ex commentariis Ser. Tulli creati sunt, L. Iunius Brutus et L. Tarquinius Collatinus.

## 7. Book II · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE new liberty enjoyed by the Roman people, their achievements in peace and war, annual magistracies, and laws superior in authority to men will henceforth be my theme.

> Latin: 1.1. liberi iam hinc populi Romani res pace belloque gestas, annuos magistratus, imperiaque legum potentiora quam hominum peragam.

[¶1] 1.2. This liberty was the more grateful as the last king had been so great a tyrant. For his predecessors so ruled that there is good reason to regard them all as successive founders of parts, at least, of the City, which they added to serve as new homes for the numbers they had themselves recruited.

> Latin: 1.2. quae libertas ut laetior esset proximi regis superbia fecerat. nam priores ita regnarunt ut haud immerito omnes deinceps conditores partium certe urbis, quas nouas ipsi sedes ab se auctae multitudinis addiderunt, numerentur;

[¶2] 1.3. Nor is there any doubt that the same Brutus who earned such honour by expelling the haughty Tarquinius, would have acted in an evil hour for the commonwealth had a premature eagerness for liberty led him to wrest the power from any of the earlier kings.

> Latin: 1.3. neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui tantum gloriae superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo publico id facturus fuerit, si libertatis immaturae cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset.

[¶3] 1.4. For what would have happened if that rabble of shepherds and vagrants, having deserted their own peoples, and under the protection of inviolable sanctuary having possessed themselves of liberty, or at least impunity, had thrown off their fear of kings only to be stirred by the ruffling storms of tribunician demagogues, breeding quarrels with the senators of a city not their own, before ever the pledges of wife and children and love of the very place and soil (an affection of slow growth) had firmly united their aspirations? The nation would have crumbled away with dissension before it had matured.

> Latin: 1.4. quid enim futurum fuit, si illa pastorum conuenarumque plebs, transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela inuiolati templi aut libertatem aut certe impunitatem adepta, soluta regio metu agitari coepta esset tribuniciis procellis, et in aliena urbe cum patribus serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum ac liberorum caritasque ipsius soli, cui longo tempore adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset?

[¶4] 1.6. But it was favoured by the mild restraint of the government, which nursed it up to the point where its ripened powers enabled it to bear good fruit of liberty. Moreover you may reckon the beginning of liberty as proceeding rather from the limitation of the consuls' authority to a year than from any diminution of their power compared with that which the kings had exercised.

> Latin: 1.6. dissipatae res nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fouit tranquilla moderatio imperii eoque nutriendo perduxit ut bonam frugem libertatis maturis iam uiribus ferre possent.

[¶5] 1.7. All the rights of the kings and all their insignia were possessed by the earliest consuls; only one thing was guarded against —that the terror they inspired should not be doubled by permitting both to have the rods.

> Latin: 1.7. libertatis autem originem inde magis quia annuum imperium consulare factum est quam quod deminutum quicquam sit ex regia potestate numeres.

[¶6] 1.8. Brutus was the first to have them, with his colleague's consent, and he proved as determined in guarding liberty as he had been in asserting it. To begin with, when the people were still jealous of their new freedom, he obliged them to swear an oath that they would suffer no man to be king in Rome, lest they might later be turned from their purpose by the entreaties or the gifts of princes.

> Latin: 1.8. omnia iura, omnia insignia primi consules tenuere; id modo cautum est ne, si ambo fasces haberent, duplicatus terror uideretur. Brutus prior, concedente collega, fasces habuit; qui non acrior uindex libertatis fuerat quam deinde custos fuit. omnium primum auidum nouae libertatis populum, ne postmodum flecti precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando adegit neminem Romae passuros regnare.

[¶7] 1.10. In the next place, that the strength of the senate might receive an added augmentation from the numbers of that order, he filled up the list of the Fathers, which had been abridged by the late king's butcheries, drawing upon the foremost men of equestrian rank until he had brought the total up to three hundred.

> Latin: 1.10. deinde quo plus uirium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis faceret, caedibus regis deminutum patrum numerum primoribus equestris gradus lectis ad trecentorum summam expleuit, traditumque inde fertur ut in senatum uocarentur qui patres quique conscripti essent;

[¶8] 1.11. From that time, it is said, was handed down the custom of summoning to the senate the Fathers and the Enrolled, the latter being the designation of the new senators, who were appointed. This measure was wonderfully effective in promoting harmony in the state and attaching the plebs to the Fathers.

> Latin: 1.11. conscriptos uidelicet [nouum senatum] appellabant lectos. id mirum quantum profuit ad concordiam ciuitatis iungendosque patribus plebis animos.

[¶9] 2.1. Matters of worship then received attention. Certain public sacrifices had habitually been performed by the kings in person, and that their absence might nowhere be regretted, a “king of sacrifices ” was appointed.

> Latin: 2.1. rerum deinde diuinarum habita cura; et quia quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant, necubi regum desiderium esset, regem sacrificolum creant.

[¶10] 2.2. This priesthood they made subordinate to the pontifex, lest the office, in conjunction with the title, might somehow prove an obstacle to liberty, which was at that time their chief concern. Perhaps the pains they took to safeguard it, even in trivial details, may have been excessive.

> Latin: 2.2. id sacerdotium pontifici subiecere, ne additus nomini honos aliquid libertati, cuius tunc prima erat cura, officeret. ac nescio an nimium undique eam minimisque rebus muniendo modum excesserint.

[¶11] 2.3. For the name of one of the consuls, though he gave no other offence, was hateful to the citizens. “The Tarquinii had become too used to sovereignty. It had begun with Priscus; Servius Tullius had then been king; but not even this interruption had caused Tarquinius Superbus to forget the throne or regard it as another's; as though it had been the heritage of his family, he had used crime and violence to get it back; Superbus was now expelled, but the supreme power was in the hands of Collatinus. The Tarquinii knew not how to live as private citizens. Their name was irksome and a menace to liberty.”

> Latin: 2.3. consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud offenderet, nomen inuisum ciuitati fuit: nimium Tarquinios regno adsuesse; initium a Prisco factum; regnasse dein Ser. Tullium; ne interuallo quidem facto oblitum, tamquam alieni, regni, Superbum Tarquinium uelut hereditatem gentis scelere ac ui repetisse; pulso Superbo penes Collatinum imperium esse. nescire Tarquinios priuatos uiuere; non placere nomen, periculosum libertati esse.

[¶12] 2.4. Beginning in this way, with a cautious sounding of sentiment, the talk spread through the entire nation, and the plebs had become anxious and suspicious, when Brutus summoned them to an assembly.

> Latin: 2.4. hinc primo sensim temptantium animos sermo per totam ciuitatem est datus, sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem uocat.

[¶13] 2.5. There he first of all recited the oath which the people had taken, that they would suffer no king in Rome, nor any man who might be dangerous to liberty. This oath they must uphold, he said, with all their might, nor make light of anything which bore upon it. He spoke with reluctance, on the man's account, nor would he have broken silence unless he had been forced to do so by his love of country.

> Latin: 2.5. ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi recitat neminem regnare passuros nec esse Romae unde periculum libertati foret; id summa ope tuendum esse, neque ullam rem quae eo pertineat contemnendam. inuitum se dicere hominis causa, nec dicturum fuisse ni caritas rei publicae uinceret:

[¶14] 2.6. The Roman people did not believe that they had recovered absolute freedom. The royal family, the royal name were not only present in the state, but were actually in authority, an obstacle and a stumbling-block in the way of liberty.

> Latin: 2.6. non credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem reciperatam esse; regium genus, regium nomen non solum in ciuitate sed etiam in imperio esse; id officere, id obstare libertati.

[¶15] 2.7. “This fear,” he cried, “do you yourself remove, Lucius Tarquinius, of your own free will! We are mindful —we confess it —that you drove out the kings; complete the good work you have begun, and rid us of the royal name. Your possessions shall not only be granted you by the citizens, at my instance, but if they are in any way inadequate they shall be generously increased. Depart our friend, and relieve the state of what is, perhaps, an idle fear. The people are persuaded that with the family of Tarquinius the kingship will vanish from amongst us.”

> Latin: 2.7. 'hunc tu' inquit 'tua uoluntate, L. Tarquini, remoue metum. meminimus, fatemur: eiecisti reges; absolue beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. res tuas tibi non solum reddent ciues tui auctore me, sed si quid deest munifice augebunt. amicus abi; exonera ciuitatem uano forsitan metu; ita persuasum est animis cum gente Tarquinia regnum hinc abiturum.'

[¶16] 2.8. The consul was at first prevented from uttering a word by his astonishment at this strange and unexpected turn; then, when he tried to speak, the chief men of the state surrounded him, and with many entreaties made the same request.

> Latin: 2.8. consuli primo tam nouae rei ac subitae admiratio incluserat uocem; dicere deinde incipientem primores ciuitatis circumsistunt, eadem multis precibus orant.

[¶17] 2.9. The others had little influence over him, but when Spurius Lucretius, his superior in years and dignity, and his father-in-law besides, began to urge him, with mingled entreaty and advice, to permit himself to yield to the unanimous wish of his fellow-citizens, Collatinus became alarmed lest when his year of office should have ended, his misfortunes might be increased by the confiscation of his property and the addition of yet other ignominies. He therefore resigned the consulship, and transferring all his possessions to Lavinium, withdrew from the Roman state.

> Latin: 2.9. et ceteri quidem mouebant minus: postquam Sp. Lucretius, maior aetate ac dignitate, socer praeterea ipsius, agere uarie rogando alternis suadendoque coepit ut uinci se consensu ciuitatis pateretur, timens consul ne postmodum priuato sibi eadem illa cum bonorum amissione additaque alia insuper ignominia acciderent, abdicauit se consulatu rebusque suis omnibus Lauinium translatis ciuitate cessit.

[¶18] 2.11. In pursuance of a resolution of the senate, Brutus proposed to the people a measure which decreed the exile of all the Tarquinian race. To be his colleague the centuriate comitia, under his presidency, elected Publius Valerius, who had helped him to expel the kings.

> Latin: 2.11. Brutus ex senatus consulto ad populum tulit ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis exsules essent; collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creauit P. Ualerium, quo adiutore reges eiecerat.

[¶19] 3.1. Although no one doubted that the Tarquinii would presently go to war, their attack was delayed beyond all expectation; while a thing men did not fear at all, to wit a treasonable plot, almost cost Rome her liberty.

> Latin: 3.1. cum haud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab Tarquiniis imminere, id quidem spe omnium serius fuit; ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac proditionem prope libertas amissa est.

[¶20] 3.2. There were among the young men a number of youths, the sons of families not unimportant, whose pleasures had been less confined under the monarchy, who, being of the same age as the young Tarquinii, and their cronies, had grown used to the untrammelled life of princes.

> Latin: 3.2. erant in Romana iuuentute adulescentes aliquot, nec ii tenui loco orti, quorum in regno libido solutior fuerat, aequales sodalesque adulescentium Tarquiniorum, adsueti more regio uiuere.

[¶21] 3.3. This licence they missed, now that all enjoyed equal rights, and they had got into the way of complaining to each other that the liberty of the rest had resulted in their own enslavement. A king was a man, from whom one could obtain a boon, whether it were just or unjust; there was room for countenance and favour; a king could be angry, could forgive, could distinguish between friend and enemy.

> Latin: 3.3. eam tum, aequato iure omnium, licentiam quaerentes, libertatem aliorum in suam uertisse seruitutem inter se conquerebantur: regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius, ubi iniuria opus sit; esse gratiae locum, esse beneficio; et irasci et ignoscere posse; inter amicum atque inimicum discrimen nosse;

[¶22] 3.4. The law was a thing without ears, inexorable, more salutary and serviceable to the pauper than to the great man; it knew no relaxation or indulgence, if one exceeded bounds; and, inasmuch as man is so prone to blunder, it was dangerous to rely on innocence alone.

> Latin: 3.4. leges rem surdam, inexorabilem esse, salubriorem melioremque inopi quam potenti; nihil laxamenti nec ueniae habere, si modum excesseris; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus sola innocentia uiuere.

[¶23] 3.5. Thanks to such reflections, they were already infected with disloyalty when envoys from the royal family appeared, who without saying anything about the return of the Tarquinii, sought merely to recover their property. The senate, having given them a hearing, debated the question for several days; for they feared that if they refused to make restitution it would be a pretext for war, if they consented it would be to furnish means and assistance for its prosecution.

> Latin: 3.5. ita iam sua sponte aegris animis legati ab regibus superueniunt, sine mentione reditus bona tantum repetentes. eorum uerba postquam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies ea consultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita belli materia et adiumentum essent.

[¶24] 3.6. Meantime the envoys were exerting themselves to a different purpose. Ostensibly seeking to recover the property, they secretly laid their plans for winning back the kingdom; and, as if in furtherance of their apparent object, they went about sounding the disposition of the youthful nobles.

> Latin: 3.6. interim legati alia moliri; aperte bona repetentes clam reciperandi regni consilia struere; et tamquam ad id quod agi uidebatur ambientes, nobilium adulescentium animos pertemptant.

[¶25] 3.7. To those who gave them a friendly hearing they delivered letters from the Tarquinii, and plotted with them to admit the royal family secretly by night into the City.

> Latin: 3.7. a quibus placide oratio accepta est, iis litteras ab Tarquiniis reddunt et de accipiendis clam nocte in urbem regibus conloquuntur.

[¶26] 4.1. The brothers Vitellii and Aquilii were the first to be entrusted with the project. A sister of the Vitellii had married the consul Brutus, and there were sons of this marriage who were now young men, Titus and Tiberius; these were also admitted by their uncles to a share in the design.

> Latin: 4.1. Uitelliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res est. Uitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque ex eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberi, Titus Tiberiusque; eos quoque in societatem consilii auunculi adsumunt.

[¶27] 4.2. There were besides several other young nobles taken into the secret, but their names are lost in antiquity.

> Latin: 4.2. praeterea aliquot nobiles adulescentes conscii adsumpti, quorum uetustate memoria abiit.

[¶28] 4.3. The senate meantime had acquiesced in the opinion of those who were in favour of giving back the property. This very fact gave the agents of the exiles an excuse for lingering in the City, for the consuls had granted them time for obtaining vehicles with which to carry away the belongings of the royal family.

> Latin: 4.3. interim cum in senatu uicisset sententia quae censebat reddenda bona, eamque ipsam causam morae in urbe haberent legati quod spatium ad uehicula comparanda a consulibus sumpsissent quibus regum asportarent res, omne id tempus cum coniuratis consultando absumunt, euincuntque instando ut litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur:

[¶29] 4.4. All this time they spent in consultation with the conspirators, whom they urged and at length persuaded to give them letters for the Tarquinii: for otherwise how could the princes be convinced that the statements of their agents regarding matters of such importance were to be relied on?

> Latin: 4.4. nam aliter qui credituros eos non uana ab legatis super rebus tantis adferri? datae litterae ut pignus fidei essent, manifestum facinus fecerunt.

[¶30] 4.5. These letters, being given as a pledge of sincerity, furnished clear proof of the crime, For on the eve of the envoys' setting out to rejoin their masters it happened that they were dining at the house of the Vitellii, where the conspirators, having dismissed all witnesses, had much talk together, naturally enough, about their new design. This conversation one of the slaves overheard.

> Latin: 4.5. nam cum pridie quam legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur cenatum forte apud Uitellios esset, coniuratique ibi, remotis arbitris, multa inter se de nouo, ut fit, consilio egissent, sermonem eorum ex seruis unus excepit, qui iam antea id senserat agi, sed eam occasionem, ut litterae legatis darentur quae deprehensae rem coarguere possent, exspectabat.

[¶31] 4.6. He had for some time perceived what was in the wind, but was waiting for the opportunity which the delivery of the letters to the envoys would provide, that their seizure might make good his accusation. When he saw that the letters had been given, he laid the matter before the consuls. The consuls left their houses, arrested the agents and the conspirators, and, without making any disturbance, completely crushed the plot, being especially careful not to lose the letters. The traitors were thrown into prison forthwith. As for the envoys, it was uncertain for a little while what would be done with them, but, notwithstanding they appeared to have deserved no less than to be treated as enemies, the law of nations nevertheless prevailed.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam datas sensit, rem ad consules detulit. consules ad deprehendendos legatos coniuratosque profecti domo sine tumultu rem omnem oppressere; litterarum in primis habita cura ne interciderent. proditoribus extemplo in uincla coniectis, de legatis paululum addubitatum est; et quamquam uisi sunt commisisse ut hostium loco essent, ius tamen gentium ualuit.

[¶32] 5.1. The question of the royal property, which they had before voted to return, was laid before the Fathers for fresh consideration. This time anger won the day.

> Latin: 5.1. de bonis regiis, quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra refertur ad patres. ibi uicit ira; uetuere reddi, uetuere in publicum redigi.

[¶33] 5.2. They refused to return it, and refused to confiscate it to the state, but gave it up to the plebeians to plunder, that having had their fingers in the spoils of the princes they might for ever relinquish hope of making their peace with them. The land of the Tarquinii, lying between the City and the Tiber, was consecrated to Mars and became the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 5.2. diripienda plebi sunt data, ut contacta regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum iis pacis amitteret. ager Tarquiniorum qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratus Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit.

[¶34] 5.3. It happened, they say, that there was then standing upon it a crop of spelt, ripe for the harvest. Since this produce of the land might not, for religious reasons, be consumed, the grain was cut, straw and all, by a large body of men, who were set to work upon it simultaneously, and was carried in baskets and thrown into the Tiber, then flowing with a feeble current, as is usually the case in midsummer.

> Latin: 5.3. forte ibi tum seges farris dicitur fuisse matura messi. quem campi fructum quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum stramento segetem magna uis hominum simul immissa corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut mediis caloribus solet. ita in uadis haesitantes frumenti aceruos sedisse inlitos limo;

[¶35] 5.4. So the heaps of grain, caught in the shallow water, settled down in the mud, and out of these and the accumulation of other chance materials such as a river brings down, there was gradually formed an island. Later, I suppose, embankments were added, and work was done, to raise the surface so high above the water and make it strong enough to sustain even temples and porticoes.

> Latin: 5.4. insulam inde paulatim, et aliis quae fert temere flumen eodem inuectis, factam; postea credo additas moles manuque adiutum, ut tam eminens area firmaque templis quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset.

[¶36] 5.5. When the chattels of the princes had been pillaged, sentence was pronounced and punishment inflicted upon the traitors —a punishment the more conspicuous because the office of consul imposed upon a father the duty of exacting the penalty from his sons, and he who ought to have been spared even the sight of their suffering was the very man whom Fortune appointed to enforce it.

> Latin: 5.5. direptis bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque supplicium, conspectius eo quod poenae capiendae ministerium patri de liberis consulatus imposuit, et qui spectator erat amouendus, eum ipsum fortuna exactorem supplicii dedit.

[¶37] 5.6. Bound to the stake stood youths of the highest birth. But the rest were ignored as if they had been of the rabble: the consul's sons drew all eyes upon themselves.

> Latin: 5.6. stabant deligati ad palum nobilissimi iuuenes; sed a ceteris, uelut ab ignotis capitibus, consulis liberi omnium in se auerterant oculos, miserebatque non poenae magis homines quam sceleris quo poenam meriti essent:

[¶38] 5.7. Men pitied them for their punishment not more than for the crime by which they had deserved that punishment. To think that those young men, in that year of all others, when their country was liberated and her liberator their own father, and when the consulship had begun with the Junian family, could have brought themselves to betray all —the senate, the plebs, and all the gods and men of Rome —to one who had formerly been a tyrannical king and was then an enemy exile!

> Latin: 5.7. illos eo potissimum anno patriam liberatam, patrem liberatorem, consulatum ortum ex domo Iunia, patres, plebem, quidquid deorum hominumque Romanorum esset, induxisse in animum ut superbo quondam regi, tum infesto exsuli proderent.

[¶39] 5.8. The consuls advanced to their tribunal and dispatched the lictors to execute the sentence. The culprits were stripped, scourged with rods, and beheaded, while through it all men gazed at the expression on the father's face, where they might clearly read a father's anguish, as he administered the nation's retribution.

> Latin: 5.8. consules in sedem processere suam, missique lictores ad sumendum supplicium. nudatos uirgis caedunt securique feriunt, cum inter omne tempus pater uoltusque et os eius spectaculo esset, eminente animo patrio inter publicae poenae ministerium.

[¶40] 5.9. When the guilty had suffered, that the example might be in both respects a notable deterrent from crime, the informer was rewarded with money from the treasury, emancipation, and citizenship.

> Latin: 5.9. secundum poenam nocentium, ut in utramque partem arcendis sceleribus exemplum nobile esset, praemium indici pecunia ex aerario, libertas et ciuitas data.

[¶41] 5.10. He is said to have been the first to be freed by the vindicta. Some think that even the word vindicta was derived from his name, which they suppose to have been Vindicius. From his time onwards it was customary to regard those who had been freed by this form as admitted to citizenship.

> Latin: 5.10. ille primum dicitur uindicta liberatus; quidam uindictae quoque nomen tractum ab illo putant; Uindicio ipsi nomen fuisse. post illum obseruatum ut qui ita liberati essent in ciuitatem accepti uiderentur.

[¶42] 6.1. When these occurrences had been faithfully reported to Tarquinius, he was stirred not only by disappointment at the collapse of so great hopes, but also by hatred and anger. He saw that the way was now closed against trickery, and believed it was time to contrive an open war.

> Latin: 6.1. his sicut acta erant nuntiatis incensus Tarquinius non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis spei sed etiam odio iraque, postquam dolo uiam obsaeptam uidit, bellum aperte moliendum ratus circumire supplex Etruriae urbes;

[¶43] 6.2. He therefore went about as a suppliant amongst the cities of Etruria, directing his prayers chiefly to the Veientes and the Tarquinienses. Reminding them that he had come from them and was of the same blood as themselves, and that exile and poverty had followed hard upon his loss of what had been but now great power, he besought them not to let him perish, with his youthful sons, before their very eyes.

> Latin: 6.2. orare maxime Ueientes Tarquiniensesque, ne <ex> se ortum, eiusdem sanguinis, extorrem, egentem ex tanto modo regno cum liberis adulescentibus ante oculos suos perire sinerent: alios peregre in regnum Romam accitos: se regem, augentem bello Romanum imperium, a proximis scelerata coniuratione pulsum.

[¶44] 6.3. Others had been called in from abroad to be kings in Rome: he himself, while actually king, and enlarging Rome's sway by war, had been driven out by his next-of-kin in a wicked conspiracy. His enemies, perceiving that no single claimant was fit to be king, had seized and usurped the power amongst themselves, and had given up his goods to be plundered by the people, that none might be without a share in the guilt. He wished to regain his country and his sovereignty, and to punish the ungrateful Romans.

> Latin: 6.3. eos inter se, quia nemo unus satis dignus regno uisus sit, partes regni rapuisse; bona sua diripienda populo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris esset. patriam se regnumque suum repetere et persequi ingratos ciues uelle. ferrent opem, adiuuarent; suas quoque ueteres iniurias ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones, agrum ademptum.

[¶45] 6.4. Let them succour and support him, and avenge, as well, their own long-standing grievances, the oft-repeated destruction of their armies, and seizure of their lands. This last plea moved the men of Veii, and they cried out with threatenings that they ought, at all events with a Roman for their commander, to wipe out their disgraces and recover what they had lost in war.

> Latin: 6.4. haec mouerunt Ueientes, ac pro se quisque Romano saltem duce ignominias demendas belloque amissa repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tarquinienses nomen ac cognatio mouet: pulchrum uidebatur suos Romae regnare.

[¶46] 6.5. The Tarquinienses were influenced by his name and kinship: it seemed a fine thing to them that one of their blood should be king in Rome.

> Latin: 6.5. ita duo duarum ciuitatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum belloque persequendos Romanos secuti Tarquinium. postquam in agrum Romanum uentum est, obuiam hosti consules eunt.

[¶47] 6.6. So it came about that two armies, representing two nations, followed Tarquinius, to regain his kingdom for him and to chastise the Romans. When they had come into Roman territory the consuls went out to meet the enemy: Valerius led the foot in defensive formation; Brutus, with the cavalry, went ahead to scout.

> Latin: 6.6. Ualerius quadrato agmine peditem ducit: Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu antecessit. eodem modo primus eques hostium agminis fuit; praeerat Arruns Tarquinius filius regis, rex ipse cum legionibus sequebatur.

[¶48] 6.7. In the same fashion the enemy's horse headed their march, commanded by Arruns Tarquinius, the king's son, while the king himself followed with the legions. Arruns, perceiving a long way off by the consul's lictors that it was he, and then, as they drew nearer together, recognizing Brutus more unmistakably by his countenance, blazed with resentment. “Yonder,” he cried, “is the man who drove us into exile from our native land. Look!”

> Latin: 6.7. Arruns ubi ex lictoribus procul consulem esse, deinde iam propius ac certius facie quoque Brutum cognouit, inflammatus ira 'ille est uir' inquit, 'qui nos extorres expulit patria. ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus magnifice incedit. di regum ultores adeste.'

[¶49] 6.8. “He is himself decked out with our trappings, as he comes proudly on! O gods, avengers of kings, be with us!” Spurring his horse, he charged straight at the consul. Brutus saw that he was the object of the man's attack.

> Latin: 6.8. concitat calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus consulem derigit. sensit in se iri Brutus; decorum erat tum ipsis capessere pugnam ducibus; auide itaque se certamini offert;

[¶50] 6.9. In those days it was to a general's credit to take part in the actual fighting, so he eagerly accepted the challenge, and they rushed at one another with such desperation, neither of them taking thought for his own defence if only he might wound his adversary, that each was pierced right through his shield by the other's thrust, and, impaled upon the two spears, they fell dying from their horses.

> Latin: 6.9. adeoque infestis animis concurrerunt, neuter dum hostem uolneraret sui protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per parmam uterque transfixus duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint.

[¶51] 6.10. At the same time the rest of the cavalry as well began to fight, and not long after the infantry also appeared. In this battle the advantage was divided, and the fortune of war seemed equally balanced: the right wing on each side was victorious, while the left was defeated.

> Latin: 6.10. simul et cetera equestris pugna coepit, neque ita multo post et pedites superueniunt. ibi uaria uictoria et uelut aequo Marte pugnatum est; dextera utrimque cornua uicere, laeua superata.

[¶52] 6.11. The Veientes, used to being beaten by the Roman troops, were routed and dispersed; the men of Tarquinii, a new enemy, not only stood their ground, but drove back the Roman forces which opposed them.

> Latin: 6.11. Ueientes, uinci ab Romano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique: Tarquiniensis, nouus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua parte Romanum pepulit.

[¶53] 7.1. Yet despite the indecisive character of the battle, so great a panic came over Tarquinius and the Etruscans that they gave up the enterprise for lost, and that same night both armies, the Veientine and the Tarquiniensian, marched off every man to his own home.

> Latin: 7.1. ita cum pugnatum esset, tantus terror Tarquinium atque Etruscos incessit ut omissa inrita re nocte ambo exercitus, Ueiens Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent domos.

[¶54] 7.2. To the story of this fight common report adds a prodigy: that in the silence of the following night a loud voice was heard coming out of the Arsian forest, which was believed to be the voice of Silvanus, and that this was what he said: “The Tuscans have lost one more man in the battle-line; the Romans are conquerors in the war.”

> Latin: 7.2. adiciunt miracula huic pugnae: silentio proximae noctis ex silua Arsia ingentem editam uocem; Siluani uocem eam creditam; haec dicta: uno plus Tuscorum cecidisse in acie;

[¶55] 7.3. At all events the Romans left the field like victors, and the Etruscans like an army that has been defeated. For when it grew light and not a single enemy was to be seen, Publius Valerius the consul gathered up the spoils and returned in triumph to Rome. His colleague's funeral he celebrated with all the pomp then possible; but a far greater honour to the dead man was the general grief, which was particularly conspicuous inasmuch as the matrons mourned a year for him, as for a father, because he had been so spirited an avenger of outraged modesty.

> Latin: 7.3. uincere bello Romanum. ita certe inde abiere, Romani ut uictores, Etrusci pro uictis; nam postquam inluxit nec quisquam hostium in conspectu erat, P. Ualerius consul spolia legit triumphansque inde Romam rediit. collegae funus quanto tum potuit apparatu fecit; sed multo maius morti decus publica fuit maestitia, eo ante omnia insignis quia matronae annum ut parentem eum luxerunt, quod tam acer ultor uiolatae pudicitiae fuisset.

[¶56] 7.5. Soon after this the surviving consul, so fickle are the affections of the mob, became unpopular; not only did the people dislike him, but they actually suspected him and made cruel charges against him.

> Latin: 7.5. consuli deinde qui superfuerat, ut sunt mutabiles uolgi animi, ex fauore non inuidia modo sed suspicio etiam cum atroci crimine orta.

[¶57] 7.6. It was noised about that he was aspiring to the power of a king, since he had not caused a colleague to be elected in the place of Brutus, and was building a house on the highest part of the Velia, an elevated position of natural strength, men said, which he was converting into an impregnable citadel.

> Latin: 7.6. regnum eum adfectare fama ferebat, quia nec collegam subrogauerat in locum Bruti et aedificabat in summa Uelia: ibi alto atque munito loco arcem inexpugnabilem fieri.

[¶58] 7.7. The frequency of these remarks and the general acceptance they met with, shamefully unjust as they were, distressed the consul. He summoned the people to a council, and with lowered fasces mounted the speaker's platform.

> Latin: 7.7. haec dicta uolgo creditaque cum indignitate angerent consulis animum, uocato ad concilium populo submissis fascibus in contionem escendit. gratum multitudini spectaculum fuit, submissa sibi esse imperii insignia confessionemque factam populi quam consulis maiestatem uimque maiorem esse.

[¶59] 7.8. It was a welcome spectacle to the multitude when they beheld the emblems of authority there abased before them, in acknowledgment that the people's majesty and power were superior to the consul's. Then, bidding them attend, the consul extolled the good fortune of his colleague, who, after his country had thrown off the yoke, had held the highest office in her gift, and, fighting for the state, at the height of a reputation as yet untarnished by envy, had met his death. He had himself outlived his glory, and survived to face accusations and ill-will.

> Latin: 7.8. ibi audire iussis consul laudare fortunam collegae, quod liberata patria, in summo honore, pro re publica dimicans, matura gloria necdum se uertente in inuidiam, mortem occubuisset: se superstitem gloriae suae ad crimen atque inuidiam superesse; ex liberatore patriae ad Aquilios se Uitelliosque recidisse.

[¶60] 7.9. From being the saviour of his country he had sunk to the level of the Aquilii and Vitellii. “Will there never be worth and merit, then,” he exclaimed, “so established in your minds that suspicion cannot wrong it?”

> Latin: 7.9. 'nunquamne ergo' inquit, 'ulla adeo uobis spectata uirtus erit, ut suspicione uiolari nequeat? ego me, illum acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupiditatis regni crimen subiturum timerem?

[¶61] 7.10. “Could I possibly have feared that I, well known as the bitterest enemy of kings, should myself incur the charge of seeking kingly power? Could I have believed that, though I dwelt in the very Citadel and on the Capitol itself, I could be feared by my fellow-citizens? Can so trivial a cause ruin my reputation with you? Does your confidence rest on so slight a foundation that it makes more difference where I am than who I am?”

> Latin: 7.10. ego si in ipsa arce Capitolioque habitarem, metui me crederem posse a ciuibus meis? tam leui momento mea apud uos fama pendet? adeone est fundata leuiter fides ut ubi sim quam qui sim magis referat?

[¶62] 7.11. “There shall be no menace in the house of Publius Valerius to your liberties, Quirites; your Velia shall be safe. I will not only bring my house down on to level ground, but will even place it under a hill, that you may live above me, the citizen whom you suspect. Let those build on the Velia who can better be trusted with men's liberty than can Publius Valerius!” Immediately the materials were all brought down below the Velia, and the house was erected where the temple of Vica Pota is now, at the bottom of the slope.

> Latin: 7.11. non obstabunt Publi Ualeri aedes libertati uestrae, Quirites; tuta erit uobis Uelia; deferam non in planum modo aedes sed colli etiam subiciam, ut uos supra suspectum me ciuem habitetis; in Uelia aedificent quibus melius quam P. Ualerio creditur libertas.' delata confestim materia omnis infra Ueliam et, ubi nunc Uicae Potae <aedes> est, domus in infimo cliuo aedificata.

[¶63] 8.1. Laws were then proposed which not only cleared the consul from the suspicion of seeking kingly power, but took such an opposite turn that they even made him popular and caused him to be styled Publicola, the People's Friend.

> Latin: 8.1. latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni suspicione consulem absoluerent, sed quae adeo in contrarium uerterent ut popularem etiam facerent; inde cognomen factum Publicolae est.

[¶64] 8.2. Above all, the law about appealing from the magistrates to the people, and the one that pronounced a curse on the life and property of a man who should plot to make himself king, were welcome to the commons.

> Latin: 8.2. ante omnes de prouocatione aduersus magistratus ad populum sacrandoque cum bonis capite eius qui regni occupandi consilia inisset gratae in uolgus leges fuere.

[¶65] 8.3. When he had carried through these measures alone, that he might enjoy without a rival all the favour arising out of them, he finally held an election to choose a colleague for the unexpired term.

> Latin: 8.3. quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in his gratia esset, tum deinde comitia collegae subrogando habuit.

[¶66] 8.4. The choice fell upon Spurius Lucretius, who by reason of his great age was no longer strong enough for the duties of the consulship, and died within a few days. They elected in Lucretius's place Marcus Horatius Pulvillus.

> Latin: 8.4. creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno natu, non sufficientibus iam uiribus ad consularia munera obeunda, intra paucos dies moritur. suffectus in Lucreti locum M. Horatius Puluillus.

[¶67] 8.5. In some ancient authorities I do not find Lucretius given as consul, but Brutus is followed immediately by Horatius; I suppose that because no exploit lent distinction to Lucretius's consulship men forgot it. The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet been dedicated.

> Latin: 8.5. apud quosdam ueteres auctores non inuenio Lucretium consulem; Bruto statim Horatium suggerunt; credo, quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum, memoria intercidisse.

[¶68] 8.6. Valerius and Horatius the consuls drew lots to determine which should do it. Horatius received the lot, and Publicola set out to conduct the war against the Veientes. With more bitterness than was reasonable, the friends of Valerius resented that the dedication of so famous a temple should be given to Horatius.

> Latin: 8.6. nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio Iouis aedes; Ualerius Horatiusque consules sortiti uter dedicaret. Horatio sorte euenit: Publicola ad Ueientium bellum profectus.

[¶69] 8.7. They tried in all sorts of ways to hinder it, but their schemes all came to naught. Finally, when the consul's hand was on the door-post and he was in the midst of his prayers to the gods, they broke in upon the ceremony with the evil tidings that his son was dead, averring that whilst the shadow of death was over his house he could not dedicate a temple.

> Latin: 8.7. aegrius quam dignum erat tulere Ualeri necessarii dedicationem tam incliti templi Horatio dari. id omnibus modis impedire conati, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, postem iam tenenti consuli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incutiunt, mortuum eius filium esse, funestaque familia dedicare eum templum non posse.

[¶70] 8.8. Whether he did not believe the news to be true, or possessed great fortitude, we are not informed with certainty, nor is it easy to decide. Without permitting himself to be diverted from his purpose by the message, further than to order that the body should be buried, he kept his hand upon the doorpost, finished his prayer, and dedicated the temple.

> Latin: 8.8. non crediderit factum an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur certum nec interpretatio est facilis. nihil aliud ad eum nuntium a proposito auersus quam ut cadauer efferri iuberet, tenens postem precationem peragit et dedicat templum.

[¶71] 8.9. Such were the achievements, at home and in the field, of the first year after the expulsion of the kings.

> Latin: 8.9. haec post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta primo anno.

[¶72] 9.1. Next Publius Valerius (for the second time) and Titus Lucretius were made consuls. By this time the Tarquinii had sought refuge with Lars Porsinna, king of Clusium. There they mingled advice and entreaty, now imploring him not to permit them, Etruscans by birth and of the same blood and the same name as himself, to suffer the privations of exile, and again even warning him not to allow the growing custom of expelling kings to go unpunished.

> Latin: 9.1. inde P. Ualerius iterum T. Lucretius consules facti. iam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsennam, Clusinum regem, perfugerant. ibi miscendo consilium precesque nunc orabant, ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis, eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exsulare pateretur, nunc monebant etiam ne orientem morem pellendi reges inultum sineret.

[¶73] 9.2. Liberty was sweet enough in itself.

> Latin: 9.2. satis libertatem ipsam habere dulcedinis.

[¶74] 9.3. Unless the energy with which nations sought to obtain it were matched by the efforts which kings put forth to defend their power, the highest would be reduced to the level of the lowest; there would be nothing lofty, nothing that stood out above the rest of the state; there was the end of monarchy, the noblest institution known to gods or men.

> Latin: 9.3. nisi quanta ui ciuitates eam expetant tanta regna reges defendant, aequari summa infimis; nihil excelsum, nihil quod supra cetera emineat, in ciuitatibus fore; adesse finem regnis, rei inter deos hominesque pulcherrimae.

[¶75] 9.4. Porsinna, believing that it was not only a safe thing for the Etruscans that there should be a king at Rome, but an honour to have that king of Etruscan stock, invaded Roman territory with a hostile army.

> Latin: 9.4. Porsenna cum regem esse Romae <tutum>, tum Etruscae gentis regem, amplum Tuscis ratus, Romam infesto exercitu uenit.

[¶76] 9.5. Never before had such fear seized the senate, so powerful was Clusium in those days, and so great Porsinna's fame. And they feared not only the enemy but their own citizens, lest the plebs should be terror-stricken and, admitting the princes into the City, should even submit to enslavement, for the sake of peace.

> Latin: 9.5. non unquam alias ante tantus terror senatum inuasit; adeo ualida res tum Clusina erat magnumque Porsennae nomen. nec hostes modo timebant sed suosmet ipsi ciues, ne Romana plebs, metu perculsa, receptis in urbem regibus uel cum seruitute pacem acciperet.

[¶77] 9.6. Hence the senate at this time granted many favours to the plebs. The question of subsistence received special attention, and some were sent to the Volsci and others to Cumae to buy up corn. Again, the monopoly of salt, the price of which was very high, was taken out of the hands of individuals and wholly assumed by the government. Imposts and taxes were removed from the plebs that they might be borne by the well-to-do, who were equal to the burden: the poor paid dues enough if they reared children.

> Latin: 9.6. multa igitur blandimenta plebi per id tempus ab senatu data. annonae in primis habita cura, et ad frumentum comparandum missi alii in Uolscos, alii Cumas. salis quoque uendendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio uenibat, in publicum omne sumptum, ademptum priuatis; portoriisque et tributo plebes liberata, ut diuites conferrent qui oneri ferendo essent: pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si liberos educent.

[¶78] 9.7. Thanks to this liberality on the part of the Fathers, the distress which attended the subsequent blockade and famine was powerless to destroy the harmony of the state, which was such that the name of king was not more abhorrent to the highest than to the lowest; nor was there ever a man in after years whose demagogic arts made him so popular as its wise governing at that time made the whole senate.

> Latin: 9.7. itaque haec indulgentia patrum asperis postmodum rebus in obsidione ac fame adeo concordem ciuitatem tenuit, ut regium nomen non summi magis quam infimi horrerent, nec quisquam unus malis artibus postea tam popularis esset quam tum bene imperando uniuersus senatus fuit.

[¶79] 10.1. When the enemy appeared, the Romans all, with one accord, withdrew from their fields into the City, which they surrounded with guards. Some parts appeared to be rendered safe by their walls, others by the barrier formed by the river Tiber.

> Latin: 10.1. cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem ex agris demigrant; urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis. alia muris, alia Tiberi obiecto uidebantur tuta:

[¶80] 10.2. The bridge of piles almost afforded an entrance to the enemy, had it not been for one man, Horatius Cocles; he was the bulwark of defence on which that day depended the fortune of the City of Rome.

> Latin: 10.2. pons sublicius iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus uir fuisset, Horatius Cocles; id munimentum illo die fortuna urbis Romanae habuit.

[¶81] 10.3. He chanced to be on guard at the bridge when Janiculum was captured by a sudden attack of the enemy. He saw them as they charged down on the run from Janiculum, while his own people behaved like a frightened mob, throwing away their arms and quitting their ranks.

> Latin: 10.3. qui positus forte in statione pontis cum captum repentino impetu Ianiculum atque inde citatos decurrere hostes uidisset trepidamque turbam suorum arma ordinesque relinquere, reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque deum et hominum fidem testabatur nequiquam deserto praesidio eos fugere;

[¶82] 10.4. Catching hold first of one and then of another, blocking their way and conjuring them to listen, he called on gods and men to witness that if they forsook their post it was vain to flee; once they had left a passage in their rear by the bridge, there would soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine and the Capitol than on Janiculum.

> Latin: 10.4. si transitum [pontem] a tergo reliquissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque quam in Ianiculo fore. itaque monere, praedicere ut pontem ferro, igni, quacumque ui possint, interrumpant: se impetum hostium, quantum corpore uno posset obsisti, excepturum.

[¶83] 10.5. He therefore warned and commanded them to break down the bridge with steel, with fire, with any instrument at their disposal; and promised that he would himself receive the onset of the enemy, so far as it could be withstood by a single body.

> Latin: 10.5. uadit inde in primum aditum pontis, insignisque inter conspecta cedentium pugna terga obuersis comminus ad ineundum proelium armis, ipso miraculo audaciae obstupefecit hostes.

[¶84] 10.6. Then, striding to the head of the bridge, conspicuous amongst the fugitives who were clearly seen to be shirking the fight, he covered himself with his sword and buckler and made ready to do battle at close quarters, confounding the Etruscans with amazement at his audacity.

> Latin: 10.6. duos tamen cum eo pudor tenuit, Sp. Larcium ac T. Herminium, ambos claros genere factisque.

[¶85] 10.7. Yet were there two who were prevented by shame from leaving him. These were Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius, both famous for their birth and their deeds. With these he endured the peril of the first rush and the stormiest moment of the battle.

> Latin: 10.7. cum his primam periculi procellam et quod tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper sustinuit; deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis relicta reuocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum coegit.

[¶86] 10.8. But after a while he forced even these two to leave him and save themselves, for there was scarcely anything left of the bridge, and those who were cutting it down called to them to come back.

> Latin: 10.8. circumferens inde truces minaciter oculos ad proceres Etruscorum nunc singulos prouocare, nunc increpare omnes: seruitia regum superborum, suae libertatis immemores alienam oppugnatum uenire.

[¶87] 10.9. Then, darting glances of defiance around at the Etruscan nobles, he now challenged them in turn to fight, now railed at them collectively as slaves of haughty kings, who, heedless of their own liberty, were come to overthrow the liberty of others. They hesitated for a moment, each looking to his neighbour to begin the fight.

> Latin: 10.9. cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alius alium, ut proelium incipiant, circumspectant; pudor deinde commouit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum hostem tela coniciunt.

[¶88] 10.10. Then shame made them attack, and with a shout they cast their javelins from every side against their solitary foe. But he caught them all upon his shield, and, resolute as ever, bestrode the bridge and held his ground; and now they were trying to dislodge him by a charge, when the crash of the falling bridge and the cheer which burst from the throats of the Romans, exulting in the completion of their task, checked them in mid-career with a sudden dismay.

> Latin: 10.10. quae cum in obiecto cuncta scuto haesissent, neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti pontem obtineret gradu, iam impetu conabantur detrudere uirum, cum simul fragor rupti pontis, simul clamor Romanorum, alacritate perfecti operis sublatus, pauore subito impetum sustinuit.

[¶89] 10.11. Then Cocles cried, “O Father Tiberinus, I solemnly invoke thee; receive these arms and this soldier with propitious stream!” So praying, all armed as he was, he leaped down into the river, and under a shower of missiles swam across unhurt to his fellows, having given a proof of valour which was destined to obtain more fame than credence with posterity.

> Latin: 10.11. tum Cocles 'Tiberine pater' inquit, 'te sancte precor, haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias.' ita sic armatus in Tiberim desiluit multisque superincidentibus telis incolumis ad suos tranauit, rem ausus plus famae habituram ad posteros quam fidei.

[¶90] 10.12. The state was grateful for so brave a deed: a statue of Cocles was set up in the comitium, and he was given as much land as he could plough around in one day.

> Latin: 10.12. grata erga tantam uirtutem ciuitas fuit; statua in comitio posita; agri quantum uno die circumarauit, datum.

[¶91] 10.13. Private citizens showed their gratitude in a striking fashion, in the midst of his official honours, for notwithstanding their great distress everybody made him some gift proportionate to his means, though he robbed himself of his own ration.

> Latin: 10.13. priuata quoque inter publicos honores studia eminebant; nam in magna inopia pro domesticis copiis unusquisque ei aliquid, fraudans se ipse uictu suo, contulit.

[¶92] 11.1. Porsinna, repulsed in his first attempt, gave up the plan of storming the City, and determined to lay siege to it. Placing a garrison on Janiculum, he pitched his camp in the plain by the banks of the Tiber. He collected ships from every quarter, both for guarding the river, to prevent any corn from being brought into the City, and also to send his troops across for plundering, as the opportunity might present itself at one point or another;

> Latin: 11.1. Porsinna primo conatu repulsus, consiliis ab oppugnanda urbe ad obsidendam uersis, praesidio in Ianiculo locato, ipse in plano ripisque Tiberis castra posuit, nauibus undique accitis et ad custodiam ne quid Romam frumenti subuehi sineret, et ut praedatum milites trans flumen per occasiones aliis atque aliis locis traiceret;

[¶93] 11.3. and in a short time he made all the territory of the Romans so unsafe that not only were they forced to bring all their other property inside the walls, but even their flocks too, nor did anybody dare to drive them outside the gates.

> Latin: 11.3. breuique adeo infestum omnem Romanum agrum reddidit ut non cetera solum ex agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem compelleretur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere auderet.

[¶94] 11.4. This great degree of licence was permitted to the Etruscans not so much from timidity as design. For Valerius the consul, who was eager for an opportunity of assailing a large number at once, when they should be scattered about and not expecting an attack, cared little to avenge small aggressions, and reserved his punishment for a heavier blow.

> Latin: 11.4. hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis quam consilio concessum. namque Ualerius consul intentus in occasionem multos simul et effusos improuiso adoriundi, in paruis rebus neglegens ultor, grauem se ad maiora uindicem seruabat.

[¶95] 11.5. Accordingly, to lure forth plunderers, he issued orders to his people that on the following day a large number of them should drive out their flocks by the Esquiline Gate, which was the most remote from the enemy, believing that they would hear of it, since the blockade and famine were causing desertions on the part of faithless slaves.

> Latin: 11.5. itaque ut eliceret praedatores, edicit suis postero die frequentes porta Esquilina, quae auersissima ab hoste erat, expellerent pecus, scituros id hostes ratus, quod in obsidione et fame seruitia infida transfugerent.

## 8. Book II · chapters 11–23

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/#p-N

[¶0] 11.6. And in fact the enemy did hear of it from a deserter's report, and crossed the river in much greater force than usual, in the hope of making a clean sweep of the booty.

> Latin: 11.6. et sciere perfugae indicio; multoque plures, ut in spem uniuersae praedae, flumen traiciunt.

[¶1] 11.7. Consequently Publius Valerius directed Titus Herminius to lie in ambush with a small force two miles out on the Gabinian Way, and Spurius Larcius with a body of light-armed youths to take post at the Colline Gate, until the enemy should pass, and then to throw themselves between him and the river, cutting off his retreat.

> Latin: 11.7. P. Ualerius inde T. Herminium cum modicis copiis ad secundum lapidem Gabina uia occultum considere iubet, Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuuentute ad portam Collinam stare donec hostis praetereat; inde se obicere ne sit ad flumen reditus.

[¶2] 11.8. Of the two consuls, Titus Lucretius went out by the Naevian Gate with several maniples of soldiers, Valerius himself led out some picked cohorts by way of the Caelian Mount. These last were the first to be seen by the enemy.

> Latin: 11.8. consulum alter T. Lucretius porta Naeuia cum aliquot manipulis militum egressus; ipse Ualerius Caelio monte cohortes delectas educit, hique primi apparuere hosti.

[¶3] 11.9. Herminius had no sooner perceived that the skirmish was begun than he rushed in from his ambush and fell upon the rear of the Etruscans, who had turned to meet Valerius. On the right hand and on the left, from the Naevian Gate and from the Colline, an answering shout was returned.

> Latin: 11.9. Herminius ubi tumultum sensit, concurrit ex insidiis, uersisque in Lucretium Etruscis terga caedit; dextra laeuaque, hinc a porta Collina, illinc ab Naeuia, redditus clamor;

[¶4] 11.10. Thus the raiders were hemmed in and cut to pieces, for they were no match for the Romans in fighting strength, and were shut off from every line of retreat. This was the last time the Etruscans roamed so far afield.

> Latin: 11.10. ita caesi in medio praedatores, neque ad pugnam uiribus pares et ad fugam saeptis omnibus uiis. finisque ille tam effuse euagandi Etruscis fuit.

[¶5] 12.1. The blockade went on notwithstanding. The corn was giving out, and what there was cost a very high price, and Porsinna was beginning to have hopes that he would take the City by sitting still, when Gaius Mucius, a young Roman noble, thinking it a shame that although the Roman People had not, in the days of their servitude when they lived under kings, been blockaded in a war by any enemies, they should now, when free, be besieged by those same Etruscans whose armies they had so often routed, made up his mind that this indignity must be avenged by some great and daring deed.

> Latin: 12.1. obsidio erat nihilo minus et frumenti cum summa caritate inopia, sedendoque expugnaturum se urbem spem Porsinna habebat, cum C. Mucius, adulescens nobilis, cui indignum uidebatur populum Romanum seruientem cum sub regibus esset nullo bello nec ab hostibus ullis obsessum esse, liberum eundem populum ab iisdem Etruscis obsideri quorum saepe exercitus fuderit,—itaque magno audacique aliquo facinore eam indignitatem uindicandam ratus, primo sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra constituit;

[¶6] 12.4. At first he intended to make his way to the enemy's camp on his own account. Afterwards, fearing that if he should go unbidden by the consuls and without anyone's knowing it, he might chance to be arrested by the Roman sentries and brought back as a deserter —a charge which the state of the City would confirm —he went before the senate.

> Latin: 12.4. dein metuens ne si consulum iniussu et ignaris omnibus iret, forte deprehensus a custodibus Romanis retraheretur ut transfuga, fortuna tum urbis crimen adfirmante, senatum adit.

[¶7] 12.5. “I wish,” said he, “to cross the river, senators, and enter, if I can, the enemy's camp —not to plunder or exact reprisals for their devastations: I have in mind to do a greater deed, if the gods grant me their help.”

> Latin: 12.5. 'transire Tiberim' inquit, 'patres, et intrare, si possim, castra hostium uolo, non praedo nec populationum in uicem ultor; maius si di iuuant in animo est facinus.' adprobant patres; abdito intra uestem ferro proficiscitur.

[¶8] 12.6. The Fathers approved. Hiding a sword under his dress, he set out.

> Latin: 12.6. ubi eo uenit, in confertissima turba prope regium tribunal constitit.

[¶9] 12.7. Arrived at the camp, he took up his stand in the thick of the crowd near the royal tribunal. It happened that at that moment the soldiers were being paid; a secretary who sat beside the king, and wore nearly the same costume, was very busy, and to him the soldiers for the most part addressed themselves. Mucius was afraid to ask which was Porsinna, lest his ignorance of the king's identity should betray his own, and following the blind guidance of Fortune, slew the secretary instead of the king.

> Latin: 12.7. ibi cum stipendium militibus forte daretur et scriba cum rege sedens pari fere ornatu multa ageret eum<que> milites uolgo adirent, timens sciscitari uter Porsinna esset, ne ignorando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset, quo temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege obtruncat.

[¶10] 12.8. As he strode off through the frightened crowd, making a way for himself with his bloody blade, there was an outcry, and thereat the royal guards came running in from every side, seized him and dragged him back before the tribunal of the king.

> Latin: 12.8. uadentem inde qua per trepidam turbam cruento mucrone sibi ipse fecerat uiam, cum concursu ad clamorem facto comprehensum regii satellites retraxissent, ante tribunal regis destitutus, tum quoque inter tantas fortunae minas metuendus magis quam metuens, 'Romanus sum' inquit, 'ciuis;

[¶11] 12.9. But friendless as he was, even then, when Fortune wore so menacing an aspect, yet as one more to be feared than fearing, “I am a Roman citizen,” he cried; “men call me Gaius Mucius.”

> Latin: 12.9. C. Mucium uocant. hostis hostem occidere uolui, nec ad mortem minus animi est, quam fuit ad caedem; et facere et pati fortia Romanum est.

[¶12] 12.10. “I am your enemy, and as an enemy I would have slain you; I can die as resolutely as I could kill: both to do and to endure valiantly is the Roman way. Nor am I the only one to carry this resolution against you: behind me is a long line of men who are seeking the same honour. Gird yourself therefore, if you think it worth your while, for a struggle in which you must fight for your life from hour to hour with an armed foe always at your door.”

> Latin: 12.10. nec unus in te ego hos animos gessi; longus post me ordo est idem petentium decus. proinde in hoc discrimen, si iuuat, accingere, ut in singulas horas capite dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque in uestibulo habeas regiae. hoc tibi iuuentus Romana indicimus bellum.

[¶13] 12.11. “Such is the war we, the Roman youths, declare on you.”

> Latin: 12.11. nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris; uni tibi et cum singulis res erit.'

[¶14] 12.12. “Fear no serried ranks, no battle; it will be between yourself alone and a single enemy at a time.” The king, at once hot with resentment and aghast at his danger, angrily ordered the prisoner to be flung into the flames unless he should at once divulge the plot with which he so obscurely threatened him. Whereupon Mucius, exclaiming, “Look, that you may see how cheap they hold their bodies whose eyes are fixed upon renown!” thrust his hand into the fire that was kindled for the sacrifice. When he allowed his hand to burn as if his spirit were unconscious of sensation, the king was almost beside himself with wonder.

> Latin: 12.12. cum rex simul ira infensus periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabundus iuberet nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum sibi minas per ambages iaceret, 'en tibi' inquit, 'ut sentias quam uile corpus sit iis qui magnam gloriam uident'; dextramque accenso ad sacrificium foculo inicit. quam cum uelut alienato ab sensu torreret animo, prope attonitus miraculo rex cum ab sede sua prosiluisset amouerique ab altaribus iuuenem iussisset, 'tu uero abi' inquit, 'in te magis quam in me hostilia ausus.

[¶15] 12.14. He bounded from his seat and bade them remove the young man from the altar. “Do you go free,” he said, “who have dared to harm yourself more than me. I would invoke success upon your valour, were that valour exerted for my country; since that may not be, I release you from the penalties of war and dismiss you scathless and uninjured.”

> Latin: 12.14. iuberem macte uirtute esse, si pro mea patria ista uirtus staret; nunc iure belli liberum te, intactum inuiolatumque hinc dimitto.'

[¶16] 12.15. Then Mucius, as if to requite his generosity, answered, “Since you hold bravery in honour, my gratitude shall afford you the information your threats could not extort: we are three hundred, the foremost youths of Rome, who have conspired to assail you in this fashion.”

> Latin: 12.15. tunc Mucius, quasi remunerans meritum, 'quando quidem' inquit, 'est apud te uirtuti honos, ut beneficio tuleris a me quod minis nequisti, trecenti coniurauimus principes iuuentutis Romanae ut in te hac uia grassaremur.

[¶17] 12.16. “I drew the first lot; the others, in whatever order it falls to them, will attack you, each at his own time, until Fortune shall have delivered you into our hands.”

> Latin: 12.16. mea prima sors fuit; ceteri ut cuiusque ceciderit primi quoad te opportunum fortuna dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt.'

[¶18] 13.1. The release of Mucius, who was afterwards known as Scaevola, from the loss of his right hand, was followed by the arrival in Rome of envoys from Porsinna.

> Latin: 13.1. Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaeuolae a clade dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a Porsinna Romam secuti sunt;

[¶19] 13.2. The king had been so disturbed, what with the hazard of the first attack upon his life, from which nothing but the blunder of his assailant had preserved him, and what with the anticipation of having to undergo the danger as many times more as there were conspirators remaining, that he voluntarily proposed terms of peace to the Romans.

> Latin: 13.2. adeo mouerat eum et primi periculi casus, <a> quo nihil se praeter errorem insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda dimicatio totiens quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis condiciones ultro ferret Romanis.

[¶20] 13.3. In these terms Porsinna suggested, but without effect, that the Tarquinii should be restored to power, more because he had been unable to refuse the princes this demand upon their behalf than that he was ignorant that the Romans would refuse it.

> Latin: 13.3. iactatum in condicionibus nequiquam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis quia id negare ipse nequiuerat Tarquiniis quam quod negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret.

[¶21] 13.4. In obtaining the return of their lands to the Veientes he was successful; and the Romans were compelled to give hostages if they wished the garrison to be withdrawn from Janiculum. On these terms peace was made, and Porsinna led his army down from Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory.

> Latin: 13.4. de agro Ueientibus restituendo impetratum, expressaque necessitas obsides dandi Romanis, si Ianiculo praesidium deduci uellent. his condicionibus composita pace, exercitum ab Ianiculo deduxit Porsinna et agro Romano excessit.

[¶22] 13.5. The Fathers bestowed on Gaius Mucius, for his bravery, a field across the Tiber, which was later known as the Mucian Meadows.

> Latin: 13.5. patres C. Mucio uirtutis causa trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere, quae postea sunt Mucia prata appellata.

[¶23] 13.6. Now when courage had been thus distinguished, even the women were inspired to deeds of patriotism. Thus the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, eluded the sentinels, when it chanced that the Etruscans had encamped not far from the bank of the Tiber, and heading a band of girls swam the river and, under a rain of hostile darts, brought them all back in safety to their kinsmen in Rome.

> Latin: 13.6. ergo ita honorata uirtute, feminae quoque ad publica decora excitatae, et Cloelia uirgo una ex obsidibus, cum castra Etruscorum forte haud procul ripa Tiberis locata essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis uirginum inter tela hostium Tiberim tranauit, sospitesque omnes Romam ad propinquos restituit.

[¶24] 13.7. When this had been reported to the king, he was at first enraged and sent emissaries to Rome to demand that the hostage Cloelia be given up, for he made no great account of the others.

> Latin: 13.7. quod ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo incensus ira oratores Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem deposcendam: alias haud magni facere.

[¶25] 13.8. Then, admiration getting the better of anger, he asserted that her feat was a greater one than those of Cocles and Mucius, and declared that although in case the hostage was not returned he should regard the treaty as broken, yet if she were restored to him he would send her back safe and inviolate to her friends. Both parties kept their word.

> Latin: 13.8. deinde in admirationem uersus, supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus esse, et prae se ferre quemadmodum si non dedatur obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic deditam <intactam> inuiolatamque ad suos remissurum.

[¶26] 13.9. The Romans returned the pledge of peace, as the treaty required; and the Etruscan king not only protected the brave girl but even honoured her, for after praising her heroism he said that he would present her with half the hostages, and that she herself should choose the ones she wished.

> Latin: 13.9. utrimque constitit fides; et Romani pignus pacis ex foedere restituerunt, et apud regem Etruscum non tuta solum sed honorata etiam uirtus fuit, laudatamque uirginem parte obsidum se donare dixit; ipsa quos uellet legeret.

[¶27] 13.10. When they had all been brought out it is said that she selected the young boys, because it was not only more seemly in a maiden, but was unanimously approved by the hostages themselves, that in delivering them from the enemy she should give the preference to those who were of an age which particularly exposed them to injury.

> Latin: 13.10. productis omnibus elegisse impubes dicitur; quod et uirginitati decorum et consensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat eam aetatem potissimum liberari ab hoste quae maxime opportuna iniuriae esset.

[¶28] 13.11. When peace had been established the Romans rewarded this new valour in a woman with a new kind of honour, an equestrian statue, which was set up on the summit of the Sacred Way, and represented the maiden seated on a horse.

> Latin: 13.11. pace redintegrata Romani nouam in femina uirtutem nouo genere honoris, statua equestri, donauere; in summa Sacra uia fuit posita uirgo insidens equo.

[¶29] 14.1. This peaceful departure of the Etruscan king from Rome is inconsistent with the custom handed down from antiquity even to our own age, among other formalities observed at sales of booty, of proclaiming “the goods of King Porsinna.”

> Latin: 14.1. huic tam pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis Etrusci abhorrens mos traditus ab antiquis usque ad nostram aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona Porsennae regis uendendi.

[¶30] 14.2. Such a practice must either have arisen during the war and have been retained when peace was made, or else have had its origin in some kindlier circumstance than would be suggested by the notice that an enemy's goods were to be sold.

> Latin: 14.2. cuius originem moris necesse est aut inter bellum natam esse neque omissam in pace, aut a mitiore creuisse principio quam hic prae se ferat titulus bona hostiliter uendendi.

[¶31] 14.3. The most credible of the traditional explanations is that when Porsinna retired from Janiculum he handed over his camp, well stocked with provisions brought in from the neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria, as a gift to the Romans, who were then in a destitute condition after the long siege.

> Latin: 14.3. proximum uero est ex iis quae traduntur Porsennam discedentem ab Ianiculo castra opulenta, conuecto ex propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae aruis commeatu, Romanis dono dedisse, inopi tum urbe ab longinqua obsidione;

[¶32] 14.4. These supplies were then sold, lest, if people were given a free hand, they might plunder the camp like an enemy; and they were called the goods of Porsinna rather by way of implying thankfulness for the gift than an auction of the king's property, which was not even in the possession of the Roman People.

> Latin: 14.4. ea deinde, ne populo immisso diriperentur hostiliter, uenisse, bonaque Porsennae appellata, gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam auctionem fortunae regiae quae ne in potestate quidem populi Romani esset.

[¶33] 14.5. On relinquishing his campaign against the Romans, Porsinna was unwilling that he should appear to have led his army into that region to no purpose, and accordingly sent a part of his forces, under his son Arruns, to besiege Aricia. At first the Aricini were paralysed with surprise.

> Latin: 14.5. omisso Romano bello Porsenna, ne frustra in ea loca exercitus adductus uideretur, cum parte copiarum filium Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit.

[¶34] 14.6. Afterwards the auxiliaries whom they called in from the Latin peoples, and also from Cumae, so encouraged them that they ventured to measure their strength with the enemy in the open field. When the battle began, the attack of the Etruscans was so impetuous that they routed the Aricini at the first charge.

> Latin: 14.6. primo Aricinos res necopinata perculerat; arcessita deinde auxilia et a Latinis populis et a Cumis tantum spei fecere, ut acie decernere auderent. proelio inito, adeo concitato impetu se intulerant Etrusci ut funderent ipso incursu Aricinos:

[¶35] 14.7. The Cumaean levies, employing skill to meet force, swerved a little to one side, and when the enemy had swept by them, faced about and attacked them in the rear, with the result that the Etruscans, caught between two lines, almost in the moment of victory, were cut to pieces.

> Latin: 14.7. Cumanae cohortes arte aduersus uim usae declinauere paululum, effuseque praelatos hostes conuersis signis ab tergo adortae sunt.

[¶36] 14.8. A very small number of them, having lost their leader and finding no nearer refuge, drifted to Rome, unarmed and with all the helplessness and the dejected aspect of suppliants. There they were kindly received and were quartered about among the citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. ita in medio prope iam uictores caesi Etrusci. pars perexigua, duce amisso, quia nullum propius perfugium erat, Romam inermes et fortuna et specie supplicum delati sunt.

[¶37] 14.9. When their wounds had healed, some departed for their homes to report the hospitality and kindness they had met with, but many were persuaded to remain in Rome by the affection they felt for their hosts and for the City. To these a place of residence was allotted which was afterwards called the Vicus Tuscus.

> Latin: 14.9. ibi benigne excepti diuisique in hospitia. curatis uolneribus, alii profecti domos, nuntii hospitalium beneficiorum: multos Romae hospitum urbisque caritas tenuit. his locus ad habitandum datus quem deinde Tuscum uicum appellarunt.

[¶38] 15.1. Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius were the next consuls, and after them came Publius Lucretius and Publius Valerius Publicola. In the latter year an embassy was sent to Rome for the last time by Porsinna to negotiate for the restoration of Tarquinius to power. To these envoys the senate replied that they would send representatives to the king, and they forthwith dispatched those of the Fathers who were held in the highest esteem.

> Latin: 15.1. Sp. < Larcius inde et> T. Herminius, P. Lucretius inde et P. Ualerius Publicola consules facti. eo anno postremum legati a Porsenna de reducendo in regnum Tarquinio uenerunt; quibus cum responsum esset missurum ad regem senatum legatos, missi confestim honoratissimus quisque ex patribus.

[¶39] 15.2. It would not have been impossible, they said, to reply shortly that the royal family would not be received. It was not for that reason that they had preferred to send chosen members of the senate to him rather than to give their answer to his ambassadors in Rome. But they had desired that for all time discussion of that question might be ended, and that where there were so great obligations on both sides there might not be mutual irritation, from the king's seeking that which was incompatible with the liberty of the Roman people, while the Romans, unless they were willing to sacrifice their existence to their good nature, denied the request of a man whom they would not willingly have denied anything.

> Latin: 15.2. non quin breuiter reddi responsum potuerit non recipi reges, ideo potius delectos patrum ad eum missos quam legatis eius Romae daretur responsum, sed ut in perpetuum mentio eius rei finiretur, neu in tantis mutuis beneficiis in uicem animi sollicitarentur, cum ille peteret quod contra libertatem populi Romani esset, Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse uellent, negarent cui nihil negatum uellent.

[¶40] 15.3. The Roman people were not living under a monarchy, but were free. They had resolved to throw open their gates to enemies sooner than to kings; in this prayer they were all united, that the day which saw the end of liberty in their City might also see the City's end.

> Latin: 15.3. non in regno populum Romanum sed in libertate esse. ita induxisse in animum, hostibus portas potius quam regibus patefacere; ea esse uota omnium ut qui libertati erit in illa urbe finis, idem urbi sit.

[¶41] 15.4. They therefore entreated him, if he desired the welfare of Rome, to permit her to be free.

> Latin: 15.4. proinde si saluam esse uellet Romam, ut patiatur liberam esse orare.

[¶42] 15.5. The king, yielding to his better feelings, made answer: “Since this is your fixed resolve, I will neither importune you with repeated insistence upon a hopeless plea, nor will I deceive the Tarquinii with the hope of aid which it is not in my power to grant. Let them seek elsewhere, whether war or peace be their object, for a place of exile, that nothing may hinder my being at peace with you.” His words were followed by yet more friendly deeds.

> Latin: 15.5. rex uerecundia uictus 'quando id certum atque obstinatum est' inquit, 'neque ego obtundam saepius eadem nequiquam agendo, nec Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum in me est, frustrabor. alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu quiete, exsilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam uobiscum pacem distineat.' dictis facta amiciora adiecit;

[¶43] 15.6. The hostages remaining in his hands he returned, and he gave back the Veientine land which he had taken from the Romans by the treaty made on Janiculum.

> Latin: 15.6. obsidum quod reliquum erat reddidit; agrum Ueientem, foedere ad Ianiculum icto ademptum, restituit.

[¶44] 15.7. Tarquinius, cut off from all hope of returning, departed for Tusculum, to spend his exile in the home of his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius. The Romans enjoyed an unbroken peace with Porsinna.

> Latin: 15.7. Tarquinius spe omni reditus incisa exsulatum ad generum Mamilium Octauium Tusculum abiit. Romanis pax fida [ita] cum Porsenna fuit.

[¶45] 16.1. The consulship of Marcus Valerius and Publius Postumius. This year a successful war was waged against the Sabines, and the consuls triumphed. More elaborate preparations for war were then made by the Sabines.

> Latin: 16.1. consules M. Ualerius P. Postumius. eo anno bene pugnatum cum Sabinis; consules triumpharunt. maiore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant.

[¶46] 16.2. To confront them, and to prevent any sudden peril arising from Tusculum, in which quarter hostility, though not openly avowed, was none the less suspected, Publius Valerius was made consul for the fourth time and Titus Lucretius for the second.

> Latin: 16.2. aduersus eos et ne quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi non apertum, suspectum tamen bellum erat, repentini periculi oreretur, P. Ualerius quartum T. Lucretius iterum consules facti.

[¶47] 16.3. A schism which occurred between the advocates of war and those of peace amongst the Sabines resulted in the transfer of some part of their strength to the Romans.

> Latin: 16.3. seditio inter belli pacisque auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde uirium transtulit ad Romanos.

[¶48] 16.4. For Attius Clausus, afterwards known at Rome as Appius Claudius, himself a champion of peace, was hard bested by the turbulent war-party, and finding himself no match for them, left Inregillus, with a large band of clients, and fled to Rome. These people were made citizens and given land across the Anio.

> Latin: 16.4. namque Attius Clausus, cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum pacis ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur nec par factioni esset, ab Inregillo, magna clientium comitatus manu, Romam transfugit.

[¶49] 16.5. The “Old Claudian Tribe” was the name used later, when new tribesmen had been added, to designate those who came from this territory. Appius, having been enrolled in the senate, came in a short time to be regarded as one of its leading members.

> Latin: 16.5. his ciuitas data agerque trans Anienem; Uetus Claudia tribus—additis postea nouis tribulibus—qui ex eo uenirent agro appellati. Appius inter patres lectus, haud ita multo post in principum dignationem peruenit.

[¶50] 16.6. The consuls led an army into the country of the Sabines, and by wasting their fields, and afterwards by a battle, so crushed the enemy's strength that there could be no fear for a long time of any outbreak of hostilities in that region.

> Latin: 16.6. consules infesto exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita uastatione, dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium ut diu nihil inde rebellionis timeri posset, triumphantes Romam redierunt.

[¶51] 16.7. They then returned to Rome and triumphed. Publius Valerius, universally regarded as the foremost citizen, both in military and in civil qualities, died in the following year, when Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius were consuls. He was a man of extraordinary reputation, but so poor that money was wanting for his burial, and it was furnished from the treasury of the state.

> Latin: 16.7. P. Ualerius, omnium consensu princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa Menenio P. Postumio consulibus moritur, gloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut funeri sumptus deesset; de publico est datus. luxere matronae ut Brutum.

[¶52] 16.8. He was mourned by the matrons as Brutus had been. In the same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Aurunci. The Aurunci were the first to be attacked. Upon the defeat of the great army which had boldly issued forth to meet the invasion of their territory by the consuls, the whole weight of the Auruncan war fell upon Pometia.

> Latin: 16.8. eodem anno duae coloniae Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt. cum Auruncis bellum initum; fusoque ingenti exercitu, qui se ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter obtulerat, omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam compulsum est.

[¶53] 16.9. After the battle, as well as during its progress, no quarter was given. The slain had somewhat outnumbered the prisoners, and the prisoners were indiscriminately slaughtered. Even the hostages, of whom three hundred had been received, were not spared in the rage of war. This year also a triumph was celebrated at Rome.

> Latin: 16.9. nec magis post proelium quam in proelio caedibus temperatum est; et caesi aliquanto plures erant quam capti, et captos passim trucidauerunt; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. et hoc anno Romae triumphatum.

[¶54] 17.1. The consuls of the next year, Opiter Verginius and Spurius Cassius, attempted to capture Pometia, first by assault and then by the use of mantlets and other engines.

> Latin: 17.1. secuti consules Opiter Uerginius Sp. Cassius Pometiam primo ui, deinde uineis aliisque operibus oppugnarunt.

[¶55] 17.2. Against their besiegers the Aurunci, rather of an implacable hatred than for any hope or opportunity offered, rushed out, armed with firebrands for the most part, instead of swords, and carried death and flames in all directions.

> Latin: 17.2. in quos Aurunci magis iam inexpiabili odio quam spe aliqua aut occasione coorti, cum plures igni quam ferro armati excucurrissent, caede incendioque cuncta complent.

[¶56] 17.3. The mantlets were burned, many of their enemies were wounded or slain, and one of the consuls —which one the historians do not add —was seriously wounded, thrown from his horse, and almost killed.

> Latin: 17.3. uineis incensis, multis hostium uolneratis et occisis, consulum quoque alterum—sed utrum auctores non adiciunt—graui uolnere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt.

[¶57] 17.4. The Romans then marched home, defeated. Amongst the many wounded they brought the consul, hovering betwixt life and death. When a short time had elapsed, long enough for healing wounds and recruiting the army, they returned, with heightened resentment and also with augmented forces, to the attack of Pometia.

> Latin: 17.4. Romam inde male gesta re reditum; inter multos saucios consul spe incerta uitae relatus. interiecto deinde haud magno spatio, quod uolneribus curandis supplendoque exercitui satis esset, cum ira maiore, tum uiribus etiam auctis Pometiae arma inlata.

[¶58] 17.5. They had repaired their mantlets and the rest of their equipment, and they were already upon the point of sending their men against the walls when the town capitulated.

> Latin: 17.5. et cum uineis refectis aliaque mole belli iam in eo esset ut in muros euaderet miles, deditio est facta.

[¶59] 17.6. But the fate of the Aurunci was no less awful from their having surrendered their city than if it had been stormed. Their chief men were beheaded, and the rest of the colonists were sold as slaves. The town was razed; its land was sold.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum nihilo minus foeda, dedita urbe, quam si capta foret, Aurunci passi; principes securi percussi, sub corona uenierunt coloni alii, oppidum dirutum, ager ueniit.

[¶60] 17.7. The consuls obtained a triumph, more because they had heavily avenged Rome's wrongs than because of the magnitude of the war which they had successfully concluded.

> Latin: 17.7. consules magis ob iras grauiter ultas quam ob magnitudinem perfecti belli triumpharunt.

[¶61] 18.1. The year after had as its consuls Postumius Cominius and Titus Largius.

> Latin: 18.1. insequens annus Postumum Cominium et T. Largium consules habuit.

[¶62] 18.2. In this year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, the Sabine youths, in a spirit of wantonness, forcibly abducted certain harlots. Men gathered hastily and there was a brawl which was almost a battle, and, trifling as its origin was, it seemed to threaten a fresh outbreak of the war.

> Latin: 18.2. eo anno Romae, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuuentute per lasciuiam scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope proelium fuit, paruaque ex re ad rebellionem spectare [res] uidebatur.

[¶63] 18.3. Besides the Sabine peril, it was generally known that the thirty Latin cities had already conspired, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius.

> Latin: 18.3. [supra belli Latini metum.] id quoque accesserat quod triginta iam coniurasse populos concitante Octauio Mamilio satis constabat.

[¶64] 18.4. These grave apprehensions having occasioned a general anxiety, the appointment of a dictator was suggested, for the first time. But there is no general agreement as to the year, or which consuls were distrusted as being of the Tarquinian faction —for this is included in the tradition —or who it was that was first named dictator.

> Latin: 18.4. in hac tantarum expectatione rerum sollicita ciuitate, dictatoris primum creandi mentio orta. sed nec quibus consulibus quia ex factione Tarquiniana essent—id quoque enim traditur—parum creditum sit, nec quis primum dictator creatus sit, satis constat.

[¶65] 18.5. In the oldest writers, however, I find it said that Titus Largius was the first to be made dictator, and that Spurius Cassius was master of the horse. They chose men of consular rank, for so the law prescribed which had been passed to regulate the selection of a dictator.

> Latin: 18.5. apud ueterrimos tamen auctores T. Largium dictatorem primum, Sp. Cassium magistrum equitum creatos inuenio. consulares legere; ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata.

[¶66] 18.6. I am therefore the more disposed to believe that Largius, a consular, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, a man who had not yet held the consulship, was assigned to be the director and superior of consuls;

> Latin: 18.6. eo magis adducor ut credam Largium, qui consularis erat, potius quam M'. Ualerium Marci filium Uolesi nepotem, qui nondum consul fuerat, moderatorem et magistrum consulibus appositum;

[¶67] 18.7. and indeed if men had been specially desirous of choosing the dictator from that family, they would much sooner have selected Marcus Valerius the father, a man of proven worth and an ex-consul.

> Latin: 18.7. quin si maxime ex ea familia legi dictatorem uellent, patrem multo potius M. Ualerium spectatae uirtutis et consularem uirum legissent.

[¶68] 18.8. When they had named a dictator for the first time at Rome, and men saw the axes borne before him, a great fear came over the plebs and caused them to be more zealous in obeying orders. For there was no recourse in this case, as with the consuls, who shared the powers of their office equally, to the assistance of the man's colleague, nor was there any appeal nor any help anywhere but in scrupulous obedience.

> Latin: 18.8. creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam praeferri secures uiderunt, magnus plebem metus incessit, ut intentiores essent ad dicto parendum; neque enim ut in consulibus qui pari potestate essent, alterius auxilium neque prouocatio erat neque ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi auxilium.

[¶69] 18.9. The Sabines, too, were inspired with fear by the appointment of the dictator, especially since they believed that it was on their account that he had been created.

> Latin: 18.9. Sabinis etiam creatus Romae dictator, eo magis quod propter se creatum crediderant, metum incussit. itaque legatos de pace mittunt.

[¶70] 18.10. Accordingly they sent legates to treat for peace. When they requested the dictator and the senate to pardon an error committed by young men, the answer was given that to pardon young men was possible, but not old men who contrived one war after another.

> Latin: 18.10. quibus orantibus dictatorem senatumque ut ueniam erroris hominibus adulescentibus darent, responsum ignosci adulescentibus posse, senibus non posse qui bella ex bellis sererent.

[¶71] 18.11. Nevertheless negotiations for peace were begun, and it would have been granted to the Sabines, could they have made up their minds to guarantee, as the Romans demanded, the sum which had been expended for the war. Hostilities were declared, but a tacit truce preserved a state of peace through the year.

> Latin: 18.11. actum tamen est de pace, impetrataque foret si, quod impensae factum in bellum erat, praestare Sabini— id enim postulatum erat—in animum induxissent. bellum indictum: tacitae indutiae quietum annum tenuere.

[¶72] 19.1. In the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullius nothing worthy of note occurred. They were succeeded by Titus Aebutius and Gaius Vetusius.

> Latin: 19.1. consules Ser. Sulpicius M'. Tullius; nihil dignum memoria actum; T. Aebutius deinde et C. Uetusius.

[¶73] 19.2. During their year of office Fidenae was besieged, Crustumeria taken; Praeneste went over from the Latins to the Romans, and it was no longer possible to postpone the Latin war, which had now been smouldering for several years.

> Latin: 19.2. his consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crustumeria capta; Praeneste ab Latinis ad Romanos desciuit, nec ultra bellum Latinum, gliscens iam per aliquot annos, dilatum.

[¶74] 19.3. Aulus Postumius as dictator, and Titus Aebutius as master of the horse, set out with large forces of infantry and cavalry, and at Lake Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum, met the enemy's advancing column. The Romans had learned that the Tarquinii were with the Latin army, and were so enraged that they could not be withheld from instantly attacking, and the battle itself, in consequence of this report, was fought with a good deal more determination and bitterness than any other had been.

> Latin: 19.3. A. Postumius dictator, T. Aebutius magister equitum, magnis copiis peditum equitumque profecti, ad lacum Regillum in agro Tusculano agmini hostium occurrerunt, et quia Tarquinios esse in exercitu Latinorum auditum est, sustineri ira non potuit quin extemplo confligerent.

[¶75] 19.5. For the leaders were not only in the field to direct the engagement with their strategy, but joined battle and fought in their own persons. Almost none of the nobles on either side came off unscathed, except the Roman dictator.

> Latin: 19.5. ergo etiam proelium aliquanto quam cetera grauius atque atrocius fuit. non enim duces ad regendam modo consilio rem adfuere, sed suismet ipsi corporibus dimicantes miscuere certamina, nec quisquam procerum ferme hac aut illa ex acie sine uolnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit.

[¶76] 19.6. Postumius was in the front rank encouraging his men and forming them, when Tarquinius Superbus, though now burdened with years and broken in strength, rode full-tilt against him. But the old man received a thrust in the side, and his followers rushed in and rescued him.

> Latin: 19.6. in Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruentemque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate et uiribus erat grauior, equum infestus admisit, ictusque ab latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum est.

[¶77] 19.7. Similarly on the other wing, Aebutius, the master of the horse, charged Octavius Mamilius. But the Tusculan commander saw him coming, and he too spurred his horse to the encounter;

> Latin: 19.7. et ad alterum cornu Aebutius magister equitum in Octauium Mamilium impetum dederat; nec fefellit ueniens Tusculanum ducem, contraque et ille concitat equum.

[¶78] 19.8. and so great was the force in their levelled lances as they met, that the arm of Aebutius was transfixed, while Mamilius was struck in the breast.

> Latin: 19.8. tantaque uis infestis uenientium hastis fuit ut brachium Aebutio traiectum sit, Mamilio pectus percussum.

[¶79] 19.9. Mamilius was received by the Latins within their second line: Aebutius, being unable to manage a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the battle.

> Latin: 19.9. hunc quidem in secundam aciem Latini recepere; Aebutius cum saucio brachio tenere telum non posset, pugna excessit.

[¶80] 19.10. The Latin leader, not a jot discouraged by his wound, urged on the fighting, and, because he saw that his men were in retreat, called up a cohort of Roman exiles, commanded by a son of Lucius Tarquinius, and these, fighting with greater fury on account of the loss of their property and native land, restored the battle for a while.

> Latin: 19.10. Latinus dux nihil deterritus uolnere proelium ciet et quia suos perculsos uidebat, arcessit cohortem exsulum Romanorum, cui L. Tarquini filius praeerat. ea quo maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit.

[¶81] 20.1. When the Romans were now beginning to give way in that part of the field, Marcus Valerius, Publicola's brother, espied the young Tarquinius, who was boldly inviting attack in the front rank of the exiles. Valerius found in his brother's glory an additional incentive, and resolving that the family which had the honour of expelling the tyrants should also gain the credit for their death, he dug his spurs into his charger and rode at Tarquinius with levelled spear.

> Latin: 20.1. referentibus iam pedem ab ea parte Romanis, M. Ualerius Publicolae frater, conspicatus ferocem iuuenem Tarquinium ostentantem se in prima exsulum acie, domestica etiam gloria accensus ut cuius familiae decus eiecti reges erant, eiusdem interfecti forent, subdit calcaria equo et Tarquinium infesto spiculo petit.

[¶82] 20.3. Tarquinius drew back within the company of his followers to avoid his desperate antagonist. Valerius was plunging blindly into the exiles' line when one of them attacked him in the flank and ran him through the body. But the rider's wound did not check the career of his horse, and the dying Roman came down in a heap upon the ground with his arms upon him.

> Latin: 20.3. Tarquinius retro in agmen suorum infenso cessit hosti: Ualerium temere inuectum in exsulum aciem ex transuerso quidam adortus transfigit, nec quicquam equitis uolnere equo retardato, moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis ad terram defluxit.

[¶83] 20.4. When the dictator Postumius perceived that so brave a soldier had fallen, that the exiles were advancing boldly at the double, and that his troops were checked and were giving ground, he issued orders to his own cohort, a picked body of men which he kept about his person as a guard, that if they saw any Roman running away they should treat him as an enemy.

> Latin: 20.4. dictator Postumius postquam cecidisse talem uirum, exsules ferociter citato agmine inuehi, suos perculsos cedere animaduertit, cohorti suae, quam delectam manum praesidii causa circa se habebat, dat signum ut quem suorum fugientem uiderint, pro hoste habeant. ita metu ancipiti uersi a fuga Romani in hostem et restituta acies.

[¶84] 20.6. Being thus between two dangers, the Romans faced about to meet the foe, and the battle-line was formed again. The cohort of the dictator then entered the engagement for the first time.

> Latin: 20.6. cohors dictatoris tum primum proelium iniit; integris corporibus animisque fessos adorti exsules caedunt.

[¶85] 20.7. With fresh strength and spirit they attacked the weary exiles and cut them to pieces. Then began another combat between leaders. The Latin general, perceiving that the cohort of the exiles was nearly cut off by the Roman dictator, took a few companies of his reserves and hurried them to the front.

> Latin: 20.7. ibi alia inter proceres coorta pugna. imperator Latinus, ubi cohortem exsulum a dictatore Romano prope circumuentam uidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in primam aciem secum rapit.

[¶86] 20.8. As they came marching up, Titus Herminius, the lieutenant, caught sight of them, and in their midst, conspicuous in dress and accoutrements, he saw and recognized Mamilius. Whereupon he hurled himself upon the enemy's commander with so much more violence than the master of the horse had done a little before, that not only did he pierce Mamilius through the side and slay him with a single lunge, but in the act of stripping the body of his antagonist he was himself struck by a hostile javelin, and after being borne off in the moment of victory to the Roman camp, expired just as they began to dress his wound.

> Latin: 20.8. hos agmine uenientes T. Herminius legatus conspicatus, interque eos insignem ueste armisque Mamilium noscitans, tanto ui maiore quam paulo ante magister equitum cum hostium duce proelium iniit, ut et uno ictu transfixum per latus occiderit Mamilium et ipse inter spoliandum corpus hostis ueruto percussus, cum uictor in castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem exspirauerit.

[¶87] 20.10. The dictator then dashed up to the knights and besought them, since the foot-soldiers were exhausted, to dismount and enter the fight. They obeyed: they leaped down from their horses, hastened to the front, and covered the front-rankers with their shields.

> Latin: 20.10. tum ad equites dictator aduolat, obtestans ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam capessant. dicto paruere; desiliunt ex equis, prouolant in primum et pro antesignanis parmas obiciunt.

[¶88] 20.11. It restored at once the courage of the foot to see the young nobles on even terms with themselves and sharing in the danger. Then at last the Latins received a check, and their battle-line was forced to yield.

> Latin: 20.11. recipit extemplo animum pedestris acies, postquam iuuentutis proceres aequato genere pugnae secum partem periculi sustinentes uidit. tum demum impulsi Latini perculsaque inclinauit acies.

[¶89] 20.12. The knights had their horses brought up that they might be able to pursue the enemy, and they were followed by the infantry. Then the dictator, neglecting no help, divine or human, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised rewards to the soldiers who should be first and second to enter the camp of the enemy;

> Latin: 20.12. equiti admoti equi, ut persequi hostem posset; secuta et pedestris acies. ibi nihil nec diuinae nec humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori uouisse fertur ac pronuntiasse militi praemia, qui primus, qui secundus castra hostium intrasset;

[¶90] 20.13. and so great was the ardour of the Romans, that with a single rush they routed their opponents and took their camp. Such was the battle at Lake Regillus. The dictator and his master of the horse returned to the City and triumphed.

> Latin: 20.13. tantusque ardor fuit ut eodem impetu quo fuderant hostem Romani castra caperent. hoc modo ad lacum Regillum pugnatum est. dictator et magister equitum triumphantes in urbem rediere.

[¶91] 21.1. For the next three years there was neither a stable peace nor war. The consuls Quintus Cloelius and Titus Larcius were followed by Aulus Sempronius and Marcus Minucius.

> Latin: 21.1. triennio deinde nec certa pax nec bellum fuit. consules Q. Cloelius et T. Larcius, inde A. Sempronius et M. Minucius.

[¶92] 21.2. In the latter year a temple to Saturn was dedicated and the Saturnalia was established as a festal day. Next Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius were made consuls.

> Latin: 21.2. his consulibus aedis Saturno dedicata, Saturnalia institutus festus dies. A. deinde Postumius et T. Uerginius consules facti.

[¶93] 21.3. It was not until this year, according to some authorities I have consulted, that the battle of Lake Regillus was fought. They say that Aulus Postumius, because his colleague was of doubtful loyalty, resigned the consulship, and was then made dictator.

> Latin: 21.3. hoc demum anno ad Regillum lacum pugnatum apud quosdam inuenio; A. Postumium, quia collega dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu abdicasse; dictatorem inde factum.

[¶94] 21.4. One is involved in so many uncertainties regarding dates by the varying order of the magistrates in different lists that it is impossible to make out which consuls followed which, or what was done in each particular year, when not only events but even authorities are so shrouded in antiquity.

> Latin: 21.4. tanti errores implicant temporum, aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus, ut nec qui consules secundum quos, nec quid quoque anno actum sit, in tanta uetustate non rerum modo sed etiam auctorum digerere possis.

[¶95] 21.5. At the next election Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were chosen consuls. This year was marked by the announcement of Tarquinius's death. He died at Cumae, whither he had gone to the court of Aristodemus after the downfall of the Latin cause.

> Latin: 21.5. Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Seruilius consules facti. insignis hic annus est nuntio Tarquini mortis. mortuus Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad Aristodemum tyrannum contulerat.

[¶96] 21.6. These tidings cheered the Fathers and encouraged the plebs. But the Fathers were too inconsiderate, in consequence of their rejoicing at this event; and the plebs, who up to this time had been most studiously deferred to, began to feel the oppression of the nobles.

> Latin: 21.6. eo nuntio erecti patres, erecta plebes; sed patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia; plebi, cui ad eam diem summa ope inseruitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus fieri coepere.

[¶97] 21.7. The same year the colony of Signia, which King Tarquinius had planted, was recruited with new colonists and established for the second time. At Rome twenty-one tribes were formed. The temple of Mercury was consecrated on the fifteenth of May.

> Latin: 21.7. eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex Tarquinius deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum deducta est. Romae tribus una et uiginti factae. aedes Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis.

[¶98] 22.1. With the Volscian race there had been during the Latin war neither peace nor open hostilities; for while the Volsci had raised levies to send to the aid of the Latins, had the Roman dictator not moved quickly, yet the Romans did move quickly, that they might not have to fight both nations in the same battle Upon this quarrel the consuls led their legions into the country of the Volsci, who, not expecting to be held to account for their design, were surprised and overwhelmed.

> Latin: 22.1. cum Uolscorum gente Latino bello neque pax neque bellum fuerat; nam et Uolsci comparauerant auxilia quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum ab dictatore Romano esset, et maturauit Romanus ne proelio uno cum Latino Uolscoque contenderet.

[¶99] 22.2. They had no thought of resisting, and surrendered as hostages three hundred children of the nobility of Cora and Pometia, and so the legions were withdrawn without a conflict.

> Latin: 22.2. hac ira consules in Uolscum agrum legiones duxere. Uolscos consilii poenam non metuentes necopinata res perculit; armorum immemores obsides dant trecentos principum a Cora atque Pometia liberos. ita sine certamine inde abductae legiones.

[¶100] 22.3. Yet it was not long before the Volsci, being relieved of their alarm, resumed their native duplicity; again they made secret preparations for war, and formed a military alliance with the Hernici, while they also sent out envoys, this way and that, to instigate the Latins to rebellion.

> Latin: 22.3. nec ita multo post Uolscis leuatis metu suum rediit ingenium. rursus occultum parant bellum, Hernicis in societatem armorum adsumptis.

[¶101] 22.4. But the disaster which had recently befallen the Latins at Lake Regillus so filled them with rage and hate against anyone who advised them to go to war, that they did not even abstain from violating an embassy, but seized the Volsci and brought them to Rome. There they delivered them up to the consuls with the information that the Volsci and the Hernici were preparing to attack the Romans.

> Latin: 22.4. legatos quoque ad sollicitandum Latium passim dimittunt; sed recens ad Regillum lacum accepta cladis Latinos ira odioque eius, quicumque arma suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem uiolandis abstinuit; comprehensos Uolscos Romam duxere. ibi traditi consulibus indicatumque est Uolscos Hernicosque parare bellum Romanis.

[¶102] 22.5. When this service had been reported to the senate the Fathers were so grateful that they released to the Latins six thousand captives, and referred the question of a treaty, which they had all but refused in perpetuity, to the incoming magistrates.

> Latin: 22.5. relata re ad senatum adeo fuit gratum patribus ut et captiuorum sex milia Latinis remitterent et de foedere, quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad nouos magistratus traicerent.

[¶103] 22.6. Then, indeed, the Latins rejoiced at the action they had taken, and the advocates of peace were in great repute. They sent a golden crown as a gift to the Capitoline Jupiter. With the envoys who brought the gift came the captives who had been restored to their friends, a vast attendant multitude.

> Latin: 22.6. enimuero tum Latini gaudere facto; pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse. coronam auream Ioui donum in Capitolium mittunt. cum legatis donoque qui captiuorum remissi ad suos fuerant, magna circumfusa multitudo, uenit.

[¶104] 22.7. Proceeding to the homes of those whom they had severally served, they thanked them for the liberality and consideration which had been shown them in their adversity, and entered into covenants of hospitality with them. Never before had there been so close a union, both official and personal, between the Latin name and the Roman state.

> Latin: 22.7. pergunt domos eorum apud quem quisque seruierant; gratias agunt liberaliter habiti cultique in calamitate sua; inde hospitia iungunt. nunquam alias ante publice priuatimque Latinum nomen Romano imperio coniunctius fuit.

[¶105] 23.1. But not only was war with the Volsci imminent; the citizens were at loggerheads among themselves, and internal dissensions between the Fathers and the plebs had burst into a blaze of hatred, chiefly on account of those who had been bound over to service for their debts.

> Latin: 23.1. sed et bellum Uolscum imminebat et ciuitas secum ipsa discors intestino inter patres plebemque flagrabat odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes alienum.

[¶106] 23.2. These men complained loudly that while they were abroad fighting for liberty and dominion they had been enslaved and oppressed at home by fellow-citizens, and that the freedom of the plebeians was more secure in war than in peace, amongst enemies than amongst citizens. This bitter feeling, which was growing spontaneously, the notable calamity of one man fanned into a flame.

> Latin: 23.2. fremebant se, foris pro libertate et imperio dimicantes, domi a ciuibus captos et oppressos esse, tutioremque in bello quam in pace et inter hostes quam inter ciues libertatem plebis esse; inuidiamque eam sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius calamitas accendit.

[¶107] 23.3. Old, and bearing the marks of all his misfortunes, the man rushed into the Forum. His dress was covered with filth, and the condition of his body was even worse, for he was pale and half dead with emaciation.

> Latin: 23.3. magno natu quidam cum omnium malorum suorum insignibus se in forum proiecit. obsita erat squalore uestis, foedior corporis habitus pallore ac macie perempti;

## 9. Book II · chapters 23–33

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/9/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/9/#p-N

[¶0] 23.4. Besides this, his straggling beard and hair had given a savage look to his countenance. He was recognized nevertheless, despite the hideousness of his appearance, and the word went round that he had commanded companies; yet other military honours were openly ascribed to him by the compassionate bystanders, and the man himself displayed the scars on his breast which bore testimony to his honourable service in various battles.

> Latin: 23.4. ad hoc promissa barba et capilli efferauerant speciem oris. noscitabatur tamen in tanta deformitate, et ordines duxisse aiebant, aliaque militiae decora uolgo miserantes eum iactabant; ipse testes honestarum aliquot locis pugnarum cicatrices aduerso pectore ostentabat.

[¶1] 23.5. When they asked the reason of his condition and his squalor, he replied, while the crowd gathered about him much as though it were an assembly, that during his service in the Sabine war not only had the enemy's depredations deprived him of his crops, but his cottage had been burnt, all his belongings plundered, and his flocks driven off.

> Latin: 23.5. sciscitantibus unde ille habitus, unde deformitas, cum circumfusa turba esset prope in contionis modum, Sabino bello ait se militantem, quia propter populationes agri non fructu modo caruerit, sed uilla incensa fuerit, direpta omnia, pecora abacta, tributum iniquo suo tempore imperatum, aes alienum fecisse.

[¶2] 23.6. Then the taxes had been levied, in an untoward moment for him, and he had contracted debts. When these had been swelled by usury, they had first stripped him of the farm which had been his father's and his grandfather's, then of the remnants of his property, and finally like an infection they had attacked his person, and he had been carried off by his creditor, not to slavery, but to the prison and the torturechamber.

> Latin: 23.6. id cumulatum usuris primo se agro paterno auitoque exuisse, deinde fortunis aliis; postremo uelut tabem peruenisse ad corpus; ductum se ab creditore non in seruitium, sed in ergastulum et carnificinam esse.

[¶3] 23.7. He then showed them his back, disfigured with the wales of recent scourging. The sight of these things and the man's recital produced a mighty uproar.

> Latin: 23.7. inde ostentare tergum foedum recentibus uestigiis uerberum. ad haec uisa auditaque clamor ingens oritur. non iam foro se tumultus tenet, sed passim totam urbem peruadit.

[¶4] 23.8. The disturbance was no longer confined to the Forum, but spread in all directions through the entire City. Those who had been bound over, whether in chains or not, broke out into the streets from every side, and implored the Quirites to protect them.

> Latin: 23.8. nexi, uincti solutique, se undique in publicum proripiunt, implorant Quiritium fidem. nullo loco deest seditionis uoluntarius comes; multis passim agminibus per omnes uias cum clamore in forum curritur.

[¶5] 23.9. At no point was there any lack of volunteers to join the rising; everywhere crowds were streaming through the different streets and shouting as they hurried to the Forum.

> Latin: 23.9. magno cum periculo suo qui forte patrum in foro erant in eam turbam inciderunt;

[¶6] 23.10. Great was the peril of those senators who happened to be in the Forum and fell in with the mob, which would not indeed have stopped short of violence had not the consuls, Publius Servilius and Appius Claudius, hurriedly intervened to put down the insurrection. But the crowd turned on them and displayed their chains and other hideous tokens.

> Latin: 23.10. nec temperatum manibus foret, ni propere consules, P. Seruilius et Ap. Claudius, ad comprimendam seditionem interuenissent. at in eos multitudo uersa ostentare uincula sua deformitatemque aliam.

[¶7] 23.11. These, they cried, were the rewards they had earned, and they bitterly rehearsed the campaigns they had each served in various places. They demanded, in a manner much more threatening than suppliant, that the consuls should convene the senate; and they surrounded the Curia, that they might them.

> Latin: 23.11. haec se meritos dicere, exprobrantes suam quisque alius alibi militiam; postulare multo minaciter magis quam suppliciter ut senatum uocarent; curiamque ipsi futuri arbitri moderatoresque publici consilii circumsistunt.

[¶8] 23.12. selves witness and control the deliberations of the state. The consuls succeeded in collecting only a few of the senators whom chance had thrown in their way.

> Latin: 23.12. pauci admodum patrum, quos casus obtulerat, contracti ab consulibus; ceteros metus non curia modo sed etiam foro arcebat, nec agi quicquam per infrequentiam poterat senatus.

[¶9] 23.13. The rest were afraid to enter not only the Curia but even the Forum, and nothing could be done because those present were too few. Whereat the people concluded they were being flouted and put off, and that the missing senators were absent not from accident, nor fear, but with the intent to hinder action, and that the consuls themselves were paltering; nor did they doubt that their misery was made a jest.

> Latin: 23.13. tum uero eludi atque extrahi se multitudo putare, et patrum qui abessent, non casu, non metu, sed impediendae rei causa abesse, et consules ipsos tergiuersari, nec dubie ludibrio esse miserias suas.

[¶10] 23.14. A little more and not even the majesty of the consuls could have held in check the angry crowd, when the absent Fathers, uncertain whether they should incur more danger by holding back or by coming forward, finally came into the senate, and the required number being at length assembled, not only the senators, but even the consuls themselves were unable to agree.

> Latin: 23.14. iam prope erat ut ne consulum quidem maiestas coerceret iras hominum, cum incerti morando an ueniendo plus periculi contraherent, tandem in senatum ueniunt. frequentique tandem curia non modo inter patres sed ne inter consules quidem ipsos satis conueniebat.

[¶11] 23.15. Appius, a headstrong man, was for settling the matter by the exercise of consular authority; when one or two men had been arrested, the others, he said, would calm down. Servilius, more inclined to gentle measures, believed that it was safer, as well as easier, to assuage their fury than to quell it.

> Latin: 23.15. Appius, uehementis ingenii uir, imperio consulari rem agendam censebat; uno aut altero arrepto, quieturos alios: Seruilius, lenibus remediis aptior, concitatos animos flecti quam frangi putabat cum tutius tum facilius esse.

[¶12] 24.1. In the midst of the debate a greater alarm arose from a new quarter, for some Latin horsemen galloped up with the disquieting news that a Volscian army was advancing to attack the City. This report awoke very different feelings —so completely had their dissensions divided the state into two —in the Fathers and the plebs.

> Latin: 24.1. inter haec maior alius terror: Latini equites cum tumultuoso aduolant nuntio Uolscos infesto exercitu ad urbem oppugnandam uenire. quae audita—adeo duas ex una ciuitate discordia fecerat—longe aliter patres ac plebem adfecere.

[¶13] 24.2. The commons were jubilant; they said that the gods were taking a hand in punishing the arrogance of the senators. They encouraged one another not to give in their names; it would be better to perish all together than alone. Let the Fathers serve, let the Fathers take up arms, that those might incur the hazards of war who received its rewards.

> Latin: 24.2. exsultare gaudio plebes; ultores superbiae patrum adesse dicere deos; alius alium confirmare ne nomina darent; cum omnibus potius quam solos perituros; patres militarent, patres arma caperent, ut penes eosdem pericula belli, penes quos praemia, essent.

[¶14] 24.3. The Curia, on the other hand, was downcast and dismayed. In their twofold fear —of their fellow-citizens and of the enemy —they begged Servilius the consul, whose character appealed more to the people than did that of his colleague, that he would extricate the state from the fearful perils with which it was beset.

> Latin: 24.3. at uero curia, maesta ac trepida ancipiti metu et ab ciue et ab hoste, Seruilium consulem, cui ingenium magis populare erat, orare ut tantis circumuentam terroribus expediret rem publicam.

[¶15] 24.4. Thereupon the consul adjourned the senate and went before the people. There he declared that the Fathers were anxious to consult the interests of the plebs, but that their deliberations concerning that very important part —but only a part after all —of the state had been broken off by their fears for the entire nation.

> Latin: 24.4. tum consul misso senatu in contionem prodit. ibi curae esse patribus ostendit ut consulatur plebi; ceterum deliberationi de maxima quidem illa sed tamen parte ciuitatis metum pro uniuersa re publica interuenisse;

[¶16] 24.5. It was impossible, when the enemy was almost at the city gates, to consider anything before the war; and even if there should be some slight respite in that regard, it was neither to the credit of the plebs to refuse to arm for their country, unless they should first receive a recompense, nor honourable to the Fathers to be driven by fear into passing measures for the relief of their fellow-citizens which they would have passed later of their own free will.

> Latin: 24.5. nec posse, cum prope ad portas essent, bello praeuerti quicquam, nec, si sit laxamenti aliquid, aut plebi honestum esse, nisi mercede prius accepta, arma pro patria non cepisse, neque patribus satis decorum per metum potius quam postmodo uoluntate adflictis ciuium suorum fortunis consuluisse.

[¶17] 24.6. He then confirmed his speech by a proclamation in which he commanded that no one should hold a Roman citizen in chains or durance so that he should not be able to give in his name to the consuls, and that none should seize or sell a soldier's property so long as he was in camp, or interfere with his children or his grandchildren.

> Latin: 24.6. contioni deinde edicto addidit fidem quo edixit ne quis ciuem Romanum uinctum aut clausum teneret, quo minus ei nominis edendi apud consules potestas fieret, neu quis militis, donec in castris esset, bona possideret aut uenderet, liberos nepotesue eius moraretur.

[¶18] 24.7. When this edict had been published, the debtors who were present at once enlisted, and from every quarter, all over the City, they hastened from the houses where their creditors no longer had the right to detain them, and rushed into the Forum to take the military oath.

> Latin: 24.7. hoc proposito edicto, et qui aderant nexi profiteri extemplo nomina, et undique ex tota urbe proripientium se ex priuato, cum retinendi ius creditori non esset, concursus in forum ut sacramento dicerent fieri.

[¶19] 24.8. It was a great throng, nor were there any soldiers whose courage and usefulness in the Volscian war were more conspicuous. The consul led his troops against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a short distance from theirs.

> Latin: 24.8. magna ea manus fuit, neque aliorum magis in Uolsco bello uirtus atque opera enituit. consul copias contra hostem educit; paruo dirimente interuallo castra ponit.

[¶20] 25.1. The next night the Volsci, relying on the lack of harmony among the Romans, attacked their camp on the chance that the darkness might encourage desertions or treachery. But the sentries perceived them, the army was roused, and, the signal being given, rushed to arms.

> Latin: 25.1. proxima inde nocte Uolsci, discordia Romana freti, si qua nocturna transitio proditioue fieri posset, temptant castra. sensere uigiles; excitatus exercitus; signo dato concursum est ad arma; ita frustra id inceptum Uolscis fuit.

[¶21] 25.2. Thus the design of the Volsci came to naught, and the remainder of the night was devoted by both armies to sleeping. On the following day at dawn the Volsci filled up the trenches and assaulted the rampart, and soon they were everywhere pulling down the palisades.

> Latin: 25.2. reliquum noctis utrimque quieti datum. postero die prima luce Uolsci fossis repletis uallum inuadunt.

[¶22] 25.3. On every side the consul's men were clamouring for the signal —none more loudly than the debtors. He waited a moment, to test the temper of the soldiers. When there could no longer be any doubt of their great ardour, he finally gave the command for a sortie and released them, eager for the fray. At the very first onset the enemy were routed.

> Latin: 25.3. iamque ob omni parte munimenta uellebantur, cum consul, quamquam cuncti undique et nexi ante omnes ut signum daret clamabant, experiendi animos militum causa parumper moratus, postquam satis apparebat ingens ardor, dato tandem ad erumpendum signo militem auidum certaminis emittit.

[¶23] 25.4. While they ran, the foot-soldiers struck at them from behind as long as they could keep up the pursuit; then the horsemen drove them panic-stricken clear to their camp. Soon the camp itself had been surrounded by the legions, and when the Volsci had fled from it in terror, it was taken and plundered.

> Latin: 25.4. primo statim incursu pulsi hostes; fugientibus, quoad insequi pedes potuit, terga caesa; eques usque ad castra pauidos egit. mox ipsa castra legionibus circumdatis, cum Uolscos inde etiam pauor expulisset, capta direptaque.

[¶24] 25.5. Next day Servilius led his forces to Suessa Pometia, where the enemy had taken refuge, and within a few days took the town and gave it up to be sacked. This yielded some slight relief to the soldiers, who needed it badly.

> Latin: 25.5. postero die ad Suessam Pometiam quo confugerant hostes legionibus ductis, intra paucos dies oppidum capitur; captum praedae datum. inde paulum recreatus egens miles;

[¶25] 25.6. The consul led his army back to Rome, with great honour to himself. As he was setting out on his return thither ambassadors approached him from the Volsci of Ecetra, who were alarmed at their own prospects, in view of the capture of Pometia. A decree of the senate granted them peace, but took away their land.

> Latin: 25.6. consul cum maxima gloria sua uictorem exercitum Romam reducit. decedentem Romam Ecetranorum Uolscorum legati, rebus suis timentes post Pometiam captam, adeunt. his ex senatus consulto data pax, ager ademptus.

[¶26] 26.1. Directly after this the Sabines also caused an alarm at Rome —for it was indeed a turmoil rather than war. One night the City got word that a Sabine army bent on pillage had come as near as the river Anio, and was there plundering and burning farmhouses right and left.

> Latin: 26.1. confestim et Sabini Romanos territauere; tumultus enim fuit uerius quam bellum. nocte in urbem nuntiatum est exercitum Sabinum praedabundum ad Anienem amnem peruenisse; ibi passim diripi atque incendi uillas.

[¶27] 26.2. The Romans at once dispatched in that direction all their cavalry, under Aulus Postumius, who had been dictator in the Latin war. He was followed by the consul Servilius with a picked body of foot-soldiers.

> Latin: 26.2. missus extemplo eo cum omnibus copiis equitum A. Postumius, qui dictator bello Latino fuerat; secutus consul Seruilius cum delecta peditum manu.

[¶28] 26.3. Many stragglers were cut off by the cavalry and, when the column of infantry drew near, no resistance was offered by the Sabine troops. Exhausted not only by their march but by their night of pillage as well, a great part of them had gorged themselves in the farmhouses with food and wine, and had scarcely vigour enough to run away.

> Latin: 26.3. plerosque palantes eques circumuenit, nec aduenienti peditum agmini restitit Sabina legio. fessi cum itinere tum populatione nocturna, magna pars in uillis repleti cibo uinoque, uix fugae quod satis esset uirium habuere.

[¶29] 26.4. A single night having sufficed for hearing of the Sabine war and ending it, men's hopes next day ran high that peace was now assured in every quarter, when legates from the Aurunci appeared before the senate to say that unless the territory of the Volsci were evacuated they should declare war.

> Latin: 26.4. nocte una audito perfectoque bello Sabino, postero die in magna iam spe undique partae pacis, legati Aurunci senatum adeunt, ni decedatur Uolsco agro bellum indicentes.

[¶30] 26.5. The Auruncan army had set out from home at the same time with the legates, and the report that it had already been seen not far from Aricia threw Rome into such a state of confusion that it was impossible to bring the matter regularly before the senate, or to return a peaceful answer to a people who had already drawn the sword, while they themselves were also arming.

> Latin: 26.5. cum legatis simul exercitus Auruncorum domo profectus erat; cuius fama haud procul iam ab Aricia uisi tanto tumultu conciuit Romanos ut nec consuli ordine patres nec pacatum responsum arma inferentibus arma ipsi capientes dare possent.

[¶31] 26.6. They marched on Aricia in fighting order, joined battle with the Aurunci not far from the town, and in a single engagement finished the war.

> Latin: 26.6. Ariciam infesto agmine itur; nec procul inde cum Auruncis signa conlata, proelioque uno debellatum est.

[¶32] 27.1. Having routed the Aurunci, and having been, within a few days, victorious in so many wars, the Romans were looking for the help which the consul had promised and the senate guaranteed, when Appius, partly out of native arrogance, partly to discredit his colleague, began to pronounce judgment with the utmost rigour in suits to recover debts. In consequence, not only were those who had been bound over before delivered up to their creditors, but others were bound over.

> Latin: 27.1. fusis Auruncis, uictor tot intra paucos dies bellis Romanus promissa consulis fidemque senatus exspectabat, cum Appius et insita superbia animo et ut collegae uanam faceret fidem, quam asperrime poterat ius de creditis pecuniis dicere. deinceps et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus tradebantur et nectebantur alii.

[¶33] 27.2. Whenever this happened to a soldier he would appeal to the other consul. The people flocked to the house of Servilius: it was he who had made them promises; it was he whom they reproached, as each rehearsed his services in the wars and displayed the scars he had received. They demanded that he should either lay the matter before the senate or lend his aid as consul to his fellow-citizens, as general to his soldiers.

> Latin: 27.2. quod ubi cui militi inciderat, collegam appellabat. concursus ad Seruilium fiebat; illius promissa iactabant; illi exprobrabant sua quisque belli merita cicatricesque acceptas. postulabant ut [aut] referret ad senatum, [aut] ut auxilio esset consul ciuibus suis, imperator militibus.

[¶34] 27.3. They moved the consul by this plea, but the situation forced him to temporize, so vehemently was the other side supported, not only by his colleague, but by the entire party of the nobles. And so he steered a middle course, and neither avoided the dislike of the plebs nor gained the goodwill of the Fathers.

> Latin: 27.3. mouebant consulem haec, sed tergiuersari res cogebat; adeo in alteram causam non collega solum praeceps erat sed omnis factio nobilium. ita medium se gerendo nec plebis uitauit odium nec apud patres gratiam iniit.

[¶35] 27.4. These considered him a pusillanimous consul and an agitator, while the commons held him to be dishonest; and it was soon apparent that he was as cordially hated as Appius.

> Latin: 27.4. patres mollem consulem et ambitiosum rati, plebes fallacem, breuique apparuit aequasse eum Appi odium.

[¶36] 27.5. The consuls had got into a dispute as to which should dedicate the temple to Mercury. The senate referred the case to the people for decision. Whichever consul should, by command of the people, be entrusted with the dedication was to have charge of the corn-supply, to establish a guild of merchants, and perform the solemn rites in the presence of the pontifex.

> Latin: 27.5. certamen consulibus inciderat, uter dedicaret Mercuri aedem. senatus a se rem ad populum reiecit: utri eorum dedicatio iussu populi data esset, eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum collegium instituere, sollemnia pro pontifice iussit suscipere.

[¶37] 27.6. The people assigned the dedication to Marcus Laetorius, a centurion of the first rank —a choice which would readily be understood as intended not so much to honour Laetorius, to whom a commission had been given which was too exalted for his station in life, as to humiliate the consuls.

> Latin: 27.6. populus dedicationem aedis dat M. Laetorio, primi pili centurioni, quod facile appareret non tam ad honorem eius cui curatio altior fastigio suo data esset factum quam ad consulum ignominiam.

[¶38] 27.7. Appius and the Fathers were furious then, if they had not been before; but the plebeians had plucked up heart and threw themselves into the struggle with far more spirit than they had shown at first.

> Latin: 27.7. saeuire inde utique consulum alter patresque; sed plebi creuerant animi et longe alia quam primo instituerant uia grassabantur.

[¶39] 27.8. For, despairing of help from consuls and senate, they no sooner beheld a debtor being haled away than they flew to his assistance from every side.

> Latin: 27.8. desperato enim consulum senatusque auxilio, cum in ius duci debitorem uidissent, undique conuolabant. neque decretum exaudiri consulis prae strepitu et clamore poterat, neque cum decresset quisquam obtemperabat.

[¶40] 27.9. It was impossible for the consul's decree to be heard above the din and shouting, and when it had been pronounced nobody obeyed it. Violence was the order of the day, and fear and danger had quite shifted from the debtors to the creditors, who were singled out and maltreated by large numbers in full sight of the consul.

> Latin: 27.9. ui agebatur, metusque omnis et periculum, cum in conspectu consulis singuli a pluribus uiolarentur, in creditores a debitoribus uerterant.

[¶41] 27.10. To crown these troubles came the fear of a Sabine invasion. A levy was decreed, but no one enlisted. Appius stormed and railed at the insidious arts of his colleague, who, he said, to make himself popular, was betraying the state by his inactivity; and to his refusal to give judgment for debt was adding a fresh offence in refusing to hold the levy as the senate had directed.

> Latin: 27.10. super haec timor incessit Sabini belli; dilectuque decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio et insectante ambitionem collegae, qui populari silentio rem publicam proderet et ad id quod de credita pecunia ius non dixisset, adiceret ut ne dilectum quidem ex senatus consulto haberet;

[¶42] 27.11. Nevertheless the welfare of the state was not wholly forgotten, nor the authority of the consulate abandoned; he would himself, single-handed, assert both his own and the senate's majesty.

> Latin: 27.11. non esse tamen desertam omnino rem publicam neque proiectum consulare imperium; se unum et suae et patrum maiestatis uindicem fore.

[¶43] 27.12. When the usual daily throng of lawless men was standing about him, he gave orders to seize one who was a conspicuous leader in their disturbances. The lictors were already dragging the man away, when he appealed; nor would the consul have granted the appeal, for there was no question what the decision of the people would be, had not his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, more by the advice and influence of the nobles than by the popular outcry, so steeled was he to endure men's hate.

> Latin: 27.12. cum circumstaret cotidiana multitudo licentia accensa, arripi unum insignem ducem seditionum iussit. ille cum a lictoribus iam traheretur prouocauit; nec cessisset prouocationi consul, quia non dubium erat populi iudicium, nisi aegre uicta pertinacia foret consilio magis et auctoritate principum quam populi clamore; adeo supererant animi ad sustinendam inuidiam.

[¶44] 27.13. From that moment the trouble grew worse each day, and not only were there open disturbances, but what was far more pernicious, secret gatherings and conferences. At last the consuls whom the plebeians so hated went out of office. Servilius had the goodwill of neither party, but Appius was in high esteem with the senators.

> Latin: 27.13. crescere inde malum in dies, non clamoribus modo apertis sed, quod multo perniciosius erat, secessione occultisque conloquiis. tandem inuisi plebi consules magistratu abeunt, Seruilius neutris, Appius patribus mire gratus.

[¶45] 28.1. Aulus Verginius and Titus Vetusius then entered upon the consulship. Whereat the plebs, uncertain what sort of consuls they would prove to be, held nightly gatherings, some on the Esquiline and other son the Aventine, lest if they met in the Forum they might be frightened into adopting ill-considered measures, and manage all their business rashly and at haphazard.

> Latin: 28.1. A. Uerginius inde et T. Uetusius consulatum ineunt. tum uero plebs incerta quales habitura consules esset, coetus nocturnos, pars Esquiliis, pars in Auentino facere, ne in foro subitis trepidaret consiliis et omnia temere ac fortuito ageret.

[¶46] 28.2. This seemed to the consuls, as indeed it was, a mischievous practice. They laid the matter before the Fathers, but their report could not be discussed in an orderly fashion, so tumultuously was it received, with shouts from every part of the house and expressions of indignation from the senators, that a thing which ought to have been settled by an exercise of consular authority should be invidiously referred by the consuls to the senate.

> Latin: 28.2. eam rem consules rati, ut erat, perniciosam ad patres deferunt, sed delatam consulere ordine non licuit; adeo tumultuose excepta est clamoribus undique et indignatione patrum, si quod imperio consulari exsequendum esset, inuidiam eius consules ad senatum reicerent:

[¶47] 28.3. It was evident that if only there were magistrates in the nation there would have been no assembly in Rome but the assembly of the people; as it was, the government was broken up into a thousand separate curias and meetings. One single man —a more significant word than consul —of the type of Appius Claudius, would have dispersed those assemblages in a moment.

> Latin: 28.3. profecto si essent in re publica magistratus, nullum futurum fuisse Romae nisi publicum concilium; nunc in mille curias contionesque [cum alia in Esquiliis, alia in Auentino fiant concilia] dispersam et dissipatam esse rem publicam.

[¶48] 28.4. When the consuls, thus upbraided, asked the Fathers what then they desired them to do, and promised that their conduct of the matter should be no whit less strenuous and stern than the senate wished, it was resolved that they should hold a levy with the utmost severity: it was idleness that made the plebeians lawless.

> Latin: 28.4. unum hercule uirum—id enim plus esse quam consulem—qualis Ap. Claudius fuerit, momento temporis discussurum illos coetus fuisse. correpti consules cum, quid ergo se facere uellent—nihil enim segnius molliusue quam patribus placeat acturos—percontarentur, decernunt ut dilectum quam acerrimum habeant:

[¶49] 28.6. Having adjourned the senate, the consuls mounted the tribunal and cited the young men by name. When no one answered to his name, the crowd, which surrounded the speaker as in a public meeting, declared that it was impossible to deceive the commons any longer;

> Latin: 28.6. otio lasciuire plebem. dimisso senatu consules in tribunal escendunt; citant nominatim iuniores. cum ad nomen nemo responderet, circumfusa multitudo in contionis modum negare ultra decipi plebem posse;

[¶50] 28.7. the consuls would never have a single soldier unless a public guarantee were given: liberty must first be restored to every man before arms were given him, that he might fight for his country and his fellow-citizens, not for a master.

> Latin: 28.7. nunquam unum militem habituros ni praestaretur fides publica; libertatem unicuique prius reddendam esse quam arma danda, ut pro patria ciuibusque, non pro dominis pugnent.

[¶51] 28.8. It was clear to the consuls what the senate had bidden them do; but of all those who had uttered truculent speeches within the walls of the curia they found not one at their side to share their odium, and they saw before them a terrible struggle with the people.

> Latin: 28.8. consules quid mandatum esset a senatu uidebant, sed eorum, qui intra parietes curiae ferociter loquerentur, neminem adesse inuidiae suae participem; et apparebat atrox cum plebe certamen.

[¶52] 28.9. Accordingly they thought it best, before proceeding to extremities, to consult the senate a second time. When it met, the youngest senators all rushed up in hot haste to the seats of the consuls, bidding them to abdicate their office and to lay down an authority which they lacked the spirit to support.

> Latin: 28.9. prius itaque quam ultima experirentur senatum iterum consulere placuit. tum uero ad sellas consulum prope conuolare minimus quisque natu patrum, abdicare consulatum iubentes et deponere imperium, ad quod tuendum animus deesset.

[¶53] 29.1. Having sufficiently weighed both the courses open to them, the consuls finally said: “Lest you should say that you had not been warned, Conscript Fathers, we are on the verge of a great mutiny. We demand that those who are loudest in accusing us of cowardice stand by us while we hold the levy.”

> Latin: 29.1. utraque re satis experta tum demum consules: 'ne praedictum negetis, patres conscripti, adest ingens seditio. postulamus ut hi qui maxime ignauiam increpant adsint nobis habentibus dilectum. acerrimi cuiusque arbitrio, quando ita placet, rem agemus.' redeunt in tribunal;

[¶54] 29.2. “The most severe amongst you, since such is your pleasure, shall guide our procedure.” They returned to the tribunal, and purposely commanded to cite by name one of those who were present. When he stood still without answering, in the midst of a little knot of men who, fearing the possibility of violence, had gathered round him, the consuls sent a lictor to him.

> Latin: 29.2. citari nominatim unum ex iis qui in conspectu erant dedita opera iubent. cum staret tacitus et circa eum aliquot hominum, ne forte uiolaretur, constitisset globus, lictorem ad eum consules mittunt.

[¶55] 29.3. The lictor was driven back. Whereupon, with a cry of “Shame!” the senators who were attending the consul rushed down from the tribunal to assist the lictor.

> Latin: 29.3. quo repulso, tum uero indignum facinus esse clamitantes qui patrum consulibus aderant, deuolant de tribunali ut lictori auxilio essent.

[¶56] 29.4. But when the mob turned from the officer, whom they had merely prevented from arresting the man, and assailed the senators, the consuls intervened and checked the brawl, in which no stones had been thrown nor any weapons used, and there were more shouts and expressions of rage than hurts.

> Latin: 29.4. sed ab lictore nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito cum conuersus in patres impetus esset, consulum intercursu rixa sedata est, in qua tamen sine lapide, sine telo plus clamoris atque irarum quam iniuriae fuerat.

[¶57] 29.5. The senate was convened in confusion, and they deliberated in still greater confusion. Those who had been roughly handled demanded an investigation, and all the more violent members urged the resolution, not only with speeches but with shouts and uproar.

> Latin: 29.5. senatus tumultuose uocatus tumultuosius consulitur, quaestionem postulantibus iis qui pulsati fuerant, decernente ferocissimo quoque non sententiis magis quam clamore et strepitu.

[¶58] 29.6. When at length their passions had subsided, and the consuls berated them for showing as little sanity in the Curia as the people had shown in the Forum, they began to deliberate in an orderly manner.

> Latin: 29.6. tandem cum irae resedissent, exprobrantibus consulibus nihilo plus sanitatis in curia quam in foro esse, ordine consuli coepit. tres fuere sententiae.

[¶59] 29.7. Three proposals were made. Publius Verginius advised against a general relief: only those who, relying on the promise of Publius Servilius the consul, had fought in the Volscian, Auruncan, and Sabine wars should, he thought, be considered.

> Latin: 29.7. P. Uerginius rem non uolgabat; de iis tantum qui fidem secuti P. Seruili consulis Uolsco Aurunco Sabinoque militassent bello, agendum censebat.

[¶60] 29.8. Titus Largius held that this was no time for merely requiting services; the whole commons was submerged in debt, and the situation could not be remedied unless provision were made for all; indeed, if some were treated in one way and some in another, it would heighten the discontent instead of allaying it.

> Latin: 29.8. T. Largius, non id tempus esse ut merita tantummodo exsoluerentur; totam plebem aere alieno demersam esse, nec sisti posse ni omnibus consulatur; quin si alia aliorum sit condicio, accendi magis discordiam quam sedari.

[¶61] 29.9. Appius Claudius, naturally harsh, and rendered savage by the hatred of the plebs on the one hand and the praises of the Fathers on the other, said that it was not misery but licence that had stirred up so great a hubbub, and that wantonness was what ailed the plebs rather than anger.

> Latin: 29.9. Ap. Claudius, et natura immitis et efferatus hinc plebis odio, illinc patrum laudibus, non miseriis ait sed licentia tantum concitum turbarum et lasciuire magis plebem quam saeuire.

[¶62] 29.10. That was precisely the mischief which the appeal occasioned; for the consuls might threaten but could not command, when those who had shared in the guilt might be constituted the court of appeal.

> Latin: 29.10. id adeo malum ex prouocatione natum; quippe minas esse consulum, non imperium, ubi ad eos qui una peccauerint prouocare liceat.

[¶63] 29.11. “Come,” said he, “let us appoint a dictator, from whom there is no appeal.”

> Latin: 29.11. 'agedum' inquit, 'dictatorem, a quo prouocatio non est, creemus; iam hic quo nunc omnia ardent conticescet furor.

[¶64] 29.12. “At once this frenzy which has now set everything ablaze will be stilled. Let anybody strike a lictor then, knowing that the right to scourge and behead him rests with that one man whose majesty he has violated!”

> Latin: 29.12. pulset tum mihi lictorem qui sciet ius de tergo uitaque sua penes unum illum esse cuius maiestatem uiolarit.'

[¶65] 30.1. Many felt, and with reason, that the proposal of Appius was stern and cruel; on the other hand those of Verginius and Largius were inexpedient because of the precedent; particularly that of Largius, since it destroyed all credit. The most reasonable and moderate plan, in its regard for both sides, was held to be that of Verginius.

> Latin: 30.1. multis, ut erat, horrida et atrox uidebatur Appi sententia; rursus Uergini Largique exemplo haud salubres, utique Largi [putabant sententiam], quae totam fidem tolleret. medium maxime et moderatum utroque consilium Uergini habebatur;

[¶66] 30.2. But owing to party spirit and consideration for private interests, things which have always been hurtful to public deliberations and always will be, Appius prevailed, and came very near to being himself appointed dictator, a step which would infallibly have estranged the commons, and that at a most dangerous moment, since the Volsci, the Aequi, and the Sabines were all, as it chanced, up in arms at once.

> Latin: 30.2. sed factione respectuque rerum priuatarum, quae semper offecere officientque publicis consiliis, Appius uicit, ac prope fuit ut dictator ille idem crearetur; quae res utique alienasset plebem periculosissimo tempore, cum Uolsci Aequique et Sabini forte una omnes in armis essent.

[¶67] 30.4. But the consuls and the older senators saw to it that a magistracy rendered formidable by its paramount authority should be committed to a man of gentle disposition, and chose for dictator Manius Valerius, son of Volesus.

> Latin: 30.4. sed curae fuit consulibus et senioribus patrum, ut imperium sua ui uehemens mansueto permitteretur ingenio:

[¶68] 30.5. The plebs, though they perceived that it was against themselves that the creation of a dictator was aimed, still, since it was through a law proposed by a brother of Valerius that they possessed the right of appeal, they had no fear of any harsh or oppressive act on the part of one of that family.

> Latin: 30.5. M'. Ualerium dictatorem Uolesi filium creant. plebes etsi aduersus se creatum dictatorem uidebat, tamen cum prouocationem fratris lege haberet, nihil ex ea familia triste nec superbum timebat;

[¶69] 30.6. An edict which the dictator soon promulgated strengthened their confidence. It conformed essentially to the edict of Servilius; but Valerius and the office he held commanded greater confidence, and, ceasing to struggle, men gave in their names. So large an army had never been enrolled before.

> Latin: 30.6. edictum deinde a dictatore propositum confirmauit animos, Seruili fere consulis edicto conueniens; sed et homini et potestati melius rati credi, omisso certamine nomina dedere. quantus nunquam ante exercitus, legiones decem effectae; ternae inde datae consulibus, quattuor dictator usus.

[¶70] 30.8. Ten legions were embodied; each consul was given three of these, and the dictator had four. Nor could war be deferred any longer, for the Aequi had invaded Latin territory. Emissaries from the Latins begged the senate either to send them help or permit them to take up arms themselves in defence of their country.

> Latin: 30.8. nec iam poterat bellum differri. Aequi Latinum agrum inuaserant. oratores Latinorum ab senatu petebant ut aut mitterent subsidium aut se ipsos tuendorum finium causa capere arma sinerent.

[¶71] 30.9. It seemed safer that the Latins should be defended without arming them, than that they should be suffered to resume their weapons. Vetusius the consul was dispatched to them, and this ended the pillaging. The Aequi left the fields, and trusting more to situation than to arms, secured themselves on the summits of the ridges.

> Latin: 30.9. tutius uisum est defendi inermes Latinos quam pati retractare arma. Uetusius consul missus est; is finis populationibus fuit. cessere Aequi campis, locoque magis quam armis freti summis se iugis montium tutabantur.

[¶72] 30.10. The other consul marched against the Volsci. Lest he too might waste his time, he provoked the enemy, chiefly by ravaging their lands, to bring their camp nearer and do battle with him.

> Latin: 30.10. alter consul in Uolscos profectus, ne et ipse tereret tempus, uastandis maxime agris hostem ad conferenda propius castra dimicandumque acie exciuit.

[¶73] 30.11. In the plain between the camps the two armies formed their lines, each in front of its own stockade.

> Latin: 30.11. medio inter castra campo ante suum quisque uallum infestis signis constitere.

[¶74] 30.12. In numbers the Volsci were somewhat superior, and accordingly they came on in a loose and careless order. The Roman consul did not advance, nor did he allow a response to the enemy's shout. He commanded his men to plant their spears in the ground and stand still until the enemy had come to close quarters; then they were to assail them with all their might, and settle the question with the sword.

> Latin: 30.12. multitudine aliquantum Uolsci superabant; itaque effusi et contemptim pugnam iniere. consul Romanus nec promouit aciem, nec clamorem reddi passus defixis pilis stare suos iussit: ubi ad manum uenisset hostis, tum coortos tota ui gladiis rem gerere.

[¶75] 30.13. The Volsci, weary with running and shouting, hurled themselves upon the Romans, who seemed to be numb with fear. But when the attackers found that their charge was firmly met and saw the swords flash in their faces, they were no whit less confounded than if they had fallen into an ambush, and turned and fled; and even flight was beyond their strength, since they had been running as they entered the battle.

> Latin: 30.13. Uolsci cursu et clamore fessi cum se uelut stupentibus metu intulissent Romanis, postquam impressionem sensere ex aduerso factam et ante oculos micare gladios, haud secus quam si in insidias incidissent, turbati uertunt terga; et ne ad fugam quidem satis uirium fuit, quia cursu in proelium ierant.

[¶76] 30.14. The Romans on the contrary, having stood at ease at the beginning of the fight, were fresh and strong; they readily caught up with the exhausted Volsci, and having taken their camp with a rush, pursued their enemies beyond it to Velitrae, where vanquished and victors burst into the city in one body.

> Latin: 30.14. Romani contra, quia principio pugnae quieti steterant, uigentes corporibus, facile adepti fessos, et castra impetu ceperunt et castris exutum hostem Uelitras persecuti uno agmine uictores cum uictis in urbem inrupere;

[¶77] 30.15. More blood was shed there, in the promiscuous slaughter of all sorts of people, than had been in the battle itself. A very few were granted quarter, having come without arms and given themselves up.

> Latin: 30.15. plusque ibi sanguinis promiscua omnium generum caede quam in ipsa dimicatione factum. paucis data uenia, qui inermes in deditionem uenerunt.

[¶78] 31.1. While these things were going on in the Volscian country, the dictator put to rout the Sabines —by far Rome's most important enemy —and captured their camp.

> Latin: 31.1. dum haec in Uolscis geruntur, dictator Sabinos, ubi longe plurimum belli fuerat, fundit [fugatque] exuitque castris.

[¶79] 31.2. Attacking with his cavalry, he made havoc of their centre, which, in extending their wings too widely, they had unduly weakened; and in the midst of the disorder the infantry assailed them. By a single rush the camp was captured and the war ended.

> Latin: 31.2. equitatu immisso mediam turbauerat hostium aciem, quam, dum se cornua latius pandunt, parum apte introrsum ordinibus [aciem] firmauerant; turbatos pedes inuasit. eodem impetu castra capta debellatumque est.

[¶80] 31.3. From the time of the fight at Lake Regillus no other battle of those days was more famous. The dictator entered the City in triumph. In addition to the customary honours a place was assigned him in the circus, for himself and his descendants, to witness the games, and a curule chair was put there for him.

> Latin: 31.3. post pugnam ad Regillum lacum non alia illis annis pugna clarior fuit. dictator triumphans urbem inuehitur. super solitos honores locus in circo ipsi posterisque ad spectaculum datus;

[¶81] 31.4. The Volsci, having been conquered, were deprived of the Veliternian land; colonists were sent from the City to Velitrae and a colony was planted. Soon after this there was a battle with the Aequi, though the consul was against it, for it was necessary to approach the enemy from unfavourable ground;

> Latin: 31.4. sella in eo loco curulis posita. Uolscis deuictis Ueliternus ager ademptus; Uelitras coloni ab urbe missi et colonia deducta. cum Aequis post aliquanto pugnatum est, inuito quidem consule quia loco iniquo subeundum erat ad hostes;

[¶82] 31.5. but his men accused him of dragging out the campaign in order that the dictator might relinquish his office before their return to the City, and his promises thus come to naught, as the consul's promises had done before. Vetusius was thus driven to order an advance at random, up the mountains which confronted him.

> Latin: 31.5. sed milites extrahi rem criminantes ut dictator priusquam ipsi redirent in urbem magistratu abiret inritaque, sicut ante consulis, promissa eius caderent, perpulere ut forte temere in aduersos montes agmen erigeret.

[¶83] 31.6. This ill-advised measure the enemy's cowardice turned into success, for before the Romans had come within a spear's throw, the Aequi, appalled at their audacity, abandoned the camp which they had maintained in a highly defensible position, and threw themselves down into the valleys on the other side. There the Romans gained considerable booty and a bloodless victory.

> Latin: 31.6. id male commissum ignauia hostium in bonum uertit, qui priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniretur, obstupefacti audacia Romanorum, relictis castris quae munitissimis tenuerant locis, in auersas ualles desiluere. ibi satis praedae et uictoria incruenta fuit.

[¶84] 31.7. Though a threefold success had thus been gained in the war, neither senators nor plebeians had been relieved of their anxiety respecting the outcome of affairs at home, so great was the artfulness, as well as influence, with which the money-lenders had laid their plans to baffle not only the commons but even the dictator himself.

> Latin: 31.7. ita trifariam re bello bene gesta, de domesticarum rerum euentu nec patribus nec plebi cura decesserat: tanta cum gratia tum arte praeparauerant feneratores quae non modo plebem, sed ipsum etiam dictatorem frustrarentur.

[¶85] 31.8. For after the return of the consul Vetusius, the first business which Valerius brought before the senate was in behalf of the victorious people, that the senate might declare its policy regarding the treatment of those bound over for debt.

> Latin: 31.8. namque Ualerius post Uetusi consulis reditum omnium actionum in senatu primam habuit pro uictore populo, rettulitque quid de nexis fieri placeret.

[¶86] 31.9. This resolution having failed to pass, the dictator said: “I do not please you in urging harmony. You will soon wish, I warrant you, that the Roman plebs had men like me for their spokesmen. For my own part I will not be the means of further disappointing my fellow citizens, nor will I be dictator to no purpose.”

> Latin: 31.9. quae cum reiecta relatio esset, 'non placeo' inquit, 'concordiae auctor. optabitis, mediusfidius, propediem, ut mei similes Romana plebis patronos habeat. quod ad me attinet, neque frustrabor ultra ciues meos neque ipse frustra dictator ero.

[¶87] 31.10. “Internal strife and foreign war made this office necessary to the nation; peace has been secured abroad, but at home it is being thwarted; I will play my part as a private citizen rather than as a dictator, when the mutiny breaks out.” So saying he left the Curia and laid down his office.

> Latin: 31.10. discordiae intestinae, bellum externum fecere ut hoc magistratu egeret res publica: pax foris parta est, domi impeditur; priuatus potius quam dictator seditioni interero.' ita curia egressus dictatura se abdicauit.

[¶88] 31.11. It was evident to the people that resentment of their wrongs had caused him to resign the magistracy. And so, as though he had kept his pledge (for it had not been his fault that it was not being carried out), they attended him as he retired to his house with manifestations of favour and approval.

> Latin: 31.11. apparuit causa plebi, suam uicem indignantem magistratu abisse; itaque uelut persoluta fide, quoniam per eum non stetisset quin praestaretur, decedentem domum cum fauore ac laudibus prosecuti sunt.

[¶89] 32.1. Thereupon the senators became alarmed, fearing that if the army should be disbanded there would again be secret gatherings and conspiracies. And so, although the levy had been held by order of the dictator, yet because the men had been sworn in by the consuls they regarded the troops as bound by their oath, and, under the pretext that the Aequi had recommenced hostilities, gave orders to lead the legions out of the City.

> Latin: 32.1. timor inde patres incessit ne, si dimissus exercitus foret, rursus coetus occulti coniurationesque fierent. itaque quamquam per dictatorem dilectus habitus esset, tamen quoniam in consulum uerba iurassent sacramento teneri militem rati, per causam renouati ab Aequis belli educi ex urbe legiones iussere.

[¶90] 32.2. This brought the revolt to a head. At first it is said, there was talk of killing the consuls, that men might thus be freed from their oath; but when it was explained to them that no sacred obligation could be dissolved by a crime, they took the advice of one Sicinius, and without orders from the consuls withdrew to the Sacred Mount, which is situated across the river Anio, three miles from the City.

> Latin: 32.2. quo facto maturata est seditio. et primo agitatum dicitur de consulum caede, ut soluerentur sacramento; doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem exsolui, Sicinio quodam auctore iniussu consulum in Sacrum montem secessisse. trans Anienem amnem est, tria ab urbe milia passuum.

[¶91] 32.3. —This version of the story is more general than that given by Piso, namely that the Aventine was the place of their secession.

> Latin: 32.3. ea frequentior fama est quam cuius Piso auctor est, in Auentinum secessionem factam esse.

[¶92] 32.4. —There, without any leader, they fortified their camp with stockade and trench, and continued quietly, taking nothing but what they required for their subsistance, for several days, neither receiving provocation nor giving any.

> Latin: 32.4. ibi sine ullo duce uallo fossaque communitis castris quieti, rem nullam nisi necessariam ad uictum sumendo, per aliquot dies neque lacessiti neque lacessentes sese tenuere.

[¶93] 32.5. There was a great panic in the City, and mutual apprehension caused the suspension of all activities. The plebeians, having been abandoned by their friends, feared violence at the hands of the senators; the senators feared the plebeians who were left behind in Rome, being uncertain whether they had rather they stayed or went.

> Latin: 32.5. pauor ingens in urbe, metuque mutuo suspensa erant omnia. timere relicta ab suis plebis uiolentiam patrum; timere patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti manere eam an abire mallent:

[¶94] 32.6. Besides, how long would the seceding multitude continue peaceable? What would happen next if some foreign war should break out in the interim?

> Latin: 32.6. quamdiu autem tranquillam quae secesserit multitudinem fore? quid futurum deinde si quod externum interim bellum exsistat?

[¶95] 32.7. Assuredly no hope was left save in harmony amongst the citizens, and this they concluded they must restore to the state by fair means or foul.

> Latin: 32.7. nullam profecto nisi in concordia ciuium spem reliquam ducere; eam per aequa, per iniqua reconciliandam ciuitati esse.

[¶96] 32.8. They therefore decided to send as an ambassador to the commons Agrippa Menenius, an eloquent man and dear to the plebeians as being one of themselves by birth. On being admitted to the camp he is said merely to have related the following apologue, in the quaint and uncouth style of that age:

> Latin: 32.8. placuit igitur oratorem ad plebem mitti Menenium Agrippam, facundum uirum et quod inde oriundus erat plebi carum. is intromissus in castra prisco illo dicendi et horrido modo nihil aliud quam hoc narrasse fertur:

[¶97] 32.9. In the days when man's members did not all agree amongst themselves, as is now the case, but had each its own ideas and a voice of its own, the other parts thought it unfair that they should have the worry and the trouble and the labour of providing everything for the belly, while the belly remained quietly in their midst with nothing to do but to enjoy the good things which they bestowed upon it; they therefore conspired together that the hands should carry no food to the mouth, nor the mouth accept anything that was given it, nor the teeth grind up what they received.

> Latin: 32.9. tempore quo in homine non ut nunc omnia in unum consentiant, sed singulis membris suum cuique consilium, suus sermo fuerit, indignatas reliquas partes sua cura, suo labore ac ministerio uentri omnia quaeri, uentrem in medio quietum nihil aliud quam datis uoluptatibus frui;

[¶98] 32.10. While they sought in this angry spirit to starve the belly into submission, the members themselves and the whole body were reduced to the utmost weakness.

> Latin: 32.10. conspirasse inde ne manus ad os cibum ferrent, nec os acciperet datum, nec dentes quae acciperent conficerent. hac ira, dum uentrem fame domare uellent, ipsa una membra totumque corpus ad extremam tabem uenisse.

[¶99] 32.11. Hence it had become clear that even the belly had no idle task to perform, and was no more nourished than it nourished the rest, by giving out to all parts of the body that by which we live and thrive, when it has been divided equally amongst the veins and is enriched with digested food —that is, the blood.

> Latin: 32.11. inde apparuisse uentris quoque haud segne ministerium esse, nec magis ali quam alere eum, reddentem in omnes corporis partes hunc quo uiuimus uigemusque, diuisum pariter in uenas maturum confecto cibo sanguinem.

[¶100] 32.12. Drawing a parallel from this to show how like was the internal dissension of the bodily members to the anger of the plebs against the Fathers, he prevailed upon the minds of his hearers.

> Latin: 32.12. comparando hinc quam intestina corporis seditio similis esset irae plebis in patres, flexisse mentes hominum.

[¶101] 33.1. Steps were then taken towards harmony, and a compromise was effected on these terms: the plebeians were to have magistrates of their own, who should be inviolable, and in them should lie the right to aid the people against the consuls, nor should any senator be permitted to take this magistracy.

> Latin: 33.1. agi deinde de concordia coeptum, concessumque in condiciones ut plebi sui magistratus essent sacrosancti quibus auxilii latio aduersus consules esset, neue cui patrum capere eum magistratum liceret.

[¶102] 33.2. And so they chose two “tribunes of the people,” Gaius Licinius and Lucius Albinus. These appointed three others to be their colleagues. Amongst the latter, Sicinius, the promoter of the revolt, was one, as all agree; the identity of the other two is less certain.

> Latin: 33.2. ita tribuni plebei creati duo, C. Licinius et L. Albinus; ii tres collegas sibi creauerunt. in his Sicinium fuisse, seditionis auctorem: de duobus, qui fuerint minus conuenit.

[¶103] 33.3. Some hold that there were only two tribunes elected on the Sacred Mount, and that the law of inviolability was enacted there. During the secession of the plebs Spurius Cassius and Postumus Cominius entered upon their consulship.

> Latin: 33.3. sunt qui duos tantum in Sacro monte creatos tribunos esse dicant, ibique sacratam legem latam. per secessionem plebis Sp. Cassius et Postumius Cominius consulatum inierunt.

## 10. Book II · chapters 33–43

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/10/#p-N

[¶0] 33.4. In this year a treaty was made with the Latin peoples. In order to make this treaty one of the consuls remained in Rome, while the other was dispatched to the Volscian war, and defeated and put to flight the Volsci of Antium. Forcing them to take refuge in the town of Longula, he followed them up and captured the place.

> Latin: 33.4. iis consulibus cum Latinis populis ictum foedus. ad id feriendum consul alter Romae mansit: alter ad Uolscum bellum missus Antiates Uolscos fundit fugatque; compulsos in oppidum Longulam persecutus moenibus potitur.

[¶1] 33.5. Thence he proceeded to take Polusca, another Volscian town, after which he directed a strong attack upon Corioli. There was in camp at that time amongst the young nobles Gnaeus Marcius, a youth of active mind and ready hand, who afterwards gained the surname of Coriolanus.

> Latin: 33.5. inde protinus Poluscam, item Uolscorum, cepit; tum magna ui adortus est Coriolos. erat tum in castris inter primores iuuenum Cn. Marcius, adulescens et consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen postea Coriolano fuit.

[¶2] 33.6. The Romans were laying siege to Corioli and were intent upon the townspeople shut up within the walls, with no thought of danger from any attack which might be impending from without, when they found themselves suddenly assailed by a Volscian army from Antium, and simultaneously by the besieged, who made a sortie from the town. It happened that Marcius was on guard.

> Latin: 33.6. cum subito exercitum Romanum Coriolos obsidentem atque in oppidanos quos intus clausos habebat intentum, sine ullo metu extrinsecus [imminentis] belli, Uolscae legiones profectae ab Antio inuasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit.

[¶3] 33.7. Taking a picked body of men he not only repelled the sally, but boldly forced his way through the open gate, and having spread carnage through the adjacent part of the town, caught up a firebrand on the spur of the moment, and threw it upon the buildings which overhung the wall.

> Latin: 33.7. is cum delecta militum manu non modo impetum erumpentium rettudit, sed per patentem portam ferox inrupit in proxima urbis, caedeque facta ignem temere arreptum imminentibus muro aedificiis iniecit.

[¶4] 33.8. Thereupon the townspeople raised a shout, mingled with such a wailing of women and children as is generally heard at the first alarm. This brought new courage to the Romans and covered the Volsci with confusion —as was natural when the city which they had come to relieve was taken.

> Latin: 33.8. clamor inde oppidanorum mixtus muliebri puerilique ploratu ad terrorem, ut solet, primum orto et Romanis auxit animum et turbauit Uolscos utpote capta urbe cui ad ferendam opem uenerant.

[¶5] 33.9. Thus the men of Antium were routed, and Corioli was won. So completely did the glory of Marcius overshadow the consul's fame, that, were it not for the record on a bronze column of the treaty with the Latins which was struck by Spurius Cassius alone, in the absence of his colleague, men would have forgotten that Postumus Cominius had waged war on the Volsci.

> Latin: 33.9. ita fusi Uolsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum; tantumque sua laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius ut, nisi foedus cum Latinis <in> columna aenea insculptum monumento esset ab Sp. Cassio uno, quia collega afuerat, ictum, Postumium Cominium bellum gessisse cum Uolscis memoria cessisset.

[¶6] 33.10. That same year saw the death of Agrippa Menenius, a man who throughout his life had been equally beloved by patricians and plebeians, and who after the secession was even dearer to the commons.

> Latin: 33.10. eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, uir omni in uita pariter patribus ac plebi carus, post secessionem carior plebi factus.

[¶7] 33.11. This mediator and umpire of civil harmony, this ambassador of the senators to the people, this restorer of the plebs to Rome, did not leave sufficient wealth to pay for a funeral. He was buried by the commons, who contributed a sextans each to the cost.

> Latin: 33.11. huic interpreti arbitroque concordiae ciuium, legato patrum ad plebem, reductori plebis Romanae in urbem sumptus funeri defuit; extulit eum plebs sextantibus conlatis in capita.

[¶8] 34.1. The consuls next chosen were Titus Geganius and Publius Minucius. This year, though there was no war to occasion trouble from without and the breach at home had been healed, another and a much more serious misfortune befell the nation; for first the price of corn went up, from men's failure to cultivate the fields during the withdrawal of the plebs; and this was followed by a famine, such as comes to a beleaguered city.

> Latin: 34.1. consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minucius facti. eo anno cum et foris quieta omnia a bello essent et domi sanata discordia, aliud multo grauius malum ciuitatem inuasit, caritas primum annonae ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris, fames deinde, qualis clausis solet.

[¶9] 34.3. It would have meant starvation for the slaves, at least, and the plebeians, had not the consuls met the situation by sending agents far and wide to buy up corn, not only to Etruria, northwards along the coast from Ostia, and south past the Volsci by sea, all the way to Cumae, but even to Sicily —so far afield had the enmity of Rome's neighbours driven her to seek for help.

> Latin: 34.3. uentumque ad interitum seruitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni consules prouidissent dimissis passim ad frumentum coemendum, non in Etruriam modo dextris ab Ostia litoribus laeuoque per Uolscos mari usque ad Cumas, sed quaesitum in Sicilia quoque; adeo finitimorum odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis.

[¶10] 34.4. When grain had been purchased at Cumae the ships were held back by Aristodemus, the tyrant, in satisfaction for the property of the Tarquinii, whose heir he was. Among the Volsci and Pomptini the agents could not even make any purchases, and they were actually in danger from the violence of the people.

> Latin: 34.4. frumentum Cumis cum coemptum esset, naues pro bonis Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat, retentae sunt; in Uolscis Pomptinoque ne emi quidem potuit; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum ipsis frumentatoribus fuit;

[¶11] 34.5. From the Tuscans corn came in by way of the Tiber, and with this the plebs were kept alive. A disastrous war would have been added to the distresses arising from the scarcity of provisions, had not a grievous pestilence descended upon the Volsci just as they were beginning hostilities.

> Latin: 34.5. ex Tuscis frumentum Tiberi uenit; eo sustentata est plebs. incommodo bello in tam artis commeatibus uexati forent, ni Uolscos iam mouentes arma pestilentia ingens inuasisset.

[¶12] 34.6. Its ravages so terrified the enemy that even after the worst of it was over they did not fully recover from their fear, and the Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae and sent out a new colony to Norba, in the mountains, as a stronghold for the Pomptine country.

> Latin: 34.6. ea clade conterritis hostium animis, ut etiam ubi ea remisisset terrore aliquo tenerentur, et Uelitris auxere numerum colonorum Romani, et Norbam in montes nouam coloniam, quae arx in Pomptino esset, miserunt.

[¶13] 34.7. Next year, in the consulship of Marcus Minucius and Aulus Sempronius, a large quantity of grain was imported from Sicily, and the senate debated at what price it should be sold to the plebeians.

> Latin: 34.7. M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus magna uis frumenti ex Sicilia aduecta, agitatumque in senatu quanti plebi daretur.

[¶14] 34.8. Many thought the time had come for repressing the commons, and resuming the rights which they had violently extorted from the Fathers by secession. Conspicuous among these was Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy to the tribunician power, who said: “If they want corn at the old price let them restore to the senate its ancient rights.”

> Latin: 34.8. multi uenisse tempus premendae plebis putabant reciperandique iura quae extorta secessione ac ui patribus essent. in primis Marcius Coriolanus, hostis tribuniciae potestatis, 'si annonam' inquit, 'ueterem uolunt, ius pristinum reddant patribus.

[¶15] 34.9. “Why do I see plebeian magistrates, why do I, after being sent beneath the yoke and ransomed, as it were, from brigands, behold Sicinius in power?”

> Latin: 34.9. cur ego plebeios magistratus, cur Sicinium potentem uideo, sub iugum missus, tamquam ab latronibus redemptus?

[¶16] 34.10. “Shall I endure these humiliations any longer than I must? When I would not brook Tarquinius as king, must I brook Sicinius? Let him secede now and call out the plebs; the way lies open to the Sacred Mount and the other hills. Let them seize grain from our fields as they did two years ago. Let them enjoy the corn-prices they have brought about by their own madness.”

> Latin: 34.10. egone has indignitates diutius patiar quam necesse est? Tarquinium regem qui non tulerim, Sicinium feram? secedat nunc; auocet plebem; patet uia in Sacrum montem aliosque colles; rapiant frumenta ex agris nostris, quemadmodum tertio anno rapuere.

[¶17] 34.11. “I make bold to say that this evil plight will so tame them that they will sooner till the land themselves than withdraw under arms and prevent its cultivation by others.”

> Latin: 34.11. fruantur annona quam furore suo fecere. audeo dicere hoc malo domitos ipsos potius cultores agrorum fore quam ut armati per secessionem coli prohibeant.'

[¶18] 34.12. It is not so easy to say whether it would have been right to do this, as it is clear, I think, that it lay within the Fathers' power to have made such conditions for reducing the price of corn as to have freed themselves from the tribunician authority and all the terms which they had unwillingly agreed to.

> Latin: 34.12. haud tam facile dictu est faciendumne fuerit quam potuisse arbitror fieri ut condicionibus laxandi annonam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia inuitis iura imposita patres demerent sibi.

[¶19] 35.1. Even the senate deemed the proposal too harsh, and the plebs were so angry that they almost resorted to arms. Starvation, they said, was now being employed against them, as though they were public enemies, and they were being defrauded of their food and sustenance; the imported corn, their only supply, unexpectedly bestowed on them by Fortune, was to be snatched from their mouths unless the tribunes should be delivered up in chains to Gnaeus Marcius, unless he should work his will on the persons of the Roman plebeians; in him a new executioner had risen up against them, who bade them choose between death and slavery.

> Latin: 35.1. et senatui nimis atrox uisa sententia est et plebem ira prope armauit. fame se iam sicut hostes peti, cibo uictuque fraudari; peregrinum frumentum, quae sola alimenta ex insperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi nisi Cn. Marcio uincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis Romanae satisfiat; eum sibi carnificem nouum exortum, qui aut mori aut seruire iubeat.

[¶20] 35.2. When he came out from the Curia they would have set upon him, had not the tribunes, in the nick of time, appointed a day to try him; whereupon their anger subsided, for every man saw that he was himself made his enemy's judge, and held over him the power of life and death.

> Latin: 35.2. in exeuntem e curia impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni diem dixissent. ibi ira est suppressa; se iudicem quisque, se dominum uitae necisque inimici factum uidebat.

[¶21] 35.3. With contempt at first Marcius heard the threats of the tribunes, alleging that the right to help, not to punish, had been granted to that office, and that they were tribunes not of the Fathers, but of the plebs. But the commons had risen in such a storm of anger that the Fathers had to sacrifice one man to appease them.

> Latin: 35.3. contemptim primo Marcius audiebat minas tribunicias: auxilii, non poenae ius datum illi potestati, plebisque, non patrum tribunos esse. sed adeo infensa erat coorta plebs ut unius poena defungendum esset patribus.

[¶22] 35.4. For all that, they resisted the hatred of their adversaries and called upon the private resources of the several senators, as well as the strength of the entire order. At first they tried, by posting their clients here and there, to frighten persons from coming together for deliberation, in the hope that they might thereby break up their plans.

> Latin: 35.4. restiterunt tamen aduersa inuidia, usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius ordinis uiribus. ac primo temptata res est si dispositis clientibus absterrendo singulos a coitionibus conciliisque disicere rem possent.

[¶23] 35.5. Then they came out in a body —you would have said all the members of the senate were on their trial —and entreated the plebs to release to them one citizen, one senator; if they were unwilling to acquit him as innocent let them give him up, though guilty, as a favour.

> Latin: 35.5. uniuersi deinde processere —quidquid erat patrum, reos diceres—precibus plebem exposcentes, unum sibi ciuem, unum senatorem, si innocentem absoluere nollent, pro nocente donarent.

[¶24] 35.6. But when Marcius himself, on the day appointed for the hearing, failed to appear, men's hearts were hardened against him. Condemned in his absence, he went into exile with the Volsci, uttering threats against his country, and even then breathing hostility. When he came among the Volsci they received him with a kindness which increased from one day to the next, in proportion as he allowed a greater hatred of his own people to appear, and was more and more frequently heard to utter both complaints and threats.

> Latin: 35.6. ipse cum die dicta non adesset, perseueratum in ira est. damnatus absens in Uolscos exsulatum abiit, minitans patriae hostilesque iam tum spiritus gerens. uenientem Uolsci benigne excepere, benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae, nunc minae percipiebantur.

[¶25] 35.7. His host was Attius Tullius, at that time by far the foremost of the Volscian name and ever unfriendly to the Romans. And so, spurred on, the one by his inveterate hatred and the other by fresh resentment, they took counsel together how they might make war on Rome.

> Latin: 35.7. hospitio utebatur Atti Tulli. longe is tum princeps Uolsci nominis erat Romanisque semper infestus. ita cum alterum uetus odium, alterum ira recens stimularet, consilia conferunt de Romano bello.

[¶26] 35.8. They believed that it would be no easy matter to induce the Volscian commons to take up the arms which they had so often unluckily essayed; the destruction of their young men in oft-repeated wars, and finally by the plague, had, they supposed, broken their spirit; artifice must be invoked, where hate had grown dull with lapse of time, that they might find some new cause of anger to exasperate men's hearts.

> Latin: 35.8. haud facile credebant plebem suam impelli posse, ut totiens infeliciter temptata arma caperent: multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo amissa iuuentute fractos spiritus esse; arte agendum in exoleto iam uetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacerbarentur animi.

[¶27] 36.1. It so happened that at Rome preparations were making to repeat the Great Games. The reason of the repetition was as follows: at an early hour of the day appointed for the games, before the show had begun, a certain householder had driven his slave, bearing a yoke, through the midst of the circus, scourging the culprit as he went.

> Latin: 36.1. ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae parabantur. instaurandi haec causa fuerat. ludis mane seruum quidam pater familiae, nondum commisso spectaculo, sub furca caesum medio egerat circo; coepti inde ludi, uelut ea res nihil ad religionem pertinuisset.

[¶28] 36.2. The games had then been begun, as though this circumstance had in no way affected their sanctity. Not long after, Titus Latinius, a plebeian, had a dream. He dreamt that Jupiter said that the leading dancer at the games had not been to his liking; that unless there were a sumptuous repetition of the festival the City would be in danger; that Latinius was to go and announce this to the consuls.

> Latin: 36.2. haud ita multo post Tito Latinio, de plebe homini, somnium fuit; uisus Iuppiter dicere sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse; nisi magnifice instaurarentur ii ludi, periculum urbi fore; iret, ea consulibus nuntiaret.

[¶29] 36.3. Though the man's conscience was by no means at ease, nevertheless the awe he felt at the majesty of the magistrates was too great; he was afraid of becoming a laughing-stock.

> Latin: 36.3. quamquam haud sane liber erat religione animus, uerecundia tamen maiestatis magistratuum [timorem] uicit, ne in ora hominum pro ludibrio abiret.

[¶30] 36.4. Heavy was the price he paid for his hesitation, for a few days later he lost his son. Lest this sudden calamity should leave any uncertainty as to its cause in the mind of the wretched man, the same phantom appeared again before him in his dreams, and asked him, as he thought, whether he had been sufficiently repaid for spurning the gods; for a greater recompense was at hand unless he went quickly and informed the consuls.

> Latin: 36.4. magno illi ea cunctatio stetit; filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. cuius repentinae cladis ne causa ei dubia esset, aegro animi eadem illa in somnis obuersata species uisa est rogitare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem;

[¶31] 36.5. This brought the matter nearer home. Yet he still delayed and put off going, till a violent attack of illness suddenly laid him low.

> Latin: 36.5. maiorem instare ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. iam praesentior res erat. cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens uis morbi adorta est debilitate subita.

[¶32] 36.6. Then at last the anger of the gods taught him wisdom. And so, worn out with his sufferings, past and present, he called a council of his kinsmen and explained to them what he had seen and heard, how Jupiter had so often confronted him in his sleep, and how the threats and anger of the god had been instantly fulfilled in his own misfortunes.

> Latin: 36.6. tunc enimuero deorum cura <ea> admonuit. fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque, consilio propinquorum adhibito, cum uisa atque audita et obuersatum totiens somno Iouem, minas irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, consensu inde haud dubio omnium qui aderant in forum ad consules lectica defertur.

[¶33] 36.7. Then, with the unhesitating approval of all who were present, he was carried on a litter to the consuls in the Forum; and thence, by their command, to the Curia, where he had no sooner told the same story to the Fathers, greatly to the wonder of them all, when — lo, another miracle!

> Latin: 36.7. inde in curiam iussu consulum delatus, eadem illa cum patribus ingenti omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miraculum:

[¶34] 36.8. For it is related that he who had been carried into the senate-house afflicted in all his members, returned home, after discharging his duty, on his own feet.

> Latin: 36.8. qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum redisse traditum memoriae est.

[¶35] 37.1. Games of the greatest possible splendour were decreed by the senate, and to see them came, at the suggestion of Attius Tullius, a host of Volsci.

> Latin: 37.1. ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent senatus decreuit. ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio uis magna Uolscorum uenit.

[¶36] 37.2. Before the beginning of the spectacle Tullius, in pursuance of the plan he and Marcius had formed at home, went to the consuls and told them that he had something of public importance which he wished to discuss with them in private.

> Latin: 37.2. priusquam committerentur ludi, Tullius, ut domi compositum cum Marcio fuerat, ad consules uenit; dicit esse quae secreto agere de re publica uelit.

[¶37] 37.3. When the bystanders had been removed, “I am loath,” he said, “to tell concerning my countrymen what may discredit them. Still I do not come to charge them with having committed any crime, but to put you on your guard lest they should commit one.”

> Latin: 37.3. arbitris remotis, 'inuitus' inquit, 'quod sequius sit, de meis ciuibus loquor. non tamen admissum quicquam ab iis criminatum uenio, sed cautum ne admittant.

[¶38] 37.4. “The disposition of our people is far more fickle than I could wish.”

> Latin: 37.4. nimio plus quam uelim, nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia.

[¶39] 37.5. “Many disasters have taught us the truth of this, since it is not to our own merit, but to your patience, that we owe our preservation. A great crowd of Volsci is now in Rome; there are games; the citizens will be intent upon the spectacle.”

> Latin: 37.5. multis id cladibus sensimus, quippe qui non nostro merito sed uestra patientia incolumes simus. magna hic nunc Uolscorum multitudo est; ludi sunt; spectaculo intenta ciuitas erit.

[¶40] 37.6. “I remember what the Sabine youths did in this City on the same opportunity arising; I tremble lest something ill-advised and rash may happen. It has seemed to me that both on our account and on yours I ought to tell you this beforehand, consuls.”

> Latin: 37.6. memini quid per eandem occasionem ab Sabinorum iuuentute in hac urbe commissum sit; horret animus, ne quid inconsulte ac temere fiat. haec nostra uestraque causa prius dicenda uobis, consules, ratus sum.

[¶41] 37.7. “For my own part I intend to go home at once, lest being on the spot I might be implicated in some act or word and be compromised.” With this he departed. The consuls laid before the senate this vague warning which came from so reliable a source.

> Latin: 37.7. quod ad me attinet, extemplo hinc domum abire in animo est, ne cuius facti dictiue contagione praesens uioler.' haec locutus abiit.

[¶42] 37.8. It was the source, as often happens, rather than the story, which induced them to take precautions, even though they might prove superfluous. The senate decreed that the Volsci should leave the City, and heralds were sent about to command them all to depart before nightfall.

> Latin: 37.8. consules cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo detulissent, auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad praecauendum uel ex superuacuo mouit, factoque senatus consulto ut urbe excederent Uolsci, praecones dimittuntur qui omnes eos proficisci ante noctem iuberent.

[¶43] 37.9. At first they were stricken with a great alarm, as they hurried this way and that to the houses of their hosts to get their things. But when they had started, their hearts swelled with indignation, that like malefactors and polluted persons, they should have been driven off from the games at a time of festival, and excluded, in a way, from intercourse with men and gods.

> Latin: 37.9. ingens pauor primo discurrentes ad suas res tollendas in hospitia perculit; proficiscentibus deinde indignatio oborta, se ut consceleratos contaminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam modo hominum deorumque abactos esse.

[¶44] 38.1. As they journeyed on in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who had gone ahead, arrived before them at the source of the Ferentina. There, when any of their chief men arrived, he met them with words of complaint and indignation. These leaders, eagerly drinking in the words with which he ministered to their anger, he conducted and, thanks to their influence, the rest of the throng also, to a field which lay below the road.

> Latin: 38.1. cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque ueniret, primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, et eos ipsos, sedulo audientes secunda irae uerba, et per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum uiae campum deduxit.

[¶45] 38.2. There he launched out upon a speech like a general's harangue. “Though you should forget all else,” he cried, “the ancient wrongs done by the Roman People and the disasters that have overtaken the Volscian race, with what feelings, pray, can you bear the insult which this day has brought to us, making our humiliation serve as the opening of their festival?”

> Latin: 38.2. ibi in contionis modum orationem exorsus 'ut omnia' inquit, 'obliuiscamini alia, ueteres populi Romani iniurias cladesque gentis Uolscorum, hodiernam hanc contumeliam quo tandem animo fertis, qua per nostram ignominiam ludos commisere?

[¶46] 38.3. “Or did you not feel that they were triumphing over you to-day? That you furnished a spectacle to everybody when you departed —to the citizens, to the strangers, to all the neighbouring nations?”

> Latin: 38.3. an non sensistis triumphatum hodie de uobis esse? uos omnibus, ciuibus, peregrinis, tot finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntes fuisse? uestras coniuges, uestros liberos traductos per ora hominum?

[¶47] 38.4. “That your wives and children were made a mock in the eyes of the world? What of those who heard the words of the herald? What of those who saw us going away? What of those who have met this ignominious procession? What think you they all supposed, but that we were certainly attainted of some sin; that because, were we to be present at the spectacle, we should pollute the games and incur the god's displeasure —for that reason we were being expelled from the seat of the righteous and from their gathering and their council?”

> Latin: 38.4. quid eos qui audiuere uocem praeconis, quid, qui nos uidere abeuntes, quid eos qui huic ignominioso agmini fuere obuii, existimasse putatis nisi aliquod profecto nefas esse quo, si intersimus spectaculo, uiolaturi simus ludos piaculumque merituri; ideo nos ab sede piorum, coetu concilioque abigi?

[¶48] 38.5. “Moreover, does it not occur to you that we are alive because we hastened to depart? —if, indeed, this is a departure and not rather a flight. And this City —do you not regard it as a city of enemies, when if you had delayed there a single day, you would all have had to die?”

> Latin: 38.5. quid deinde? illud non succurrit, uiuere nos quod maturarimus proficisci? si hoc profectio et non fuga est. et hanc urbem uos non hostium ducitis, ubi si unum diem morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit? bellum uobis indictum est, magno eorum malo qui indixere si uiri estis.'

[¶49] 38.6. “War has been declared upon you, and greatly shall they rue it who have been responsible, if you are men.” So, their spontaneous anger fanned to a flame, they dispersed to their several homes, and, every man arousing his own people, they brought about a revolt of the entire Volscian name.

> Latin: 38.6. ita et sua sponte irarum pleni et incitati domos inde digressi sunt, instigandoque suos quisque populos effecere ut omne Uolscum nomen deficeret.

[¶50] 39.1. As generals for this war the nations all agreed in choosing Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Marcius, the Roman exile, who inspired rather more hope than did his colleague.

> Latin: 39.1. imperatores ad id bellum de omnium populorum sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Marcius, exsul Romanus, in quo aliquanto plus spei repositum.

[¶51] 39.2. This hope he by no means disappointed, so that it was easy to see that Rome's commanders were a greater source of strength to her than her armies were. Marching first to Circei, he drove out the Roman colonists from that city and turned it over, thus liberated, to the Volsci.

> Latin: 39.2. quam spem nequaquam fefellit, ut facile appareret ducibus ualidiorem quam exercitu rem Romanam esse. Circeios profectus primum colonos inde Romanos expulit liberamque eam urbem Uolscis tradidit;

[¶52] 39.3. He took Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, places which the Romans had recently acquired. He then recovered Lavinium, and then, passing over by cross-roads into the Latin Way, captured in succession Corbio, Vetelia, Trebium, Labici, and Pedum.

> Latin: 39.3. Satricum, Longulam, Poluscam, Coriolos, nouella haec Romanis oppida ademit; inde Lauinium recepit; inde in Latinam uiam transuersis tramitibus transgressus, tunc deinceps Corbionem, Ueteliam, Trebium, Labicos, Pedum cepit.

[¶53] 39.5. From Pedum he finally led his army against Rome and, pitching his camp at the Cluilian Trenches, five miles from the City, laid waste the Roman territory from that base, sending out guards with the pillagers to preserve intact the farms of the patricians, whether from anger at the plebs, or to sow dissension between them and the Fathers. And no doubt it would have sprung up, so vehemently did the tribunes seek by their accusations to rouse the already headstrong commons against the nation's leaders, but dread of invasion, the strongest bond of harmony, tended to unite their feelings, however they might suspect and dislike one another.

> Latin: 39.5. postremum ad urbem a Pedo ducit, et ad fossas Cluilias quinque ab urbe milia passuum castris positis, populatur inde agrum Romanum, custodibus inter populatores missis qui patriciorum agros intactos seruarent, siue infensus plebi magis, siue ut discordia inde inter patres plebemque oreretur. quae profecto orta esset—adeo tribuni iam ferocem per se plebem criminando in primores ciuitatis instigabant—; sed externus timor, maximum concordiae uinculum, quamuis suspectos infensosque inter se iungebat animos.

[¶54] 39.8. In this one point they were unable to agree, that the senate and the consuls saw no hope anywhere but in arms, while the plebs preferred anything to war. Spurius Nautius and Sextus Furius were now consuls.

> Latin: 39.8. id modo non conueniebat quod senatus consulesque nusquam alibi spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia quam bellum malebat.

[¶55] 39.9. While they were reviewing their levies and distributing garrisons about the walls and the other places where they had seen fit to place pickets and sentries, a great multitude of people demanding peace first terrified them with their rebellious clamour, and then forced them to call the senate together and propose the sending of envoys to Gnaeus Marcius. The Fathers consented to propose it when they saw that the plebeians were growing discouraged, and ambassadors were sent to Marcius to treat for peace.

> Latin: 39.9. Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius consules erant. eos recensentes legiones, praesidia per muros aliaque in quibus stationes uigiliasque esse placuerat loca distribuentes, multitudo ingens pacem poscentium primum seditioso clamore conterruit, deinde uocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn. Marcium mittendis coegit.

[¶56] 39.10. Stern was the answer they brought back. If the land of the Volsci were restored to them the question of peace could be taken up; if the Romans wished to enjoy the spoils of war without doing anything, he would forget neither the wrong his fellow-citizens had done him nor the kindness of his hosts, but would strive to show that exile had quickened his courage, not broken it.

> Latin: 39.10. acceperunt relationem patres, postquam apparuit labare plebis animos; missique de pace ad Marcium oratores atrox responsum rettulerunt: si Uolscis ager redderetur, posse agi de pace: si praeda belli per otium frui uelint, memorem se et ciuium iniuriae et hospitum beneficii adnisurum, ut appareat exsilio sibi inritatos, non fractos animos esse.

[¶57] 39.12. When the same envoys were sent back a second time, they were denied admittance to the camp. Even priests, wearing the appropriate fillets, are said to have gone as suppliants to the enemy's camp, where they were no more able than the envoys had been to alter the determination of Marcius.

> Latin: 39.12. iterum deinde iidem missi non recipiuntur in castra. sacerdotes quoque suis insignibus uelatos isse supplices ad castra hostium traditum est; nihilo magis quam legatos flexisse animum.

[¶58] 40.1. Then the married women gathered in large numbers at the house of Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia, his wife.

> Latin: 40.1. tum matronae ad Ueturiam matrem Coriolani Uolumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. id publicum consilium an muliebris timor fuerit, parum inuenio:

[¶59] 40.2. Whether this was public policy or woman's fear I cannot find out; in any case they prevailed with them that both Veturia, an aged woman, and Volumnia should take the two little sons of Marcius and go with them to the camp of the enemy; and that, since the swords of the men could not defend the City, the women should defend it with their prayers and tears.

> Latin: 40.2. peruicere certe, ut et Ueturia, magno natu mulier, et Uolumnia duos paruos ex Marcio ferens filios secum in castra hostium irent et, quoniam armis uiri defendere urbem non possent, mulieres precibus lacrimisque defenderent.

[¶60] 40.3. When they reached the camp, and the word came to Coriolanus that a great company of women was at hand, at first, as might have been expected of one whom neither the nation's majesty could move, as represented in its envoys, nor the awfulness of religion, as conveyed to heart and eye by the persons of her priests, he showed even greater obduracy in resisting women's tears.

> Latin: 40.3. ubi ad castra uentum est nuntiatumque Coriolano est adesse ingens mulierum agmen, ut qui nec publica maiestate in legatis nec in sacerdotibus tanta offusa oculis animoque religione motus esset, multo obstinatior aduersus lacrimas muliebres erat;

[¶61] 40.4. Then one of his friends, led by Veturia's conspicuous sadness to single her out from amongst the other women, as she stood between her son's wife and his babies, said: “Unless my eyes deceive me, your mother is here and your wife and children.”

> Latin: 40.4. dein familiarium quidam qui insignem maestitia inter ceteras cognouerat Ueturiam, inter nurum nepotesque stantem, 'nisi me frustrantur' inquit, 'oculi, mater tibi coniunxque et liberi adsunt.'

[¶62] 40.5. Coriolanus started up like a madman from his seat, and running to meet his mother would have embraced her, but her entreaties turned to anger, and she said: “Suffer me to learn, before I accept your embrace, whether I have come to an enemy or a son; whether I am a captive or a mother in your camp.”

> Latin: 40.5. Coriolanus prope ut amens consternatus ab sede sua cum ferret matri obuiae complexum, mulier in iram ex precibus uersa 'sine, priusquam complexum accipio, sciam' inquit, 'ad hostem an ad filium uenerim, captiua materne in castris tuis sim.

[¶63] 40.6. “Is it this to which long life and an unhappy old age have brought me, that I should behold in you an exile and then an enemy? Could you bring yourself to ravage this country, which gave you birth and reared you?”

> Latin: 40.6. in hoc me longa uita et infelix senecta traxit ut exsulem te deinde hostem uiderem? potuisti populari hanc terram quae te genuit atque aluit?

[¶64] 40.7. “Did not your anger fall from you, no matter how hostile and threatening your spirit when you came, as you passed the boundary? Did it not come over you, when Rome lay before your eyes: ' Within those walls are my home and my gods, my mother, my wife, and my children?' ” “So then, had I not been a mother Rome would not now be besieged!

> Latin: 40.7. non tibi, quamuis infesto animo et minaci perueneras, ingredienti fines ira cecidit? non, cum in conspectu Roma fuit, succurrit: intra illa moenia domus ac penates mei sunt, mater coniunx liberique?

[¶65] 40.8. Had I no son I should have died a free woman, in a free land!” “But I can have nothing now to suffer which could be more disgraceful to you or more miserable for myself; nor, wretched though I am, shall I be so for long: it is these you must consider, for whom, if you keep on, untimely death or long enslavement is in store.” The embraces of his wife and children, following this speech, and the tears of the entire company of women, and their lamentations for themselves and their country, at last broke through his resolution.

> Latin: 40.8. ergo ego nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur; nisi filium haberem, libera in libera patria mortua essem. sed ego mihi miserius nihil iam pati nec tibi turpius <us>quam possum, nec ut sum miserrima, diu futura sum: de his uideris, quos, si pergis, aut immatura mors aut longa seruitus manet.' uxor deinde ac liberi amplexi, fletusque ob omni turba mulierum ortus et comploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem uirum.

[¶66] 40.10. He embraced his family and sent them back, and withdrew his forces from before the City. Having then led his army out of Rome's dominions he is said to have perished beneath the weight of resentment which this act caused, by a death which is variously described. I find in Fabius, by far the oldest authority, that Coriolanus lived on to old age.

> Latin: 40.10. complexus inde suos dimittit: ipse retro ab urbe castra mouit. abductis deinde legionibus ex agro Romano, inuidia rei oppressum perisse tradunt, alii alio leto. apud Fabium, longe antiquissimum auctorem, usque ad senectutem uixisse eundem inuenio;

[¶67] 40.11. At least he reports that this saying was often on his lips, that exile was a far more wretched thing when one was old. There was no envy of the fame the women had earned, on the part of the men of Rome —so free was life in those days from disparagement of another's glory —and to preserve its memory the temple of Fortuna Muliebris was built and dedicated.

> Latin: 40.11. refert certe hanc saepe eum exacta aetate usurpasse uocem multo miserius seni exsilium esse. non inuiderunt laude sua mulieribus uiri Romani—adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae uiuebatur—;

[¶68] 40.12. Afterwards the Volsci again invaded Roman soil, in conjunction with the Aequi, but these would no longer put up with Attius Tullius for their general.

> Latin: 40.12. monumento quoque quod esset, templum Fortunae muliebri aedificatum dedicatumque est. rediere deinde Uolsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum Romanum; sed Aequi Attium Tullium haud ultra tulere ducem.

[¶69] 40.13. Whereupon the dispute as to whether the Volsci or the Aequi should furnish a commander for the allied army, led to a quarrel, and this to a bloody battle. There the good fortune of the Roman People destroyed two hostile armies in one struggle, which was no less ruinous than it was obstinately fought.

> Latin: 40.13. hinc ex certamine Uolsci Aequine imperatorem coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio, deinde atrox proelium ortum. ibi fortuna populi Romani duos hostium exercitus haud minus pernicioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit.

[¶70] 40.14. The consulship of Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aquilius. Sicinius got the Volscian war for his command, and Aquilius that with the Hernici —for they too were up in arms. This year the Hernici were conquered, while the campaign against the Volsci was indecisive.

> Latin: 40.14. consules T. Sicinius et C. Aquilius. Sicinio Uolsci, Aquilio Hernici—nam ii quoque in armis erant—prouincia euenit. eo anno Hernici deuicti: cum Uolscis aequo Marte discessum est.

[¶71] 41.1. Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were then made consuls. A treaty was struck with the Hernici, and two-thirds of their land was taken from them. Of this the consul Cassius proposed to divide one half amongst the Latins and the other half amongst the plebeians.

> Latin: 41.1. Sp. Cassius deinde et Proculus Uerginius consules facti. cum Hernicis foedus ictum; agri partes duae ademptae. inde dimidium Latinis, dimidium plebi diuisurus consul Cassius erat.

[¶72] 41.2. To this gift he wished to add some part of that land which, he charged, was held by individuals, although it belonged to the state. Whereupon many of the Fathers, being themselves in possession of the land, took fright at the danger which threatened their interests. But the senators were also concerned on public grounds, namely, that the consul by his largesses should be building up an influence perilous to liberty.

> Latin: 41.2. adiciebat hic muneri agri aliquantum, quem publicum possideri a priuatis criminabatur. id multos quidem patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum suarum terrebat; sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere.

[¶73] 41.3. This was the first proposal for agrarian legislation, and from that day to within living memory it has never been brought up without occasioning the most serious disturbances.

> Latin: 41.3. tum primum lex agraria promulgata est, nunquam deinde usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis motibus rerum agitata.

[¶74] 41.4. The other consul resisted the largess, and the Fathers supported him; nor were the commons solidly against him, for to begin with, they had taken offence that the bounty had been made general, being extended to include allies as well as citizens;

> Latin: 41.4. consul alter largitioni resistebat auctoribus patribus nec omni plebe aduersante, quae primo coeperat fastidire munus uolgatum †a ciuibus isse in socios†;

[¶75] 41.5. and again, they often heard the consul Verginius declare in his speeches, as though he read the future, that destruction lurked in the gift proposed by his colleague; that those lands would bring servitude to the men who should receive them, and were being made a road to monarchy.

> Latin: 41.5. saepe deinde et Uerginium consulem in contionibus uelut uaticinantem audiebat pestilens collegae munus esse; agros illos seruitutem iis qui acceperint laturos; regno uiam fieri.

[¶76] 41.6. For what reason had there been, he asked, in including the allies and the Latin name, and in restoring to the Hernici, who had been enemies a short time before, a third of the land which had been taken from them, if it were not that these tribes might have Cassius in the room of Coriolanus for their captain?

> Latin: 41.6. quid ita enim adsumi socios et nomen Latinum, quid attinuisset Hernicis, paulo ante hostibus, capti agri partem tertiam reddi, nisi ut hae gentes pro Coriolano duce Cassium habeant?

[¶77] 41.7. Popular favour now began to go over to the opponent and vetoer of the land-legislation. Each consul then began, as if vying with the other, to pamper the plebs. Verginius said that he would permit lands to be assigned, provided they were assigned to none but Roman citizens.

> Latin: 41.7. popularis iam esse dissuasor et intercessor legis agrariae coeperat. uterque deinde consul, ut certatim, plebi indulgere. Uerginius dicere passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui nisi ciui Romano adsignentur:

[¶78] 41.8. Cassius, having by his proposed agrarian grants made a bid for the support of the allies and thereby lowered himself in the eyes of the Romans, desired to regain the affection of his fellow-citizens by another donation, and proposed that the money received from the Sicilian corn should be paid back to the people.

> Latin: 41.8. Cassius, quia in agraria largitione ambitiosus in socios eoque ciuibus uilior erat, ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret ciuium animos, iubere pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui populo.

[¶79] 41.9. But this the people spurned, as a downright attempt to purchase regal power; to such an extent did their instinctive suspicion of monarchy render them scornful of his gifts, as if they had possessed a superfluity of everything; and Cassius had no sooner laid down his office than he was condemned and executed, as all authorities agree.

> Latin: 41.9. id uero haud secus quam praesentem mercedem regni aspernata plebes; adeo propter suspicionem insitam regni, uelut abundarent omnia, munera eius [in animis hominum] respuebantur.

[¶80] 41.10. There are those who say that his father was responsible for his punishment: that he tried the case in his house, and that, after causing his son to be scourged and put to death, he consecrated to Ceres his personal property, from the proceeds of which a statue was made and inscribed “the gift of the Cassian family.”

> Latin: 41.10. quem ubi primum magistratu abiit damnatum necatumque constat. sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant: eum cognita domi causa uerberasse ac necasse peculiumque filii Cereri consecrauisse; signum inde factum esse et inscriptum:

[¶81] 41.11. I find in certain authors, and this is the more credible account, that the quaestors Caeso Fabius and Lucius Valerius brought him to trial for treason, and that he was found guilty by judgment of the people and his house pulled down by popular decree. Its site is now the open space in front of the temple of Tellus.

> Latin: 41.11. 'ex Cassia familia datum.' inuenio apud quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a quaestoribus Caesone Fabio et L. Ualerio diem dictam perduellionis, damnatumque populi iudicio, dirutas publice aedes. ea est area ante Telluris aedem.

[¶82] 41.12. But whether it was a domestic or a state trial, he was condemned in the consulship of Servius Cornelius and Quintus Fabius.

> Latin: 41.12. ceterum siue illud domesticum siue publicum fuit iudicium, damnatur Seruio Cornelio Q. Fabio consulibus.

[¶83] 42.1. It was not long before the people forgot the anger they had felt against Cassius. The inherent attractiveness of the agrarian legislation appealed to them on its own account, when its author had been removed, and their desire for it was enhanced by the meanness of the Fathers, who after the defeat in that year of the Volsci and the Aequi defrauded the soldiers of their booty.

> Latin: 42.1. haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit. dulcedo agrariae legis ipsa per se, dempto auctore, subibat animos, accensaque ea cupiditas est malignitate patrum, qui deuictis eo anno Uolscis Aequisque, militem praeda fraudauere.

[¶84] 42.2. Whatever was taken from the enemy Fabius sold and placed the proceeds in the public treasury. The Fabian name was hateful to the plebs, on the last consul's account; nevertheless the patricians succeeded in procuring the election of Caeso Fabius to that office, along with Lucius Aemilius.

> Latin: 42.2. quidquid captum ex hostibus est, uendidit Fabius consul ac redegit in publicum. inuisum erat Fabium nomen plebi propter nouissimum consulem; tenuere tamen patres ut cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur.

[¶85] 42.3. This increased the rancour of the plebeians, and by their seditions at home they brought about a foreign war. The war then caused domestic strife to be interrupted, while with one mind and purpose patricians and plebeians met the rebellious Volsci and Aequi and, led by Aemilius, defeated them in a successful action.

> Latin: 42.3. eo infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum externum exciuit. bello deinde ciuiles discordiae intermissae; uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes Uolscos et Aequos duce Aemilio prospera pugna uicere.

[¶86] 42.4. Yet more of the enemy perished in flight than in the battle, so relentlessly did the cavalry pursue their routed forces.

> Latin: 42.4. plus tamen hostium fuga quam proelium absumpsit; adeo pertinaciter fusos insecuti sunt equites.

[¶87] 42.5. Castor's temple was dedicated the same year, on the fifteenth of July. It had been vowed during the Latin war by Postumius, the dictator. His son, being made duumvir for this special purpose, dedicated it.

> Latin: 42.5. Castoris aedis eodem anno idibus Quintilibus dedicata est; uota erat Latino bello <a> Postumio dictatore; filius eius duumuir ad id ipsum creatus dedicauit.

[¶88] 42.6. The desires of the plebs were this year again excited by the charms of the land-law. The tribunes of the plebs endeavoured to recommend their democratic office by a democratic law, while the senators, who thought there was frenzy enough and to spare in the populace, without rewarding it, shuddered at the thought of land-grants and encouragements to rashness.

> Latin: 42.6. sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis animi plebis. tribuni plebi popularem potestatem lege populari celebrabant: patres, satis superque gratuiti furoris in multitudine credentes esse, largitiones temeritatisque inuitamenta horrebant. acerrimi patribus duces ad resistendum consules fuere.

[¶89] 42.7. The most strenuous of leaders were at hand for the senatorial opposition, in the persons of the consuls. Their party was therefore victorious and not only won an immediate success but, besides, elected as consuls for the approaching year Marcus Fabius, Caeso's brother, and one whom, on account of the prosecution of Spurius Cassius, the people hated even more, namely, Lucius Valerius.

> Latin: 42.7. ea igitur pars rei publicae uicit, nec in praesens modo sed in uenientem etiam annum M. Fabium, Caesonis fratrem, et magis inuisum alterum plebi accusatione Sp. Cassi, L. Ualerium, consules dedit.

[¶90] 42.8. This year also there was a conflict with the tribunes. Nothing came of the legislation, and its supporters fell into contempt, from boasting of a measure which they could not carry through. The Fabii were thence-forward held in great repute, after their three successive consulships, which had all without interruption been subjected to the proof of struggles with the tribunes; accordingly the office, as if well invested, was permitted to remain some time in that family.

> Latin: 42.8. certatum eo quoque anno cum tribunis est. uana lex uanique legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti. Fabium inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulatus unoque uelut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis certaminibus habitum; itaque, ut bene locatus, mansit in ea familia aliquamdiu honos.

[¶91] 42.9. War then broke out with Veii, and the Volsci revolted. But for foreign wars there was almost a superabundance of resources, and men misused them in quarrelling amongst themselves.

> Latin: 42.9. bellum inde Ueiens initum, et Uolsci rebellarunt; sed ad bella externa prope supererant uires, abutebanturque iis inter semet ipsos certando.

[¶92] 42.10. To increase the general anxiety which was now felt, portents implying the anger of the gods were of almost daily occurrence in the City and the country. For this expression of divine wrath no other reason was alleged by the soothsayers, when they had enquired into it both officially and privately, sometimes by inspecting entrails and sometimes by observing the flight of birds, than the failure duly to observe the rites of religion.

> Latin: 42.10. accessere ad aegras iam omnium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope cotidianas in urbe agrisque ostentantia minas; motique ita numinis causam nullam aliam uates canebant publice priuatimque nunc extis, nunc per aues consulti, quam haud rite sacra fieri;

[¶93] 42.11. These alarms at length resulted in the condemnation of Oppia, a Vestal virgin, for unchastity, and her punishment.

> Latin: 42.11. qui terrores tamen eo euasere ut Oppia uirgo Uestalis damnata incesti poenas dederit.

[¶94] 43.1. Quintus Fabius and Gaius Julius were then made consuls. This year there was no less discord at home, and the menace of war was greater. The Aequi took up arms, and the Veientes even made a foray into Roman territory. During the increasing anxiety occasioned by these campaigns Caeso Fabius and Spurius Furius were elected to the consulship.

> Latin: 43.1. Q. Fabius inde et C. Iulius consules facti. eo anno non segnior discordia domi et bellum foris atrocius fuit. ab Aequis arma sumpta; Ueientes agrum quoque Romanorum populantes inierunt. quorum bellorum crescente cura, Caeso Fabius et Sp. Furius consules fiunt.

[¶95] 43.2. Ortona, a Latin city, was being besieged by the Aequi; while the Veientes, who by this time had their fill of rapine, were threatening to attack Rome itself.

> Latin: 43.2. Ortonam, Latinam urbem, Aequi oppugnabant: Ueientes, pleni iam populationum, Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos minabantur.

[¶96] 43.3. These alarms, though they should have restrained the animosity of the plebeians, actually heightened it; and they resumed their custom of refusing service, though not of their own initiative; for it was Spurius Licinius, tribune of the plebs, who, deeming that the moment had come for forcing a land-law on the patricians by the direst necessity, had undertaken to obstruct the preparations for war.

> Latin: 43.3. qui terrores cum compescere deberent, auxere insuper animos plebis, redibatque non sua sponte plebi mos detractandi militiam, sed Sp. Licinius tribunus plebis, uenisse tempus ratus per ultimam necessitatem legis agrariae patribus iniungendae, susceperat rem militarem impediendam.

[¶97] 43.4. But he drew upon his own head all the odium attaching to the tribunician office, nor did the consuls inveigh against him more fiercely than did his own colleagues, and with their help the consuls held a levy.

> Latin: 43.4. ceterum tota inuidia tribuniciae potestatis uersa in auctorem est, nec in eum consules acrius quam ipsius collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilectum consules habent.

[¶98] 43.5. Armies were enlisted for two wars at the same time; the command of one, which was to invade the Aequi, was given to Fabius, while with the other Furius was to oppose the Veientes.

> Latin: 43.5. ad duo simul bella exercitus scribitur; ducendus Fabio in Aequos, Furio datur in Ueientes. <in Ueientes> nihil dignum memoria gestum [est];

[¶99] 43.6. Against the Veientes nothing worth recording was accomplished; and in the Aequian campaign Fabius had somewhat more trouble with his fellow-Romans than with the enemy. That one man, the consul himself, preserved the state, which the army in its hatred of the consul would, so far as it was able, have betrayed.

> Latin: 43.6. et in Aequis quidem Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum ciuibus quam cum hostibus fuit. unus ille uir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit, quam exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat.

[¶100] 43.7. For when the consul, besides the many other instances of good generalship which he displayed in preparing for the war and in his conduct of it, had so drawn up the battle-line that a charge of the cavalry alone sufficed to rout the enemy's army, the foot refused to pursue the flying foe;

> Latin: 43.7. nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes, quas parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita instruxisset aciem ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum hostium funderet, insequi fusos pedes noluit;

## 11. Book II · chapters 43–53

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/11/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/11/#p-N

[¶0] 43.8. nor could even their own sense of guilt —to say nothing of the exhortation of their hated general, —nor even the thought of the immediate disgrace to all, and the danger they must presently incur if the enemy should recover his courage, compel them to quicken their pace, or, if nothing else, to stand in their ranks.

> Latin: 43.8. nec illos, et si non adhortatio inuisi ducis, suum saltem flagitium et publicum in praesentia dedecus, postmodo periculum, si animus hosti redisset, cogere potuit gradum adcelerare aut si aliud nihil, stare instructos.

[¶1] 43.9. Contrary to orders they retreated and returned to their camp, in such dejection that you would have supposed them beaten, now uttering execrations against their leader and now against the efficient services of the horse.

> Latin: 43.9. iniussu signa referunt, maestique—crederes uictos—exsecrantes nunc imperatorem, nunc nauatam ab equite operam, redeunt in castra.

[¶2] 43.10. Ruinous though their example was, the general found no remedy for it; so true is it that noble minds are oftener lacking in the qualities by which men govern their fellow-citizens than in those by which they conquer an enemy.

> Latin: 43.10. nec huic tam pestilenti exemplo remedia ulla ab imperatore quaesita sunt; adeo excellentibus ingeniis citius defuerit ars qua ciuem regant quam qua hostem superent.

[¶3] 43.11. The consul returned to Rome, having purchased more hatred of his irritated and embittered soldiers than won increase in military fame. Nevertheless the Fathers held out for the retention of the consulship in the Fabian family. Marcus Fabius was the man they elected, and they gave him Gnaeus Manlius as a colleague.

> Latin: 43.11. consul Romam rediit non tam belli gloria aucta quam inritato exacerbatoque in se militum odio. obtinuere tamen patres ut in Fabia gente consulatus maneret: M. Fabium consulem creant; Fabio collega Cn. Manlius datur.

[¶4] 44.1. This year also had a tribune who advocated a land-law, Tiberius Pontificius. He set out on the same path that Spurius Licinius had trodden, as though Licinius had been successful, and for a time obstructed the levy.

> Latin: 44.1. et hic annus tribunum auctorem legis agrariae habuit. Tib. Pontificius fuit. is eandem uiam, uelut processisset Sp. Licinio, ingressus dilectum paulisper impediit.

[¶5] 44.2. The senators were again thrown into consternation, but Appius Claudius told them that the tribunician power had been overcome the year before, actually for the time being, and potentially for ever, since a way had been discovered for employing its resources to its own undoing.

> Latin: 44.2. perturbatis iterum patribus Ap. Claudius uictam tribuniciam potestatem dicere priore anno, in praesentia re, exemplo in perpetuum, quando inuentum sit suis ipsam uiribus dissolui.

[¶6] 44.3. For there would always be some tribune who would be willing to gain a personal victory over his colleague, and obtain the favour of the better element, while doing the nation a service. There would be a number of tribunes, if a number should be needed, who would be ready to help the consuls; and a single one was enough, though opposed to all the rest.

> Latin: 44.3. neque enim unquam defuturum qui et ex collega uictoriam sibi et gratiam melioris partis bono publico uelit quaesitam; et plures, si pluribus opus sit, tribunos ad auxilium consulum paratos fore, et unum uel aduersus omnes satis esse.

[¶7] 44.4. Only let the consuls, and the leading senators as well, make a point of winning over, if not all, at any rate some of the tribunes to the state and the senate.

> Latin: 44.4. darent modo et consules et primores patrum operam ut, si minus omnes, aliquos tamen ex tribunis rei publicae ac senatui conciliarent.

[¶8] 44.5. Acting on the instructions of Appius, the Fathers began as a class to address the tribunes in a courteous and kindly manner; and those who were of consular rank, when it happened that any of them had any private claim upon an individual tribune, brought it about, in part by personal influence, in part by political, that those officials were disposed to use their powers for the good of the state; and four of them, as against one who would have hindered the general good, assisted the consuls to hold the muster. The army then set out for a war with the Veientes, to whose help forces had rallied from every quarter of Etruria, not so much roused by goodwill towards the men of Veii as by hopes that civil discord might effect the downfall of the Roman state.

> Latin: 44.5. praeceptis Appi moniti patres et uniuersi comiter ac benigne tribunos appellare, et consulares ut cuique eorum priuatim aliquid iuris aduersus singulos erat, partim gratia, partim auctoritate obtinuere ut tribuniciae potestatis uires salubres uellent rei publicae esse, quattuorque tribunorum aduersus unum moratorem publici commodi auxilio dilectum consules habent. inde ad Ueiens bellum profecti, quo undique ex Etruria auxilia conuenerant, non tam Ueientium gratia concitata quam quod in spem uentum erat discordia intestina dissolui rem Romanam posse.

[¶9] 44.8. And indeed the leading men in the councils of all the Etrurian peoples were wrathfully complaining that there would be no end to the power of the Romans unless factional quarrels should set them to fighting amongst themselves. They asserted that this was the only poison, the only decay which had been found to work upon opulent states, so as to make great empires transitory.

> Latin: 44.8. principesque in omnium Etruriae populorum conciliis fremebant aeternas opes esse Romanas nisi inter semet ipsi seditionibus saeuiant; id unum uenenum, eam labem ciuitatibus opulentis repertam ut magna imperia mortalia essent.

[¶10] 44.9. For a long time the Romans had withstood this evil, thanks partly to the prudence of the senate, partly to the patience of the plebs; but they had now come to a crisis. Two states had been created out of one: each faction had its own magistrates, its own laws.

> Latin: 44.9. diu sustentatum id malum, partim patrum consiliis, partim patientia plebis, iam ad extrema uenisse. duas ciuitates ex una factas; suos cuique parti magistratus, suas leges esse.

[¶11] 44.10. At first, though they had a way of fiercely opposing the levies, yet when war began they had obeyed their generals. No matter what the condition of things in the City, so long as military discipline held it had been possible to make a stand; but now the fashion of disobeying magistrates was following the Roman soldier even to his camp. In their latest war, when the army was already drawn up for battle, and at the very instant of conflict, they had with one accord actually handed over the victory to the conquered Aequi, had deserted their standards, had left their general on the field, and had returned, against his orders, to their camp.

> Latin: 44.10. primum in dilectibus saeuire solitos, eosdem in bello tamen paruisse ducibus. qualicumque urbis statu, manente disciplina militari sisti potuisse; iam non parendi magistratibus morem in castra quoque Romanum militem sequi. proximo bello in ipsa acie, in ipso certamine, consensu exercitus traditam ultro uictoriam uictis Aequis, signa deserta, imperatorem in acie relictum, iniussu in castra reditum.

[¶12] 44.12. Assuredly if her enemies pressed forward they could vanquish Rome by means of her own soldiers. There needed nothing more than to make a declaration and a show of war; Fate and the gods would of their own will do the rest. Such were the hopes which had led the Etruscans to take up arms, after many a shifting hazard of defeat and victory.

> Latin: 44.12. profecto si instetur, suo milite uinci Romam posse. nihil aliud opus esse quam indici ostendique bellum; cetera sua sponte fata et deos gesturos. hae spes Etruscos armauerant, multis in uicem casibus uictos uictoresque.

[¶13] 45.1. The Roman consuls also felt that they had nothing else to dread but their own forces and their own arms. The recollection of the heinous example set in the last war deterred them from offering battle in a situation where they would be in danger from two armies at the same time.

> Latin: 45.1. consules quoque Romani nihil praeterea aliud quam suas uires, sua arma horrebant; memoria pessimi proximo bello exempli terrebat ne rem committerent eo ubi duae simul acies timendae essent.

[¶14] 45.2. Accordingly they kept within their camp, restrained by the thought of so grave a peril: time and circumstances would perhaps assuage the anger of the men and bring them to their senses.

> Latin: 45.2. itaque castris se tenebant, tam ancipiti periculo auersi: diem tempusque forsitan ipsum leniturum iras sanitatemque animis allaturum.

[¶15] 45.3. Their enemies the Veientes and the other Etruscans were for that reason the more in haste to act; they attempted to provoke the Romans to fight, at first by riding up to their camp and challenging them to come out, and finally, when they gained nothing by this, by shouting insults both at the consuls themselves and at the army.

> Latin: 45.3. Ueiens hostis Etruscique eo magis praepropere agere; lacessere ad pugnam primo obequitando castris prouocandoque, postremo ut nihil mouebant, qua consules ipsos, qua exercitum increpando:

[¶16] 45.4. They said that their pretended want of harmony amongst themselves had been resorted to in order to conceal their fear, and that the consuls distrusted the courage of their men even more than their loyalty; it was a strange kind of mutiny where armed men were silent and inactive.

> Latin: 45.4. simulationem intestinae discordiae remedium timoris inuentum, et consules magis non confidere quam non credere suis militibus; nouum seditionis genus, silentium otiumque inter armatos. ad haec in nouitatem generis originisque qua falsa, qua uera iacere.

[¶17] 45.5. To these taunts they added others upon the newness of their race and origin, partly false and partly true. This abuse, noisily uttered beneath the very rampart and the gates, was endured unconcernedly enough by the consuls. But the inexperienced rank and file, stirred now by indignation and now by shame, were diverted from the thought of their domestic troubles; they were unwilling that their enemies should go unpunished;

> Latin: 45.5. haec cum sub ipso uallo portisque streperent, haud aegre consules pati; at imperitae multitudini nunc indignatio, nunc pudor pectora uersare et ab intestinis auertere malis; nolle inultos hostes, nolle successum non patribus, non consulibus; externa et domestica odia certare in animis.

[¶18] 45.6. they were unwilling that the patricians, that the consuls should obtain a success; hatred of the foe contended in their bosoms with hatred of their fellow-citizens. At length the former feeling got the upper hand, so proud and insolent was the jeering of the enemy.

> Latin: 45.6. tandem superant externa; adeo superbe insolenterque hostis eludebat. frequentes in praetorium conueniunt; poscunt pugnam, postulant ut signum detur.

[¶19] 45.7. They gathered in crowds at the praetorium, demanded battle, requested that the signal should be given. The consuls, as though considering the matter, put their heads together and conferred for a long time.

> Latin: 45.7. consules uelut deliberabundi capita conferunt, diu conloquuntur. pugnare cupiebant, sed retro reuocanda et abdenda cupiditas erat, ut aduersando remorandoque incitato semel militi adderent impetum.

[¶20] 45.8. They desired to fight, but it was needful to keep back their desire and conceal it, that by opposition and delay they might stimulate to fury the already eager soldiery. The men were therefore told that the thing was premature, that the time for battle had not yet come; that they must keep within the camp.

> Latin: 45.8. redditur responsum immaturam rem agi; nondum tempus pugnae esse; castris se tenerent. edicunt inde ut abstineant pugna; si quis iniussu pugnauerit, ut in hostem animaduersuros.

[¶21] 45.9. Then the consuls issued an order to abstain from fighting, declaring that if any man fought without orders they should treat him as an enemy. Dismissed with these words, the less inclination the soldiers discovered in the consuls the greater became their own eagerness for the fray.

> Latin: 45.9. ita dimissis, quo minus consules uelle credunt, crescit ardor pugnandi. accendunt insuper hostes ferocius multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum est:

[¶22] 45.10. They were still further exasperated by the enemy, who were much bolder even than before, when the consuls' determination not to fight became known: it was clear that they could insult the Romans with impunity; their soldiers were not trusted with weapons, the affair would culminate in absolute mutiny, and the end of the Roman power had come.

> Latin: 45.10. quippe impune se insultaturos; non credi militi arma; rem ad ultimum seditionis erupturam, finemque uenisse Romano imperio. his freti occursant portis, ingerunt probra; aegre abstinent quin castra oppugnent.

[¶23] 45.11. Relying on these convictions, they charged up to the gates, flung gibes at their defenders, and scarcely refrained from assaulting the camp. At this the Romans could no longer brook their insults; from all over the camp they came running to the consuls.

> Latin: 45.11. enimuero non ultra contumeliam pati Romanus posse; totis castris undique ad consules curritur; non iam sensim, ut ante, per centurionum principes postulant, sed passim omnes clamoribus agunt.

[¶24] 45.12. There were no more cautious requests, preferred through the chief centurions, but on all sides arose a general clamour. The time was ripe; nevertheless the consuls hung back. Then Fabius, when his colleague, beginning to fear mutiny, was on the point of yielding to the growing tumult, commanded silence by a trumpet-blast and said: “I know, Gnaeus Manlius, that these men have the power to conquer, but their will to do so I know not; and for this they are themselves to blame.”

> Latin: 45.12. matura res erat; tergiuersantur tamen. Fabius deinde ad crescentem tumultum iam metu seditionis collega concedente, cum silentium classico fecisset: 'ego istos, Cn. Manli, posse uincere scio: uelle ne scirem, ipsi fecerunt.

[¶25] 45.13. “I am therefore resolved and determined not to give the signal unless they swear that they will return victorious from this engagement. Once, in a battle, the soldiers betrayed a Roman consul: they will never betray the gods.”

> Latin: 45.13. itaque certum est non dare signum nisi uictores se redituros ex hac pugna iurant. consulem Romanum miles semel in acie fefellit: deos nunquam fallet.' centurio erat M. Flauoleius, inter primores pugnae flagitator.

[¶26] 45.14. There was a centurion named Marcus Flavoleius, who had been among the foremost in demanding battle. “I will return victorious from the field, Marcus Fabius,” he cried, and invoked the wrath of Father Jupiter, Mars Gradivus, and the other gods, if he failed to keep his vow. The same pledge was then taken in order by the entire army, each man invoking its penalties upon himself.

> Latin: 45.14. 'uictor' inquit, ' M. Fabi, reuertar ex acie'; si fallat, Iouem patrem Gradiuumque Martem aliosque iratos inuocat deos. idem deinceps omnis exercitus in se quisque iurat. iuratis datur signum; arma capiunt; eunt in pugnam irarum speique pleni.

[¶27] 45.15. When they had sworn, the signal sounded. They armed and entered the fight, angry and confident. Now let the Etruscans fling their taunts!

> Latin: 45.15. nunc iubent Etruscos probra iacere, nunc armati sibi quisque lingua promptum hostem offerri.

[¶28] 45.16. Now —they all cried —now, when they were armed, let the lip-bold enemy face them! On that day they all showed splendid courage, both commoners and nobles, but the Fabian name was especially distinguished. In the course of many political struggles they had estranged the plebs, and they resolved to regain their goodwill in that battle.

> Latin: 45.16. omnium illo die, qua plebis, qua patrum, eximia uirtus fuit; Fabium nomen [Fabia gens] maxime enituit; multis ciuilibus certaminibus infensos plebis animos illa pugna sibi reconciliare statuunt.

[¶29] 46.1. The line was drawn up, nor did the Veientes and the Etruscan levies shun the encounter. They felt almost certain that the Romans would no more fight with them than they had fought with the Aequi. That they might even be guilty of some greater enormity, exasperated as they were, and possessed of a critical opportunity, was not too much to hope.

> Latin: 46.1. instruitur acies, nec Ueiens hostis Etruscaeque legiones detractant. prope certa spes erat non magis secum pugnaturos quam cum Aequis; maius quoque aliquod in tam inritatis animis et occasione ancipiti haud desperandum esse facinus.

[¶30] 46.2. But it turned out quite otherwise. For there had never been a war when the Romans went into battle with a keener hostility —so embittered had they been, on the one hand by the enemy's insults, on the other by the procrastination of the consuls.

> Latin: 46.2. res aliter longe euenit; nam non alio ante bello infestior Romanus—adeo hinc contumeliis hostes, hinc consules mora exacerbauerant—proelium iniit.

[¶31] 46.3. The Etruscans had barely had time to deploy when their enemies, who in the first excitement' had rather cast their javelins at random than fairly aimed them, were already come to sword-strokes at close quarters, where fighting is the fiercest.

> Latin: 46.3. uix explicandi ordinis spatium Etruscis fuit, cum pilis inter primam trepidationem abiectis temere magis quam emissis, pugna iam in manus, iam ad gladios, ubi Mars est atrocissimus, uenerat.

[¶32] 46.4. The Fabian clan was conspicuous among the foremost, a spectacle and encouragement to their fellow-citizens. One of them, the Quintus Fabius who had been consul three years before, was leading the attack on the closely marshalled Veientes, when a Tuscan, exulting in his strength and skill at arms, caught him unawares in the midst of a crowd of his enemies and drove his sword through his breast. As the blade was withdrawn Fabius fell headlong upon his wound.

> Latin: 46.4. inter primores genus Fabium insigne spectaculo exemploque ciuibus erat. ex his Q. Fabium —tertio hic anno ante consul fuerat—principem in confertos Ueientes euntem ferox uiribus et armorum arte Tuscus, incautum inter multas uersantem hostium manus, gladio per pectus transfigit; telo extracto praeceps Fabius in uolnus abiit.

[¶33] 46.5. It was but the fall of one man, but both armies felt it; and the Romans were giving way at that point, when Marcus Fabius the consul leaped over the prostrate corpse and, covering himself with his target, cried, “Was this your oath, men, that you would return to your camp in flight?”

> Latin: 46.5. sensit utraque acies unius uiri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus cum M. Fabius consul transiluit iacentis corpus obiectaque parma, 'hoc iurastis' inquit, 'milites, fugientes uos in castra redituros? adeo ignauissimos hostes magis timetis quam Iouem Martemque per quos iurastis?

[¶34] 46.6. “Do you then fear the most dastardly of foes more than Jupiter and Mars, by whom you swore? But I, though I have sworn no oath, will either return victorious or fall fighting here by you, Quintus Fabius!” To this speech of the consul Caeso Fabius, consul of the year before, made answer, “Think you that your words will persuade them to fight, brother?”

> Latin: 46.6. at ego iniuratus aut uictor reuertar aut prope te hic, Q. Fabi, dimicans cadam.' consuli tum Caeso Fabius, prioris anni consul: 'uerbisne istis, frater, ut pugnent, te impetraturum credis?

[¶35] 46.7. “The gods will persuade them, by whom they have sworn. And let us, as is meet for nobles, as is worthy of the name of Fabius, kindle by fighting rather than by exhortation the courage of our soldiers!” With that the two Fabii rushed into the press with levelled spears and carried the whole line forward with them.

> Latin: 46.7. di impetrabunt per quos iurauere; et nos, ut decet proceres, ut Fabio nomine est dignum, pugnando potius quam adhortando accendamus militum animos.' sic in primum infensis hastis prouolant duo Fabii, totamque mouerunt secum aciem.

[¶36] 47.1. Thus the fortune of the day was retrieved in one part of the field. On the other wing Gnaeus Manlius the consul was urging on the fight with no less vigour, when almost the same thing happened.

> Latin: 47.1. proelio ex parte una restituto, nihilo segnius in cornu altero Cn. Manlius consul pugnam ciebat, ubi prope similis fortuna est uersata.

[¶37] 47.2. For as Quintus Fabius had done on the other flank, so here the consul Manlius was personally leading the attack upon the enemy, whom he had almost routed, for his soldiers followed him valiantly, when he was severely wounded and retired from the fighting line.

> Latin: 47.2. nam ut altero in cornu Q. Fabium, sic in hoc ipsum consulem Manlium iam uelut fusos agentem hostes et impigre milites secuti sunt et, ut ille graui uolnere ictus ex acie cessit, interfectum rati gradum rettulere;

[¶38] 47.3. His men believed him to be dead, and faltered; and they would have yielded the position, had not the other consul ridden up at a gallop, with some few troops of horse, and calling out that his colleague was alive, and that he himself had defeated and routed the other wing and was come to help them, in that way put a stop to their wavering.

> Latin: 47.3. cessissentque loco, ni consul alter cum aliquot turmis equitum in eam partem citato equo aduectus, uiuere clamitans collegam, se uictorem fuso altero cornu adesse, rem inclinatam sustinuisset.

[¶39] 47.4. Manlius also showed himself among them, helping to restore the line; and the soldiers, recognizing the features of their two consuls, plucked up courage. At the same time the battle-line of the enemy was now less strong, for, relying on their excess of numbers, they had withdrawn their reserves and dispatched them to storm the Roman camp.

> Latin: 47.4. Manlius quoque ad restituendam aciem se ipse coram offert. duorum consulum cognita ora accendunt militum animos. simul et uanior iam erat hostium acies, dum abundante multitudine freti, subtracta subsidia mittunt ad castra oppugnanda.

[¶40] 47.5. There, having forced an entrance without encountering much opposition, they were frittering away their time, their thoughts more taken up with the booty than with the battle, when the Roman reserves, which had been unable to withstand the first onset, sent word to the consuls how things stood, and then closed up their ranks, returned to the praetorium, and of themselves resumed the battle. Meanwhile Manlius the consul had ridden back to the camp, and by posting men at all the gates had cut off the enemy's egress.

> Latin: 47.5. in quae haud magno certamine impetu facto cum praedae magis quam pugnae memores tererent tempus, triarii Romani qui primam inruptionem sustinere non potuerant, missis ad consules nuntiis quo loco res essent, conglobati ad praetorium redeunt et sua sponte ipsi proelium renouant.

[¶41] 47.6. In desperation at this turn the Etruscans had been inflamed to the point rather of madness than of recklessness. For when, as they rushed in whatever direction there seemed a prospect of escape, they had made several charges to no purpose, one band of youths made a dash at the consul himself, whose arms made him conspicuous. Their first discharge of javelins was parried by the soldiers who surrounded him, but after that there was no withstanding their violence.

> Latin: 47.6. et Manlius consul reuectus in castra, ad omnes portas milite opposito hostibus uiam clauserat. ea desperatio Tuscis rabiem magis quam audaciam accendit. nam cum incursantes quacumque exitum ostenderet spes uano aliquotiens impetu issent, globus iuuenum unus in ipsum consulem insignem armis inuadit.

[¶42] 47.7. The consul fell, mortally wounded, and all about him fled. The Etruscans grew more reckless than before; the Romans were driven, quaking with terror, right across the camp, and their case would have been desperate, had not the lieutenants caught up the body of the consul and opened a way for the enemy by one of the gates.

> Latin: 47.7. prima excepta a circumstantibus tela; sustineri deinde uis nequit; consul mortifero uolnere ictus cadit, fusique circa omnes.

[¶43] 47.8. By that they burst forth, and escaping in a disordered column, fell in the way of the other, the victorious consul, where they were again cut to pieces, and dispersed in all directions.

> Latin: 47.8. Tuscis crescit audacia; Romanos terror per tota castra trepidos agit, et ad extrema uentum foret ni legati rapto consulis corpore patefecissent una porta hostibus uiam.

[¶44] 47.9. A victory of great importance had been won, but it was saddened by the death of two so famous men. The consul therefore made answer to the senate, when it would have voted him a triumph, that if the army could triumph without its general, its services in that war had been so remarkable that he would readily grant his consent; as for himself, when his family was in mourning for the death of Quintus Fabius his brother, and the state was half orphaned by the loss of the other consul, he would not accept a laurel which was blighted with national and private sorrow.

> Latin: 47.9. ea erumpunt; consternatoque agmine abeuntes in uictorem alterum incidunt consulem; ibi iterum caesi fusique passim. uictoria egregia parta, tristis tamen duobus tam claris funeribus. itaque consul decernente senatu triumphum, si exercitus sine imperatore triumphare possit, pro eximia eo bello opera facile passurum respondit; se familia funesta Q. Fabi fratris morte, re publica ex parte orba [consule altero amisso] publico priuatoque deformem luctu lauream non accepturum.

[¶45] 47.11. No triumph ever celebrated was more famous than was his refusal to accept a triumph, so true is it that a seasonable rejection of glory sometimes but increases it. The consul then solemnized, one after the other, the funerals of his colleague and his brother, and pronounced the eulogy of each; but while yielding their meed of praise to them, he gained for himself the very highest praises.

> Latin: 47.11. omni acto triumpho depositus triumphus clarior fuit; adeo spreta in tempore gloria interdum cumulatior rediit. funera deinde duo deinceps collegae fratrisque ducit, idem in utroque laudator, cum concedendo illis suas laudes ipse maximam partem earum ferret.

[¶46] 47.12. Nor was he unmindful of that policy which he had adopted in the beginning of his consulship, of winning the affections of the plebs, but billeted the wounded soldiers on the patricians, to be cared for. To the Fabii he assigned the largest number, nor did they anywhere receive greater attention. For this the Fabii now began to enjoy the favour of the people, nor was this end achieved by aught but a demeanour wholesome for the state.

> Latin: 47.12. neque immemor eius quod initio consulatus imbiberat, reconciliandi animos plebis, saucios milites curandos diuidit patribus. Fabiis plurimi dati, nec alibi maiore cura habiti. inde populares iam esse Fabii, nec hoc ulla nisi salubri rei publicae arte.

[¶47] 48.1. The senators were now therefore not more forward than the plebeians in choosing Caeso Fabius to be consul, along with Titus Verginius. On taking office his first concern was neither war nor the raising of troops nor anything else, save that the prospect of harmony which had been already partly realized should ripen at the earliest possible moment into a good understanding between the patricians and the plebs.

> Latin: 48.1. igitur non patrum magis quam plebis studiis K. Fabius cum T. Uerginio consul factus neque belli neque dilectus neque ullam aliam priorem curam agere quam ut iam aliqua ex parte incohata concordiae spe, primo quoque tempore cum patribus coalescerent animi plebis.

[¶48] 48.2. He therefore proposed at the outset of his term that before one of the tribunes should rise up and advocate a land-law, the Fathers themselves should anticipate him by making it their own affair and bestowing the conquered territory upon the plebs with the utmost impartiality; for it was right that they should possess it by whose blood and toil it had been won.

> Latin: 48.2. itaque principio anni censuit priusquam quisquam agrariae legis auctor tribunus exsisteret, occuparent patres ipsi suum munus facere; captiuum agrum plebi quam maxime aequaliter darent; uerum esse habere eos quorum sanguine ac sudore partus sit.

[¶49] 48.3. The senators scorned the proposal, and some even complained that too much glory was spoiling and dissipating that vigorous intellect which Caeso had once possessed.

> Latin: 48.3. aspernati patres sunt; questi quoque quidam nimia gloria luxuriare et euanescere uiuidum quondam illud Caesonis ingenium.

[¶50] 48.4. In the sequel there were no outbreaks of strife and faction in the City, but the Latins were plagued with incursions of the Aequi. Thither Caeso was dispatched with an army, and passed over into the Aequians' own country to lay it waste. The Aequi retired to their towns and kept within their walls. For this reason there was no memorable battle.

> Latin: 48.4. nullae deinde urbanae factiones fuere; uexabantur incursionibus Aequorum Latini. eo cum exercitu Caeso missus in ipsorum Aequorum agrum depopulandum transit. Aequi se in oppida receperunt murisque se tenebant; eo nulla pugna memorabilis fuit.

[¶51] 48.5. But the Veientes inflicted a defeat on the Romans owing to the rashness of the other consul; and the army would have been destroyed if Caeso Fahius had not come, in the nick of time, to its rescue. Thenceforward there was neither peace nor war with the Veientes, but something very like freebooting.

> Latin: 48.5. at a Ueiente hoste clades accepta temeritate alterius consulis, actumque de exercitu foret, ni K. Fabius in tempore subsidio uenisset. ex eo tempore neque pax neque bellum cum Ueientibus fuit; res proxime formam latrocinii uenerat.

[¶52] 48.6. In the face of the Roman legions they would retreat into their city; when they perceived the legions to be withdrawn they would make raids upon the fields, evading war by a semblance of peace, and peace in turn by war. Hence it was impossible either to let the whole matter go or to end it. Other wars, too, were immediately threatening —like the one with the Aequi and the Volsci, who would observe peace only so long as the suffering involved in their latest defeat was passing away, —or were soon to be begun, by the always hostile Sabines and all Etruria.

> Latin: 48.6. legionibus Romanis cedebant in urbem; ubi abductas senserant legiones, agros incursabant, bellum quiete, quietem bello in uicem eludentes. ita neque omitti tota res nec perfici poterat; et alia bella aut praesentia instabant, ut ab Aequis Uolscisque, non diutius quam recens dolor proximae cladis transiret quiescentibus, aut mox moturos [se] apparebat Sabinos semper infestos Etruriamque omnem.

[¶53] 48.7. But the enmity of the Veientes, persistent rather than perilous, and issuing in insults oftener than in danger, kept the Romans in suspense, for they were never permitted to forget it or to turn their attention elsewhere.

> Latin: 48.7. sed Ueiens hostis, adsiduus magis quam grauis, contumeliis saepius quam periculo animos agitabat, quod nullo tempore neglegi poterat aut auerti alio sinebat.

[¶54] 48.8. Then the Fabian clan went before the senate, and the consul said, speaking for the clan: “A standing body of defenders rather than a large one is required, Conscript Fathers, as you know, for the war with Veii. Do you attend to the other wars, and assign to the Fabii the task of opposing the Veientes. We undertake that the majesty of the Roman name shall be safe in that quarter.”

> Latin: 48.8. tum Fabia gens senatum adiit. consul pro gente loquitur: 'adsiduo magis quam magno praesidio, ut scitis, patres conscripti, bellum Ueiens eget. uos alia bella curate, Fabios hostes Ueientibus date. auctores sumus tutam ibi maiestatem Romani nominis fore.

[¶55] 48.9. “It is our purpose to wage this war as if it were our own family feud, at our private costs: the state may dispense with furnishing men and money for this cause.” The thanks of the Fathers were voted with enthusiasm.

> Latin: 48.9. nostrum id nobis uelut familiare bellum priuato sumptu gerere in animo est; res publica et milite illic et pecunia uacet.' gratiae ingentes actae.

[¶56] 48.10. The consul came out from the senate-house, and escorted by a column of the Fabii, who had halted in the vestibule of the curia while awaiting the senate's decision, returned to his house. After receiving the command to present themselves armed next day at the consul's threshold, they dispersed to their homes.

> Latin: 48.10. consul e curia egressus comitante Fabiorum agmine, qui in uestibulo curiae senatus consultum exspectantes steterant, domum redit. iussi armati postero die ad limen consulis adesse; domos inde discedunt.

[¶57] 49.1. The news spreads to every part of the City and the Fabii are lauded to the skies. Men tell how a single family has taken upon its shoulders the burden of a state, how the war with Veii has been turned over to private citizens and private arms.

> Latin: 49.1. manat tota urbe rumor; Fabios ad caelum laudibus ferunt: familiam unam subisse ciuitatis onus; Ueiens bellum in priuatam curam, in priuata arma uersum.

[¶58] 49.2. If there were two other clans of equal strength in the City, the one might undertake the Volsci, the other the Aequi, and the Roman People might enjoy the tranquillity of peace, while all the neighbouring nations were being subdued. On the following day the Fabii arm and assemble at the designated place.

> Latin: 49.2. si sint duae roboris eiusdem in urbe gentes, deposcant haec Uolscos sibi, illa Aequos: populo Romano tranquillam pacem agente omnes finitimos subigi populos posse. Fabii postera die arma capiunt; quo iussi erant conueniunt.

[¶59] 49.3. The consul, coming forth in the cloak of a general, sees his entire clan drawn up in his vestibule, and being received into their midst gives the order to march.

> Latin: 49.3. consul paludatus egrediens in uestibulo gentem omnem suam instructo agmine uidet; acceptus in medium signa ferri iubet. nunquam exercitus neque minor numero neque clarior fama et admiratione hominum per urbem incessit.

[¶60] 49.4. Never did an army march through the City less in number or more distinguished by the applause and the wonder of men: three hundred and six soldiers, all patricians, all of one blood, no one of whom you would have rejected as a leader, and who would have made an admirable senate in any period, were going out to threaten the existence of the Veientine nation with the resources of a single house.

> Latin: 49.4. sex et trecenti milites, omnes patricii, omnes unius gentis, quorum neminem ducem sperneres, egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus, ibant, unius familiae uiribus Ueienti populo pestem minitantes.

[¶61] 49.5. They were followed by a throng partly made up of people belonging to them, their kinsmen and close friends, whose thoughts were busy with no mean matters, whether of hope or of fear, but with boundless possibilities; partly of those who were moved with concern for the commonwealth, and were beside themselves with enthusiasm and amazement.

> Latin: 49.5. sequebatur turba propria alia cognatorum sodaliumque, nihil medium, nec spem nec curam, sed immensa omnia uoluentium animo, alia publica sollicitudine excitata, fauore et admiratione stupens.

[¶62] 49.6. “Go,” they cry, “in your valour, go with good fortune, and crown your undertaking with success as great!”

> Latin: 49.6. ire fortes, ire felices iubent, inceptis euentus pares reddere; consulatus inde ac triumphos, omnia praemia ab se, omnes honores sperare.

[¶63] 49.7. They bid them look forward to receiving consulships at their hands for this work, and triumphs, and all rewards and all honours. As they pass by the Capitol and the citadel and the other temples, they beseech whatever gods present themselves to their eyes and their thoughts to attend that noble band with blessings and prosperity, and restore them soon in safety to their native land and their kindred.

> Latin: 49.7. praetereuntibus Capitolium arcemque et alia templa, quidquid deorum oculis, quidquid animo occurrit, precantur ut illud agmen faustum atque felix mittant, sospites breui in patriam ad parentes restituant.

[¶64] 49.8. Their prayers were uttered in vain. Setting out by the Unlucky Way, the right arch of the Porta Carmentalis, they came to the river Cremera, a position which seemed favourable for the erection of a fort. Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Servilius were then chosen consuls. And so long as nothing more than plundering was afoot the Fabii were not only an adequate garrison for the fort, but in all that region where the Tuscan territory marches with the Roman they afforded universal security to their own countrymen and annoyance to the enemy, by ranging along the border on both sides.

> Latin: 49.8. in cassum missae preces. infelici uia, dextro iano portae Carmentalis, profecti ad Cremeram flumen perueniunt. is opportunus uisus locus communiendo praesidio. L. Aemilius inde et C. Seruilius consules facti. et donec nihil aliud quam in populationibus res fuit, non ad praesidium modo tutandum Fabii satis erant, sed tota regione qua Tuscus ager Romano adiacet, sua tuta omnia, infesta hostium, uagantes per utrumque finem, fecere.

[¶65] 49.10. Then came a brief interruption to these depredations, while the men of Veii, having called in an army from Etruria, attacked the post on the Cremera, and the Roman legions, led thither by Lucius Aemilius the consul, engaged them in a pitched battle;

> Latin: 49.10. interuallum deinde haud magnum populationibus fuit, dum et Ueientes accito ex Etruria exercitu praesidium Cremerae oppugnant, et Romanae legiones ab L. Aemilio consule adductae cominus cum Etruscis dimicant acie;

[¶66] 49.11. though in truth the Veientes had scarcely time to draw up a battle-line, for at the first alarm, while the ranks were falling in behind the standards and the reserves were being posted, a division of Roman cavalry made a sudden charge on their flank and deprived them of the power not only of attacking first, but even of standing their ground.

> Latin: 49.11. quamquam uix dirigendi aciem spatium Ueientibus fuit; adeo inter primam trepidationem dum post signa ordines introeunt subsidiaque locant, inuecta subito ab latere Romana equitum ala non pugnae modo incipiendae sed consistendi ademit locum.

[¶67] 49.12. And so they were driven back upon Saxa Rubra, where they had their camp, and sued for peace. It was granted, but their instinctive fickleness caused them to weary of the pact before the Roman garrison was withdrawn from the Cremera.

> Latin: 49.12. ita fusi retro ad saxa Rubra—ibi castra habebant—, pacem supplices petunt. cuius impetratae, ab insita animis leuitate, ante deductum Cremera Romanum praesidium paenituit.

[¶68] 50.1. Again the Fabii were pitted against the people of Veii. No preparations had been made for a great war, yet not only were raids made upon farming lands, and surprise attacks upon raiding parties, but at times they fought in the open field and in serried ranks; and a single clan of the Roman People often carried off the victory from that most mighty state, for those days, in all Etruria.

> Latin: 50.1. rursus cum Fabiis erat Ueienti populo, sine ullo maioris belli apparatu, certamen; nec erant incursiones modo in agros aut subiti impetus <in> incursantes, sed aliquotiens aequo campo conlatisque signis certatum, gensque una populi Romani saepe ex opulentissima, ut tum res erant, Etrusca ciuitate uictoriam tulit.

[¶69] 50.3. At first the Veientes bitterly resented this; but they presently adopted a plan, suggested by the situation, for trapping their bold enemy, and they even rejoiced as they saw that the frequent successes of the Fabii were causing them to grow more rash.

> Latin: 50.3. id primo acerbum indignumque Ueientibus est uisum; inde consilium ex re natum insidiis ferocem hostem captandi; gaudere etiam multo successu Fabiis audaciam crescere.

[¶70] 50.4. And so they now and then drove flocks in the way of the invaders, as if they had come there by accident; and the country folk would flee from their farms and leave them deserted; and rescuing parties of armed men, sent to keep off pillagers, would flee before them in a panic more often feigned than real. By this time the Fabii had conceived such scorn for the enemy that they believed themselves invincible and not to be withstood, no matter what the place or time.

> Latin: 50.4. itaque et pecora praedantibus aliquotiens, uelut casu incidissent, obuiam acta, et agrestium fuga uasti relicti agri, et subsidia armatorum ad arcendas populationes missa saepius simulato quam uero pauore refugerunt.

[¶71] 50.5. This confidence so won upon them that on catching sight of some flocks at a distance from the Cremera, across a wide interval of plain, they disregarded the appearance here and there of hostile arms, and ran down to capture them. Their rashness carried them on at a swift pace past an ambuscade which had been laid on both sides of their very road.

> Latin: 50.5. iamque Fabii adeo contempserant hostem ut sua inuicta arma neque loco neque tempore ullo crederent sustineri posse. haec spes prouexit ut ad conspecta procul a Cremera magno campi interuallo pecora, quamquam rara hostium apparebant arma, decurrerent.

[¶72] 50.6. They had scattered this way and that and were seizing the flocks, which had dispersed in all directions, as they do if terrified, when suddenly the ambush rose up, and enemies were in front and on every side of them.

> Latin: 50.6. et cum improuidi effuso cursu insidias circa ipsum iter locatas superassent palatique passim uaga, ut fit pauore iniecto, raperent pecora, subito ex insidiis consurgitur; et aduersi et undique hostes erant.

[¶73] 50.7. First the shout which echoed all along the Etruscan line filled them with consternation, and then the javelins began to fall upon them from every quarter; and as the Etruscans drew together and the Romans were now fenced in by a continuous line of armed men, the harder the enemy pressed them the smaller was the space within which they themselves were forced to contract their circle, a thing which clearly revealed both their own fewness and the vast numbers of the Etruscans, whose ranks were multiplied in the narrow space.

> Latin: 50.7. primo clamor circumlatus exterruit, dein tela ab omni parte accidebant; coeuntibusque Etruscis, iam continenti agmine armatorum saepti, quo magis se hostis inferebat, cogebantur breuiore spatio et ipsi orbem colligere, quae res et paucitatem eorum insignem et multitudinem Etruscorum, multiplicatis in arto ordinibus, faciebat.

[¶74] 50.9. The Romans then gave up the fight which they had been directing equally at every point, and all turned in one direction. Thither, by dint of main strength and arms, they forced their way with a wedge. Their road led up a gentle acclivity.

> Latin: 50.9. tum omissa pugna, quam in omnes partes parem intenderant, in unum locum se omnes inclinant; eo nisi corporibus armisque rupere cuneo uiam.

[¶75] 50.10. There they at first made a stand; presently, when their superior position had afforded them time to breathe and to collect their spirits after so great a fright, they actually routed the troops which were advancing to dislodge them; and a handful of men, with the aid of a good position, were winning the victory, when the Veientes who had been sent round by the ridge emerged upon the crest of the hill, thus giving the enemy the advantage again.

> Latin: 50.10. duxit uia in editum leniter collem. inde primo restitere; mox, ut respirandi superior locus spatium dedit recipiendique a pauore tanto animum, pepulere etiam subeuntes, uincebatque auxilio loci paucitas, ni iugo circummissus Ueiens in uerticem collis euasisset.

[¶76] 50.11. The Fabii were all slain to a man, and their fort was stormed. Three hundred and six men perished, as is generally agreed; one, who was little more than a boy in years, survived to maintain the Fabian stock, and so to afford the very greatest help to the Roman People in its dark hours, on many occasions, at home and in the field.

> Latin: 50.11. ita superior rursus hostis factus. Fabii caesi ad unum omnes praesidiumque expugnatum. trecentos sex perisse satis conuenit, unum prope puberem aetate relictum, stirpem genti Fabiae dubiisque rebus populi Romani saepe domi bellique uel maximum futurum auxilium.

[¶77] 51.1. When this disaster befel, Gaius Horatius and Titus Menenius had begun their consulship. Menenius was at once sent out to confront the Etruscans, elated by their victory. Again the Roman arms were unsuccessful, and Janiculum was taken by the enemy.

> Latin: 51.1. cum haec accepta clades est, iam C. Horatius et T. Menenius consules erant. Menenius aduersus Tuscos uictoria elatos confestim missus.

[¶78] 51.2. They would also have laid siege to Rome, which was suffering not only from war but from a scarcity of corn —for the Etruscans had crossed the Tiber —had not the consul Horatius been recalled from the Volscian country; and so nearly did that invasion approach the very walls of the City that battles were fought first at the temple of Hope, where the result was indecisive, and again at the Colline Gate.

> Latin: 51.2. tum quoque male pugnatum est, et Ianiculum hostes occupauere; obsessaque urbs foret, super bellum annona premente—transierant enim Etrusci Tiberim—, ni Horatius consul ex Uolscis esset reuocatus. adeoque id bellum ipsis institit moenibus, ut primo pugnatum ad Spei sit aequo Marte, iterum ad portam Collinam.

[¶79] 51.3. There, although the advantage to the Roman side was but slight, still the engagement restored their old-time spirit to the troops and made them the better soldiers for the battles that were to come.

> Latin: 51.3. ibi quamquam paruo momento superior Romana res fuit, meliorem tamen militem, recepto pristino animo, in futura proelia id certamen fecit.

[¶80] 51.4. Aulus Verginius and Spurius Servilius were made consuls. After the defeat the Veientes had suffered in the last fight, they avoided a battle and took to pillaging. From Janiculum, as from a citadel, they sent out expeditions far and wide into the territory of the Romans; there was no security anywhere for flocks or country-folk.

> Latin: 51.4. A. Uerginius et Sp. Seruilius consules fiunt. post acceptam proxima pugna cladem Ueientes abstinuere acie; populationes erant, et uelut ab arce Ianiculo passim in Romanum agrum impetus dabant; non usquam pecora tuta, non agrestes erant.

[¶81] 51.5. After a time they were caught by the same trick with which they had caught the Fabii. Having pursued the flocks which had been driven out here and there on purpose to lure them on, they plunged into an ambush, and as their numbers exceeded those of the Fabii so did their losses.

> Latin: 51.5. capti deinde eadem arte sunt qua ceperant Fabios. secuti dedita opera passim ad inlecebras propulsa pecora praecipitauere in insidias; quo plures erant, maior caedes fuit.

[¶82] 51.6. This disaster threw them into a violent rage, which proved the cause and the beginning of a greater reverse. For they crossed the Tiber in the night and assaulted the camp of the consul Servilius. There they were routed with heavy losses and regained Janiculum with difficulty.

> Latin: 51.6. ex hac clade atrox ira maioris cladis causa atque initium fuit. traiecto enim nocte Tiberi, castra Seruili consulis adorti sunt oppugnare. inde fusi magna caede in Ianiculum se aegre recepere.

[¶83] 51.7. Forthwith the consul himself crossed the Tiber and fortified a camp beneath the hill. Next day at dawn, partly because he was emboldened by the successful battle of the day before, but more because the want of corn drove him to the rashest kind of measures, provided only they were speedy, he was so reckless as to lead his army up Janiculum to the enemy's camp, and after suffering a more disgraceful repulse than he had administered the day before, owed his own rescue and that of his army to the arrival of his colleague.

> Latin: 51.7. confestim consul et ipse transit Tiberim, castra sub Ianiculo communit. postero die luce orta nonnihil et hesterna felicitate pugnae ferox, magis tamen quod inopia frumenti quamuis in praecipitia, dum celeriora essent, agebat consilia, temere aduerso Ianiculo ad castra hostium aciem erexit, foediusque inde pulsus quam pridie pepulerat, interuentu collegae ipse exercitusque est seruatus.

[¶84] 51.9. Caught between two lines, the Etruscans turned their backs first on one and then on the other, and were cut down with great slaughter. Thus the Veientine invasion was defeated by a lucky temerity.

> Latin: 51.9. inter duas acies Etrusci, cum in uicem his atque illis terga darent, occidione occisi. ita oppressum temeritate felici Ueiens bellum.

[¶85] 52.1. There came to the City with the return of peace a relaxation in the corn-market; for not only was grain imported from Campania, but now that each had ceased to fear for his own future want, men brought out the stores which they had concealed.

> Latin: 52.1. urbi cum pace laxior etiam annona rediit, et aduecto ex Campania frumento, et postquam timor sibi cuique futurae inopiae abiit, eo quod abditum fuerat prolato.

[¶86] 52.2. As a consequence of plenty and idleness a spirit of licence again began to affect men's minds, and they began to seek at home for the old troubles which were no longer to be met with abroad. The tribunes roused the plebs to madness with their usual poison, a land-law. The Fathers resisted, but the tribunes incited the people against them, not as a body merely, but as individuals.

> Latin: 52.2. ex copia deinde otioque lasciuire rursus animi et pristina mala, postquam foris deerant, domi quaerere. tribuni plebem agitare suo ueneno, agraria lege; in resistentes incitare patres, nec in uniuersos modo sed in singulos.

[¶87] 52.3. Quintus Considius and Titus Genucius, the proposers of the agrarian measure, cited Titus Menenius to appear for trial. He had incurred the dislike of the plebs owing to the loss of the outpost on the Cremera, when he as consul had occupied a permanent camp not far away;

> Latin: 52.3. Q. Considius et T. Genucius, auctores agrariae legis, T. Menenio diem dicunt. inuidiae erat amissum Cremerae praesidium, cum haud procul inde statiua consul habuisset;

[¶88] 52.4. and this unpopularity was his undoing, though the senators exerted themselves in his behalf no less than they had done for Coriolanus, and though the favour enjoyed by his father Agrippa had not yet passed away.

> Latin: 52.4. ea oppressit, cum et patres haud minus quam pro Coriolano adnisi essent et patris Agrippae fauor hauddum exoleuisset.

[¶89] 52.5. In respect to the penalty the tribunes showed restraint; though they had charged him with a capital offence, they fixed the fine of the condemned at two thousand asses. But it cost him his life; they say that he could not endure the shame and grief, and from this cause fell ill and died.

> Latin: 52.5. in multa temperarunt tribuni; cum capitis anquisissent, duorum milium aeris damnato multam dixerunt. ea in caput uertit; negant tulisse ignominiam aegritudinemque; inde morbo absumptum.

[¶90] 52.6. Another man was then put upon his trial, namely Spurius Servilius. He had laid down the consulship and been succeeded by Gaius Nautius and Publius Valerius, when he was cited, in the very beginning of the year, by the tribunes Lucius Caedicius and Titus Statius. Unlike Menenius, he did not meet the attacks of the tribunes with entreaties, preferred by himself or the senators, but with high confidence in his innocence and popularity.

> Latin: 52.6. alius deinde reus, Sp. Seruilius, ut consulatu abiit, C. Nautio et P. Ualerio consulibus, initio statim anni ab L. Caedicio et T. Statio tribunis die dicta, non ut Menenius, precibus suis aut patrum sed cum multa fiducia innocentiae gratiaeque tribunicios impetus tulit.

[¶91] 52.7. He, too, was accused in connection with the battle against the Etruscans at Janiculum. But the fiery courage of the man had not been more in evidence in the nation's hour of peril than it was then in his own, and he confuted not only the tribunes but the plebs, upbraiding them, in a daring speech, with the condemnation and death of Menenius, to whose father, he declared, the plebs formerly owed their restoration and the possession of those very magistrates and laws which were the tools of their cruelty. This boldness swept away the danger.

> Latin: 52.7. et huic proelium cum Tuscis ad Ianiculum erat crimini. sed feruidi animi uir ut in publico periculo ante, sic tum in suo, non tribunos modo sed plebem oratione feroci refutando exprobrandoque T. Meneni damnationem mortemque, cuius patris munere restituta quondam plebs eos ipsos quibus tum saeuiret magistratus, eas leges haberet, periculum audacia discussit.

[¶92] 52.8. He was helped, too, by Verginius, his colleague, who, being called as a witness, shared his own credit with Servilius. But the trial of Menenius stood him in even better stead, so great a revulsion of feeling had set in.

> Latin: 52.8. iuuit et Uerginius collega testis productus, participando laudes; magis tamen Menenianum—adeo mutauerant animum— profuit iudicium.

[¶93] 53.1. Domestic strife was at an end; but war broke out with the Veientes, with whom the Sabines had united their arms. Publius Valerius the consul was dispatched to Veii with an army to which had been added auxiliaries from the Latins and the Hernici. He at once advanced upon the Sabine camp, which had been established in front of the walls of their allies, and threw the enemy into such confusion that, while they were running out in small groups, some one way and some another, to repel the attack of the Romans, he captured the gate against which he had directed his first assault.

> Latin: 53.1. certamina domi finita: Ueiens bellum exortum, quibus Sabini arma coniunxerant. P. Ualerius consul accitis Latinorum Hernicorumque auxiliis cum exercitu Ueios missus castra Sabina, quae pro moenibus sociorum locata erant, confestim adgreditur; tantamque trepidationem iniecit ut dum dispersi alii alia manipulatim excurrunt ad arcendam hostium uim, ea porta cui signa primum intulerat caperetur.

## 12. Book II · chapters 53–65

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/12/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/12/#p-N

[¶0] 53.2. What followed within the stockade was a massacre rather than a battle. The sounds of confusion in the camp penetrated even to the city, and the frightened inhabitants ran hastily to their weapons, as though Veii had been surprised.

> Latin: 53.2. intra uallum deinde caedes magis quam proelium esse. tumultus e castris et in urbem penetrat; tamquam Ueiis captis, ita pauidi Ueientes ad arma currunt. pars Sabinis eunt subsidio, pars Romanos toto impetu intentos in castra adoriuntur.

[¶1] 53.3. Some went to the rescue of the Sabines, others assailed the Romans, who were wholly preoccupied with the camp. For a moment the Romans were disconcerted and thrown into disorder; then they, too, faced both ways and made a stand, and the horse which the consul sent into the fight dispersed and routed the Etruscans.

> Latin: 53.3. paulisper auersi turbatique sunt; deinde et ipsi utroque uersis signis resistunt, et eques ab consule immissus Tuscos fundit fugatque, eademque hora duo exercitus, duae potentissimae et maxime finitimae gentes superatae sunt.

[¶2] 53.4. In one and the same hour two armies, two of the greatest and most powerful neighbouring nations, were defeated. While these victories were being won at Veii, the Volsci and the Aequi had encamped on Latin soil, and had laid waste the country. These the Latins, acting independently, with the assistance of the Hernici, but without either general or aid from Rome, despoiled of their camp.

> Latin: 53.4. dum haec ad Ueios geruntur, Uolsci Aequique in Latino agro posuerant castra populatique fines erant. eos per se ipsi Latini adsumptis Hernicis, sine Romano aut duce aut auxilio castris exuerunt;

[¶3] 53.5. Immense booty, in addition to property of their own which they recovered, fell into their hands. Nevertheless a consul, Gaius Nautius, was sent from Rome against the Volsci. The precedent, I suppose, of allies waging wars, without a Roman commander and army, by means of their own forces and their own strategy, was not welcome.

> Latin: 53.5. ingenti praeda praeter suas reciperatas res potiti sunt. missus tamen ab Roma consul in Uolscos C. Nautius; mos, credo, non placebat, sine Romano duce exercituque socios propriis uiribus consiliisque bella gerere.

[¶4] 53.6. There was no species of disaster or indignity which was not visited upon the Volsci, yet they could not be forced into giving battle.

> Latin: 53.6. nullum genus calamitatis contumeliaeque non editum in Uolscos est, nec tamen perpelli potuere ut acie dimicarent.

[¶5] 54.1. Lucius Furius and Gaius Manlius were the next consuls. To Manlius fell the command against the Veientes. But there was no war; a truce for forty years was granted, at their solicitation, and corn and a money-indemnity were exacted of them.

> Latin: 54.1. L. Furius inde et C. Manlius consules. Manlio Ueientes prouincia euenit; non tamen bellatum; indutiae in annos quadraginta petentibus datae frumento stipendioque imperato.

[¶6] 54.2. The foreign peace was immediately succeeded by quarrels at home. The land-law with which the tribunes goaded the plebs excited them to the pitch of madness. The consuls, not a jot intimidated by the condemnation of Menenius, not a jot by the danger of Servilius, resisted the measure with the utmost violence.

> Latin: 54.2. paci externae confestim continuatur discordia domi. agrariae legis tribuniciis stimulis plebs furebat. consules, nihil Meneni damnatione, nihil periculo deterriti Seruili, summa ui resistunt. abeuntes magistratu Cn. Genucius tribunus plebis arripuit.

[¶7] 54.3. As their term expired, Gnaeus Genucius, a plebeian tribune, haled them to trial. Lucius Aemilius and Opiter Verginius entered upon the consulship. Vopiscus Julius I find given as consul in certain annals, instead of Verginius. This year —whoever its consuls were —Furius and Manlius went about among the people as men accused, in garments of mourning, seeking out the younger patricians, as well as the plebeians.

> Latin: 54.3. L. Aemilius et Opiter Uerginius consulatum ineunt; Uopiscum Iulium pro Uerginio in quibusdam annalibus consulem inuenio. hoc anno, quoscumque consules habuit, rei ad populum Furius et Manlius circumeunt sordidati non plebem magis quam iuniores patrum.

[¶8] 54.4. They advised them, they warned them to forbear from office-holding and the administration of the public business; as for the consular fasces, the purple-bordered toga, and the curule chair, —these they should regard in no other light than as the pageantry of burial; for splendid insignia, like the fillets placed on victims, doomed the wearer to death.

> Latin: 54.4. suadent monent honoribus et administratione rei publicae abstineant; consulares uero fasces, praetextam, curulemque sellam nihil aliud quam pompam funeris putent; claris insignibus uelut infulis uelatos ad mortem destinari.

[¶9] 54.5. But if the consulship was so alluring to them, let them recognize at once that it had been fettered and enslaved by the might of the tribunes; that the consul, as though an attendant upon those officials, must be subject in all he did to their beck and call;

> Latin: 54.5. quod si consulatus tanta dulcedo sit, iam nunc ita in animum inducant consulatum captum et oppressum ab tribunicia potestate esse; consuli, uelut apparitori tribunicio, omnia ad nutum imperiumque tribuni agenda esse;

[¶10] 54.6. if he should bestir himself, if he should show consideration for the patricians, if he should believe that the state comprised any other element than the plebs —let him call to mind the exile of Gnaeus Marcius, the condemnation of Menenius and his death.

> Latin: 54.6. si se commouerit, si respexerit patres, si aliud quam plebem esse in re publica crediderit, exsilium Cn. Marci, Meneni damnationem et mortem sibi proponat ante oculos.

[¶11] 54.7. Fired by these speeches, the senators began to hold councils, no longer publicly, but in private, where the people could not learn their plans. In these deliberations there was but one guiding principle, that by fair means or foul the defendants must be got off. The more truculent a suggestion was, the greater was the favour it evoked, and an agent was not wanting for the most daring crime.

> Latin: 54.7. his accensi uocibus patres consilia inde non publica sed in priuato seductaque a plurium conscientia habuere, ubi cum id modo constaret, iure an iniuria, eripiendos esse reos, atrocissima quaeque maxime placebat sententia, nec auctor quamuis audaci facinori deerat.

[¶12] 54.8. Well then, on the day of the trial the plebeians were in the Forum, on tiptoe with expectation. At first they were filled with amazement because the tribune did not come down; then, when at length his delay began to look suspicious, they supposed he had been frightened away by the nobles, and fell to complaining of his desertion and betrayal of the people's cause; finally, those who had presented themselves at the tribune's vestibule brought back word that he had been found dead in his house.

> Latin: 54.8. igitur iudicii die, cum plebs in foro erecta expectatione staret, mirari primo quod non descenderet tribunus; dein cum iam mora suspectior fieret, deterritum a primoribus credere et desertam ac proditam causam publicam queri;

[¶13] 54.9. When this report had spread through all the gathering, the crowd, like an army which takes to flight at the fall of its general, melted away on every side. The tribunes were particularly dismayed, for the death of their colleague warned them how utterly ineffectual to protect them were the laws that proclaimed their sanctity.

> Latin: 54.9. tandem qui obuersati uestibulo tribuni fuerant nuntiant domi mortuum esse inuentum. quod ubi in totam contionem pertulit rumor, sicut acies funditur duce occiso, ita dilapsi passim alii alio. praecipuus pauor tribunos inuaserat, quam nihil auxilii sacratae leges haberent morte collegae monitos.

[¶14] 54.10. Nor did the senators place a proper restraint upon their satisfaction; so far, indeed, was anyone from repenting of the guilty deed that even the innocent desired to be thought its authors, and men openly asserted that chastisement must be employed to curb the power of the tribunes.

> Latin: 54.10. nec patres satis moderate ferre laetitiam, adeoque neminem noxiae paenitebat, ut etiam insontes fecisse uideri uellent, palamque ferretur malo domandam tribuniciam potestatem.

[¶15] 55.1. Immediately following this pernicious victory a levy was proclaimed, which the timorousness of the tribunes allowed the consuls to push through without ever a veto.

> Latin: 55.1. sub hac pessimi exempli uictoria dilectus edicitur, pauentibusque tribunis sine intercessione ulla consules rem peragunt.

[¶16] 55.2. But this time the commons were fairly roused to anger, more by the silence of the tribunes than by the consuls' power. They declared that it was all up with their liberty; that men had gone back to their old ways; that with Genucius the tribunician power had suffered death and burial.

> Latin: 55.2. tum uero irasci plebs tribunorum magis silentio quam consulum imperio, et dicere actum esse de libertate sua; rursus ad antiqua reditum; cum Genucio una mortuam ac sepultam tribuniciam potestatem. aliud agendum ac cogitandum quomodo resistatur patribus;

[¶17] 55.3. They must adopt another course and other plans to resist the patricians; but the only way was this: that the plebs should undertake their own defence, since they had no one else to help them. Twenty-four lictors were all the retinue of the consuls, and even these were plebeians. Nothing was more contemptible or weaker, if there were any to contemn; it was every man's own imagination that made them great and awe-inspiring.

> Latin: 55.3. id autem unum consilium esse ut se ipsa plebs, quando aliud nihil auxilii habeat, defendat. quattuor et uiginti lictores apparere consulibus et eos ipsos plebis homines; nihil contemptius neque infirmius, si sint qui contemnant; sibi quemque ea magna atque horrenda facere.

[¶18] 55.4. They had incited one another with arguments of this sort when the consuls sent a lictor to arrest Volero Publilius, a plebeian, who, on the ground that he had been a centurion, denied their right to make him a common soldier. Volero called upon the tribunes.

> Latin: 55.4. his uocibus alii alios cum incitassent, ad Uoleronem Publilium de plebe hominem quia, quod ordines duxisset, negaret se militem fieri debere, lictor missus est a consulibus. Uolero appellat tribunos.

[¶19] 55.5. When no one came to aid him, the consuls gave orders to strip the man and get out the rods. “I appeal,” cried Volero, “to the people, since the tribunes would rather a Roman citizen should be scourged with rods before their eyes than themselves be murdered in their beds by you.” But the more boldly he shouted the more roughly the lictor fell to tearing off his clothes and stripping him.

> Latin: 55.5. cum auxilio nemo esset, consules spoliari hominem et uirgas expediri iubent. 'prouoco' inquit, 'ad populum' Uolero, 'quoniam tribuni ciuem Romanum in conspectu suo uirgis caedi malunt quam ipsi in lecto suo a uobis trucidari.' quo ferocius clamitabat, eo infestius circumscindere et spoliare lictor.

[¶20] 55.6. Then Volero, who was himself a powerful man and was helped by those he had called to his assistance, beat off the lictor and, choosing the place where the uproar of his sympathisers was the angriest, plunged into the thick of the crowd, calling out, “I appeal, and implore the protection of the plebs; help, citizens!”

> Latin: 55.6. tum Uolero et praeualens ipse et adiuuantibus aduocatis repulso lictore, ubi indignantium pro se acerrimus erat clamor, eo se in turbam confertissimam recipit clamitans: 'prouoco et fidem plebis imploro.

[¶21] 55.7. “help, fellow-soldiers! It is useless for you to wait for the tribunes, who themselves stand in need of aid from you.”

> Latin: 55.7. adeste, ciues; adeste, commilitones; nihil est quod expectetis tribunos quibus ipsis uestro auxilio opus est.'

[¶22] 55.8. In their excitement men made ready as if to fight a battle, and it was evident that anything might happen, that nobody would respect any right, whether public or private. The consuls, exposed to this furious tempest, were quickly convinced of the insecurity of majesty when unaccompanied with force.

> Latin: 55.8. concitati homines ueluti ad proelium se expediunt, apparebatque omne discrimen adesse; nihil cuiquam sanctum, non publici fore, non priuati iuris.

[¶23] 55.9. The lictors were roughly handled and their rods were broken, while the consuls themselves were driven out of the Forum into the Curia, with no means of knowing how far Volero might use his victory.

> Latin: 55.9. huic tantae tempestati cum se consules obtulissent, facile experti sunt parum tutam maiestatem sine uiribus esse. uiolatis lictoribus, fascibus fractis, e foro in curiam compelluntur, incerti quatenus Uolero exerceret uictoriam.

[¶24] 55.10. Afterwards, when the uproar began to die away, they summoned the Fathers into the senate-house and complained of the insults they had suffered, the violence of the plebs, and Volero's outrageous conduct.

> Latin: 55.10. conticescente deinde tumultu cum in senatum uocari iussissent, queruntur iniurias suas, uim plebis, Uoleronis audaciam.

[¶25] 55.11. Though many daring opinions were expressed, the wishes of the older men prevailed, who had no mind to a conflict between an angry senate and a reckless plebs.

> Latin: 55.11. multis ferociter dictis sententiis, uicere seniores quibus ira patrum aduersus temeritatem plebis certari non placuit.

[¶26] 56.1. Volero, having been taken into favour by the plebs, was at the next election made plebeian tribune for that year which had Lucius Pinarius and Publius Furius for consuls.

> Latin: 56.1. Uoleronem amplexa fauore plebs proximis comitiis tribunum plebi creat in eum annum qui L. Pinarium P. Furium consules habuit.

[¶27] 56.2. And contrary to the expectation of all, who believed that he would employ his tribuneship in persecuting the consuls of the preceding year, he set the general welfare above his private grievance, and without attacking the consuls by so much as a word, brought a bill before the people providing that plebeian magistrates should be chosen in the tribal assembly.

> Latin: 56.2. contraque omnium opinionem, qui eum uexandis prioris anni consulibus permissurum tribunatum credebant, post publicam causam priuato dolore habito, ne uerbo quidem uiolatis consulibus, rogationem tulit ad populum ut plebeii magistratus tributis comitiis fierent.

[¶28] 56.3. It was no trivial matter which he proposed under this form, which at first sight appeared so harmless, but one that completely deprived the patricians of the power of using their clients' votes to select what tribunes they liked.

> Latin: 56.3. haud parua res sub titulo prima specie minime atroci ferebatur, sed quae patriciis omnem potestatem per clientium suffragia creandi quos uellent tribunos auferret.

[¶29] 56.4. This measure was extremely welcome to the plebs; the Fathers opposed it with all their might, yet the only effectual resistance —to wit, a veto by some member of the tribunician college —neither consuls nor nobles were sufficiently influential to command. Nevertheless the legislation, which its very importance rendered difficult, was drawn out by party strife to the end of the year.

> Latin: 56.4. huic actioni gratissimae plebi cum summa ui resisterent patres, nec quae una uis ad resistendum erat, ut intercederet aliquis ex collegio, auctoritate aut consulum aut principum adduci posset, res tamen suo ipsa molimine grauis certaminibus in annum extrahitur.

[¶30] 56.5. The plebs re-elected Volero tribune: the senators, thinking the quarrel was sure to proceed to extremities, made Appius Claudius, son of Appius, consul, a man whose unpopularity with the plebs and hostility towards them went back to the struggles between their fathers. For colleague they gave him Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 56.5. plebs Uoleronem tribunum reficit: patres, ad ultimum dimicationis rati rem uenturam, Ap. Claudium Appi filium, iam inde a paternis certaminibus inuisum infestumque plebi, consulem faciunt. collega ei T. Quinctius datur.

[¶31] 56.6. The new year was no sooner begun than discussion of the law took precedence of everything else, and it was urged not only by its author, Volero, but by his colleague Laetorius as well, whose advocacy of it was at once fresher and more acrimonious.

> Latin: 56.6. principio statim anni nihil prius quam de lege agebatur. sed ut inuentor legis Uolero, sic Laetorius, collega eius, auctor cum recentior tum acrior erat.

[¶32] 56.7. He was emboldened by the great reputation he enjoyed as a soldier, since no one of that generation surpassed him in physical prowess. While Volero spoke of nothing but the law, and forbore to inveigh against the consuls' persons, Laetorius launched out into an arraignment of Appius and his family, as most cruel and arrogant towards the Roman plebs. But when he strove to show that the patricians had elected, not a consul, but an executioner, to harass and torture the plebeians, the inexperienced tongue of the soldier was inadequate to express his audacity and spirit.

> Latin: 56.7. ferocem faciebat belli gloria ingens, quod aetatis eius haud quisquam manu promptior erat. is, cum Uolero nihil praeterquam de lege loqueretur, insectatione abstinens consulum, ipse incusationem Appi familiaeque superbissimae ac crudelissimae in plebem Romanam exorsus, cum a patribus non consulem, sed carnificem ad uexandam et lacerandam plebem creatum esse contenderet, rudis in militari homine lingua non suppetebat libertati animoque.

[¶33] 56.9. Accordingly when words began to fail him he cried, “Since speech is not so easy for me, Quirites, as it is to make good what I have spoken, be at hand tomorrow. I will either die here in your sight or carry through the law.”

> Latin: 56.9. itaque deficiente oratione, 'quando quidem non facile loquor' inquit, 'Quirites, quam quod locutus sum praesto, crastino die adeste; ego hic aut in conspectu uestro moriar aut perferam legem'.

[¶34] 56.10. The tribunes were the first on the scene next day, and possessed themselves of the rostra; the consuls and nobles took their stand in the assembly, with the purpose of obstructing the passage of the law. Laetorius ordered the removal of all but those who were voting.

> Latin: 56.10. occupant tribuni templum postero die; consules nobilitasque ad impediendam legem in contione consistunt. summoueri Laetorius iubet, praeterquam qui suffragium ineant.

[¶35] 56.11. The youthful nobles stayed where they were and would not give way at the officer's behest. Then certain of them were ordered by Laetorius to be seized.

> Latin: 56.11. adulescentes nobiles stabant nihil cedentes uiatori. tum ex his prendi quosdam Laetorius iubet. consul Appius negare ius esse tribuno in quemquam nisi in plebeium;

[¶36] 56.12. The consul Appius declared that the tribune had no authority over anybody but a plebeian, seeing that he was not a magistrate of the people, but of the plebs; and even if he were, he could not, consistently with the custom of the Fathers, command the removal of anyone, by virtue of his authority, since the formula ran thus: “If it seems good to you, depart, Quirites.” It was an easy matter to throw Laetorius into a passion by these contemptuous remarks about his rights.

> Latin: 56.12. non enim populi sed plebis eum magistratum esse; nec illam ipsam submouere pro imperio posse more maiorum, quia ita dicatur: 'si uobis uidetur, discedite, Quirites.' facile contemptim de iure disserendo perturbare Laetorium poterat.

[¶37] 56.13. It was therefore in a blaze of anger that the tribune dispatched his attendant to the consul;

> Latin: 56.13. ardens igitur ira tribunus uiatorem mittit ad consulem, consul lictorem ad tribunum, priuatum esse clamitans, sine imperio, sine magistratu;

[¶38] 56.14. while the consul sent his lictor to the tribune, crying out that Laetorius was a private citizen, without power, and no magistrate; and the tribune would have been mishandled, had not the whole assembly rallied fiercely to his support against the consul, while men rushed into the Forum from all over the City, in an excited throng.

> Latin: 56.14. uiolatusque esset tribunus, ni et contio omnis atrox coorta pro tribuno in consulem esset, et concursus hominum in forum ex tota urbe concitatae multitudinis fieret. sustinebat tamen Appius pertinacia tantam tempestatem, certatumque haud incruento proelio foret, ni Quinctius, consul alter, consularibus negotio dato ut collegam ui, si aliter non possent, de foro abducerent, ipse nunc plebem saeuientem precibus lenisset, nunc orasset tribunos ut concilium dimitterent;

[¶39] 56.15. Still, Appius was obstinately holding out, despite the fury of the tempest, and a sanguinary battle would have ensued, if Quinctius, the other consul, had not entrusted the senators of consular rank with the task of getting his colleague out of the Forum, by force, if they could not achieve it otherwise; while he himself now appealed to the raging populace with soothing entreaties, and now besought the tribunes to dismiss the council. Let them give their anger time: time would not rob them of their power, but would add wisdom to their strength; the Fathers would be subject to the people, and the consul to the Fathers. It was hard for Quinctius to still the plebs; much harder for the senators to quiet the other consul. At length the council of the plebs was adjourned, and the consuls convened the senate.

> Latin: 56.15. darent irae spatium; non uim suam illis tempus adempturum, sed consilium uiribus additurum; et patres in populi et consulem in patrum fore potestate. aegre sedata ab Quinctio plebs, multo aegrius consul alter a patribus. dimisso tandem concilio plebis senatum consules habent.

[¶40] 57.2. At this meeting alternating hope and fear gave rise to conflicting opinions. But in proportion as their passions cooled with the lapse of time and gave way to deliberation, their minds more and more revolted from the struggle; insomuch that they passed a vote of thanks to Quinctius, because it was due to him that the quarrel had been abated.

> Latin: 57.2. ubi cum timor atque ira in uicem sententias uariassent, quo magis spatio interposito ab impetu ad consultandum auocabantur, eo plus abhorrebant a certatione animi, adeo ut Quinctio gratias agerent quod eius opera mitigata discordia esset.

[¶41] 57.3. They desired Appius to be content that the majesty of the consul should be no greater than was compatible with harmony in the state, pointing out that while tribunes and consuls were each striving to carry things his own way there was no strength left in the nation at large, and the commonwealth was torn and mangled, the question being rather in whose power it was than how it might be safe.

> Latin: 57.3. ab Appio petitur ut tantam consularem maiestatem esse uellet quanta esse in concordi ciuitate posset; dum tribunique et consules ad se quisque omnia trahant, nihil relictum esse uirium in medio; distractam laceratamque rem publicam; magis quorum in manu sit quam ut incolumis sit quaeri.

[¶42] 57.4. Appius, on the other hand, called gods and men to witness that the state was being betrayed through cowardice, and abandoned; that it was not the consul who was failing the senate, but the senate the consul; that harder terms were being accepted than had been accepted on the Sacred Mount. Nevertheless he was borne down by the senate's unanimity and held his peace. The law was passed without opposition.

> Latin: 57.4. Appius contra testari deos atque homines rem publicam prodi per metum ac deseri; non consulem senatui sed senatum consuli deesse; grauiores accipi leges quam in Sacro monte acceptae sint. uictus tamen patrum consensu quieuit; lex silentio perfertur.

[¶43] 58.1. Then for the first time tribunes were elected in the tribal assembly. That their number was also increased by three, as if there had been only two before, is stated by Piso.

> Latin: 58.1. tum primum tributis comitiis creati tribuni sunt. numero etiam additos tres, perinde ac duo antea fuerint, Piso auctor est.

[¶44] 58.2. He also gives the names of the tribunes: Gnaeus Siccius, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duillius, Spurius Icilius, Lucius Maecilius. While Rome was thus distracted, the Volsci and the Aequi began war.

> Latin: 58.2. nominat quoque tribunos, Cn. Siccium, L. Numitorium, M. Duillium, Sp. Icilium, L. Maecilium.

[¶45] 58.3. They had laid waste the fields in order that the plebeians, if they should secede, might find a refuge with them. Then, when the matter was settled, they withdrew their camp. Appius Claudius was sent against the Volsci; to Quinctius fell the command against the Aequi.

> Latin: 58.3. Uolscum Aequicumque inter seditionem Romanam est bellum coortum. uastauerant agros ut si qua secessio plebis fieret ad se receptum haberet; compositis deinde rebus castra retro mouere.

[¶46] 58.4. In his conduct in the field Appius displayed the same violence that he had shown in Rome, and it now had freer play because it was not hampered by the tribunes. He hated the plebs with a hatred that surpassed his father's: What?

> Latin: 58.4. Ap. Claudius in Uolscos missus, Quinctio Aequi prouincia euenit. eadem in militia saeuitia Appi quae domi esse, liberior quod sine tribuniciis uinculis erat.

[¶47] 58.5. Had he been beaten by them? Was it in his consulship, who had been chosen as pre-eminently fitted to resist the tribunician power, that a law had been passed which former consuls had prevented, with less effort and by no means so much hope of success on the part of the patricians?

> Latin: 58.5. odisse plebem plus quam paterno odio: se uictum ab ea; se unico consule electo aduersus tribuniciam potestatem perlatam legem esse, quam minore conatu, nequaquam tanta patrum spe, priores impedierint consules.

[¶48] 58.6. His wrath and indignation at this thought drove his fierce spirit to torment the army with a savage exercise of authority. Yet he was unable by any violence to subdue them, so deeply had their spirits drunk of opposition.

> Latin: 58.6. haec ira indignatioque ferocem animum ad uexandum saeuo imperio exercitum stimulabat. nec ulla ui domari poterat;

[¶49] 58.7. Sloth, idleness, neglect, and obstinacy were in all they did. Neither shame nor fear restrained them. If he wished the column to advance more rapidly they deliberately retarded their pace; if he stood by to encourage their work, they would all relax the industry they had manifested of their own accord.

> Latin: 58.7. tantum certamen animis imbiberant. segniter, otiose, neglegenter, contumaciter omnia agere; nec pudor nec metus coercebat. si citius agi uellet agmen, tardius sedulo incedere; si adhortator operis adesset, omnes sua sponte motam remittere industriam;

[¶50] 58.8. In his presence they sunk their gaze; as he passed by they cursed him under their breath; till that proud spirit, which the hatred of the plebs had never broken, was at times disturbed.

> Latin: 58.8. praesenti uoltus demittere, tacite praetereuntem exsecrari, ut inuictus ille odio plebeio animus interdum moueretur.

[¶51] 58.9. After exhausting every species of severity without effect, he would have no more to do with the men; the centurions, he said, had corrupted the army, and he sometimes sneeringly dubbed them “tribunes of the plebs” and “Voleros.”

> Latin: 58.9. omni nequiquam acerbitate prompta, nihil iam cum militibus agere; a centurionibus corruptum exercitum dicere; tribunos plebei cauillans interdum et Uolerones uocare.

[¶52] 59.1. Every one of these circumstances was known to the Volsci, and they pressed their enemy the harder, hoping that the Roman army would exhibit the same spirited opposition to Appius which it had evinced towards the consul Fabius.

> Latin: 59.1. nihil eorum Uolsci nesciebant, instabantque eo magis, sperantes idem certamen animorum aduersus Appium habiturum exercitum Romanum quod aduersus Fabium consulem habuisset.

[¶53] 59.2. But Appius found his men far more unruly than had Fabius; for not only were they unwilling to conquer, as the Fabian army had been, but they wished to be conquered. Being drawn out into battle-order, they basely fled and sought their camp; nor did they make a stand until they saw the Volsci advancing against their fortifications and inflicting a disgraceful slaughter upon their rearguard.

> Latin: 59.2. ceterum multo Appio quam Fabio uiolentior fuit; non enim uincere tantum noluit, ut Fabianus exercitus, sed uinci uoluit. productus in aciem turpi fuga petit castra, nec ante restitit quam signa inferentem Uolscum munimentis uidit foedamque extremi agminis caedem.

[¶54] 59.3. This compelled them to exert themselves and fight, with the result that the enemy was dislodged from the stockade in the moment of victory. Yet it was evident enough that the capture of their camp was the only thing at which the Roman soldiers balked, and that elsewhere they rejoiced at their own defeat and ignominy.

> Latin: 59.3. tum expressa uis ad pugnandum, ut uictor iam a uallo submoueretur hostis, satis tamen appareret capi tantum castra militem Romanum noluisse, alioqui gaudere sua clade atque ignominia.

[¶55] 59.4. These things in no wise daunted the haughty spirit of Appius. But when he would have gone further and have vented his rage upon the army, and was issuing orders for an assembly, the lieutenants and tribunes gathered hurriedly about him and warned him upon no account to seek a test of his authority, when its effectiveness all depended on the goodwill of those obeying it.

> Latin: 59.4. quibus nihil infractus ferox Appi animus cum insuper saeuire uellet contionemque aduocaret, concurrunt ad eum legati tribunique, monentes ne utique experiri uellet imperium, cuius uis omnis in consensu oboedientium esset;

[¶56] 59.5. The men, they reported, were saying that they would not go to be harangued, and everywhere voices were overheard demanding that the camp be removed from Volscian territory. The victorious enemy had a little while before been almost in their gates and on their wall, and a great disaster was not merely to be apprehended, but was openly hovering before their eyes.

> Latin: 59.5. negare uolgo milites se ad contionem ituros passimque exaudiri uoces postulantium ut castra ex Uolsco agro moueantur; hostem uictorem paulo ante prope in portis ac uallo fuisse, ingentisque mali non suspicionem modo sed apertam speciem obuersari ante oculos.

[¶57] 59.6. Giving way at last, since the soldiers were gaining nothing but a postponement of their punishment, he relinquished the idea of an assembly, and commanded a march for the following day. At daybreak he caused the signal for departure to be sounded on the trumpet.

> Latin: 59.6. uictus tandem, quando quidem nihil praeter tempus noxae lucrarentur, remissa contione iter in insequentem diem pronuntiari cum iussisset, prima luce classico signum profectionis dedit.

[¶58] 59.7. At the very instant when the column was getting clear of the camp, the Volsci, as though set in motion by the same signal, fell upon their rear. Thence the confusion spread to the van, and the panic so disordered the standards and the ranks that it was impossible either to hear commands or to form a line.

> Latin: 59.7. cum maxime agmen e castris explicaretur, Uolsci, ut eodem signo excitati, nouissimos adoriuntur. a quibus perlatus ad primos tumultus eo pauore signaque et ordines turbauit ut neque imperia exaudiri neque instrui acies posset.

[¶59] 59.8. Nobody thought of anything but flight, and so demoralised was the rout, as the men escaped over fallen bodies and discarded weapons, that the enemy sooner ceased to pursue than the Romans to flee.

> Latin: 59.8. nemo ullius nisi fugae memor. ita effuso agmine per stragem corporum armorumque euasere ut prius hostis desisteret sequi quam Romanus fugere.

[¶60] 59.9. When at last the soldiers had been collected from their scattered flight, the consul, who had followed his men in a vain attempt to call them back, pitched his camp on friendly soil. Then he summoned an assembly and soundly rated them, not without reason, as an army which had been false to military discipline and had deserted its standards. Asking them all in turn where their arms and where their standards were, he caused the unarmed soldiers and the standard-bearers who had lost their standards, and in addition to these the centurions and the recipients of a double ration who had quitted their ranks, to be scourged with rods and beheaded; of the remaining number every tenth man was selected by lot for punishment.

> Latin: 59.9. tandem conlectis ex dissipato cursu militibus consul, cum reuocando nequiquam suos persecutus esset, in pacato agro castra posuit; aduocataque contione inuectus haud falso in proditorem exercitum militaris disciplinae, desertorem signorum, ubi signa, ubi arma essent singulos rogitans, inermes milites, signo amisso signiferos, ad hoc centuriones duplicariosque qui reliquerant ordines, uirgis caesos securi percussit: cetera multitudo sorte decimus quisque ad supplicium lecti.

[¶61] 60.1. To contrast with all this, in the Aequian campaign there subsisted between consul and soldiers an emulation of goodwill and kindness. Not only was it natural to Quinctius to be more gentle, but the unfortunate harshness of his colleague had given him the more reason to be content with his own disposition.

> Latin: 60.1. contra ea in Aequis inter consulem ac milites comitate ac beneficiis certatum est. et natura Quinctius erat lenior, et saeuitia infelix collegae quo is magis gauderet ingenio suo effecerat.

[¶62] 60.2. Against this complete harmony between commander and army the Aequi ventured no opposition, but suffered their enemies to devastate their fields at will; and in fact no previous war had ever yielded a larger booty from that country.

> Latin: 60.2. huic tantae concordiae ducis exercitusque non ausi offerre se Aequi, uagari populabundum hostem per agros passi; nec ullo ante bello latius inde acta est praeda.

[¶63] 60.3. This was all given to the troops, and to the spoils were added encomiums, which are no less efficacious than rewards in rejoicing a soldier's heart. Not only their leader, but for their leader's sake the Fathers, too, were looked upon with greater kindness by the army when they returned. They declared that to them the senate had given a parent, to the other army a tyrant.

> Latin: 60.3. ea omnis militi data est. addebantur et laudes, quibus haud minus quam praemio gaudent militum animi. cum duci, tum propter ducem patribus quoque placatior exercitus rediit, sibi parentem, alteri exercitui dominum datum ab senatu memorans.

[¶64] 60.4. Varying fortune in war, grievous discord at home and in the field, had characterized the year just ended; but it was chiefly distinguished by the tribal assembly, a matter more important because the men had won a victory in the struggle which they had undertaken than in its practical results;

> Latin: 60.4. uaria fortuna belli, atroci discordia domi forique annum exactum insignem maxime comitia tributa efficiunt, res maior uictoria suscepti certaminis quam usu.

[¶65] 60.5. for the loss of dignity to the assembly itself, caused by the removal from it of the patricians, was greater than the gain in strength by the plebeians or the loss of it by the Fathers.

> Latin: 60.5. plus enim dignitatis comitiis ipsis detractum est patres ex concilio submouendo, quam uirium aut plebi additum est aut demptum patribus.

[¶66] 61.1. A stormier year succeeded, under the consuls Lucius Valerius and Titus Aemilius, partly owing to strife between the classes about the land-law, partly to the trial of Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 61.1. turbulentior inde annus excepit L. Ualerio T. Aemilio consulibus, cum propter certamina ordinum de lege agraria tum propter iudicium Ap. Claudi, cui acerrimo aduersario legis causamque possessorum publici agri tamquam tertio consuli sustinenti M.

[¶67] 61.2. He was the bitterest opponent of the law, and was upholding the claim of those who had possession of the public domain as if he had been a third consul, when Marcus Duillius and Gnaeus Siccius lodged an accusation against him. Never before had a defendant whom the plebs so detested been brought to trial before the people, burdened as he was with men's hatred, both of himself and of his father.

> Latin: 61.2. Duillius et Cn. Siccius diem dixere. nunquam ante tam inuisus plebi reus ad iudicium uocatus populi est, plenus suarum, plenus paternarum irarum.

[¶68] 61.4. The patricians, for their part, had not lightly put forth such exertions in behalf of any man. They felt that the champion of the senate and the guardian of their own dignity, who had stood firm against all sorts of tribunician and plebeian outbreaks, though he had possibly gone too far in the heat of the struggle, was being exposed to the angry commons.

> Latin: 61.4. patres quoque non temere pro ullo aeque adnisi sunt: propugnatorem senatus maiestatisque uindicem suae, ad omnes tribunicios plebeiosque oppositum tumultus, modum dumtaxat in certamine egressum, iratae obici plebi.

[¶69] 61.5. Alone amongst the Fathers, Appius Claudius himself regarded tribunes, plebs, and his own trial with perfect unconcern. He was not one whom the threats of the plebeians or the entreaties of the senate could ever prevail upon, I do not say to put on mourning, or to seek men out with appeals for mercy, but even to soften and subdue in a slight degree the accustomed sharpness of his tongue, though it was before the people he must plead.

> Latin: 61.5. unus e patribus ipse Ap. Claudius et tribunos et plebem et suum iudicium pro nihilo habebat. illum non minae plebis, non senatus preces perpellere unquam potuere, non modo ut uestem mutaret aut supplex prensaret homines, sed ne ut ex consueta quidem asperitate orationis, cum ad populum agenda causa esset, aliquid leniret atque submitteret.

[¶70] 61.6. There was the same expression on his countenance, the same arrogance in his glance, the same fire in his speech; so markedly, in fact, that a great part of the plebs feared Appius no less when a defendant than they had feared him as consul.

> Latin: 61.6. idem habitus oris, eadem contumacia in uoltu, idem in oratione spiritus erat, adeo ut magna pars plebis Appium non minus reum timeret quam consulem timuerat.

[¶71] 61.7. Once only did he plead his cause, in the tone he had been wont to use on all occasions, namely, that of a prosecutor; and so completely did his firmness overwhelm the tribunes and the commons that they themselves voluntarily adjourned the trial to a later day, and then allowed the affair to drag.

> Latin: 61.7. semel causam dixit, quo semper agere omnia solitus erat, accusatorio spiritu, adeoque constantia sua et tribunos obstupefecit et plebem ut diem ipsi sua uoluntate prodicerent, trahi deinde rem sinerent.

[¶72] 61.8. The interval was not very long, but before the appointed day came round Appius fell sick and died.

> Latin: 61.8. haud ita multum interim temporis fuit; ante tamen quam prodicta dies ueniret, morbo moritur.

[¶73] 61.9. When his eulogy was being pronounced, the tribunes of the plebs attempted to interfere, but the plebs were not willing that the funeral-day of so great a man should be defrauded of the customary honours. They listened to his praises with as great goodwill, now he was dead, as they had heard the living man accused, and attended his burial in crowds.

> Latin: 61.9. cuius laudationem cum tribunus plebis impedire conaretur, plebs fraudari sollemni honore supremum diem tanti uiri noluit, et laudationem tam aequis auribus mortui audiuit quam uiui accusationem audierat et exsequias frequens celebrauit.

[¶74] 62.1. The same year Valerius the consul, having marched with an army against the Aequi, was unable to entice the enemy into a battle, and directed an assault upon their camp. This was foiled by an awful storm that descended upon them with hail and claps of thunder.

> Latin: 62.1. eodem anno Ualerius consul cum exercitu in Aequos profectus, cum hostem ad proelium elicere non posset, castra oppugnare est adortus. prohibuit foeda tempestas cum grandine ac tonitribus caelo deiecta.

[¶75] 62.2. Their amazement was soon increased, on the signal for retreat being given, by the reappearance of so tranquil and cloudless a sky, that, as though some god had defended the camp, they scrupled to attack it a second time, and directed all their hostility towards devastating the fields.

> Latin: 62.2. admirationem deinde auxit signo receptui dato adeo tranquilla serenitas reddita ut uelut numine aliquo defensa castra oppugnare iterum religio fuerit.

[¶76] 62.3. The other consul, Aemilius, conducted a campaign in the Sabine country. There, too, the enemy kept within his walls, and the Romans laid waste his fields.

> Latin: 62.3. omnis ira belli ad populationem agri uertit. alter consul Aemilius in Sabinis bellum gessit. et ibi, quia hostis moenibus se tenebat, uastati agri sunt.

[¶77] 62.4. Afterwards, by setting fire not only to farmhouses but even to the villages, where the people lived close together, they aroused the Sabines, who, having met the pillagers and fought a drawn battle with them, next day withdrew their camp to a safer position.

> Latin: 62.4. incendiis deinde non uillarum modo sed etiam uicorum quibus frequenter habitabatur Sabini exciti cum praedatoribus occurrissent, ancipiti proelio digressi postero die rettulere castra in tutiora loca.

[¶78] 62.5. This seemed to the consul a sufficient pretext for leaving the enemy, as conquered, and he retired ere the campaign had fairly begun.

> Latin: 62.5. id satis consuli uisum cur pro uicto relinqueret hostem, integro inde decedens bello.

[¶79] 63.1. While these wars were going on and there was still discord at home, Titus Numicius Priscus and Aulus Verginius were elected consuls.

> Latin: 63.1. inter haec bella manente discordia domi, consules T. Numicius Priscus A. Uerginius facti.

[¶80] 63.2. It was clear that the plebs would endure no further postponement of the land-law, and were preparing to use violent measures, when the approach of a Volscian army was announced by the smoke which rose from burning farmhouses and by the flight of the country people. By this circumstance the insurrection, which was already matured and on the point of breaking out, was repressed.

> Latin: 63.2. non ultra uidebatur latura plebes dilationem agrariae legis, ultimaque uis parabatur, cum Uolscos adesse fumo ex incendiis uillarum fugaque agrestium cognitum est. ea res maturam iam seditionem ac prope erumpentem repressit.

[¶81] 63.3. The consuls, being at once commanded to do so by the senate, led the young men out of the City to the war, a policy which diminished the restlessness of the plebeians who were left behind.

> Latin: 63.3. consules coacti extemplo ab senatu ad bellum educta ex urbe iuuentute tranquilliorem ceteram plebem fecerunt. et hostes quidem nihil aliud quam perfusis uano timore Romanis citato agmine abeunt:

[¶82] 63.5. As for the enemy, they did no more than cause the Romans a needless panic, and hastily retreated. Numicius marched to Antium against the Volsci, Verginius against the Aequi. In the Aequian campaign an ambush nearly resulted in a severe defeat for the Romans, but the courage of the soldiers restored the day, which the carelessness of the consul had almost lost.

> Latin: 63.5. Numicius Antium aduersus Uolscos, Uerginius contra Aequos profectus. ibi ex insidiis prope magna accepta clade uirtus militum rem prolapsam neglegentia consulis restituit.

[¶83] 63.6. The Volscian expedition was better directed: the enemy were routed in the first engagement and driven in flight to Antium, a very opulent city for those days. This place the consul did not venture to assail, but he captured from the Antiates another town, named Caeno, of far less wealth.

> Latin: 63.6. melius in Uolscis imperatum est; fusi primo proelio hostes fugaque in urbem Antium, ut tum res erant opulentissimam, acti. quam consul oppugnare non ausus Caenonem, aliud oppidum nequaquam tam opulentum, ab Antiatibus cepit.

[¶84] 63.7. While the Aequi and Volsci kept the Roman armies busy, the Sabines advanced clear to the gates of the City on a plundering raid. A few days after this they themselves had to confront two armies, for both the consuls indignantly invaded their borders, and they suffered greater losses than they had themselves inflicted.

> Latin: 63.7. dum Aequi Uolscique Romanos exercitus tenent, Sabini usque ad portas urbis populantes incessere. deinde ipsi paucis post diebus ab duobus exercitibus, utroque per iram consule ingresso in fines, plus cladium quam intulerant acceperunt.

[¶85] 64.1. Towards the close of the year there was a brief season of peace, but, as always on other occasions, a peace distracted by the strife of patricians and plebeians.

> Latin: 64.1. extremo anno pacis aliquid fuit, sed, ut semper alias, sollicitae [pacis] certamine patrum et plebis.

[¶86] 64.2. The angry plebs refused to take part in the consular elections: by the votes of the patricians and their clients Titus Quinctius and Quintus Servilius were chosen consuls. They experienced a year like the preceding one: dissensions, to begin with, then a foreign war and tranquillity.

> Latin: 64.2. irata plebs interesse consularibus comitiis noluit; per patres clientesque patrum consules creati T. Quinctius Q. Seruilius. similem annum priori [consules] habent, seditiosa initia, bello deinde externo tranquilla.

[¶87] 64.3. The Sabines executed a rapid march across the Crustuminian plains, bringing fire and sword to the country about the river Anio. When almost at the Colline Gate and the City walls they were beaten back, yet they carried off immense spoils of men and cattle.

> Latin: 64.3. Sabini Crustuminos campos citato agmine transgressi cum caedes et incendia circum Anienem flumen fecissent, a porta prope Collina moenibusque pulsi ingentes tamen praedas hominum pecorumque egere.

[¶88] 64.4. Servilius the consul pursued them with an army, and though he could not overtake the column itself on ground which was suitable for offering battle, he devastated the country so extensively as to leave nothing untouched by the ravages of war, and returned with many times the plunder which the Romans had lost.

> Latin: 64.4. quos Seruilius consul infesto exercitu insecutus ipsum quidem agmen adipisci aequis locis non potuit, populationem adeo effuse fecit, ut nihil bello intactum relinquerent multiplicique capta praeda rediret.

[¶89] 64.5. Operations in the Volscian country, too, were very successful, thanks both to the general and to his soldiers. First, there was a pitched battle in the open field, with enormous numbers killed and wounded on both sides.

> Latin: 64.5. et in Uolscis res publica egregie gesta cum ducis tum militum opera. primum aequo campo signis conlatis pugnatum, ingenti caede utrimque, plurimo sanguine;

[¶90] 64.6. The Romans indeed, whose fewness made them feel their loss more sensibly, would have fallen back, had it not been for a salutary falsehood told by the consul, who shouted that the enemy were running away on the other wing, and so aroused the spirits of his troops.

> Latin: 64.6. et Romani, quia paucitas damno sentiendo propior erat, gradum rettulissent, ni salubri mendacio consul fugere hostes ab cornu altero clamitans concitasset aciem. impetu facto dum se putant uincere uicere.

[¶91] 64.7. The Romans charged and, believing themselves to be conquering, they conquered. The consul feared lest by pressing the enemy too hard he might cause a renewal of the struggle.

> Latin: 64.7. consul metuens ne nimis instando renouaret certamen, signum receptui dedit.

[¶92] 64.8. He therefore gave the signal for the recall. For a few days both sides rested, as if they had tacitly agreed on a truce. Meanwhile a great force of men came in from all their tribes to the camp of the Volsci and Aequi.

> Latin: 64.8. intercessere pauci dies, uelut tacitis indutiis utrimque quiete sumpta, per quos ingens uis hominum ex omnibus Uolscis Aequisque populis in castra uenit, haud dubitans si senserint Romanos nocte abituros.

[¶93] 64.9. They made no question but that the Romans, if they had perceived them, would retreat in the night, and accordingly at about the third watch they came to attack the camp. Quinctius stilled the tumult which the sudden alarm had raised, and bidding the soldiers remain quietly in their tents, led out a cohort of Hernici to an outpost, and mounting trumpeters and buglers upon horses, ordered them to blow their instruments in front of the rampart and keep the enemy in suspense till daybreak.

> Latin: 64.9. itaque tertia fere uigilia ad castra oppugnanda ueniunt. Quinctius sedato tumultu quem terror subitus exciuerat, cum manere in tentoriis quietum militem iussisset, Hernicorum cohortem in stationem educit, cornicines tubicinesque in equos impositos canere ante uallum iubet sollicitumque hostem ad lucem tenere.

[¶94] 64.11. For the remainder of the night all was so peaceful in camp that the Romans were even able to sleep. But the Volsci, beholding armed foot-soldiers, whom they supposed to be more numerous than they were, and to be Romans; and hearing the stamping and neighing of the horses, which were infuriated not only at finding unaccustomed riders on their backs, but also by the blare of the trumpets, were kept on the alert in anticipation of an attack.

> Latin: 64.11. reliquum noctis adeo tranquilla omnia in castris fuere ut somni quoque Romanis copia esset. Uolscos species armatorum peditum, quos et plures esse et Romanos putabant, fremitus hinnitusque equorum, qui et insueto sedente equite et insuper aures agitante sonitu saeuiebant, intentos uelut ad impetum hostium tenuit.

[¶95] 65.1. As soon as it was light, the Romans, who were fresh and had enjoyed a good sleep, were led out into line of battle.

> Latin: 65.1. ubi inluxit, Romanus integer satiatusque somno productus in aciem fessum stando et uigiliis Uolscum primo impetu perculit;

[¶96] 65.2. The Volsci, weary from standing and from loss of sleep, were driven back at the first assault; though it was rather a retreat than a rout, for behind them were hills, to which, under cover of the first line, they withdrew safely and in good order. The consul ordered a halt when his army reached rising ground. The infantry could hardly be restrained, noisily demanding permission to press on after the fleeing enemy.

> Latin: 65.2. quamquam cessere magis quam pulsi hostes sunt, quia ab tergo erant cliui in quos post principia integris ordinibus tutus receptus fuit. consul ubi ad iniquum locum uentum est, sistit aciem. miles aegre teneri, clamare et poscere ut perculsis instare liceat.

[¶97] 65.3. Still more ardent were the cavalry. They swarmed about the general, and shouted that they were going on before the standards. While the consul was hesitating, feeling certain of the valour of his troops but doubtful of the ground, the men cried out that they were going, and instantly made good their word. Planting their spears in the ground, that they might be the lighter for the ascent, they went up at a run.

> Latin: 65.3. ferocius agunt equites; circumfusi duci uociferantur se ante signa ituros. dum cunctatur consul uirtute militum fretus, loco parum fidens, conclamant se ituros clamoremque res est secuta. fixis in terram pilis quo leuiores ardua euaderent, cursu subeunt.

[¶98] 65.4. The Volsci, having discharged their javelins at the first onset, picked up the stones which lay about under their feet, and flung them at their enemies as they mounted. Confused by this rain of missiles from above, the left wing of the Romans was nearly overwhelmed, and had already begun to retreat, when the consul, reproaching them at once with rashness and with cowardice, succeeded in shaming them out of their fear.

> Latin: 65.4. Uolscus effusis ad primum impetum missilibus telis, saxa obiacentia pedibus ingerit in subeuntes, turbatosque ictibus crebris urget ex superiore loco. sic prope oneratum est sinistrum Romanis cornu, ni referentibus iam gradum consul increpando simul temeritatem, simul ignauiam, pudore metum excussisset.

[¶99] 65.5. First they made a resolute stand; then, after holding their ground and returning blow for blow, they even dared to press forward and, renewing their cheers, set their line in motion; then with another rush they struggled upward and scaled the height; and they were just emerging upon the summit of the ridge, when the enemy turned and fled.

> Latin: 65.5. restitere primo obstinatis animis; deinde ut obtinentes locum uim <pro ui> referebant, audent ultro gradum inferre et clamore renouato commouent aciem; tum rursus impetu capto enituntur atque exsuperant iniquitatem loci.

[¶100] 65.6. Running at full speed, and almost in one body, the pursued and the pursuers reached the Volscian camp, which was captured in the panic. Those of the Volsci who succeeded in escaping made for Antium, and to Antium marched the Roman army also.

> Latin: 65.6. iam prope erat ut in summum cliui iugum euaderent cum terga hostes dedere, effusoque cursu paene agmine uno fugientes sequentesque castris incidere. in eo pauore castra capiuntur: qui Uolscorum effugere potuerunt, Antium petunt.

[¶101] 65.7. After a blockade of a few days the place surrendered; the besiegers had not delivered any new attack, but the Volsci had lost heart from the moment of their unsuccessful battle and the capture of their camp.

> Latin: 65.7. Antium et Romanus exercitus ductus. paucos circumsessum dies deditur, nulla oppugnantium noua ui, sed quod iam inde ab infelici pugna castrisque amissis ceciderant animi.

## 13. Book III · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/13/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/13/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. AFTER the capture of Antium, Titus Aemilius and Quintus Fabius were elected consuls. This was that 467 Fabius who had been the sole survivor of his family destroyed at the Cremera.

> Latin: 1.1. ANTIO capto T. Aemilius et Q. Fabius consules fiunt. erat Fabius qui unus exstinctae ad Cremeram genti superfuerat. priore consulatu Aemilius dandi agri plebi fuerat auctor;

[¶1] 1.2. In his former consulship Aemilius had already supported the assignment of land to the plebs. Consequently, when he entered a second time upon the office, not only had the agrarians begun to have hopes of a law, but the tribunes, who had often tried to carry the measure against the opposition of the consuls, now took it up in the belief that with the co-operation of a consul it could certainly be made good; and the consul continued of the same mind.

> Latin: 1.2. itaque secundo quoque consulatu eius et agrarii se in spem legis erexerant, et tribuni, rem contra consules saepe temptatam adiutore utique consule obtineri posse rati, suscipiunt; et consul manebat in sententia sua.

[¶2] 1.3. The possessors of the land, comprising a large proportion of the patricians, complained that the head of the state was openly supporting tribunician policies and making himself popular by a generosity exhibited at other men's expense; they thus diverted the resentment awakened by the whole affair from the tribunes to the consul.

> Latin: 1.3. et magna pars patrum, tribuniciis se iactare actionibus principem civitatis et largiendo de alieno popularem fieri querentes, totius invidiam rei a tribunis in consulem averterant.

[¶3] 1.4. A bitter struggle was impending, when Fabius, by a proposal which neither side found injurious, set the matter right.

> Latin: 1.4. certamen aderat, ni Fabius consilio neutri parti acerbo rem expedisset: T. Quincti ductu et auspicio agri captum priore anno aliquantum a Volscis esse;

[¶4] 1.5. Under the leadership and auspices of Titus Quinctius, as he pointed out, a considerable territory had been conquered the year before from the Volsci; Antium, a well-situated maritime city, could be made the seat of a colony; in this way the plebs would obtain farms without causing the landholders to complain, and the state would be at harmony.

> Latin: 1.5. Antium, opportunam et maritimam urbem, coloniam deduci posse; ita sine querellis possessorum plebem in agros ituram, civitatem in concordia fore. sententia accepta est.

[¶5] 1.6. This suggestion was adopted. As commissioners for distributing the land Fabius appointed Titus Quinctius, Aulus Verginius, and Publius Furius, and it was ordered that those who wished to receive grants should give in their names. There at once appeared the fastidiousness which usually attends abundance, and so few persons enrolled that Volscian colonists were added to fill out the number; the rest of the populace preferred demanding land at Rome to receiving it elsewhere.

> Latin: 1.6. agro dando creat T. Quinctium A. Verginium P. Furium. nomina dare qui agrum accipere vellent. statim, ut fit, fastidium copia, adeoque pauci nomina dedere ut ad explendum numerum coloni Volsci adderentur; cetera multitudo multitude poscere Romae agrum malle quam alibi accipere.

[¶6] 1.8. The Aequi begged Quintus Fabius, who had invaded their country, to grant them peace; and broke it themselves by a sudden raid on Latin territory.

> Latin: 1.8. Aequi a Q. Fabio—is eo cum exercitu venerat—pacem petiere, inritamque eam earn ipsi subita incursione in agrum Latinum fecere.

[¶7] 2.1. Quintus Servilius, being sent against the Aequi in the following year —when he and Spurius Postumius were consuls —made a permanent camp in the Latin country, where the army was attacked by a pestilence which deprived it of the power to act.

> Latin: 2.1. Q. Servilius insequenti anno—is enim cum Sp. Postumio consul fuit—in Aequos missus in Latino agro stativa habuit. Quies necessaria morbo implicitum exercitum tenuit.

[¶8] 2.2. The war dragged on into its third year, the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Titus Quinctius. To Fabius was given the command against the Aequi, without the customary drawing of lots, since he had been victorious over them and had granted them peace.

> Latin: 2.2. in tertium annum bellum est Q. Fabio et T. Quinctio consulibus. Fabio extra ordinem, quia is victor pacem Aequis dederat, ea provincia data.

[¶9] 2.3. Setting out in the full expectation that the glory of his name would bring the enemy to terms, he sent envoys to their national council and bade them announce that Quintus Fabius the consul said that he had brought peace from the Aequi to Rome, and was then bringing war from Rome to the Aequi in the same right hand, now armed, which he had formerly given them in friendship.

> Latin: 2.3. haud dubia spe profectus famam nominis sui pacaturam Aequos, legatos in concilium gentis missos nuntiare iussit Q. Fabium consulem dicere se ex Aequis pacem Romam tulisse, ab Roma Aequis bellum adferre eadem dextera armata quam pacatam illis antea dederat.

[¶10] 2.4. Whose faithlessness and perjury were responsible for this, the gods were even then witnesses, and would presently punish the offenders. Yet however that might be, he would himself prefer that the Aequi should even now freely repent, instead of suffering the penalties of war.

> Latin: 2.4. id perfidia et periurio fiat deos nunc testes esse, mox fore ultores. tamen, utcumque sit, etiam nunc paenitere sua sponte Aequos quam pati hostilia malle.

[¶11] 2.5. If they did so, they could count on a safe refuge in the clemency they had already proved; but if they rejoiced in perjury, it was rather with the angry gods than with their enemies that they would be at war.

> Latin: 2.5. paeniteat, tutum receptum ad expertam clementiam fore: sin periurio gaudeant, dis magis iratis quam hostibus gesturos bellum.

[¶12] 2.6. So far were these words from having the slightest effect on anyone, that the envoys narrowly escaped violation, and an army was dispatched to Algidus against the Romans.

> Latin: 2.6. dicta adeo nihil moverunt quemquam ut legati prope violati sint exercitusque in Algidum adversus Romanos missus.

[¶13] 2.7. On the arrival of this news at Rome, the insult, rather than the danger, brought the other consul out from the City. And so two consular armies approached the enemy, drawn up in line of battle, that they might instantly engage them.

> Latin: 2.7. ubi Romam sunt nuntiata, indignitas rei magis quam periculum consulem alterum ab urbe excivit. duo consulares exercitus ad hostem accessere acie instructa ut confestim dimicarent.

[¶14] 2.8. But since it happened to be near the end of the day, a man called out to them from an outpost of the enemy, “This, Romans, is making a parade of war, not waging it.”

> Latin: 2.8. cum forte haud baud multum diei superesset, unus ab statione hostium exclamat: hoc est, Romani, non gerere bellum.

[¶15] 2.9. “When night is about to fall, you draw up your battle-line; we need more hours of daylight for the struggle which is close at hand. To-morrow at sunrise form your battle-line again; there will be opportunity for fighting, never fear!”

> Latin: 2.9. noctem imminentem aciem instruitis; longiore luce ad id certamen quod instat nobis opus est. die oriente sole redite in aciem; erit copia pugnandi; ne timete.

[¶16] 2.10. Galled by these words the troops were led back to their camp to await the morrow; the night would be a long one, they felt, that must intervene before the combat. Meanwhile they refreshed themselves with food and sleep. When it grew light next morning, the Roman army took the field, some time before the enemy. At last the Aequi too came out.

> Latin: 2.10. vocibus inritatus miles in diem posterum in castra reducitur, longam venire noctem ratus quae moram certamini faceret. quidem corpora cibo somnoque curant; ubi inluxit postero die, prior aliquanto constitit Romana acies; tandem et Aequi processere.

[¶17] 2.11. The battle raged fiercely on both sides, for the Romans fought with exasperation and hatred, while the Aequi were conscious that the danger in which they were involved was due to their own fault, and this, with their despair of ever being trusted again, incited them to the last degree of daring and exertion.

> Latin: 2.11. fit utrimque vehemens, quod et Romanus ira odioque pugnabat et Aequos conscientia contracti culpa periculi et desperatio futurae sibi postea fidei ultima audere et experiri cogebat.

[¶18] 2.12. Nevertheless they were unable to withstand the attack of the Romans. And yet, when they had been defeated and had fallen back to their own territory, the warlike soldiers, their spirit as little inclined to peace as ever, complained against their generals for having staked the cause on a pitched battle, a species of fighting in which the Romans excelled;

> Latin: 2.12. tamen sustinuere aciem Romanam Aequi; pulsique cum in fines suos se recepissent, nihilo inclinatioribus ad pacem animis ferox multitudo multitude increpare duces, quod in aciem, qua pugnandi arte Romanus excellat, commissa res sit;

[¶19] 2.13. the Aequi, they said, were better at pillaging and raiding, and a number of scattered bands could make war more effectively than the great mass of a single army.

> Latin: 2.13. Aequos populationibus incursionibusque meliores esse, et multas passim manus quam magnam molem unius exercitus rectius bella gerere.

[¶20] 3.1. Leaving a garrison, therefore, in their camp, they crossed the Roman border in so headlong an incursion as to carry terror even to the City.

> Latin: 3.1. itaque castris praesidio egressi tanto cum tumultu invasere fines Romanos ut ad urbem quoque terrorem pertulerint.

[¶21] 3.2. Moreover, the unexpectedness of the inroad added to the alarm, for nothing could have been apprehended less than that an enemy who was defeated and almost shut up in his camp should be thinking of a raid; and the country people who in their fright came tumbling in through the gates told not of pillaging nor of small bands of raiders, but, exaggerating everything in their senseless fear, cried out that whole armies of the enemy were close at hand and rushing on the City in a serried column.

> Latin: 3.2. etiam res plus trepidationis fecit, quod nihil minus quam ne victus ac prope in castris obsessus hostis memor populationis esset timeri poterat, agrestesque pavidi incidentes portis non populationem nec praedonum parvas manus, sed omnia vano augentes timore exercitus et legiones adesse hostium et infesto agmine ruere ad urbem clamabant.

[¶22] 3.4. The very vagueness of these rumours led to further exaggeration as the bystanders passed them on to others. The running and shouting of men as they called “To arms!” was almost like the panic in a captured city. It chanced that the consul Quinctius had returned from Algidus to Rome.

> Latin: 3.4. Ab his proximi audita incerta eoque vaniora ferre ad alios. clamorque vocantium ad arma haud multum a pavore captae urbis abesse.

[¶23] 3.5. This circumstance allayed men's fears, and when the confusion had been stilled, he indignantly reminded them that the enemy they dreaded had been conquered, and posted watches at the gates.

> Latin: 3.5. ab Algido Quinctius consul redierat Romam. remedium timori fuit; tumultuque sedato victos timeri increpans hostes praesidia portis imposuit.

[¶24] 3.6. He then convened the senate, and in accordance with a resolution which the Fathers passed, proclaimed a suspension of the courts.

> Latin: 3.6. dein senatu cum ex auctoritate patrum iustitio indicto profectus ad tutandos fines esset Q. Servilio praefecto urbis relicto, hostem in agris non invenit.

[¶25] 3.7. After that he set out to defend the frontier, leaving Quintus Servilius as prefect of the City, but did not meet with the enemy in the field. The other consul campaigned with great success.

> Latin: 3.7. Ab altero consule res gesta egregie est; qui, qua venturum hostem sciebat, gravem praeda eoque impeditiore agmine incedentem adgressus funestam populationem fecit.

[¶26] 3.8. Knowing where the enemy would come, he fell upon them when they were weighed down with the booty which incumbered their advancing column, and caused them bitterly to rue their pillaging. But few of them escaped the ambush, and the spoils were all recovered.

> Latin: 3.8. hostium hostiumn evasere ex insidiis; praeda omnis recepta est. finem iustitio, quod quadriduum fuit, reditus Quincti consulis in urbem fecit.

[¶27] 3.9. So the suspension of the courts, which had lasted four days, was lifted on the return of the consul Quinctius to the City. The census was then taken and Quinctius solemnized the concluding purification.

> Latin: 3.9. deinde actus et conditum ab Quinctio lustrum. civium capita centum quattuor milia septingenta quattuordecim dicuntur praeter orbos orbasque.

[¶28] 3.10. There are said to have been registered 104,714 citizens, besides orphans and widows. In the Aequian country there was no memorable action after that; the people retired to their towns, and permitted their farms to be burnt and ravaged. The consul made a number of forays with his army throughout the enemy's territory, and returned to Rome with great renown and huge spoils.

> Latin: 3.10. Aequis nihil deinde memorabile actum. oppida sua se recepere, uri sua popularique passi., cum aliquotiens per omnem hostium agrum infesto agmine populabundus isset, cum ingenti laude praedaque Romam rediit.

[¶29] 4.1. The next consuls were Aulus Postumius Albus and Spurius Furius Fusus. (Some writers spell the name Fusius instead of Furius, which I note lest anybody should regard as a substitution of one man for another what is really only a matter of names.)

> Latin: 4.1. inde A. Postumius Albus Sp. Furius Fusus. Fusios scripsere quidam; id admoneo, ne quis immutationem virorum ipsorum esse quae nominum est putet.

[¶30] 4.2. There was no doubt but that one consul would make war on the Aequi, and these accordingly appealed to the Ecetranian Volsci for help. It was eagerly granted them —such was the rivalry between these nations in inveterate hatred of Rome —and the most vigorous preparations were made for war.

> Latin: 4.2. dubium erat quin cum Aequis alter consulum bellum gereret. Aequi ab Ecetranis Volscis praesidium petiere; quo cupide oblato—adeo civitates hae perpetuo in Romanos odio certavere—bellum summa vi parabatur.

[¶31] 4.3. The Hernici perceived, and warned the Romans, that Ecetra had gone over to the Aequi. Suspicion already rested on the colony of Antium, on the ground that a large body of men, escaping from the place at the time of its capture, had taken refuge with the Aequi;

> Latin: 4.3. Hernici et praedicunt Romanis Ecetranum ad Aequos descisse. et colonia Antium fuit, quod magna vis hominum inde, cum oppidum captum esset, confugisset ad Aequos; isque miles per bellum Aequicum vel acerrimus fuit.

[¶32] 4.4. and in fact they fought with the greatest spirit all through the Aequian war; afterwards, when the Aequi had been shut up in their towns, this company dispersed, returned to Antium, and won over the colonists, who were even then at heart disloyal to the Romans.

> Latin: 4.4. deinde in oppida Aequis ea multitudo dilapsa cum Antium redisset, sua sponte iam infidos colonos Romanis abalienavit.

[¶33] 4.5. The plot was not yet ripe when their proposed defection was reported to the senate, and the consuls were instructed to summon the leaders of the colony to Rome and inquire what was going on.

> Latin: 4.5. matura re cum defectionem parari delatum ad senatum esset, datum negotium est consulibus ut principibus coloniae Romam excitis quaererent quid rei esset.

[¶34] 4.6. These men made no objection to coming, but on being introduced into the senate by the consuls returned such answers to the questions they were asked that they were under a stronger suspicion when dismissed than they had been on their arrival.

> Latin: 4.6. cum haud gravate venissent, introducti a consulibus ad senatum ita responderunt ad interrogata, ut magis suspecti quam venerant dimitterentur.

[¶35] 4.7. War was from that moment regarded as certain. Spurius Furius, one of the consuls, having received that command, set out against the Aequi. In the country of the Hernici he found the enemy engaged in marauding, and being ignorant of their strength, because they had never all been seen together, rashly offered battle with an army which was no match for theirs in numbers.

> Latin: 4.7. inde haud dubium haberi. Sp. Furius, consulum alter, cui ea provincia evenerat, profectus in Aequos Hernicorum in agro populabundum hostem invenit ignarusque multitudinis, quia nusquam nusquarr universa conspecta fuerat, imparem copiis exercitum temere pugnae commisit.

[¶36] 4.8. At the first attack he was repulsed and withdrew into his camp. Nor did this end his danger, for both that night and the following day his camp was so vigorously hemmed in and assaulted that not even a messenger could be got off to Rome.

> Latin: 4.8. concursu pulsus se intra castra recepit. is finis periculi fuit; namque et proxima nocte et postero die tanta vi castra sunt circumsessa atque oppugnata ut ne nuntius quidem inde mitti Romam posset.

[¶37] 4.9. The Hernici reported the defeat and blockade of the consul and his army, striking such terror into the hearts of the senators that they passed a decree which has always been held to signify the direst necessity: that Postumius, the other consul, should be commissioned to see to it that the republic took no hurt.

> Latin: 4.9. Hernici et male pugnatum et consulem exercitumque obsideri nuntiaverunt tantumque terrorem incussere patribus ut, quae forma senatus consulti ultimae semper necessitatis habita est, Postumio, alteri consulum, negotium daretur videret ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet.

[¶38] 4.10. It was deemed wisest that the consul himself should remain in Rome, to enroll all who were capable of bearing arms; and that a proconsul, Titus Quinctius, should be sent, with an army of the allies, to relieve the camp.

> Latin: 4.10. consulem Romae manere ad conscribendos omnes qui arma ferre possent optimum visum est: pro consule T. Quinctium subsidio castris cum sociali exercitu mitti;

[¶39] 4.11. In order to fill out this army the Latins and the Hernici and the colony of Antium were commanded to furnish Quinctius with “emergency-men,” as they used then to term hastily-levied auxiliaries.

> Latin: 4.11. ad eum explendum Latini Hernicique et colonia Antium dare Quinctio subitarios milites—ita tum repentina auxilia appellabant—iussi.

[¶40] 5.1. There was much manœuvring during the days that followed, and many attacks were delivered in one place or another, for the enemy, having a preponderance of numbers, set about harassing the Roman forces in many places, with the expectation that they would prove unequal to all the demands that were made upon them;

> Latin: 5.1. per eos dies motus multique impetus hinc atque illinc facti, quia superante multitudine hostes carpere multifariam vires Romanas, ut non suffecturas ad omnia, adgressi sunt;

[¶41] 5.2. at the same time that they were besieging the camp, a part of their army was sent to devastate the Roman fields and to attack the City itself, should an opportunity offer.

> Latin: 5.2. simul castra oppugnabantur, simul pars exercitus ad populandum agrum Romanum missa urbemque ipsam, si qua fortuna daret, temptandam. L. Valerius ad praesidium urbis relictus, consul Postumius ad arcendas populationes finium missus.

[¶42] 5.4. Lucius Valerius was left to defend the City, while the consul Postumius was sent out to protect the frontier from pillage. There was no relaxation anywhere of vigilance or effort; watches were set in the City, outposts were established before the gates, and troops were posted on the walls; and, as was necessary in the midst of such confusion, the courts were suspended for several days.

> Latin: 5.4. remissum ab ulla parte curae aut laboris; vigiliae in urbe, stationes ante portas, praesidiaque in muris disposita, et quod necesse erat in tanto tumultu, iustitium per aliquot dies servatum.

[¶43] 5.5. In camp meanwhile the consul Furius, having begun by submitting tamely to the blockade, caught the Aequi off their guard, and made a sortie by the decuman gate. He might have pursued the enemy, but stopped for fear the camp might be assailed from the opposite quarter.

> Latin: 5.5. in castris Furius consul cum primo quietus obsidionem passus esset, in incautum hostem decumana porta erupit, et cum persequi posset, metu substitit, ne qua ex parte altera in castra vis fieret.

[¶44] 5.6. The lieutenant Furius, a brother of the consul, was carried a good way off by his charge, nor did he observe, in the ardour of pursuit, either that his friends were retiring or that the enemy were moving up to attack him in the rear. His retreat was thus cut off, and after repeated but unsuccessful attempts to force his way back to the camp, he perished, fighting bravely. The consul too, upon learning that his brother was surrounded, set his face towards the battle and plunged into the midst of the mellay, with more rashness than prudence; for he received a wound, and was barely rescued by the men about him.

> Latin: 5.6. Furium legatum—frater idem consulis erat—longius extulit cursus; nec suos ille redeuntes persequendi studio neque hostium ab tergo incursum vidit. exclusus multis saepe frustra conatibus captis ut viam viarm sibi ad castra faceret, acriter dimicans cecidit, et consul nuntio circumventi fratris conversus ad pugnam, dum se temere magis quam satis caute in mediam dimicationem infert, volnere accepto aegre ab circumstantibus ereptus et suorum animos turbavit et ferociores hostes fecit;

[¶45] 5.8. This misfortune dismayed his own troops and quickened the courage of the enemy, who were so inspirited by the death of the lieutenant and the wounding of the consul that from that moment no force could withstand them, and the Romans were driven into their camp and again besieged, being no match for their opponents either in confidence or strength. The very existence of the army would have been imperilled, had not Titus Quinctius come up with the foreign troops, the Latins and Hernici.

> Latin: 5.8. qui caede legati et consulis volnere accensi nulla deinde vi sustineri potuere, ut compulsi in castra Romani rursus obsiderentur nec spe nec viribus pares; venissetque in periculum summa rerum, ni T. Quinctius peregrinis copiis, Latino Hernicoque exercitu, subvenisset.

[¶46] 5.9. He found the Aequi intent on the Roman camp, and truculently displaying the head of the lieutenant. Attacking them in the rear, while the besieged, in answer to a signal he had given them from afar, were making a sally from the camp, he intercepted a large body of them.

> Latin: 5.9. intentos in castra Romana Aequos legatique caput ferociter ostentantes ab tergo adortus simul ad signum a se procul editum ex castris eruptione facta agnam vim hostium circumvenit.

[¶47] 5.10. There was less carnage but a more headlong rout in the case of the Aequi who were in Roman territory. These men were dispersed and collecting booty when they were attacked by Postumius at several points where he had opportunely stationed troops.

> Latin: 5.10. caedis, fuga effusior Aequorum in agro fuit Romano, in quos palatos praedam agentes ragentes Postumius aliquot locis, quibus opportuna imposuerat praesidia, impetum dedit. vagi dissipate agmine fugientes in Quinctium victorem cum saucio consule revertentem incidere.

[¶48] 5.11. The pillagers, fleeing in a disordered crowd, fell in with Quinctius, who was returning from his victory with the wounded consul; whereupon the consular army splendidly avenged the consul's wound and the slaughter of the lieutenant and his cohorts. Heavy losses were inflicted and sustained on both sides at that time.

> Latin: 5.11. consularis exercitus egregie consulis volnus, legati et cohortium ultus est caedem. clades ultro citroque illis diebus et inlatae et acceptae.

[¶49] 5.12. It is hard to make a trustworthy statement, in a matter of such antiquity, as to just how many fought and how many fell;

> Latin: 5.12. ad fidem est in tam tarn antiqua re quot pugnaverint ceciderintve exacto adfirmare numero; audet tamen Antias Valerius concipere summas:

[¶50] 5.13. yet Valerius Antias ventures to specify the totals, saying that the Romans lost five thousand eight hundred in the country of the Hernici; that of the Aequian marauders who were roaming about and pillaging within the Roman borders two thousand four hundred were slain by Aulus Postumius, the consul; and that the rest of the expedition, which stumbled upon Quinctius as they were driving off their booty, got off by no means so lightly, for their killed amounted, so he says, with minute particularity, to four thousand two hundred and thirty.

> Latin: 5.13. Romanos cecidisse in Hernico agro quinque milia octingentos: ex praedatoribus Aequorum qui populabundi in finibus Romanis vagabantur ab A. Postumio consule duo milia et quadringentos caesos: ceteram multitudinem praedam agentem, quae inciderit in Quinctium, nequaquam pari defunctam esse caede: interfecta inde quattuor milia et, exsequendo subtiliter numerum, ducentos ait et triginta.

[¶51] 5.14. When the army had returned to Rome, and the suspension of the courts was ended, the heavens were seen to blaze with numerous fires, and other portents either were actually seen or were due to the illusions of the terror-stricken observers. To avert these alarms a three days' season of prayer was ordered, and during this period all the shrines were crowded with a throng of men and women beseeching the pardon of the gods.

> Latin: 5.14. Romam reditum est, iustitium remissum. visum est ardere plurimo igni, portentaque alia aut obversata oculis aut vanas exterritis ostentavere species. avertendis terroribus in triduum feriae indictae, per quas omnia delubra pacem deum exposcentium virorum mulierumque turba implebantur.

[¶52] 5.15. After that the cohorts of the Latins and the Hernici were thanked by the senate for their energetic service and sent home. A thousand men from Antium who had come too late to help, when the battle was over, were dismissed, almost in disgrace.

> Latin: 5.15. inde Latinae Hernicaeque ab senatu gratiis ob impigram militiam actis remissae domos. Antiates mille milites, quia serum auxilium post proelium venerant, prope cum ignominia dimissi.

[¶53] 6.1. The elections were then held, and Lucius Aebutius and Publius Servilius were chosen consuls. On the first of August, then the beginning of the year, they entered office.

> Latin: 6.1. inde habita; creati consules L. Aebutius P. Servilius.. Sextilibus, ut tunc tune principium anni agebatur, consulatum ineunt.

[¶54] 6.2. It was the sickly season, and chanced to be a year of pestilence both in the City and in the country, for beasts as well as men; and the people increased the virulence of the disease, in their dread of pillage, by receiving flocks and country-folk into the City.

> Latin: 6.2. tempus et forte annus pestilens erat urbi agrisque nec nee hominibus magis quam pecori; et auxere vim morbi terrore populationis pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis.

[¶55] 6.3. This conflux of all kinds of living things distressed the citizens with its strange smells, while the country-people, being packed into narrow quarters, suffered greatly from the heat and want of sleep; and the exchange of ministrations and mere contact spread the infection.

> Latin: 6.3. conluvio mixtorum omnis generis animantium et odore insolito urbanos et agrestem confertum in arta tecta aestu ac vigiliis angebat, ministeriaque in vicem ac contagio ipsa volgabant morbos.

[¶56] 6.4. The Romans could scarce endure the calamities which pressed hard upon them, when suddenly envoys from the Hernici appeared, announcing that the Aequi and the Volsci had joined forces and established a camp in their territory, from which base they were devastating their land with an enormous army.

> Latin: 6.4. instantes sustinentibus clades repente legati Hernici nuntiant in agro suo Aequos Volscosque coniunctis copiis castra posuisse, inde exercitu ingenti fines suos depopulari.

[¶57] 6.5. Not only did the reduced numbers of the senate show their allies that the nation was prostrated by the pestilence, but they also returned a melancholy answer to their suit, that the Hernici, namely, with the help of the Latins, must defend their own possessions; for the City of Rome, in a sudden visitation of divine displeasure, was being ravaged by disease; if there should come any respite from their suffering, they would help their friends, as they had done the year before and on every other occasion.

> Latin: 6.5. quod infrequens senatus indicio erat sociis adflictam civitatem pestilentia esse, maestum etiam responsum tulere, ut per se ipsi Hernici cum Latinis res suas tutarentur: urbem Romanam subita deum ira morbo populari; si qua eius mali quies veniat, ut anno ante, ut semper alias, sociis opem laturos.

[¶58] 6.6. The allies departed, bearing home, in return for their sad tidings, a reply that was even sadder, since it meant that their people must sustain by themselves a war which they could hardly have sustained with the powerful assistance of the Romans.

> Latin: 6.6. socii pro tristi nuntio tristiorem domum reportantes, quippe quibus per se sustinendum bellum erat, quod vix Romanis fulti viribus sustinuissent.

[¶59] 6.7. No longer did the enemy confine themselves to the country of the Hernici; they proceeded thence to invade the Roman fields, which had been made desolate even without the violence of war. Encountering no one there, not even an unarmed man, and passing through a country wholly destitute not only of defenders but also of cultivation, they came to the third milestone on the Gabinian Way.

> Latin: 6.7. diutius se in Hernico hostis continuit; pergit inde infestus in agros Romanos etiam sine belli iniuria vastatos. cum obvius nemo ne inermis quidem fieret perque omnia non praesidiis modo deserta sed etiam cultu agresti transirent, pervenere ad tertium lapidem Gabina via.

[¶60] 6.8. Death had taken Aebutius, the Roman consul; for his colleague Servilius there was little hope, though he still breathed; the disease had attacked most of the leading men, the greater part of the senators, and almost all of military age, so that their numbers were not only insufficient for the expeditions which so alarming a situation called for, but were almost too small for mounting guard.

> Latin: 6.8. Aebutius erat Romanus consul; collega eius Servilius exigua in spe trahebat animam; adfecti plerique principum, patrum maior pars, militaris fere aetas omnis, ut non modo ad expeditiones, quas in tanto tumultu res poscebat, sed vix ad quietas stationes viribus sufficerent.

[¶61] 6.9. The watchmen's duty was performed by those of the senators themselves whose years and strength admitted of it; the rounds were made and the watches supervised by the plebeian aediles; into their hands had passed the supreme control, and the majesty of consular authority.

> Latin: 6.9. vigiliarum senatores, qui per aetatem ac valetudinem poterant, per se ipsi obibant; circumitio ac cura aedilium plebi erat; ad eos summa rerum ac maiestas consularis imperii venerat.

[¶62] 7.1. In this helpless plight, without a leader and without strength, the commonwealth was saved by its tutelary gods and the good fortune of the City, which inspired the Volsci and Aequi with the spirit of plunderers rather than of soldiers.

> Latin: 7.1. omnia, sine capite, sine viribus, di praesides ac fortuna urbis tutata est, quae Volscis Aequisque praedonum potius mentem quam hostium dedit;

[¶63] 7.2. For they were so far from entertaining any hope of approaching, not to speak of capturing, the walls of Rome, and the distant sight of her roofs and beetling hills so damped their ardour, that the entire army began to murmur, and to ask why they should waste their time in desolate and abandoned fields, where bodies of beasts and men lay rotting and there was no booty, when they might be invading an unspoiled country, the land of Tusculum, abounding in wealth; so they suddenly pulled up their standards, and passed by cross-roads through the Labican fields to the hills of Tusculum, and on that point all the impetus and fury of the war converged.

> Latin: 7.2. adeo enim nullam spem non potiundi modo, sed ne adeundi quidem Romana moenia animus eorum cepit tectaque procul visa atque imminentes tumuli avertere mentes eorum, ut totis passim castris fremitu orto, quid in vasto ac deserto agro inter tabem pecorum hominumque desides sine praeda tempus tererent, cum integra loca, Tusculanum agrum opimum copiis, petere possent, signa repente convellerent transversisque itineribus per Labicanos agros in Tusculanos colles transirent. vis omnis tempestasque belli conversa est.

[¶64] 7.4. Meanwhile the Hernici and Latins, moved not by pity alone but by shame, if they should fail to oppose the common enemy, advancing in force against the City of Rome, and should bring no assistance to their besieged allies, united their armies and proceeded to the City.

> Latin: 7.4. Hernici Latinique, pudore etiam, non misericordia solum moti, si nec obstitissent communibus hostibus infesto agmine Romanam Roranam urbem petentibus nec opem ullam obsessis sociis ferrent, coniuncto exercitu Romam pergunt.

[¶65] 7.5. Failing to find the enemy there, but following the report and traces of his march, they met him as he was coming down from the Tusculan valley into that of Alba. There they engaged the invaders on far from equal terms, and their loyalty to their friends was for the moment not attended with success.

> Latin: 7.5. cum hostes non invenissent, secuti famam ac vestigia obvii fiunt descendentibus ab Tusculana in Albanam vallem. haudquaquam aequo proelio pugnatum est, fidesque sua sociis parum felix in praesentia fuit.

[¶66] 7.6. In Rome the ravages of the disease were no less fatal than those of the sword had been amongst her allies. The surviving consul died; and death took other famous men, the augurs Marcus Valerius and Titus Verginius Rutulus, and the head curio, Servius B.C. 463 Sulpicius;

> Latin: 7.6. minor Romae fit morbo strages quam quanta ferro sociorum facta erat. qui unus supererat moritur; mortui et alii clari viri, M. Valerius, T. Verginius Rutulus augures, Ser. Sulpicius curio maximus;

[¶67] 7.7. as for the base rabble, the violence of the plague stalked at large amongst them; until the senate, finding no help in man, sent the people to the gods in prayer, commanding them to take their wives and children and supplicate Heaven for forgiveness.

> Latin: 7.7. et per ignota capita late vagata est vis morbi. senatus auxilii humani ad deos populum ac vota vertit. cum coniugibus ac liberis supplicatum ire pacemque paceinque exposcere deum, ad id quod sua quemque mala cogebant auctoritate publica evocati omnia delubra implent.

[¶68] 7.8. Thus summoned by the state's authority to do what each was impelled to by his own distress, they crowded all the shrines. Everywhere were prostrate matrons, sweeping the floors of the temples with their hair, while they besought the angry gods to grant them pardon and end the pestilence. After that, little by little, whether it was that the gods had been persuaded to forgive or that the sickly season was now past, those whose disease had run its course began to regain their health; and men's thoughts now turned to the commonwealth.

> Latin: 7.8. passim matres crinibus templa verrentes veniam irarum caelestium finemque pesti exposcunt. paulatim seu pace deum impetrata seu graviore tempore anni iam circumacto defuncta morbis corpora salubriora esse incipere;

[¶69] 8.2. Several interregna had expired, when Publius Valerius Publicola, three days after being made interrex, declared the election to the consulship of Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus and Titus Veturius Geminus —or Vetusius, if that was his name.

> Latin: 8.2. versisque animis iam ad publicam curam, cum aliquot interregna exissent, P. Valerius Publicola tertio die quam interregnum inierat consules creat L. Lucretium Tricipitinum et T. Veturium Geminum, sive ille Vetusius fuit.

[¶70] 8.3. On the 11th of August they took office, the nation being by that time so strong that it was able not only to defend itself, but even to assume the offensive.

> Latin: 8.3. diem tertium idus Sextiles consulatum ineunt iam satis valida civitate ut non solum arcere bellum sed ultro etiam inferre posset.

[¶71] 8.4. Accordingly, when the Hernici reported that the enemy had crossed their borders, they were promptly offered assistance. Two consular armies were enlisted; Veturius was sent to carry the war into the country of the Volsci;

> Latin: 8.4. nuntiantibus Hernicis in fines suos transcendisse hostes impigre promissum auxilium. consulares exercitus scripti. Veturius missus in Volscos ad bellum ultro inferendum;

[¶72] 8.5. while Tricipitinus, having been appointed to secure the territory of the allies from inroads, proceeded no further than the land of the Hernici.

> Latin: 8.5. Tricipitinus populationibus arcendis sociorum agro oppositus non ultra quam in Hernicos procedit. Veturius primo proelio hostes fundit fugatque:

[¶73] 8.6. Veturius in his first battle defeated and routed his opponents; Lucretius, while encamped among the Hernici, was eluded by a company of raiders, who marched over the mountains of Praeneste and thence down into the campagna; there they laid waste the Praenestine and Gabinian fields; and from the latter district turned towards the hills about Tusculum.

> Latin: 8.6. Lucretium, dum in Hernicis sedet, praedonum agmen fefellit supra montes Praenestinos ductum, inde demissum in campos. agros Praenestinum Gabinumque; ex Gabino in Tusculanos flexere colles;

[¶74] 8.7. The City of Rome itself received a great fright, more on account of the surprise than from any lack of resources for defence. Quintus Fabius was in charge of the City. Arming the young men and disposing his defences, he made everything secure and tranquil.

> Latin: 8.7. urbi quoque Romae ingens praebitus terror, magis in re subita quam quod ad arcendam vim parum virium esset. Q. Fabius praeerat urbi. armata iuventute dispositisque praesidiis tuta omnia ac tranquilla fecit.

[¶75] 8.8. And so the enemy, having laid hold of the plunder in their immediate neighbourhood, did not venture to approach Rome, but making a detour, set out towards home. The farther they got from the hostile City the less was their anxiety, till they came unexpectedly upon Lucretius the consul, who having already marked their line of march, had drawn up his troops and was eager to fight.

> Latin: 8.8. hostes praeda ex proximis locis rapta adpropinquare urbi non ausi, cum circumacto agmine redirent quanto longius ab urbe hostium abscederent eo solutiore cura, in Lucretium incidunt consulem, iam ante exploratis itineribus suis instructum et ad certamen intentum.

[¶76] 8.9. The spirits of the Romans were therefore prepared for their task, while the enemy were stricken with a sudden panic on being attacked, though by somewhat inferior numbers. The Romans completely routed the great multitude, and driving them into deep valleys, from which escape was difficult, surrounded them.

> Latin: 8.9. praeparatis animis repentino pavore perculsos adorti aliquanto pauciores multitudinem ingentem fundunt fugantque et compulsos in cavas valles, cum exitus haud in facili essent, circumveniunt.

[¶77] 8.10. There the Volscian name was almost blotted out. Thirteen thousand four hundred and seventy fell in the battle and the flight, seventeen hundred and fifty were taken alive, and twenty-seven military standards were brought in, as I find recorded in certain annals; and though there may be some exaggeration of the numbers, it was beyond question a great slaughter.

> Latin: 8.10. Volscum nomen prope deletum est. milia quadringentos septuaginta cecidisse in acie ac fuga, mille septingentos quinquaginta vivos captos, signa viginti septem militaria relata in quibusdam annalibus invenio; ubi etsi adiectum aliquid numero sit, magna certe caedes fuit.

[¶78] 8.11. The victorious consul, in possession of enormous spoils, returned to the permanent camp he had occupied before. Then the consuls encamped together, and the Volsci and Aequi united their shattered forces. The ensuing battle was the third of that year. Fortune bestowed the victory where she had done before; the enemy were routed, and even lost their camp.

> Latin: 8.11. consul ingenti praeda potitus eodem in stativa rediit. consules castra coniungunt, et Volsci Aequique adflictas adfiictas vires suas in unum contulere. illa pugna eo anno fuit. fortuna victoriam dedit; fusis hostibus etiam castra capta.

[¶79] 9.1. Rome was thus restored to her former condition, and the success of the campaign at once occasioned disturbances in the City.

> Latin: 9.1. res Romana in antiquum statum rediit, secundaeque belli res extemplo urbanos motus excitaverunt.

[¶80] 9.2. Gaius Terentilius Harsa was tribune of the plebs that year. Thinking that the absence of the consuls afforded the tribunes an opportunity for action, he employed some days in complaining to the people of the pride of the patricians, and inveighed especially against the authority of the consuls, as a thing excessive and intolerable in a free state.

> Latin: 9.2. C. Terentilius Harsa tribunus plebis eo anno fuit. consulibus absentibus ratus locum tribuniciis actionibus datum, per aliquot dies patrum superbiam ad plebem criminatus, maxime in consulare imperium tamquam nimium nec tolerabile liberae civitati invehebatur.

[¶81] 9.3. For it was only in name, he said, that it was less hateful than that of a king; in reality it was almost crueler, since in place of one master they had now got two, who possessed an unregulated and unlimited power, and while free themselves and without restraint, brought to bear all the terrors of the law and all its punishments upon the plebs.

> Latin: 9.3. enim tantum minus invidiosum, re ipsa prope atrocius quam regium esse; quippe duos pro uno dominos acceptos, immoderata, infinita potestate, qui soluti atque effrenati ipsi omnis metus legum omniaque supplicia verterent in plebem.

[¶82] 9.5. That they might not for ever have this licence, he was about to propose a law providing for the appointment of five men to write out the statutes pertaining to the consular power; such authority over them as the people had granted the consuls they should enjoy, but they should not make a law of their own whims and caprices.

> Latin: 9.5. ne aeterna illis licentia sit, legem se promulgaturum ut quinque viri creentur legibus de imperio consulari scribendis; quod populus in se ius dederit, eo consulem usurum; non ipsos libidinem ac licentiam suam pro lege habituros.

[¶83] 9.6. When this measure had been promulgated, the Fathers were alarmed lest they might be humbled, in the absence of the consuls; the prefect of the City, Quintus Fabius, convened the senate, and attacked the measure and its author himself with such bitterness that if both the consuls had been present to outface the tribune there was nothing they could have added to his threats and denunciations.

> Latin: 9.6. promulgata lege cum timerent patres ne absentibus consulibus iugum acciperent, senatus a praefecto urbis Q. Fabio vocatur, qui adeo atrociter in rogationem latoremque ipsum est invectus ut nihil, si ambo consules infesti circumstarent tribunum, relictum minarum atque terroris terrorism sit:

[¶84] 9.7. Terentilius, he said, had laid an ambush and watching his opportunity had attacked the state. If the angry gods had given them a tribune like him the year before, when they were suffering from war and disease, it would have been impossible to save the situation. Finding both consuls dead, the citizens plague-stricken, and confusion everywhere, he would have proposed a law to do away with consular government, and would have led the Volsci and the Aequi to besiege the City. Pray what did he desire?

> Latin: 9.7. insidiatum eum et tempore capto adortum rem publicam. quem similem eius priore anno inter morbum bellumque irati di tribunum dedissent, non potuisse sisti. duobus consulibus, iacente aegra civitate, in conluvione omnium rerum, ad tollendum rei publicae consulare imperium laturum leges fuisse, ducem Volscis Aequisque ad oppugnandam urbem futurum.

[¶85] 9.9. Was he not at liberty, if the consuls had committed any act of pride or cruelty against a citizen, to call them into court and accuse them where the judges would be the very men against one of whom the injury had been done?

> Latin: 9.9. tandem? non licere, si quid consules superbe in aliquem civium aut crudeliter fecerint, diem dicere, accusare iis ipsis iudicibus quorum in aliquem saevitum sit?

[¶86] 9.10. It was not the authority of the consul but the power of the tribune that he was making hateful and intolerable; this power had been reconciled and brought into harmony with the senate, but was now being degraded again to its former evil state. Yet he would not supplicate Terentilius to abandon the course on which he had embarked.

> Latin: 9.10. illum consulare imperium, sed tribuniciam potestatem invisam intolerandamque facere; quam placatam reconciliatamque patribus de integro in antiqua redigi mala. illum se deprecari, quo minus pergat ut coeperit;

[¶87] 9.11. “It is you other tribunes,” he cried, “whom we beg to reflect, as a matter of the last importance, that your power was obtained for the purpose of assisting individuals, not for the destruction of us all; that you were elected tribunes of the plebs, not enemies of the senate.”

> Latin: 9.11. inquit Fabius, ceteri tribuni, oramus, ut primum omnium cogitetis potestatem istam ad singulorum auxilium, non ad perniciem universorum comparatam esse; tribunos plebis vos creatos, non hostes patribus.

[¶88] 9.12. “To us it is a source of sorrow, to you of odium, that the state should be attacked in the absence of its defenders. You will be diminishing, not your authority, but your unpopularity, if you plead with your colleague to postpone the question, as it stands, until the arrival of the consuls. Even the Aequi and the Volsci, when disease last year had carried off the consuls, refrained from pressing a cruel and pitiless war against us.”

> Latin: 9.12. miserum, invidiosum vobis est desertam rem publicam invadi. ius vestrum, sed invidiam minueritis. cum collega ut rem integram in adventum consulum differat. Aequi quidem ac Volsci morbo absumptis priore anno consulibus crudeli superboque nobis bello institere.

[¶89] 9.13. The tribunes pleaded with Terentilius, and the measure having been ostensibly postponed, but in reality killed, the consuls were immediately summoned.

> Latin: 9.13. cum Terentilio tribuni, dilataque in speciem actione, re ipsa sublata, consules extemplo arcessiti.

[¶90] 10.1. Lucretius returned with vast spoils and far greater glory; and this he increased, on his arrival, by exposing all the booty in the Campus Martius, where it lay for three days, that every man might identify and carry off what belonged to him.

> Latin: 10.1. Lucretius cum ingenti praeda, maiore multo gloria rediit. auget gloriam adveniens exposita omni in campo Martio praeda, ut suum quisque per triduum cognitum abduceret. vendita, quibus domini non exstitere.

[¶91] 10.2. The other things, for which no owner appeared, were sold. That the consul had earned a triumph all agreed; but the matter was put off, for the tribune was urging his law, and this was a question of more importance in the eyes of Lucretius.

> Latin: 10.2. omnium consensu consuli triumphus, sed dilata res est tribuno de lege agente;

[¶92] 10.3. The measure was debated several days, not only in the senate but before the people. Finally the tribune gave way to the majesty of the consul and desisted. The general and his army then received their meed of honour; Lucretius triumphed over the Volsci and the Aequi, and his own legions followed the triumphal chariot. The other consul was permitted to enter the City in an ovation, without soldiers.

> Latin: 10.3. id antiquius consuli fuit. per aliquot dies cum in senatu res, tum apud populum est. ad ultimum maiestati consulis tribunus et destitit. imperatori exercituique honos suus redditus; triumphavit de Volscis Aequisque, triumphantem secutae suae legiones. consuli datum, ut ovans sine militibus urbem iniret.

[¶93] 10.5. In the following year the Terentilian law was brought up again by the entire college and menaced the new consuls, to wit, Publius Volumnius and Servius Sulpicius.

> Latin: 10.5. deinde insequenti lex Terentilia ab toto relata collegio novos adgressa consules est; erant consules P. Volumnius Ser. Sulpicius.

[¶94] 10.6. This year the heavens were seen to blaze, and the earth was shaken with a prodigious quake. That a cow had spoken —a thing which had found no credence the year before —was now believed. Among other portents there was even a rain of flesh, which is said to have been intercepted by vast numbers of birds flying round in the midst of it; what fell to the ground lay scattered about for several days, but without making any stench.

> Latin: 10.6. anno caelum ardere visum, terra ingenti concussa motu est. locutam, cui rei priore anno fides non fuerat, creditum. alia prodigia et carne pluit, quem imbrem ingens numerus avium intervolitando rapuisse fertur; quod intercidit, sparsum ita iacuisse per aliquot dies, ut nihil odor mutaret.

[¶95] 10.7. The two commissioners for sacred rites consulted the Sibylline Books, where it was predicted that there was danger to come from a concourse of foreigners, lest they attack the highest places of the City, and blood be shed; amongst other things was a warning to avoid factions. The tribunes charged them with trying to hinder their law, and a violent struggle was impending; when lo!

> Latin: 10.7. per duumviros sacrorum aditi; pericula a conventu alienigenarum praedicta, ne qui in loca summa urbis impetus caedesque inde fierent; inter cetera monitum ut seditionibus -seditionibus abstineretur. factum ad impediendam legem tribuni criminabantur, ingensque aderat certamen.

[¶96] 10.8. —that the same cycle of events might recur each year —the Hernici announced that the Volsci and the Aequi, despite the losses they had sustained, were again fitting out their armies; that Antium was the centre of the enterprise; that at Ecetra Antian colonists were holding public meetings; and that the Antiates were the head and sinews of the war.

> Latin: 10.8. , ut idem in singulos annos orbis volveretur, Hernici nuntiant Volscos et Aequos, etsi abscisae res sint, reficere exercitus; Antii summam rei positam, Ecetrae Antiates colonos palam concilia facere; id caput, eas vires belli esse.

[¶97] 10.9. After listening to this report, the senate decreed a levy, and directed the consuls to divide between them the direction of the war, so that one might operate against the Volsci, the other against the Aequi.

> Latin: 10.9. haec dicta in senatu sunt, dilectus edicitur. belli administrationem inter se dispertiri iussi, alteri ut Volsci, alteri ut Aequi provincia esset.

[¶98] 10.10. The tribunes openly and loudly protested in the Forum that the Volscian war was a prearranged farce, and that the nobles had employed the Hernici to act a part in it: they no longer used manhood even, to suppress the liberty of the Roman People, but cajoled and tricked them.

> Latin: 10.10. coram in foro personare fabulam compositam Volsci belli, Hernicos ad partes paratos. iam lam ne virtute quidem premi libertatem libertatern populi Romani, sed arte eludi.

[¶99] 10.11. Inasmuch as the almost total destruction of the Volsci and Aequi made it incredible that they should be going to war on their own initiative, new enemies were trumped up, and a loyal and neighbouring colony was traduced.

> Latin: 10.11. occidione prope occisos Volscos et Aequos movere sua sponte arma posse iam fides abierit, novos hostes quaeri; coloniam fidam, propinquam infamem fieri.

[¶100] 10.12. It was against the innocent Antiates that war was being declared; it was being waged against the Roman plebeians, whom the consuls would load with arms and lead out of the City in hot haste, exiling and banishing citizens to avenge themselves upon the tribunes.

> Latin: 10.12. innoxiis Antiatibus indici, geri cum plebe Romana, quam oneratam armis ex urbe praecipiti agmine acturi essent, exsilio et relegatione civium ulciscentes tribunos.

[¶101] 10.13. By these means —and they need not think that anything else had been intended —the law was already defeated, unless, while the situation was still intact, while they were at home, while they still wore the toga, they should guard themselves against expulsion from the City and submitting to the yoke.

> Latin: 10.13. —ne quid aliud actum putent—victam legem legemr esse, nisi, dum in integro res sit, dum domi, dum togati sint, caveant ne possessione urbis pellantur, ne iugum accipiant.

[¶102] 10.14. If they proved courageous, help would not be wanting; the tribunes were all of one mind. There was no fear of foreign foes, no danger; the gods had seen to it the previous year that they might defend their liberties in safety. To this purport the tribunes.

> Latin: 10.14. animus sit, non defore auxilium; consentire omnes tribunos. terrorem externum, nullum periculum esse; cavisse deos priore anno ut tuto libertas defendi posset. tribuni.

[¶103] 11.1. But the consuls, on the other hand, had placed their chairs in full sight of the tribunes, and began to hold the levy. The tribunes hastened to the place, drawing the people after them. A few were cited, as if by way of a test, and immediately a riot began.

> Latin: 11.1. ex parte altera consules in conspectu eorum positis sellis dilectum habebant. decurrunt tribuni contionemque secum trahunt. pauci velut rei experiundae causa, et statim vis coorta.

[¶104] 11.2. As often as a lictor arrested a man on the consul's order, a tribune would command that he be released; in every case it was not a man's right that determined his conduct, but the confidence he had in his strength; and one had to make good by force what one meant to do.

> Latin: 11.2. lictor iussu consulis prendisset, tribunus mitti iubebat; neque suum cuique ius modum faciebat, sed virium spes, et manu obtinendum erat, quod intenderes.

[¶105] 11.3. Precisely as the tribunes had borne themselves in preventing the levy, so did the senators in blocking the law, which was brought forward every day the comitia could be held.

> Latin: 11.3. ad modum se tribuni gessissent in prohibendo dilectu, sic patres se in lege, quae per omnes comitiales dies ferebatur, impedienda gerebant.

[¶106] 11.4. The quarrel broke out when the tribunes had ordered the people to separate, since the patricians would not permit themselves to be removed. And yet the older nobles for the most part took no share in an affair which was not to be guided by wisdom, but had been committed to rashness and impudence.

> Latin: 11.4. erat rixae, cum discedere populum iussissent tribuni, quod patres se submoveri haud sinebant. fere seniores rei intererant, quippe quae non consilio regenda, sed permissa temeritati audaciaeque esset.

[¶107] 11.5. To a considerable extent the consuls too kept aloof, lest they should expose their dignity to some affront in the general confusion.

> Latin: 11.5. et consules se abstinebant, ne cui in conluvione rerum maiestatem suam contumeliae offerrent.

[¶108] 11.6. There was a young man, Caeso Quinctius, emboldened not only by his noble birth but also by his great stature and physical strength; and to these gifts of the gods he had himself added many honours in the field, and also forensic eloquence, so that no citizen was held to be readier, whether with tongue or with hand.

> Latin: 11.6. Caeso erat Quinctius, ferox iuvenis, qua nobilitate gentis qua corporis magnitudine et viribus. ea munera data a dis et ipse addiderat multa belli decora facundiamque in foro, ut nemo, non lingua non manu, promptior in civitate haberetur.

[¶109] 11.7. When this man had taken his place in the midst of the band of senators, towering above his fellows as though wielding all the might of dictators and consuls in his voice and strength of body, he would sustain unaided the attacks of the tribunes and the fury of the rabble.

> Latin: 11.7. cum in medio patrum agmine constitisset eminens inter alios, velut omnes dictaturas consulatusque gerens in voce ac viribus suis, unus impetus tribunicios popularesque procellas sustinebat.

[¶110] 11.8. His leadership often drove the tribunes from the Forum and ignominiously routed the plebeians; the man who crossed his path came off bruised and stripped; so that it was clear that if things were allowed to go on in this way the law was beaten.

> Latin: 11.8. duce saepe pulsi puisi foro tribuni, fusa ac fugata plebes est; qui obvius fuerat, mulcatus nudatusque abibat, ut satis appareret, si sic agi liceret, victam legem esse.

[¶111] 11.9. Finally, when the other tribunes had already been pretty well cowed, one of their college named Aulus Verginius summoned Caeso to stand trial on a capital charge. The man's fierce nature was rather aroused by this than terrified; and he continued all the more bitterly to resist the law, to harry the plebs, and to assail the tribunes as if in actual warfare.

> Latin: 11.9. prope iam perculsis aliis tribunis A. Verginius ex collegio unus Caesoni capitis diem dicit. ingenium accenderat eo facto magis quam conterruerat; eo acrius obstare legi, agitare plebem, tribunos velut iusto persequi bello.

[¶112] 11.10. The accuser permitted the defendant to storm, and to fan the flames of popular resentment, while furnishing fresh materials for the charges which he intended to bring against him; meanwhile he continued to urge the law, not so much from any hope of carrying it as to provoke Caeso to recklessness.

> Latin: 11.10. pati reum ruere invidiaeque flammam ac materiam criminibus suis suggerere; legem interim non tam ad spem perferendi quam ad lacessendam Caesonis temeritatem ferre.

[¶113] 11.11. In these circumstances it was Caeso alone, as being a suspected character, who got all the blame for many a rash word and act which proceeded from the young aristocrats.

> Latin: 11.11. multa saepe ab iuventute inconsulte dicta factaque in unius Caesonis suspectum incidunt ingenium.

[¶114] 11.12. Nevertheless the law continued to meet resistance. And Aulus Verginius kept saying to the plebeians: “I suppose you see now, Quirites, that you cannot at the same time have Caeso for a fellow-citizen and obtain the law you desire?”

> Latin: 11.12. legi resistebatur. A. Verginius identidem plebi: sentitis iam vos, Quirites, Caesonem simul civem et legem quam cupitis habere non posse? quid ego legem loquor?

[¶115] 11.13. “And yet why do I say law It is liberty he is thwarting; in all the Tarquinian house was no such arrogance. Wait till this man becomes consul or dictator, whom you see lording it over us while a private citizen, by virtue of his strength and impudence!” There were many who agreed with him; they complained of the beatings they had received, and freely urged the tribune to see the business through.

> Latin: 11.13. obstat; omnes Tarquinios superbia exsuperat., dum consul aut dictator fiat, quem privatum viribus et audacia regnantem videtis. multi pulsatos se querentes, et tribunum ad rem peragendam ultro incitabant.

[¶116] 12.1. The day of the trial now drew near, and it was clearly the general opinion that liberty depended on Caeso's condemnation. Then at last he was obliged, though greatly disdaining such a course, to sue for the support of individuals.

> Latin: 12.1. aderat iudicio dies apparebatque volgo homines in damnatione Caesonis libertatem agi credere. demum coactus cum multa indignitate prensabat singulos. necessarii, principes plincipes civitatis.

## 14. Book III · chapters 12–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/14/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/14/#p-N

[¶0] 12.2. He was accompanied by his friends, the chief men of the state. Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, who had thrice been consul, rehearsed the many honours which had come to himself and his family, and declared that neither in the Quinctian clan nor in the Roman state had there ever been such native qualities, so early ripening into manly worth; Caeso had been his best soldier, and had often fought under his own eyes.

> Latin: 12.2. T. Quinctius Capitolinus, qui ter consul fuerat, cum multa referret sua familiaeque decora, adfirmabat neque in Quinctia gente neque in civitate Romana tantam tantan indolem tam maturae virtutis unquam exstitisse; suum primum militem fuisse, se saepe vidente pugnasse in hostem;

[¶1] 12.4. Spurius Furius testified that Caeso had been sent to him by Quinctius Capitolinus, and had come to his aid when he was in a dangerous plight; that there was no single person whose services he considered to have been more effectual in saving the day.

> Latin: 12.4. Sp. Furius, missum ab Quinctio Capitolino sibi eum in dubiis suis rebus venisse subsidio; neminem unum esse cuius magis opera putet rem restitutam.

[¶2] 12.5. Lucius Lucretius, the consul of the year before, in the splendour of his new-won renown, shared his glory with Caeso, told of the young man's combats, and recounted his wonderful exploits on raids or in the field of battle; he earnestly advised the people to prefer that a distinguished youth, endowed with every advantage of nature and of fortune, and sure to be an important factor in the affairs of any state which he might join, should rather be their own than the citizen of another nation.

> Latin: 12.5. L. Lucretius, consul anni prioris, recenti gloria nitens, suas laudes participare palticipare cum Caesone, memorare pugnas, referre egregia facinora, nunc in expeditionibus nunc in acie suadere et monere iuvenem egregium, instructum naturae fortunaeque omnibus bonis, maximum momentum rerum eius civitatis, in quamcumque venisset suum quam alienum mallent civem esse.

[¶3] 12.7. Those qualities in him which gave offence, impetuosity and rashness, were diminishing each day, as he grew older: that in which he was deficient, namely prudence, was daily increasing. They should suffer a man of his greatnesshis worth maturing as he outlived his faults — to grow old in the possession of his citizenship.

> Latin: 12.7. offendat in eo, fervorem et audaciam, aetatem cottidie magis auferre; quod desideretur, consilium, id in dies crescere. vitiis, maturescente virtute sinerent tantum virum senem in civitate fieri.

[¶4] 12.8. The young man's father, Lucius Quinctius, surnamed Cincinnatus, was among his advocates. He did not dwell on Caeso's praises, lest he should add to his unpopularity; but, craving indulgence for his errors and his youth, he begged them to acquit the son as a favour to the father, who had offended no man either in word or deed.

> Latin: 12.8. inter hos L. Quinctius, cui Cincinnato cognomen erat, non iterando laudes, ne cumularet invidiam, sed veniam errori atque adulescentiae petendo, sibi, qui non dicto, non facto quemquam offendisset, ut condonarent filium orabat.

[¶5] 12.9. But some turned away from the petitioner, through either embarrassment or fear; while others complained of the injuries which Caeso had inflicted on themselves or their friends, and showed by their harsh replies how they meant to vote.

> Latin: 12.9. alii aversabantur preces aut verecundia aut metu; alii se suosque mulcatos querentes atroci responso iudicium suum praeferebant.

[¶6] 13.1. There was one charge, besides the general dislike of him, which bore hard upon the accused. Marcus Volscius Fictor, who had been a tribune of the plebs a few years before, had certified that shortly after the epidemic had been in the City he had fallen in with a band of young men swaggering through the Subura. There a brawl had arisen, and his elder brother, who had not yet fully recovered from the disease, had been felled by a blow from Caeso's fist; he had been picked up halfalive and carried home, and his death, Volscius considered, had resulted from this hurt; yet under the consuls of previous years he had been unable to avenge that wicked crime.

> Latin: 13.1. reum praeter volgatam invidiam crimen unum, quod M. Volscius Fictor, qui ante aliquot annos tribunus plebis fuerat, testis exstiterat se, haud multo post quam pestilentia in urbe fuerat, in iuventutem grassantem in Subura incidisse. rixam natam esse, fratremque suum maiorem natu, necdum ex morbo satis validum, pugno ictum ab Caesone cecidisse;

[¶7] 13.3. As Volscius shouted out this story, men became so excited that Caeso had nearly perished by the fury of the people. Verginius gave orders to seize the fellow and throw him into prison.

> Latin: 13.3. semianimem inter manus domum ablatum mortuumque inde arbitrari, nec sibi rem exsequi tam atrocem per consules superiorum annorum licuisse. Volscio clamitante adeo concitati homines sunt ut haud baud multum afuerit quin impetu populi Caeso interiret.

[¶8] 13.4. The patricians resisted force with force. Titus Quinctius cried out that a man who had been charged with a capital crime and whose day of trial was at hand ought not to suffer violence, uncondemned and unheard. The tribune answered that he did not propose to punish him uncondemned, but that he should keep him in prison notwithstanding, till the day of trial, that the Roman People might have it in their power to punish a homicide.

> Latin: 13.4. Verginius arripi iubet hominem et in vincula duci. vi contra vim resistunt. T. Quinctius clamitat, cui rei capitalis dies dicta sit et de quo futurum propediem iudicium, eum indemnatum indicta causa non debere violari.

[¶9] 13.5. The other tribunes, on being appealed to, asserted by a compromise their prerogative of protection: they forbade the imprisonment of the accused, but declared it to be their pleasure that he be produced for trial, and that money be pledged to the people in the event of a failure to produce him.

> Latin: 13.5. supplicium negat sumpturum se de indemnato; servaturum tamen in vinculis esse ad iudicii diem ut, qui hominem necaverit, de eo supplicii sumendi copia populo Romano fiat. tribuni medio decreto ius auxilii sui expediunt: in vincla conici vetant; sisti reum, pecuniamque ni sistatur populo promitti placere pronuntiant.

[¶10] 13.7. How great a sum was proper to be guaranteed was a doubtful point; it was referred to the senate, and Caeso was detained in custody till the Fathers could be consulted. They voted that sureties should be furnished, and fixed the responsibility of one surety at 3,000 asses; how many sureties should be given they left the tribunes to determine.

> Latin: 13.7. pecuniae quantam aequum esset promitti, veniebat in dubium; id ad senatum reicitur., dum consulerentur patres, retentus in publico est.

[¶11] 13.8. They decided on ten, and with this number of sureties the accuser admitted the accused to bail. Caeso was the first that ever gave sureties to the people. Being allowed to leave the Forum, he departed that night and went into exile amongst the Etruscans.

> Latin: 13.8. dari placuit; unum vadem tribus milibus aeris obligarunt; quot darentur permissum tribunis est. finierunt. vadibus accusator vadatus est reum. primus vades publico dedit. e foro nocte proxima in Tuscos in exsilium abiit.

[¶12] 13.9. On the day of trial, when it was pleaded that he had gone into voluntary exile, Verginius nevertheless attempted to hold the comitia, but an appeal was taken to his colleagues, who dismissed the assembly.

> Latin: 13.9. die cum excusaretur solum vertisse exsilii causa, nihilo minus Verginio comitia habente collegae appellati dimisere concilium.

[¶13] 13.10. The money was exacted from Caeso's father without pity, so that he was obliged to sell all that he had and live for some time on the other side of the Tiber, like one banished, in a certain lonely hovel.

> Latin: 13.10. a patre exacta crudeliter, ut divenditis omnibus bonis aliquamdiu trans Tiberim veluti relegatus devio quodam tugurio viveret.

[¶14] 14.1. This trial and the promulgation of the law kept the citizens in a turmoil: from foreign wars there was a respite.

> Latin: 14.1. iudicium et promulgata lex exercuit civitatem:

[¶15] 14.2. The tribunes, assuming that the rebuff sustained by the patricians in Caeso's exile had given themselves the victory, believed the law to be as good as passed; and so far as the older senators were concerned, they had indeed relinquished their grasp upon the government;

> Latin: 14.2. ab externis armis otium fuit. velut victores tribuni perculsis patribus Caesonis exsilio prope perlatam esse crederent legem et, quod ad seniores patrum pertineret, cessissent possessione rei publicae, iuniores, id maxime quod Caesonis sodalicium fuit, auxere iras in plebem, non minuerunt animos;

[¶16] 14.3. but the juniors, especially those who had been of Caeso's fellowship, grew more bitter against the plebs, and their courage ran as high as ever. Yet they greatly promoted their cause by tempering their fury with a kind of moderation. At the first attempt after Caeso's exile to pass the law, they were organized and ready, and fell upon the tribunes with a great army of clients, as soon as the tribunes gave them an excuse by attempting to remove them; in such wise that no single patrician came off with any conspicuous share of glory or unpopularity, and the plebeians complained that a thousand Caesos had sprung up in the place of one.

> Latin: 14.3. sed ibi plurimum profectum est, quod modo quodam temperavere impetus suos. primo post Caesonis exsilium lex coepta ferri est, instructi paratique cum ingenti clientium exercitu sic tribunos, ubi primum submoventes praebuere causam, adorti sunt ut nemo unus inde praecipuum quicquam gloriae domum invidiaeve ferret, mille pro uno Caesones exstitisse plebes quereretur.

[¶17] 14.5. During the intervening days on which the tribunes took no action about the law, nothing could have been more peaceable or quiet than these same youths. They would salute plebeians courteously, converse with them, invite them to their houses, assist them in the courts, and permit the tribunes themselves to hold their other assemblies without interruption. They never displayed arrogance towards any one, either openly or in private, except when the law came up; at other times they were democratic.

> Latin: 14.5. diebus quibus tribuni de lege non agerent, nihil eisdem illis placidius aut quietius erat. salutare, adloqui plebis homines, domum invitare, adesse in foro, tribunos ipsos cetera pati sine interpellatione concilia habere, numquam ulli neque publice neque privatim truces esse, nisi cum de lege agi coeptum esset; alibi popularis iuventus erat. voce quidem incommodi, nedum ut ulla vis fieret, paulatim permulcendo tractandoque mansuefecerant plebem. per totum annum artibus lex elusa est.

[¶18] 14.6. By avoiding so much as an offensive word, to say nothing of any sort of violence, they managed little by little, with gentleness and tact, to disarm the hostility of the plebs. By such arts the law was evaded for an entire year. And yet not only did the tribunes carry through their other measures without opposition, but they were even re-elected for the following twelvemonth. The state was less distracted when the consuls Gaius Claudius, the son of Appius, and Publius Valerius Publicola assumed control. No new difficulty had come in with the new year;

> Latin: 14.6. cetera modo tribuni tranquillo peregere, sed refecti quoque in insequentem annum. civitatem placidiorem consules C. Claudius Appi filius et P. Valerius Publicola. ] novi novus annus attulerat; legis ferendae aut accipiendae cura civitatem tenebat.

[¶19] 15.2. anxiety to pass the law on the one side, and on the other the dread of having to accept it, occupied the thoughts of the citizens.

> Latin: 15.2. iuniores patrum plebi se magis insinuabant, eo acrius contra tribuni tendebant ut plebi suspectos eos criminando facerent:

[¶20] 15.3. The more the younger patricians tried to ingratiate themselves with the plebs, the more sharply were they opposed by the tribunes, who endeavoured by bringing charges against their adversaries to make the plebeians suspect them: A conspiracy had been formed; Caeso was in Rome; plans had been laid to kill the tribunes and massacre the plebs; the elder patricians had intrusted the younger men with the task of abolishing the tribunician power from the commonwealth, that the state might have the same aspect it had worn before the occupation of the Sacred Mount.

> Latin: 15.3. coniurationem factam; Caesonem Romae esse; interficiendorum tribunorum, trucidandae plebis consilia inita; id negotii datum ab senioribus patrum ut iuventus tribuniciam potestatem e re publica tolleret formaque eadem civitatis esset quae ante Sacrum montem occupatum fuerat.

[¶21] 15.4. Also men feared the Volsci and Aequi, whose attack was by this time almost a regular and stated custom of annual recurrence; and a new and unexpected danger sprang up nearer home.

> Latin: 15.4. a Volscis et Aequis statum iam ac prope sollemne in singulos annos bellum timebatur, propiusque aliud novum novumn malum necopinato exortum.

[¶22] 15.5. Exiles and slaves to the number of twenty-five hundred, led by Appius Herdonius, the Sabine, came by night and seized the Capitol and the Citadel.

> Latin: 15.5. servique, ad duo milia hominum et quingenti, duce Ap. Herdonio Sabino nocte Capitolium atque arcem occupavere.

[¶23] 15.6. They at once put to the sword those in the Citadel who refused to conspire and take up arms with them. Some escaped in the confusion and ran down terror-stricken into the Forum. Alternating cries were heard, “To arms!” and “The enemy is in the City!”

> Latin: 15.6. in arce facta caedes eorum qui coniurare et simul capere arma noluerant: alii inter tumultum praecipites pavore in forum devolant. voces arma! et in urbe sunt audiebantur.

[¶24] 15.7. The consuls were afraid either to arm the plebs or to leave them unarmed, not knowing whence this sudden attack upon the City had come, whether from without or from within, from the hatred of the plebs or the treachery of slaves. They tried to still the uproar, and sometimes by their efforts made it the greater; for the trembling, panic-stricken multitude could not be controlled by authority.

> Latin: 15.7. et armare plebem et inermem pati timebant incerti quod malum repentinum, externum an intestinum, ab odio plebis an ab servili fraude, urbem invasisset. tumultus, sedando interdum movebant; nec enim poterat pavida et consternata multitudo regi imperio. tamen arma, non volgo, tantum ut incerto hoste praesidium satis fidum ad omnia esset.

[¶25] 15.8. Nevertheless they gave out arms, not to everybody, but only so far as to insure, in the uncertainty regarding their foe, that there should be a fairly dependable defence for any emergency. Filled with concern, and wondering who their enemy was and what his numbers, they employed the rest of the night in disposing pickets at suitable points throughout the City.

> Latin: 15.8. reliquum noctis incertique qui homines, quantus numerus hostium esset, in stationibus disponendis ad opportuna omnis urbis loca egere. deinde aperuit bellum ducemque belli.

[¶26] 15.9. Then came daylight and disclosed the nature of the war and its leader. From the Capitol Herdonius was calling the slaves to freedom; he had undertaken, he said, the cause of all the wretched, that he might bring back to their native land the exiles who had been wrongfully expelled, and release the slaves from their heavy yoke; he had rather this were done with the approval of the Roman people: if there were no hope in that quarter, he would call in the Volsci and the Aequi and leave no desperate measure unattempted.

> Latin: 15.9. ad libertatem libertatemr Ap. Herdonius ex Capitolio vocabat: se miserrimi cuiusque suscepisse causam, ut exsules iniuria pulsos in patriam reduceret et servitiis grave iugum demeret. malle populo Romano auctore fieri: si ibi spes non sit, se Volscos et Aequos et omnia extrema temptaturum et concitaturum.

[¶27] 16.1. The situation became clearer to the senators and the consuls. Still, besides the dangers with which they were publicly threatened, they were afraid that this might be a ruse of the Veientes or the Sabines, and that while there were so many enemies within the City, Sabine and Etruscan levies might presently combine for an invasion; or again that their perpetual foes, the Volsci and Aequi, might come, not as before to lay waste their fields, but to the City, which they would regard as already partly captured.

> Latin: 16.1. res magis patribus atque consulibus. ea tamen quae denuntiabantur, ne Veientium neu Sabinorum id consilium esset timere, et, cum tantum in urbe hostium esset, mox Sabinae Etruscaeque legiones ex composite adessent, tum aeterni hostes, Volsci et Aequi, non ad populandos, ut ante, fines sed ad urbem ut ex parte captam venirent.

[¶28] 16.3. Men's fears were many and various; above all the rest stood out their dread of the slaves. Everybody suspected that he had an enemy in his own household, whom it was safe neither to trust, nor, from want of confidence, to refuse to trust, lest his hostility should be intensified; and it seemed hardly possible that even co-operation between the classes should arrest the danger.

> Latin: 16.3. et varii timores; inter ceteros eminebat terror servilis, ne suus cuique domi hostis esset, cui nec credere nec non credendo, ne infestior fieret, fidem abrogare satis erat tutum;

[¶29] 16.4. So greatly did other evils overtop and threaten to engulf them that no one feared the tribunes or the plebeians; that seemed a milder mischief, and springing up, as it always did, when other troubles were quieted, appeared now to have been lulled to sleep by the foreign peril.

> Latin: 16.4. vixque concordia sisti videbatur posse. superantibus aliis ac mergentibus malis nemo tribunos aut plebem timebat; mansuetum id malum et per aliorum quietem quietern malorum semper exoriens tum quiesse peregrino terrore sopitum videbatur.

[¶30] 16.5. But in fact it bore down almost more heavily than anything else upon their sinking fortunes. For so frenzied were the tribunes that they asserted it was no war which had taken possession of the Capitol, but an idle mimicry of war, got up to divert the minds of the plebeians from thinking about the law; the patricians' friends and retainers would depart, when the passing of the law showed them how useless had been their insurrection, even more silently than they had come.

> Latin: 16.5. id prope unum maxime inclinatis rebus incubuit. enim tribunos furor tenuit ut non bellum sed vanam imaginem belli ad avertendos ab legis cura plebis animos Capitolium insedisse contenderent; patriciorum hospites clientesque si perlata lege frustra tumultuatos esse se sentiant, maiore quam venerint silentio abituros.

[¶31] 16.6. They then convened an assembly to carry the measure through, having called the people away from their service as soldiers. Meantime the consuls were holding a meeting of the senate, where more fear of the tribunes was manifested than the night-attack of the enemy had caused.

> Latin: 16.6. inde legi perferendae habere avocato populo ab armis. interim consules habent alio se maiore ab tribunis metu ostendente, quam quem nocturnus hostis intulerat.

[¶32] 17.1. On being informed that the men were laying down their arms and quitting their posts, Publius Valerius left his colleague to keep the senate together, and hurrying from the Curia sought out the tribunes in their meeting-place.

> Latin: 17.1. arma poni et discedere homines ab stationibus nuntiatum est, P. Valerius collega senatum retinente se ex curia proripit, inde in templum ad tribunos venit.

[¶33] 17.2. “What means this, tribunes?” he exclaimed, “Are you going to overturn the state under the leadership and auspices of Appius Herdonius? Has he who could not arouse the slaves been so successful in corrupting you? With the enemy over your heads can you choose to quit your arms and legislate?” Then, turning to the crowd, he continued: ( “If you feel no concern, Quirites, for your City, or for yourselves, yet fear your gods, whom the enemy hold captive.”

> Latin: 17.2. hoc rei est inquit, tribuni? Ap. Herdonii ductu et auspicio rem publicam eversuri estis? felix vobis corrumpendis fuit qui servitia non commovit auctor? hostes supra caput sint, discedi ab armis legesque ferri placet?

[¶34] 17.3. “Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Queen Juno, and Minerva, and the other gods and goddesses, are beleaguered; a camp of slaves is in possession of the tutelary deities of your country; does this seem to you a healthy polity?”

> Latin: 17.3. ad multitudinem oratione versa: vos urbis, Quirites, si vestri nulla cura tangit, at vos veremini deos vestros ab hostibus captos. Iuppiter optimus maximus, Iuno regina et Minerva, alii di deaeque obsidentur; castra servorum publicos vestros penates tenent;

[¶35] 17.4. “All these foes are not merely within our walls, but in the Citadel, above the Forum and the Curia; the people meanwhile are assembled in the Forum, and in the Curia sits the senate; as when peace reigns supreme, the senator gives voice to his opinion, the other Quirites vote. Should not every patrician and plebeian, the consuls, the tribunes, gods, and men, all have drawn the sword and helped; have rushed upon the Capitol; have brought liberty and peace to that most august house of Jupiter Optimus Maximus?”

> Latin: 17.4. haec vobis forma sanae civitatis videtur? hostium non solum intra muros est sed in arce supra forum curiamque; comitia interim in foro sunt, senatus in curia est; velut cum otium superat, senator sententiam dicit, alii Quirites suffragium ineunt.

[¶36] 17.5. “Father Romulus, grant thou to thy descendants that spirit in which thou didst aforetime regain thy Citadel from these same Sabines, when they had captured it with gold; bid them advance by that road where thou didst lead, and thy army followed.”

> Latin: 17.5. quidquid patrum plebisque est, consules, tribunos, deos hominesque omnes armatos opem ferre, in Capitolium currere, liberare ac pacare augustissimam illam domum iovis lovis optimi maximi decuit?

[¶37] 17.6. “Lo, I the consul will be the first, so far as mortal can emulate a god, to follow in thy footsteps!” He ended by announcing that he drew his sword and called to arms all the Quirites; if any hindered, he should no longer remember consular authority, nor tribunician power, nor the guarantees of sanctity; whoever the man, wherever he might be, —on the Capitol, in the Forum, —he should hold him a public enemy.

> Latin: 17.6. pater, tu mentem tuam, qua quondam arcem ab his iisdem Sabinis auro captam recepisti, da stirpi tuae; iube hanc ingredi viam, quam tu dux, quam tuus ingressus exercitus est! en ego consul, quantum mortalis deum possum, te ac tua vestigia sequar.

[¶38] 17.7. Since the tribunes forbade them to arm against Appius Herdonius, let them order an attack on Publius Valerius the consul; he would not fear to deal with tribunes as the founder of his family had dealt with kings.

> Latin: 17.7. orationis fuit: se arma capere, vocare omnes Quirites ad arma. qui impediat, iam se consularis imperii, iam tribuniciae potestatis sacratarumque legum oblitum, quisquis ille sit, ubicumque sit, in Capitolio, in foro, pro hoste habiturum.

[¶39] 17.8. It was evident that there would soon be an appeal to force, and that the enemy would be afforded the spectacle of mutiny among the Romans. 'Yet it was equally impossible for the law to be carried and for the consul to go up into the Capitol.

> Latin: 17.8. tribuni, quoniam in Ap. Herdonium vetarent, in P. Valerium consulem sumi arma; ausurum se in tribunis, quod princeps familiae suae ausus in regibus esset.

[¶40] 17.9. Night put an end to the struggle. The tribunes retired as darkness fell, fearing the armed strength of the consuls. When the instigators of insurrection were once out of the way, the Fathers went about among the plebs, and mingling with the different groups, talked to them in a strain adapted to the crisis.

> Latin: 17.9. ultimam apparebat futuram spectaculoque seditionem Romanam hostibus fore. lex tamen ferri nec ire in Capitolium consul potuit. certamina coepta oppressit. cessere nocti, timentes consulum arma. inde seditionis auctoribus patres circumire plebem inserentesque se in circulos sermones tempori aptos serere, admonere ut viderent in quod discrimen rem publicam adducerent:

[¶41] 17.11. They warned them to have a care into what straits they brought the nation: It was not between patricians and plebeians that the conflict lay; patricians and plebeians alike, the Citadel of the City, the temples of the gods, and the guardian deities of the state and of private citizens, were being surrendered to enemies.

> Latin: 17.11. non inter patres ac plebem certamen esse, sed simul patres plebemque, arcem urbis, templa deorum, penates publicos privatosque hostibus dedi.

[¶42] 17.12. Such were the means employed in the Forum to allay dissension. Meanwhile the consuls, lest Sabine or Veientine enemies might be afoot, had set out to make the round of the gates and walls.

> Latin: 17.12. haec in foro sedandae discordiae causa aguntur, consules interim, ne Sabini neve Veiens hostis moveretur, circa portas murosque discesserant.

[¶43] 18.1. That same night Tusculum received tidings of the capture of the Citadel, the seizure of the Capitol, and the general disorder in the City.

> Latin: 18.1. nocte et Tusculum de arce capta Capitolioque occupato et alio turbatae urbis statu nuntii veniunt.

[¶44] 18.2. Lucius Mamilius was then dictator at Tusculum. He at once convoked the senate; and having introduced the messengers, expressed an earnest conviction that they ought not to wait till ambassadors should come from Rome requesting help;

> Latin: 18.2. L. Mamilius Tusculi tum tur dictator erat. confestim convocato senatu atque introductis nuntiis magno opere censet ne exspectent dum ab Roma legati auxilium petentes veniant;

[¶45] 18.3. her perilous and critical situation spoke for itself —the gods of their alliance and the obligations of their treaty called on them to act. Heaven would never bestow on them an equal opportunity to earn the gratitude of so powerful and so near a state, by doing it a service.

> Latin: 18.3. periculum ipsum discrimenque ac sociales deos fidemque foederum id poscere. beneficio tam tar potentem, tam propinquam civitatem numquam parem occasionem daturos deos.

[¶46] 18.4. The senate resolved to help. The young men were enrolled, and arms were issued. As they marched towards Rome in the early dawn, the Tusculans, who were seen a long way off, were taken for enemies; it looked like an invasion of the Aequi or the Volsci.

> Latin: 18.4. ferri auxilium; iuventus conscribitur, arma dantur. Romam prima luce venientes procul speciem hostium praebuere; Aequi aut Volsci venire visi sunt; deinde ubi vanus terror abiit, accepti in urbem agmine in forum descendunt.

[¶47] 18.5. When the alarm proved groundless, they were received into the City, and marched in column down into the Forum. There they found Publius Valerius, who had left his colleague to protect the gates and was marshalling his army. The personal influence of the man had prevailed. He had assured the people that when the Capitol should be won back and peace restored in the City, if they would permit him to point out to them the mischief which lurked in the law the tribunes were proposing, he would remember his forefathers and the surname with which he had, as it were, inherited from those forefathers the charge of caring for the people, nor would he interfere with the council of the plebs.

> Latin: 18.5. iam P. Valerius relicto ad portarum praesidia collega instruebat aciem. viri moverat adfirmantis Capitolio reciperato et urbe pacata si edoceri se sissent, quae fraus ab tribunis occulta in lege ferretur, memorem se maiorum suorum, memorem cognominis quo populi colendi velut hereditaria cura sibi a maioribus tradita esset, concilium plebis non impediturum.

[¶48] 18.7. Following him as their leader, despite the idle efforts of the tribunes to restrain them, they advanced up the Clivus Capitolinus, accompanied by the troops from Tusculum.

> Latin: 18.7. ducem secuti nequiquam reclamantibus tribunis in clivum Capitolinum erigunt aciem. et Tusculana legio. socii civesque, utri reciperatae arcis suum decus facerent; dux uterque suos adhortatur.

[¶49] 18.8. It was a contest between the allies and the citizens, which should obtain the honour of recovering the Citadel. The leader of each party urged on his followers. The enemy now began to quake with fear, having no great confidence in anything but their position. As they stood there quaking, the Romans and their allies assailed them.

> Latin: 18.8. tum hostes, nec ulli satis rei praeterquam loco fidere; trepidantibus inferunt signa Romani sociique, iam in vestibulum perruperant templi, cum P. Valerius inter primores pugnam ciens interficitur.

[¶50] 18.9. They had already burst into the vestibule of the temple, when Publius Valerius was killed, as he was directing the attack in the van. Publius Volumnius, a former consul, saw him fall. Charging his men to cover up the body, he threw himself into the consul's place. In the ardour and enthusiasm of the soldiers so important an event passed unnoticed; and they had won the victory before they realized that they were fighting without their leader.

> Latin: 18.9. P. Volumnius consularis vidit cadentem. dato negotio suis ut corpus obtegerent, ipse in locum vicemque consulis provolat. ardore impetuque tantae rei sensus non pervenit ad militem; prius vicit quam se pugnare sine duce sentiret.

[¶51] 18.10. Many of the exiles stained the temples with their blood; many were taken alive; Herdonius was slain. Thus the Capitol was regained. The captives, according as they were free or slave, paid the penalty appropriate in each case to their condition; the Tusculans were thanked; the Capitol was purged and ceremonially purified.

> Latin: 18.10. exsulum caede sua foedavere templa, multi vivi capti, Herdonius interfectus. Capitolium reciperatum. captivis, ut quisque liber aut servus esset, suae fortunae a quoque sumptum sumptumr supplicium est; Tusculanis gratiae actae; Capitolium purgatum atque lustratum.

[¶52] 18.11. It is said that the plebeians flung their coppers into the consul's house, that he might be given a grander funeral.

> Latin: 18.11. consulis domum plebes quadrantes ut funere ampliore efferretur iactasse fertur.

[¶53] 19.1. When peace had been established, the tribunes began to urge the patricians to fulfil the promise made by Publius Valerius; and to urge Gaius Claudius to absolve the manes of his colleague from deceit, and allow the law to be discussed. The consul refused to permit discussion of the law, until he should have accomplished the election of a colleague.

> Latin: 19.1. parta instare tum tumr tribuni patribus ut P. Valeri fidem exsolverent, instare C. Claudio, ut collegae deos manes fraude liberaret, agi de lege sineret. antequam collegam sibi subrogasset negare passurum agi de lege.

[¶54] 19.2. These disputes continued up to the time when the comitia met to fill the vacant consulate. In December, thanks to extraordinary zeal on the part of the patricians, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Caeso's father, was declared consul, to enter upon the office at once.

> Latin: 19.2. tenuere contentiones usque ad comitia consulis subrogandi. mense summo patrum studio L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, pater Caesonis, consul creatur, qui magistratum statim occiperet.

[¶55] 19.3. The plebs were filled with dismay at the prospect of a consul incensed against themselves and strong in the favour of the senate, his own worth, and his three sons, none of whom was inferior to Caeso in courage, while they surpassed him in using wisdom and restraint when the need arose.

> Latin: 19.3. erat plebes consulem habitura iratum, potentem favore patrum, virtute sua, tribus liberis, quorum nemo Caesoni cedebat magnitudine animi, consilium et modum adhibendo ubi res posceret priores erant.

[¶56] 19.4. Cincinnatus, having taken up the magistracy, harangued the people incessantly from the tribunal; yet was no more vehement in repressing the plebs than in castigating the senate. It was owing, he declared, to the apathy of that order that the tribunes of the plebs, whose tenure was now become permanent, exercised such a tyranny of speech and accusation as might be expected in a disordered household, but not in the public affairs of the Roman People. With his son Caeso, manhood, steadfastness, and all the qualities which honour youth in war and in civil life had been driven from Rome and put to rout.

> Latin: 19.4. ut magistratum iniit, adsiduis contionibus pro tribunali non in plebe coercenda quam senatu castigando vehementior veliementior fuit, cuius ordinis languore perpetui iam tribuni plebis, non ut in re publica populi Romani sed ut in perdita domo lingua criminibusque regnarent. Caesone filio suo virtutem, constantiam, omnia iuventutis belli domique decora pulsa ex urbe Romana et fugata esse; loquaces, seditiosos, semina discordiarum, iterum ac tertium tribunos pessimis artibus regia licentia vivere.

[¶57] 19.6. Garrulous, seditious, sowers of discord, obtaining office —by the most wicked practices —for a second and even a third term, the tribunes led as lawless a life as kings. “Did Aulus Verginius,” he cried, “because he was not in the Capitol, deserve less punishment than Appius Herdonius? Nay, somewhat more, if one were disposed to be fair.”

> Latin: 19.6. Aulus inquit ille Verginius, quia in Capitolio non fuit, minus supplicii quam Ap. Herdonius meruit? hercule aliquanto, qui vere rem aestimare velit. Herdonius, si nihil aliud, hostem se fatendo prope denuntiavit ut arma caperetis; hic negando bellum esse arma vobis ademit nudosque servis vestris et exsulibus obiecit.

[¶58] 19.7. “Herdonius had one thing to his credit: by professing himself an enemy, he as good as warned you to arm; the other, denying the existence of a war, took away your arms and exposed you unprotected to your slaves and exiles. And did you —without offence to Gaius Claudius and the dead Publius Valerius be it said, —did you carry your standards against the Capitoline Hill before clearing these enemies out of the Forum? I am ashamed in the sight of gods and men.”

> Latin: 19.7. vos—C. Claudi pace et P. Valeri mortui loquar—prius in clivum Capitolinum signa intulistis quam hos hostes de foro tolleretis? deorum deorumn hominumque. hostes in arce, in Capitolio essent, exsulum et servorum dux profanatis omnibus in cella Iovis optimi maximi habitaret, Tusculi ante quam Romae Rornae sumpta sunt arma; in dubio fuit, utrum L.

[¶59] 19.8. “When foes were in the Citadel, foes in the Capitol, when the captain of slaves and exiles, profaning everything, was quartered in the very shrine of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, it was Tusculum —not Rome —where the first sword was drawn. It was a question whether Lucius Mamilius, the Tusculan general, or Publius Valerius and Gaius Claudius, the consuls, would free the Roman Citadel; and we who until then did not allow the Latins to touch their weapons, even in their own defence, though they had an enemy within their borders, had now, unless the Latins had armed of their own free will, been taken captive and destroyed.”

> Latin: 19.8. Mamilius, Tusculanus dux, an P. Valerius et C. Claudius consules Romanam arcem liberarent; et qui ante Latinos ne pro se quidem ipsis, cum in finibus hostem haberent, attingere arma passi sumus, nunc, nisi Latini sua sponte arma sumpsissent, capti et deleti eramus.

[¶60] 19.9. “Is this, tribunes, what you mean by helping the plebs, —to deliver them over unarmed to be slaughtered by the enemy? Why, if the humblest man belonging to your plebs, a part of the people which you have sundered, as it were, from the rest and made a country of your own and a state apart, —if ” “one of these, I say, had announced that his slaves had armed and seized his house, you would have thought yourselves bound to help him; was Jupiter Optimus Maximus, beset by the swords of exiles and slaves, too mean to merit any man's assistance?”

> Latin: 19.9. est, tribuni, auxilium plebi ferre, inermem eam earn hosti trucidandam obicere?, si quis vobis humillimus homo de vestra plebe, quam partem velut abruptam a cetero populo vestram patriam peculiaremque rem publicam fecistis, si quis ex his domum suam obsessam a familia armata nuntiaret, ferendum auxilium putaretis: iuppiter luppiter optimus maximus exsulum atque servorum saeptus armis nulla humana ope dignus erat? hi postulant ut sacrosancti habeantur, quibus ipsi di neque sacri neque sancti sunt?

[¶61] 19.11. “And do these tribunes demand that they be held sacred and inviolable, in whose eyes the very gods are neither the one nor the other? So! Weighed down with crimes against gods and men you assert that you will carry through your law this year! Then, by Heaven, it was an evil day for the nation when I was chosen consul, far more evil than when Publius Valerius the consul fell, —if indeed you carry it!”

> Latin: 19.11. enim divinis humanisque obruti sceleribus legem vos hoc anno perlaturos dictitatis. hercule illo die quo ego consul sum creatus, male gesta res publica est, peius multo, quam cum P. Valerius consul periit,—si tuleritis.

[¶62] 19.12. “First of all then, Quirites,” he concluded, “I and my colleague are resolved to lead the legions against the Volsci and the Aequi. We are somehow fated to enjoy the favour of the gods in larger measure when warring than when at peace. How dangerous these peoples would have been, had they known that the Capitol was seized by exiles, we may more profitably conjecture from the past than ascertain by trying it.”

> Latin: 19.12. primum omnium inquit, Quirites, in Volscos et Aequos mihi atque collegae legiones ducere in animo est. quo fato magis bellantes quam pacati propitios habemus deos. periculum ab illis populis fuerit, si Capitolium ab exsulibus obsessum scissent, suspicari de praeterito quam re ipsa experiri est melius.

[¶63] 20.1. The consul's speech had moved the plebs, and the senators took courage, believing that the state was on its feet again. The other consul, more spirited in co-operation than invention, had been quite willing that his colleague should take the lead in initiating such weighty measures; but in carrying them out he claimed for himself a share of the duties of the consulship. Then the tribunes, jeering at what they termed the idle words of Cincinnatus, proceeded to inquire how the consuls were going to lead out an army, when no one would permit them to hold a levy.

> Latin: 20.1. plebem oratio consulis; erecti patres restitutam credebant rem publicam. alter, comes animosior quam auctor, suscepisse collegam priorem actiones tam graves facile passus, in peragendis consularis officii partem ad se vindicabat. tribuni, eludentes velut vana dicta persequi quaerendo quonam modo exercitum educturi consules essent quos dilectum habere nemo passurus sit.

[¶64] 20.3. “But we have no need of a levy,” said Quinctius, “for when Publius Valerius gave arms to the people for the recovery of the Capitol, they all made oath that they would assemble at the bidding of the consul and not depart without his order.”

> Latin: 20.3. vero inquit Quinctius nihil dilectu opus est, cum, quo tempore P. Valerius ad recipiundum Capitolium arma plebi dedit, omnes in verba iuraverint conventuros se iussu consulis nec iniussu abituros.

[¶65] 20.4. “We therefore command that all you who took the oath report to-morrow, armed, at Lake Regillus.” Whereupon the tribunes, seeking to release the people from their obligation, resorted to a quibble: Quinctius had been a private citizen at the time when they bound themselves by the oath.

> Latin: 20.4. itaque, omnes qui in verba iurastis crastina die armati ad lacum Regillum adsitis. tum tur tribuni et populum exsolvere religione velle: privatum eo tempore Quinctium fuisse cum sacramento adacti sint.

[¶66] 20.5. But there had not yet come about that contempt for the gods which possesses the present generation; nor did everybody seek to construe oaths and laws to suit himself, but rather shaped his own practices by them.

> Latin: 20.5. nondum haec quae nunc tenet saeculum neglegentia deum venerat, nec interpretando sibi quisque ius iurandum et leges aptas faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea accommodabat.

[¶67] 20.6. Accordingly the tribunes, as there was no prospect of thwarting the design, concerned themselves with retarding the departure; the more so since a story was about that the augurs had been commanded to present themselves at Lake Regillus, there to inaugurate a place where the auspices could be taken and matters brought before the people, to the end that whatever had been enacted at Rome —thanks to the violence of the tribunes —might there be repealed by the comitia; everybody, they said, would vote as the consuls wished; for there was no appeal when one was more than a mile from the City, and the tribunes, if they should come there, would be subjected, amongst the rank and file of the citizens, to the consular authority.

> Latin: 20.6. tribuni, ut impediendae rei nulla spes erat, de proferendo exitu agere, eo magis, quod et augures iussos adesse ad Regillum lacum fama exierat, locumque inaugurari ubi auspicato cum populo agi posset, ut quidquid Romae vi tribunicia rogatum esset id comitiis ibi abrogaretur: omnes id iussuros quod consules velint; neque enim provocationem esse longius ab urbe mille passuum, et tribunos, si eo veniant, in alia turba Quiritium subiectos fore consulari imperio haec;

[¶68] 20.8. These were terrifying rumours, but far the greatest terror that preyed upon their spirits was this, that Quinctius repeatedly declared that he would hold no consular election; the disease of the commonwealth was not one that could be cured by ordinary remedies; the nation needed a dictator, that whoever went about to disturb the state might learn that the dictatorship knew no appeal.

> Latin: 20.8. sed ille maximus terror animos agitabat, quod saepius Quinctius dictitabat se consulum comitia non habiturum; non ita civitatem aegram esse ut consuetis remediis sisti possit; dictatore opus esse rei publicae, ut qui se moverit ad sollicitandum statum civitatis sentiat sine provocatione dictaturam esse.

[¶69] 21.1. The senate was in the Capitol. Thither came the tribunes with the troubled plebs. The multitude loudly besought protection, now of the consuls, now of the senators. Yet they could not move the consul from his purpose, until the tribunes had promised that they would submit to the authority of the Fathers.

> Latin: 21.1. in Capitolio erat; eo tribuni cum perturbata plebe veniunt. clamore ingenti nunc consulum, nunc patrum fidem implorant nec ante moverunt de sententia consulem quam tribuni se in auctoritate patrum futuros esse polliciti sunt.

[¶70] 21.2. The consul then brought up the demands of the tribunes and the plebs, and the senate resolved that neither should the tribunes proceed with the law that year, nor the consuls lead the army out of the City; that as regarded the future, it was the sense of the senate that for magistrates to succeed themselves and for the same tribunes to be re-elected was contrary to the general welfare.

> Latin: 21.2. referente consule de tribunorum et plebis postulatis senatus consulta fiunt ut neque tribuni legem eo anno ferrent neque consules ab urbe exercitum educerent; in reliquum magistratus continuari et eosdem tribunos refici iudicare senatum contra rem publicam esse.

[¶71] 21.3. The consuls acquiesced in the authority of the Fathers; the tribunes, in spite of the protests of the consuls, were returned to office. Then the patricians also, that they might yield in no respect to the plebs, would themselves have re-elected Lucius Quinctius consul.

> Latin: 21.3. fuere in patrum potestate: tribuni reclamantibus consulibus refecti. quoque, ne quid cederent plebi, et ipsi L. Quinctium consulem reficiebant. toto anno vehementior actio consulis fuit.

[¶72] 21.4. At no time during the entire year did the consul express himself with greater vehemence. “Can I wonder,” he cried, “if your influence with the people, Conscript Fathers, is unavailing?” “You yourselves impair it, when, because the people have disregarded the senate's resolution regarding successive terms, you desire to disregard it yourselves, that you may not lag behind the multitude in rashness; as if to be more inconstant and more lawless were to possess more power in the state. For surely it is more fickle and light-minded to nullify one's own decrees and resolutions, than those of others.”

> Latin: 21.4. inquit, si vana vestra, patres conscripti, auctoritas ad plebem est? elevatis eam ear; quippe qui quia plebs senatus consultum continuandis magistratibus solvit, ipsi quoque solutum voltis, ne temeritati multitudinis cedatis, tamquam id sit plus posse in civitate plus levitatis ac licentiae habere. enim vaniusque profecto est sua decreta et consulta tollere quam aliorum.

[¶73] 21.6. “Pattern yourselves, Conscript Fathers, after the thoughtless crowd; and do you, who ought to set others an example, err rather by the example of those others, than permit them to follow yours and do right. But I, with your leave, will not imitate the tribunes, nor suffer myself to be named consul against the senate's resolution.”

> Latin: 21.6. , patres conscripti, turbam inconsultam, et qui exemplo aliis esse debetis aliorum exemplo peccate potius quam alii vestro recte faciant, dum ego ne imiter tribunos nec me contra senatus consultum consulem renuntiari patiar.

[¶74] 21.7. “As for you, Gaius Claudius, I urge that you too restrain the Roman People from this lawlessness; and for my own part be assured I shall not feel that your action has stood in the way of my election, but that my renown has gained by my refusal of the office, and that the odium which threatened me from its continuation has been removed.”

> Latin: 21.7. vero, C. Claudi, adhortor, ut et ipse populum Romanum hac licentia arceas et de me hoc tibi persuadeas, me ita accepturum ut non honorem meum a te impeditum, sed gloriam spreti honoris auctam, invidiam quae ex continuato eo impenderet levatam putem.

[¶75] 21.8. They then united in an edict that no one should vote for Lucius Quinctius for consul; if any man should do so they would disregard his vote.

> Latin: 21.8. inde edicunt ne quis L. Quinctium consulem faceret; si quis fecisset, se id suffragium non observaturos.

[¶76] 22.1. The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Vibulanus (for the third time) and Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis. The census was taken that year, but there were scruples against performing the lustral sacrifice, on account of the seizure of the Capitol and the slaying of the consul.

> Latin: 22.1. creati Q. Fabius Vibulanus tertium et L. Cornelius Maluginensis. actus eo anno: lustrum propter Capitolium captum, consulem occisum condi religiosum fuit.

[¶77] 22.2. The consulship of Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cornelius was a stormy one from the very beginning of the year. The tribunes egged on the plebs; the Latins and the Hernici reported that a great attack was being launched by the Volsci and the Aequi, and that Volscian levies were already at Antium. There was much apprehension too lest the colony itself should revolt; and the tribunes were hardly prevailed upon to allow the war to have precedence.

> Latin: 22.2. Q. Fabio L. Cornelio consulibus principio anni statim res turbulentae. plebem tribuni; bellum ingens a Volscis et Aequis Latini atque Hernici nuntiabant: iam Antii Volscorum legiones esse. ipsam coloniam ingens metus erat defecturam; aegreque impetratum a tribunis ut bellum praeverti sinerent.

[¶78] 22.3. Then the consuls divided the commands, appointing Fabius to take the legions to Antium, and Cornelius to defend Rome, lest some part of the enemy, in accordance with the Aequian custom, should make a foray.

> Latin: 22.3. inde partiti provincias: Fabio ut legiones Antium duceret datum, Cornelio ut Romae praesidio esset, ne qua pars hostium, qui Aequis mos erat, ad populandum veniret.

[¶79] 22.4. The Hernici and the Latins were bidden to furnish soldiers, as by treaty bound; two-thirds of the army were allies, one-third citizens. When the allies had reported on the appointed day, the consul encamped outside the Porta Capena. Thence, after purifying the army, he set out for Antium, and took up a position at no great distance from the town and the standing camp of the enemy.

> Latin: 22.4. Hernici et Latini iussi milites dare ex foedere, duaeque partes sociorum in exercitu, tertia civium fuit. ad diem praestitutum venerunt socii, consul extra portam Capenam castra locat. lustrato exercitu Antium profectus haud procul oppido stativisque hostium consedit.

[¶80] 22.5. There the Volsci, not daring to give battle —for the Aequian army had not yet come up —sought to protect themselves, without fighting, behind their rampart. The next day Fabius, instead of mingling allies and citizens in one line of battle, drew up the three nations in three separate armies, about the enemy's works, taking the centre himself with the Roman legions.

> Latin: 22.5. cum Volsci, quia nondum ab Aequis venisset exercitus, dimicare non ausi ansi, quem ad modum quieti vallo se tutarentur, pararent, postero die Fabius non permixtam unam sociorum civiumque sed trium populorum tres separatim acies circa vallum hostium instruxit; ipse erat medius cum legionibus Romanis.

[¶81] 22.6. He then commanded them all to wait for the signal, that the allies might act with the citizens in beginning the fight, and in retreating, if he should sound the recall. He also stationed the cavalry belonging to each division behind its first line.

> Latin: 22.6. signum observare iussit, ut pariter et socii rem inciperent referrentque pedem, si receptui cecinisset. item suae cuique parti post principia collocat.

[¶82] 22.7. Advancing thus in three sections he surrounded the camp, and attacking sharply on every side, dislodged the Volsci, who were unable to sustain his charge, from their intrenchments. Passing over these, he drove the frightened rabble before him in one direction and cleared the camp of them.

> Latin: 22.7. trifariam adortus castra circumvenit et, cum undique instaret, non sustinentes impetum Volscos vallo deturbat. inde munitiones pavidam turbam inclinatamque in partem unam castris expellit.

[¶83] 22.8. As they dispersed in flight, the cavalry, who had found it difficult to surmount the rampart and had hitherto been mere spectators of the battle, having now a clear field before them played their part in the victory by cutting off the fugitives.

> Latin: 22.8. effuse fugientes eques, cui superare vallum haud facile fuerat, cum ad id spectator pugnae adstitisset, libero campo adeptus parte victoriae fruitur territos caedendo.

[¶84] 22.9. Great was the slaughter inflicted on the enemy as they attempted to escape, both in the camp and outside the works; but the booty was still greater, since they had barely been able to carry away their arms. If the forests had not covered the flight, their army would have been utterly destroyed.

> Latin: 22.9. et in castris et extra munimenta caedes fugientium fuit, sed praeda maior, quia vix arma secum efferre hostis potuit. exercitus foret, ni fugientis silvae texissent.

[¶85] 23.1. While this battle was being fought near Antium, the Aequi had sent forward the flower of their troops, and by a surprise attack at night, had captured the Tusculan citadel. The rest of their army they stationed at a short distance from the walls of the town, in order to induce the enemy to extend his forces.

> Latin: 23.1. ad Antium haec geruntur, interim Aequi robore iuventutis praemisso arcem Tusculanam improviso nocte capiunt; reliquo exercitu haud procul moenibus Tusculi considunt ut distenderent hostium copias.

[¶86] 23.2. The news of these events being speedily carried to Rome and thence to the camp at Antium, had the same effect upon the Romans as if it had been announced that the Capitol was taken, — so fresh in their recollection was the service done them by the Tusculans, and so strongly did the similarity of the risk which their allies now ran seem to call for repayment of the assistance they had given.

> Latin: 23.2. celeriter Romam, ab Roma in castra Antium perlata movent Romanos haud secus quam si Capitolium Capitoliumn captum nuntiaretur; adeo et recens erat Tusculanorum meritum et similitudo similitude ipsa periculi reposcere datum auxilium videbatur.

[¶87] 23.3. Letting everything else go, Fabius quickly conveyed the plunder of the camp to Antium, and leaving there a moderate garrison, hastened by forced marches to Tusculum. The soldiers were allowed to take nothing but their arms and such bread as happened to be at hand; supplies were sent them from Rome by the consul Cornelius.

> Latin: 23.3. Fabius omissis omnibus praedam ex castris raptim Antium convehit; ibi modico praesidio relicto citatum agmen Tusculum rapit. praeter arma et quod cocti ad manum fuit cibi ferre militi licuit; commeatum ab Roma consul Cornelius subvehit.

[¶88] 23.4. The fighting at Tusculum lasted for some months. With a part of his army the consul laid siege to the camp of the Aequi; a part he had given to the Tusculans to use in recovering the citadel.

> Latin: 23.4. menses Tusculi bellatum. exercitus consul castra Aequorum oppugnabat, partem Tusculanis dederat ad arcem reciperandam. nunquam eo subiri potuit;

[¶89] 23.5. The place could never be entered by assault; but the enemy were finally driven out by hunger. Having thus reduced them to extremities, the Tusculans took away their arms, and stripping them to the tunic, sent them under the yoke. As they were ignominiously fleeing homeward, the Roman consul overtook them on Mount Algidus, and slew them, every man.

> Latin: 23.5. fames postremo inde detraxit hostem. postquam ventum ad extremum est, inermes nudique omnes sub iugum ab Tusculanis missi. ignominiosa fuga domum se recipientes Romanus consul in Algido consecutus ad unum omnes occidit.

[¶90] 23.6. The victor led his army back to Columen —this is the name of a place —and went into camp. The other consul too, now that the defeat of the enemy had removed all danger from the walls of Rome, set out himself from the City.

> Latin: 23.6. ad Columen—id loco nomen est—exercitu reducto castra locat. alter consul, postquam moenibus iam Romanis pulso hoste periculum esse desierat, et ipse ab Roma profectus.

[¶91] 23.7. Thus at two points the consuls invaded the enemy's borders, and with keen rivalry devastated the lands of the Volsci on the one hand, and those of the Aequi on the other. I find in a good many writers that the Antiates revolted that same year; and that Lucius Cornelius the consul conducted the war and took the town. I should not venture to affirm it for a certainty, since there is no mention of the matter in the older historians.

> Latin: 23.7. bifariam consules ingressi hostium fines ingenti certamine hinc Volscos, hinc Aequos populantur. anno descisse Antiates apud plerosque auctores invenio; L. Cornelium consulem id bellum gessisse oppidumque cepisse. adfirmare, quia nulla apud vetustiores scriptores eius rei mentio est, non ausim.

[¶92] 24.1. This war was no sooner finished, than the patricians were alarmed by one waged against them at home, by the tribunes, who cried out that the army was dishonestly kept afield —a trick intended to frustrate the passage of the law; which, notwithstanding, they had undertaken and proposed to carry through.

> Latin: 24.1. bello perfecto tribunicium domi bellum patres territat. fraude fieri, quod foris teneatur exercitus; frustrationem eam ear legis tollendae esse; se nihilo minus rem susceptam peracturos.

[¶93] 24.2. Still, Lucius Lucretius, the prefect of the City, obtained the postponement of any action by the tribunes until the consuls should have come.

> Latin: 24.2. tamen L. Lucretius, praefectus urbis, ut actiones tribuniciae in adventum consulum differrentur.

[¶94] 24.3. There had also arisen a new cause for disquiet. Aulus Cornelius and Quintus Servilius, the quaestors, had summoned Marcus Volscius to trial, on the charge that he had been guilty of undoubted perjury against Caeso. For it was becoming generally known, from many witnesses, first, that the brother of Volscius after having once fallen ill had not only never appeared in public, but had not even got up from his sick-bed, where he had died of a wasting disease which lasted many months;

> Latin: 24.3. et nova exorta causa motus. A. Cornelius et Q. Servilius quaestores M. Volscio, quod falsus haud dubie testis in Caesonem exstitisset, 4 diem dixerant. enim emanabat indiciis neque fratrem Volsci ex quo semel fuerit aeger unquam non modo visum in publico sed ne adsurrexisse quidem ex morbo, multorumque tabe mensum mensumn mortuum, nec iis temporibus in quae testis crimen coniecisset Caesonem Romae visum, adfirmantibus qui una meruerant secum eum tum tur frequentem ad signa sine ullo commeatu fuisse. ita esset, multi privatim ferebant Volscio iudicem.

[¶95] 24.5. and secondly, that within the period to which Volscius, in his testimony, had referred the crime, Caeso had not been seen in Rome; for those who had served with him affirmed that he had often during that time been in their company at the front, without taking any furlough.

> Latin: 24.5. ad iudicium ire non auderet, omnes eae res in unum congruentes haud magis dubiam damnationem Volsci quam Caesonis Volscio teste fuerat faciebant.

[¶96] 24.6. To prove this contention, many persons offered Volscius to refer the question of fact to a private arbitrator. Since he did not dare proceed to arbitration, all these things, pointing in one direction, made the condemnation of Volscius as certain as that of Caeso had been made by Volscius's evidence.

> Latin: 24.6. mora tribuni erant, qui comitia quaestores habere de reo, nisi prius habita de lege essent, passuros nega. bant. extracta utraque res in consulum adventum est.

[¶97] 24.7. The tribunes delayed matters by refusing to allow the quaestors to hold an assembly for his trial until one should first have been held to consider the law. So both affairs dragged on till the arrival of the consuls.

> Latin: 24.7. ubi triumphantes triurnphantes victore cum exercitu urbem inierunt, quia silentium silentiunm de lege erat, perculsos magna pars credebant tribunos.

## 15. Book III · chapters 24–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/15/#p-N

[¶0] 24.8. When they had entered the City in triumph with their victorious army, nothing was said about the law, and many people thought the tribunes had been daunted. But the tribunes were seeking a fourth term of office —for the end of the year was now at hand —and had diverted their efforts from the law to the contest for the election. And though the consuls strove quite as vehemently against the re-election of the incumbents to the tribuneship, as if a law were being urged which had been promulgated to curtail their own majesty, the contest resulted in victory for the tribunes.

> Latin: 24.8. illi— etenim extremum anni iam erat,—quartum adfectantes tribunatum trilunatum, in comitiorum disceptationem ab lege certamen averterant. cum consules nihilo minus adversus continuationem tribunatus quam si lex minuendae suae maiestatis causa promulgata ferretur tetendissent, victoria certaminis penes tribunos fuit. anno Aequis pax est petentibus data., res priore anno incohata, perficitur; idque lustrum ab origine urbis decimum conditum ferunt. civium capita centum septendecim milia trecenta undeviginti.

[¶1] 24.10. That same year the Aequi sought and obtained peace. The census, which had been begun the year before, was completed; and this, they say, was the tenth lustral sacrifice performed since the founding of the City. There were enrolled 117,319 citizens. This year the consuls won great renown, at home and in the field; not only had they brought about peace with other nations, but at home also, though the state was not yet harmonious, yet it was less troubled than at other times. Lucius Minucius and Gaius Nautius were chosen to be the next consuls, and inherited the two causes left over from the preceding year. As before, the consuls obstructed the passage of the law, and the tribunes the trial of Volscius; but the new quaestors were men of superior force and influence. Marcus Valerius, son of Manius, and grandson of Volesus, shared the magistracy with Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, who had thrice been consul.

> Latin: 24.10. magna domi bellique eo anno gloria fuit, quod et foris pacem peperere, et domi etsi non concors, minus tamen quam alias infesta civitas fuit. L. Minucius inde et C. Nautius consules facti duas residuas anni prioris causas exceperunt. modo consules legem, tribuni iudicium de Volscio impediebant; sed in quaestoribus novis maior vis, maior auctoritas erat. M. Valerio, Mani filio, Volesi nepote nepotc quaestor erat T. Quinctius Capitolinus, qui ter consul fuerat.

[¶2] 25.3. Capitolinus, since it was beyond his power to restore Caeso to the Quinctian family and the greatest of her young men to the state, waged war, as justice and loyalty demanded, on the false witness who had deprived an innocent man of the power to plead his cause.

> Latin: 25.3. , quoniam neque Quinctiae familiae Caeso neque rei publicae maximus iuvenum restitui posset, falsum testem qui dicendae causae innoxio potestatem ademisset, iusto ac pio bello persequebatur.

[¶3] 25.4. Verginius was the most active amongst the tribunes in working for the law. The consuls were allowed two months' time to inspect the measure, that having explained to the people what hidden mischief was being proposed they might then permit them to vote. The granting of this breathing-space brought tranquillity to the City.

> Latin: 25.4. Verginius maxime ex tribunis de lege ageret, duum mensum spatium consulibus datum est ad inspiciendam legem ut cum edocuissent populum quid fraudis occultae ferretur, sinerent deinde suffragium inire. intervalli datum res tranquillas in urbe fecit.

[¶4] 25.5. But the Aequi did not suffer it to remain long at rest; breaking the treaty which they had made with the Romans the year before, they intrusted the command of their forces to Cloelius Gracchus, at that time by far the most eminent man in their state.

> Latin: 25.5. diuturnam quietem Aequi dederunt, qui rupto foedere quod ictum erat priore anno cum Romanis imperium ad Gracchum Cloelium deferunt; is tum longe princeps in Aequis erat.

[¶5] 25.6. Under this man's leadership they invaded the territory of Labici, and from there the territory of Tusculum, with fire and sword, and, loaded with booty, pitched their camp on Algidus. To this camp came Quintus Fabius, Publius Volumnius, and Aulus Postumius, envoys from Rome, to complain of the wrongs done and demand restitution, as provided in the treaty.

> Latin: 25.6. duce in Labicanum agrum, inde in Tusculanum hostili populatione veniunt plenique praedae in Algido castra locant. ea castra Q. Fabius, P. Volumnius, A. Postumius legati ab Roma venerunt questum iniurias et ex foedere res repetitum.

[¶6] 25.7. The Aequian general bade them recite the message of the Roman senate to the oak, saying that he would meantime attend to other matters. (The oak, a mighty tree, overhung head-quarters and with its dense shade afforded a cool resting-place.)

> Latin: 25.7. Aequorum imperator quae mandata habeant ab senatu Romano ad quercum iubet dicere; se alia interim acturum., ingens arbor, praetorio imminebat, cuius umbra opaca sedes erat.

[¶7] 25.8. Thereupon one of the envoys said, as he departed, “Let both this sacred oak and whatever gods there are hear that the treaty has been broken by you; and let them attend now to our complaints and presently support our arms, when we shall avenge the simultaneous violation of the rights of gods and men.”

> Latin: 25.8. ex legatis unus abiens et haec inquit, sacrata quercus et quidquid deorum est audiant foedus a vobis ruptum, nostrisque et nunc querellis adsint et mox armis, cum deorum hominumque simul violata iura exsequemur.

[¶8] 25.9. On the return of the envoys to Rome, the senate ordered one consul to lead an army to Algidus, against Gracchus, and to the other assigned the task of devastating the territories of the Aequi. The tribunes sought in their usual fashion to prevent the levy, and might perhaps have held out against it to the end; but suddenly a fresh alarm supervened.

> Latin: 25.9. Romam ut rediere legati, senatus iussit alterum consulem contra Gracchum in Algidum exercitum ducere, alteri populationem finium Aequorum provinciam dedit. suo more impedire dilectum et forsitan ad ultimum impedissent; sed novus subito additus terror est.

[¶9] 26.1. A great body of Sabines made a hostile incursion almost to the walls of Rome, wasting the fields and terrifying the citizens. Thereupon the plebeians willingly enlisted, and despite the unavailing protests of the tribunes, two large armies were enrolled. One of these Nautius led against the Sabines.

> Latin: 26.1. Sabinorum ingens prope ad moenia urbis infesta populatione venit; foedati agri, terror iniectus urbi est. plebs benigne arma cepit; reclamantibus frustra tribunis magni duo exercitus scripti.

[¶10] 26.2. Pitching his camp at Eretum, lie sent out little expeditions, chiefly nocturnal raiding parties, and so liberally repaid on their own fields the depredations of the Sabines, that the Roman territories in comparison seemed scarcely to have been touched by war.

> Latin: 26.2. Nautius contra Sabinos duxit castrisque ad Eretum positis, per expeditiones parvas, plerumque nocturnis incursionibus, tantam vastitatem in Sabino agro reddidit ut comparati ad eam prope intacti bello fines Romani viderentur.

[¶11] 26.3. Minucius had neither the same good fortune nor equal spirit in conducting his campaign; for he encamped not far from the enemy, and without having suffered any considerable defeat, kept timidly within his breastworks. When the enemy perceived this, their audacity was heightened, as is usually the case, by their opponents' fear, and they attacked the camp by night.

> Latin: 26.3. Minucio neque fortuna nec vis animi eadem in gerendo negotio fuit; nam cum haud procul ab hoste castra posuisset, nulla magnopere clade accepta castris se pavidus tenebat.

[¶12] 26.4. Failing to accomplish anything by open force, they next day surrounded the place with earthworks; but before these could be thrown up on every side of the camp and so shut off all egress, five horsemen were sent out through the enemy's outposts and carried to Rome the news that the consul and his army were beleaguered. Nothing more surprising or unlooked-for could have happened.

> Latin: 26.4. ubi senserant hostes, crevit ex metu alieno, ut fit, audacia, et nocte adorti castra postquam parum vis aperta profecerat, munitiones postero die circumdant. priusquam undique vallo obiectae clauderent exitus quinque equites inter stationes hostium emissi Romam pertulere consulem exercitumque obsideri.

[¶13] 26.5. And so the alarm and consternation were as great as if it had been the City, not the camp, which the enemy were investing.

> Latin: 26.5. tam inopinatum nec tam insperatum accidere potuit. tantus pavor, tanta trepidatio fuit quanta si urbem, non castra hostes obsiderent.

[¶14] 26.6. They sent for the consul Nautius; but deeming him unequal to their defence, and resolving to have a dictator to restore their shattered fortunes, they agreed unanimously on the nomination of Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus.

> Latin: 26.6. consulem arcessunt. quo cum parum praesidii videretur dictatoremque dici placeret qui rem perculsam restitueret, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus consensu omnium dicitur.

[¶15] 26.7. What followed merits the attention of those who despise all human qualities in comparison with riches, and think there is no room for great honours or for worth but amidst a profusion of wealth. The sole hope of the empire of the Roman People, Lucius Quinctius, cultivated a field of some four acres across the Tiber, now known as the Quinctian Meadows, directly opposite the place where the dockyards are at present.

> Latin: 26.7. pretium est audire qui omnia prae divitiis humana spernunt neque honori magno locum neque virtuti putant esse, nisi ubi effuse afluant opes.

[¶16] 26.8. There he was found by the representatives of the state. Whether bending over his spade as he dug a ditch, or ploughing, he was, at all events, as everybody agrees, intent upon some rustic task.

> Latin: 26.8. unica imperii populi Romani L. Quinctius trans Tiberim, contra eum ipsum locum ubi nunc navalia sunt, quattuor iugerum colebat agrum, quae prata Quinctia vocantur.

[¶17] 26.9. After they had exchanged greetings with him, they asked him to put on his toga, to hear (and might good come of it to himself and the republic!) the mandates of the senate. In amazement he cried, “Is all well?” and bade his wife Racilia quickly fetch out his toga from the hut.

> Latin: 26.9. ab legatis—seu fossam fodiens palae innixus seu cum araret, operi certe, id quod constat, agresti intentus—salute data in vicem redditaque rogatus ut, quod bene verteret ipsi reique publicae, togatus mandata senatus audiret, admiratus rogitansque satin salve? togam propere e tugurio proferre uxorem Raciliam iubet.

[¶18] 26.10. When he had put it on, after wiping off the dust and sweat, and came forth to the envoys, they hailed him Dictator, congratulated him, and summoned him to the City, explaining the alarming situation of the army.

> Latin: 26.10. simul absterso pulvere ac sudore velatus processit, dictatorem eum legati gratulantes consalutant, in urbem vocant, qui terror sit in exercitu exponunt.

[¶19] 26.11. A boat was waiting for him, provided by the state; and as he reached the other side his three sons came out to receive him; after them came his other kinsmen and friends; and after them the greater part of the senate. Attended by this throng and preceded by his lictors he was escorted to his house.

> Latin: 26.11. Quinctio publice parata fuit,transvectumque tres obviam egressi filii excipiunt, inde alii propinqui atque amici, tum patrum maior pars. frequentia stipatus antecedentibus lictoribus deductus est domum.

[¶20] 26.12. The plebeians too were gathered in great numbers; but they were by no means so rejoiced at the sight of Quinctius, because they thought that not only was his authority excessive, but that the man was even more dangerous than the authority itself. That night nothing more was done than to keep a watch in the City.

> Latin: 26.12. plebis concursus ingens fuit; sed ea nequaquam tam laeta Quinctium vidit, et imperium nimium et virum ipso imperio vehementiorem rata. illa quidem nocte nihil praeterquam vigilatum est in urbe.

[¶21] 27.1. On the following day the dictator, coming before dawn into the Forum, named as his master of the horse Lucius Tarquitius, a man of patrician birth, but one who had served as a foot-soldier because of poverty, though in war he had been esteemed by far the best of the Roman youth.

> Latin: 27.1. die dictator cum ante lucem in forum venisset, magistrum equitum dicit L. Tarquitium, patriciae gentis, sed qui, cum stipendia pedibus propter paupertatem fecisset, bello tamen primus longe Romanae iuventutis habitus esset.

[¶22] 27.2. With his master of the horse the dictator appeared before the people; proclamed a suspension of the courts; ordered the shops to be closed all over the City; and forbade anybody to engage in any private business.

> Latin: 27.2. magistro equitum in contionem venit, iustitium edicit, claudi tabernas tota urbe iubet, vetat quemquam privatae quicquam rei agere.

[¶23] 27.3. He then commanded all those who were of military age to come armed, before sunset, to the Campus Martius, bringing each enough bread to last five days, and twelve stakes;

> Latin: 27.3. , quicumque aetate militari essent, armati cum cibariis in dies quinque coctis vallisque duodenis ante solis occasum Martio in campo adessent;

[¶24] 27.4. those who were too old for war he ordered to prepare food for their neighbours who were soldiers, while the latter were getting their arms in order and looking for stakes.

> Latin: 27.4. quibus aetas ad militandum gravior esset, vicino militi, dum is arma pararet vallumque peteret, cibaria coquere iussit.

[¶25] 27.5. So the young men ran this way and that in search of stakes, and every one took them from the nearest source, nor was anyone interfered with; and all presented themselves promptly as the dictator had commanded.

> Latin: 27.5. iuventus discurrit ad vallum petendum. unde cuique proximum fuit; prohibitus nemo est; impigreque omnes ornnes ad edictum dictatoris praesto fuere.

[¶26] 27.6. Then, having drawn up their column so as to be ready for fighting as well as for marching, if need were, the dictator himself led the legions, the master of the horse his cavalry.

> Latin: 27.6. composite agmine non itineri magis apti quam proelio, si res ita tulisset, legiones ipse dictator, magister equitum suos equites ducit. utroque agmine quas tempus ipsum poscebat adhortationes erant:

[¶27] 27.7. In each division were spoken such words of encouragement as the occasion called for: Let them mend their pace; there was need of speed, that they might reach the enemy's camp in the night; a consul and a Roman army were being besieged, and it was now the third day of their investment; what each night or day might bring forth was uncertain; a single instant was often the turning-point of a great event.

> Latin: 27.7. adderent gradum; maturato opus esse ut nocte ad hostem perveniri posset; consulem exercitumque Romanum obsideri, tertium diem iam clausos esse; quid quaeque nox aut dies ferat, incertum esse; puncto saepe temporis maximarum rerum momenta verti.

[¶28] 27.8. The soldiers also, in complaisance to their commanders, cried out to one another, “Make haste, standard-bearer!” “Follow me, men!” At midnight they came to Algidus, and perceiving that they were now close to the enemy, halted.

> Latin: 27.8. signifer! miles! inter se quoque gratificantes ducibus clamabant. note in Algidum perveniunt et, ut sensere se iam prope hostes esse, signa constituunt.

[¶29] 28.1. Then the dictator, having ridden about and observed, as well as he could for the night, the extent of the camp and its shape, directed the military tribunes to make the soldiers throw down their packs in one place, and return, with arms and stakes, to their proper ranks. They did as he commanded.

> Latin: 28.1. dictator quantum nocte prospici poterat equo circumvectus contemplatusque qui tractus castrorum quaeque forma esset, tribunis militum imperavit, ut sarcinas in unum conici iubeant, militem cum armis valloque redire in ordines suos. quae imperavit.

[¶30] 28.2. Then, keeping the order of the march, he led out the whole army in a long column and surrounded the enemy's camp, commanding that at a given signal the troops should all raise a shout, and that after shouting every man should dig a trench in front of his own position and erect a palisade. The signal followed close on the announcement.

> Latin: 28.2. , quo fuerant ordine in via, exercitum omnem longo agmine circumdat hostium castris et ubi signum datum sit clamorem omnes tollere iubet, clamore sublato ante se quemque ducere fossam et iacere vallum.

[¶31] 28.3. The men did as they had been bidden. Their cheer resounded on all sides of the enemy, and passing over their camp, penetrated that of the consul; in the one it inspired panic, in the other great rejoicing.

> Latin: 28.3. imperio signum secutum est. miles exsequitur; clamor hostes circumsonat; superat inde castra hostium et in castra consulis venit;

[¶32] 28.4. The Romans, congratulating one another that it was their fellow-citizens who shouted, and that help was at hand, on their own part began to threaten the enemy with attacks from their pickets and outposts.

> Latin: 28.4. alibi pavorem, alibi gaudium ingens facit. Romani civilem esse clamorem atque auxilium adesse inter se gratulantes ultro ex stationibus ac vigiliis territant hostem. differendum negat;

[¶33] 28.5. The consul said that they ought to act without delay; the shout not only signified that their friends were come, but that they had begun to fight; and it would be surprising if they were not already assailing the enemy's camp from without. He accordingly bade his men stand to arms and follow him.

> Latin: 28.5. illo clamore non adventum modo significari, sed rem ab suis coeptam; mirumque esse ni iam exteriore parte castra hostium oppugnentur.

[¶34] 28.6. It was night when they entered the battle; with a cheer they gave the legions of the dictator to know that on their side as well the issue had been joined.

> Latin: 28.6. arma suos capere et se subsequi iubet. initum proelium est; legionibus dictatoris clamore significant ab ea quoque parte rem in discrimine esse.

[¶35] 28.7. The Aequi were already preparing to resist the work of circumvallation, when the attack was begun upon their inner line. Lest a sortie should be made through the midst of their camp, they turned their backs on those who were entrenching, and faced the attacking forces; and, leaving the others free to work all night, they fought till break of day with the soldiers of the consul.

> Latin: 28.7. se ad prohibenda circumdari opera Aequi parabant cum ab interiore hoste proelio coepto, ne per media sua castra fieret eruptio, a munientibus ad pugnantes introrsum versi vacuam noctem operi dedere; pugnatumque cum consule ad lucem est.

[¶36] 28.8. At early dawn they had already been shut in by the dictator's rampart, and were scarcely maintaining the battle against one army. Then the troops of Quinctius, who had at once, on completing the works, resumed their weapons, assailed the rampart of the Aequi. Here was a new battle on their hands, and the other not yet in the least abated.

> Latin: 28.8. prima iam circumvallati ab dictatore erant et vix adversus unum exercitum pugnam sustinebant. a Quinctiano exercitu, qui confestim a perfecto opere ad arma rediit, invaditur vallum. instabat nova pugna: illa nihil remiserat prior.

[¶37] 28.9. At this, hard-driven by a double danger, they turned from fighting to entreaties, and on the one hand implored the dictator, on the other the consul, not to make the victory a massacre, but to take their arms and let them go. The consul referred them to the dictator, who in his anger added ignominy to their surrender.

> Latin: 28.9. ancipiti malo urgente a proelio ad preces versi hinc dictatorem, hinc consulem orare, ne in occidione victoriam ponerent, ut inermes se inde abire sinerent Ab consule ad dictatorem ire iussi;

[¶38] 28.10. He commanded that Cloelius Gracchus, their commander, and the other captains, be brought to him in chains, and that the town of Corbio be evacuated. He said that he did not require the blood of the Aequi; they might go; but, that they might at last be forced to confess that their nation had been defeated and subdued, they should pass beneath the yoke as they departed.

> Latin: 28.10. is ignominiam infensus addidit; Gracchum Cloelium ducem principesque alios vinctos ad se adduci iubet, oppido Corbione decedi. se Aequorum non egere; licere abire; sed, ut exprimatur tandem confessio subactam domitamque esse gentem, sub iugum abituros.

[¶39] 28.11. A yoke was fashioned of three spears, two being fixed in the ground and the third laid across them and made fast. Under this yoke the dictator sent the Aequi.

> Latin: 28.11. hastis iugum fit humi fixis duabus superque eas transversa una deligata. hoc iugum dictator Aequos misit.

[¶40] 29.1. Having taken possession of the enemy's camp, which abounded in all sorts of supplies —for he had sent them out with nothing but their tunics —he gave all the booty to his own troops exclusively, rebuking the consular army and the consul himself in these terms: “You shall have no share, soldiers, in the spoils of that enemy to whom you almost fell a spoil; and you, Lucius Minucius, until you begin to have the spirit of a consul, shall command these legions as my lieutenant.”

> Latin: 29.1. hostium receptis plenis omnium rerum—nudos enim emiserat—praedam omnem suo tantum militi dedit; consularem exercitum ipsumque consulem increpans, inquit praedae parte, miles, ex eo hoste cui prope praedae fuisti; et tu, L. Minuci, donec consularem animum incipias habere, legatus his legionibus praeeris.

[¶41] 29.3. So Minucius abdicated the consulship, and remained, as he was ordered to do, with the army. But so tame and submissive was the temper of this army now towards a better commander, that, considering rather the benefit they had received at his hands than the humiliation, they voted the dictator a golden chaplet of a pound in weight, and when he departed, saluted him as their protector.

> Latin: 29.3. se Minucius abdicat consulatu iussusque ad exercitum manet. adeo tum imperio meliori animus mansuete oboediens erat ut beneficii magis quam ignominiae hic exercitus memor et coronam auream dictatori libram pondo decreverit et proficiscentem eum patronum salutaverit.

[¶42] 29.4. At Rome the senate, being convened by Quintus Fabius, the prefect of the City, commanded Quinctius to enter the gates in triumph, with the troops that accompanied him.

> Latin: 29.4. Romae a Q. Fabio praefecto urbis senatus habitus triumphantem Quinctium quo veniebat agmine urbem ingredi iussit. ante currum hostium duces, militaria signa praelata, secutus exercitus praeda onustus.

[¶43] 29.5. Before his chariot were led the generals of the enemy; the military standards were borne on ahead; after them came the soldiers, laden with booty. It is said that tables were spread before all the houses, and the troops, feasting as they marched, with songs of triumph and the customary jokes, followed the chariot like revellers.

> Latin: 29.5. instructae dicuntur fuisse ante omnium domus, epulantesque cum carmine triumphali et sollemnibus iocis comisantium modo currum secuti sunt.

[¶44] 29.6. On that day Lucius Mamilius the Tusculan was granted citizenship, with the approval of all. Cincinnatus would at once have resigned his office, had not the trial of Marcus Volscius, the false witness, caused him to delay.

> Latin: 29.6. die L. Mamilio Tusculano adprobantibus cunctis civitas data est. se dictator magistratu abdicasset, ni comitia M. Volsci, falsi testis, tenuissent. ne impedirent tribuni dictatoris obstitit metus.

[¶45] 29.7. The awe in which the tribunes held the dictator prevented them from interfering with the trial. Volscius was condemned and went into exile at Lanuvium. On the sixteenth day Quinctius surrendered the dictatorship which he had received for six months. During that period the consul Nautius fought a successful engagement at Eretum with the Sabines, who in addition to the devastation of their fields now suffered this new disaster. Fabius was sent to Mount Algidus to succeed Minucius.

> Latin: 29.7. Volscius damnatus Lanuvium in exsilium abiit. Quinctius sexto decimo die dictatura in sex menses accepta se abdicavit. eos dies consul Nautius ad Eretum cum Sabinis egregie pugnat; ad vastatos agros ea quoque clades accessit Sabinis. Minucio Fabius successor in Algidum missus.

[¶46] 29.8. At the close of the year there was some agitation for the law on the part of the tribunes; but since two armies were abroad, the senators insisted that no proposal should be laid before the people; the plebs were successful in electing the same tribunes for the fifth time.

> Latin: 29.8. anno agitatum de lege ab tribunis est; sed quia duo exercitus aberant, ne quid ferretur ad populum patres tenuere; plebes vicit ut quintum eosdem tribunos crearet. visos in Capitolio ferunt a canibus fugatos;

[¶47] 29.9. It is said that wolves were seen on the Capitol, pursued by dogs; because of which prodigy the Capitol was purified. Such were the events of this year.

> Latin: 29.9. ob id prodigium lustratum Capitolium esse. eo anno gesta.

[¶48] 30.1. The next consuls were Quintus Minucius and Marcus Horatius Pulvillus, At the beginning of the year, though foreign relations were peaceful, at home there were dissensions, inspired by the same tribunes and the same law;

> Latin: 30.1. consules Q. Minucius M. Horatius Pulvillus. initio anni cum foris otium esset, domi seditiones iidem tribuni, eadem lex faciebat;

[¶49] 30.2. and they would have proceeded to even greater lengths —so inflamed were men's passions —had it not been announced, as if designedly, that the garrison at Corbio had perished in a night-attack made by the Aequi.

> Latin: 30.2. ulteriusque ventum foret—adeo exarserant animis—ni velut dedita opera nocturno impetu Aequorum Corbione amissum praesidium nuntiatum esset.

[¶50] 30.3. The consuls convoked the senate, and were directed to make a summary levy and lead the army to Mount Algidus.

> Latin: 30.3. consules vocant; iubentur subitarium scribere exercitum atque in Algidum ducere. posito legis certamine nova de dilectu contentio orta;

[¶51] 30.4. From that moment the quarrel over the law was laid aside, and a fresh dispute arose, concerning the levy; in this consular authority was in a fair way to be defeated, by the help of the tribunes, when a new alarm was reported: that a Sabine army bent on pillage had descended upon the Roman fields, and was thence approaching the City.

> Latin: 30.4. vincebaturque consulare imperium tribunicio auxilio cum alius additur terror, Sabinum exercitum praedatum descendisse in agros Romanos, inde ad urbem venire.

[¶52] 30.5. This was such staggering news that the tribunes permitted the enrolment of troops; yet not without having obtained an agreement that since they had themselves been baffled for five years, and the existing tribunate was an insufficient protection to the plebs, ten tribunes should in future be elected.

> Latin: 30.5. metus perculit ut scribi militem tribuni sinerent, non sine pactione tamen ut quoniam ipsi quinquennium elusi essent parvumque id plebi praesidium foret, decem deinde tribuni plebis crearentur.

[¶53] 30.6. To this the patricians were compelled to agree, only stipulating that they should not thereafter see the same men tribunes.

> Latin: 30.6. hoc necessitas patribus; id modo excepere ne postea eosdem tribunos viderent. comitia, ne id quoque post bellum ut cetera vanum esset, extemplo habita.

[¶54] 30.7. The tribunician election was held immediately, lest when the war was over this promise too might be broken, as the others had been. In the thirty-sixth year from the first plebeian tribunes ten men were elected, two from each class, and it was enacted that they should be chosen thus thereafter.

> Latin: 30.7. sexto anno a primis tribuni plebis decem creati sunt, bini ex singulis classibus, itaque cautum est ut postea crearentur.

[¶55] 30.8. The levy was then held, and Minucius marched against the Sabines, but did not find the enemy. Horatius, after the Aequi, having put the garrison at Corbio to the sword, had also captured Ortona, fought a battle with them on Mount Algidus, killed many men, and drove off the enemy, not only from Algidus, but from Corbio and Ortona. Corbio he razed because of its betrayal of the garrison.

> Latin: 30.8. deinde habito Minucius contra Sabinos profectus non invenit hostem. Horatius, cum iam Aequi Corbione interfecto praesidio Ortonam etiam cepissent, in Algido pugnat; multos mortalis occidit; fugat hostem non ex Algido modo, sed a Corbione Ortonaque. Corbionem etiam diruit propter proditum praesidium.

[¶56] 31.1. Marcus Valerius and Spurius Verginius succeeded to the consulship. Affairs were quiet both at home and abroad; but there was a shortage in the corn-supply, due to excessive rains. A law was passed opening up the Aventine to settlement.

> Latin: 31.1. M. Valerius, Sp. Verginius consules facti. forisque otium fuit; annona propter aquarum intemperiem laboratum est. Aventino publicando lata lex est. plebis iidem refecti.

[¶57] 31.2. The same tribunes of the plebs were returned; and in the following year, when Titus Romilius and Gaius Veturius were consuls, they took occasion to urge the law in all their speeches: They were ashamed, they said, of the futile increase in their numbers, if this measure was to lie disregarded during their own two years of office, precisely as it had done throughout the five preceding years.

> Latin: 31.2. sequente anno T. Romilio C. Veturio consulibus legem omnibus contionibus suis celebrabant: pudere se numeri sui nequiquam aucti, si ea res aeque suo biennio iaceret ac toto superiore lustro iacuisset.

[¶58] 31.3. Just when this agitation was at its height, there came a disquieting report from Tusculum that the Aequi were in Tusculan territory. Men were ashamed, in view of the recent service of that nation, to delay in sending aid. Both 103 consuls were dispatched with an army; and finding the enemy on their usual ground, Mount Algidus, they there engaged them.

> Latin: 31.3. maxime haec agerent, trepidi nuntii ab Tusculo veniunt Aequos in agro Tusculano esse. pudorem recens eius populi meritum morandi auxilii. consules cum exercitu missi hostem in sua sede, in Algido, inveniunt.

[¶59] 31.4. Above seven thousand of the enemy were slain; the rest were put to flight; and immense spoils were taken. These the consuls sold, owing to the impoverished condition of the treasury. Nevertheless, their action made them unpopular with the army, and it also furnished the tribunes with an occasion for impeaching the consuls before the plebs.

> Latin: 31.4. pugnatum pugnatun. septem milia hostium caesa, alii fugati; praeda parta ingens. propter inopiam aerarii consules vendiderunt. tamen res ad exercitum fuit eademque tribunis materiam criminandi ad plebem consules praebuit.

[¶60] 31.5. Accordingly when they laid down their office and Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aternius became consuls, they were brought to trial; Romilius by Gaius Calvius Cicero, a plebeian tribune, Veturius by Lucius Alienus, an aedile of the plebs.

> Latin: 31.5. ergo, ut magistratu abiere Sp. Tarpeio A. Aternio consulibus, dies dicta est, Romilio ab C. Calvio Cicerone tribuno plebis, Veturio ab L. Alieno aedile plebis.

[¶61] 31.6. Both were condemned, greatly to the indignation of the patricians; Romilius was fined 10,000 asses, Veturius 15,000. And yet this disaster to their predecessors did not diminish the energy of the new consuls; they said that it was possible that they should themselves be condemned, but that it was not possible that the plebs and the tribunes should carry their law.

> Latin: 31.6. magna patrum indignatione damnatus, Romilius decem milibus aeris, Veturius quindecim. haec priorum calamitas consulum segniores novos fecerat consules; et se damnari posse aiebant, et plebem et tribunos legem ferre non posse.

[¶62] 31.7. Then the tribunes, discarding the law, which, in the time it had been before the people, had lost its vitality, began to treat more moderately with the patricians: Let them at last put an end, they said, to these disputes; if the plebeian measure were not agreeable to them, let them permit framers of laws to be appointed jointly from both the plebs and the nobility, that they might propose measures which should be advantageous to both sides, and secure equal liberty.

> Latin: 31.7. abiecta lege, quae promulgata consenuerat, tribuni lenius agere cum patribus: finem tandem certaminum facerent; si plebeiae leges displicerent, at illi communiter legum latores et ex plebe et ex patribus, qui utrisque utilia ferrent quaeque aequandae libertatis essent sinerent creari.

[¶63] 31.8. The patricians did not reject the principle; but they declared that no one should propose laws unless he were a patrician. Since they were agreed in regard to the laws, and only differed about the mover, they sent Spurius Postumius Albus, Aulus Manlius, and Publius Sulpicius Camerinus on a mission to Athens, with orders to copy the famous laws of Solon, and acquaint themselves with the institutions, customs, and laws of the other Greek states.

> Latin: 31.8. non aspernabantur patres: laturum leges neminem nisi ex patribus aiebant. de legibus conveniret, de latore tantum discreparet, missi legati Athenas Sp. Postumius Albus A. Manlius P. Sulpicius Camerinus iussique inclitas leges Solonis describere et aliarum Graeciae civitatium instituta mores iuraque noscere.

[¶64] 32.1. No foreign wars disturbed the quiet of that year; but even more quiet was the year that followed, when Publius Curiatius and Sextus Quinctilius were consuls, for the tribunes preserved an unbroken silence.

> Latin: 32.1. Ab externis bellis quietus annus fuit, quietior insequens P. Curiatio et Sex. consulibus perpetuo silentio tribunorum, quod primo legatorum qui Athenas ierant legumque peregrinarum exspectatio praebuit, dein duo simul mala ingentia exorta, fames pestilentiaque, foeda homini, foeda pecori.

[¶65] 32.2. This was due in the first place to their waiting for the commissioners who had gone to Athens, and for the foreign laws; in the second place two terrible misfortunes had come at the same time, famine and pestilence, baneful alike to men and beasts. The fields were left untenanted; the City was emptied by incessant funerals; many distinguished families were in mourning. The flamen of Quirinus, Servius Cornelius, died, and the augur Gaius Horatius Pulvillus, in whose place the augurs elected Gaius Veturius, the more eagerly because of his condemnation by the plebs.

> Latin: 32.2. agri sunt, urbs adsiduis exhausta funeribus; multae et clarae lugubres domus. Quirinalis Ser. Cornelius mortuus, augur C. Horatius Pulvillus; in cuius locum C. Veturium eo cupidius quia damnatus a plebe erat, augures legere. consul Quinctilius, quattuor tribuni plebi.

[¶66] 32.4. Death took the consul Quinctilius, and four tribunes of the plebs.

> Latin: 32.4. clade foedatus annus; ab hoste otium fuit.

[¶67] 32.5. The numerous losses made it a gloomy year; but Rome's enemies did not molest her. The next consuls were Gaius Menenius and Publius Sestius Capitolinus. In this year likewise there was no foreign war, but disturbances arose at home.

> Latin: 32.5. consules C. Menenius P. Sestius Capitolinus. eo anno quicquam belli externi fuit: domi motus orti.

[¶68] 32.6. The commissioners had now returned with the laws of Athens. The tribunes were therefore the more insistent that a beginning should be made at last towards codification. It was resolved to appoint decemvirs, subject to no appeal, and to have no other magistrates for that year.

> Latin: 32.6. redierant legati cum Atticis legibus. intentius instabant tribuni ut tandem scribendarum legum initium fieret. creari decemviros sine provocatione, et ne quis eo anno alius magistratus esset.

[¶69] 32.7. Whether plebeians should be permitted a share in the work was for some time disputed; in the end they yielded to the patricians, only bargaining that the Icilian law about the Aventine and the other sacred laws should not be abrogated.

> Latin: 32.7. plebeii, controversia aliquamdiu fuit; postremo concessum patribus, modo ne lex Icilia de Aventino aliaeque sacratae leges abrogarentur.

[¶70] 33.1. In the three hundred and second year from the founding of Rome the form of the polity was changed again, with the transfer of supreme authority from consuls to decemvirs, even as before it had passed from kings to consuls.

> Latin: 33.1. trecentensimo altero quam condita Roma erat iterum mutatur forma civitatis, ab consulibus ad decemviros, quem ad modum ab regibus ante ad consules venerat, translato translate imperio. insignis, quia non diuturna, mutatio fuit.

[¶71] 33.2. It was not so remarkable a change, because it did not last long. For the luxuriant beginnings of this magistracy took on too rank a growth; and in consequence it soon died down, and the custom was resumed of entrusting to two men the name and authority of consuls.

> Latin: 33.2. enim principia magistratus eius nimis luxuriavere; eo citius lapsa res est repetitumque duobus uti mandaretur consulum nomen imperiumque.

[¶72] 33.3. The decemvirs chosen were Appius Claudius, Titus Genucius, Publius Sestius, Lucius Veturius, Gaius Julius, Aulus Manlius, Publius Sulpicius, Publius Curiatius, Titus Romilius, and Spurius Postumius.

> Latin: 33.3. creati Ap. Claudius T. Genucius P. Sestius L. Veturius C. Iulius A. Manlius P. Sulpicius P. Curiatius T. Romilius Sp. Postumius.

[¶73] 33.4. To Claudius and Genucius, the consuls-elect for that year, the new office was given in compensation for the other; and to Sestius, one of the consuls of the year before, because he had brought the measure before the senate against his colleague's will.

> Latin: 33.4. Claudio et Genucio, quia designati consules in eum annum fuerant, pro honore honos redditus, et Sestio, alteri consulum prioris anni, quod eam rem collega invito ad patres rettulerat.

[¶74] 33.5. Next to these were honoured the three envoys who had gone to Athens, not only that the office might serve to reward them for so distant a mission, but also in the belief that their knowledge of foreign laws would be useful in compiling a new code. The other four filled up the number.

> Latin: 33.5. proximi habiti legati tres qui Athenas ierant, simul ut pro legatione tam longinqua praemio esset honos, simul peritos legum peregrinarum ad condenda nova iura usui fore credebant.

[¶75] 33.6. It is said that old men were chosen for the last places, that they might make a less vigorous opposition to the measures proposed by the rest.

> Latin: 33.6. ceteri numerum. quoque aetate electos novissimis suffragiis ferunt, quo minus ferociter aliorum scitis adversarentur.

[¶76] 33.7. The guiding hand in the whole magistracy was that of Appius, thanks to the favour of the plebs; and so novel a character had he assumed, that from being a harsh and cruel persecutor of the plebs, he came out all at once as the people's friend, and caught at every breath of popularity.

> Latin: 33.7. totius magistratus penes Appium erat favore plebis; adeoque novum sibi ingenium induerat ut plebicola repente omnisque aurae popularis captator evaderet pro truci saevoque insectatore plebis.

[¶77] 33.8. Sitting each one day in ten they administered justice to the people. On that day he who presided in court had twelve fasces; his nine colleagues were each attended by a single orderly. And while they maintained an unparalleled harmony amongst themselves —a unanimity sometimes prejudicial to the governed, —they treated others with the utmost fairness.

> Latin: 33.8. die ius populo singuli reddebant. die penes praefectum iuris fasces duodecim erant: collegis novem singuli accensi apparebant. in unica concordia inter ipsos, qui consensus privatis interdum inutilis est, summa adversus alios aequitas erat.

[¶78] 33.9. As proof of their moderation, it will suffice to note a single example. Though they had been chosen to a magistracy from which there was no appeal, yet when a corpse was found buried in the house of Publius Sestius, a patrician, and produced before the assembly, and the man's guilt was as clear as it was heinous, Gaius Julius the decemvir summoned Sestius to trial, and appeared before the people to prosecute a man of whose guilt he was the lawful judge, surrendering his own prerogative that he might add to the liberty of the people what he subtracted from the power of the magistracy.

> Latin: 33.9. eorum argumentum exemplo unius rei notasse satis erit. sine provocatione creati essent, defosso cadavere domi apud P. Sestium, patriciae gentis virum, invento prolatoque in contionem, in re iuxta manifesta atque atroci C. Iulius decemvir diem Sestio dixit et accusator ad populum exstitit, cuius rei iudex legitimus erat, decessitque iure suo, ut demptum de vi magistratus populi libertati adiceret.

[¶79] 34.1. While this prompt justice, as pure as though derived from an oracle, was being meted out impartially by the decemvirs to the highest and the lowest, they were also busily engaged in framing laws. Men's expectations were running high, when they set up ten tables, and summoning the people to assemble, commanded them —with a prayer that the result might be prosperous, favourable, and fortunate, for the commonwealth, for themselves, and for their children —to go and read the proposed statutes.

> Latin: 34.1. promptum hoc ius velut ex oraculo incorruptum pariter ab iis summi infimique ferrent, tum legibus condendis opera dabatur; ingentique hominum exspectatione propositis decem tabulis populum ad contionem advocaverunt, et quod bonum, faustum felixque rei publicae ipsis liberisque eorum esset, ire et legere leges propositas iussere.

[¶80] 34.3. They themselves, they said, so far as the capacities of ten men could forecast the event, had equalized the rights of all, both high and low; but there was greater efficacy in the capacities and counsels of many.

> Latin: 34.3. , quantum decem hominum ingeniis provideri potuerit, omnibus, summis infimisque, iura aequasse; plus pollere multorum ingenia consiliaque.

[¶81] 34.4. Let them consider each single point in their own minds, then discuss it with their fellows, and lastly state in public what excess or shortcoming there was in the several articles;

> Latin: 34.4. in animis secum unamquamque rem, agitarent deinde sermonibus, atque in medium quid in quaque re plus minusve esset conferrent.

[¶82] 34.5. the Roman People should have only such laws as their unanimity might fairly be considered not only to have passed, but to have proposed.

> Latin: 34.5. leges habiturum populum Romanum quas consensus omnium non iussisse latas magis quam tulisse videri posset.

[¶83] 34.6. When it appeared that the laws had been sufficiently amended, in the light of the opinions that men expressed concerning each separate section, the centuriate comitia met and adopted the Laws of the Ten Tables; which even now, in this great welter of statutes piled one upon another, are the fountain-head of all public and private law.

> Latin: 34.6. ad rumores hominum de unoquoque legum capite editos satis correctae viderentur, centuriatis comitiis decem tabularum leges perlatae sunt, qui nunc quoque, in hoc immenso aliarum super alias acervatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici privatique est iuris.

[¶84] 34.7. Afterwards the opinion was general that there lacked two tables, by the addition of which a corpus, so to speak, of all the Roman law could be rounded out. The hope of filling this lack made people desirous, when election day drew near, of choosing decemvirs again.

> Latin: 34.7. deinde rumor duas deesse tabulas quibus adiectis absolvi posse velut corpus omnis Romani iuris. exspectatio, cum dies comitiorum adpropinquaret, desiderium decemviros iterum creandi fecit.

[¶85] 34.8. The plebs, besides the fact that they hated the name of consul quite as much as that of king, had already ceased to require even the help of the tribunes, since the decemvirs yielded to one another when an appeal was taken.

> Latin: 34.8. plebs, praeterquam quod consulum nomen haud secus quam regum perosa erat, ne tribunicium quidem auxilium cedentibus in vicem appellatione decemviris quaerebat.

[¶86] 35.1. But when the comitia for the election of decemvirs had been announced to take place in fourand-twenty days, there was a great outburst of canvassing; even the chief men in the state —from fear, I doubt not, that if they left the field this great power might fall into unworthy hands —solicited men's votes and humbly begged for an office which they had themselves opposed with all their influence, from those plebeians with whom they had contended.

> Latin: 35.1. vero comitia decemviris creandis in trinum nundinum indicta sunt, tanta exarsit ambitio ut primores quoque civitatis—metu, credo, ne tanti possessio imperii vacuo ab se relicto loco haud satis dignis pateret—prensarent homines, honorem summa ope a se impugnatum ab ea plebe cum qua contenderant suppliciter petentes.

[¶87] 35.3. The risk of losing his position, at his time of life, and after holding the offices he had held, acted as a spur to Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 35.3. iam in discrimen dignitas ea aetate iisque honoribus actis stimulabat Ap. Claudium. utrum inter decemviros an inter candidatos numerares.

[¶88] 35.4. One would not have known whether to reckon him among the decemvirs or the candidates. He was at times more like one who sought a magistracy than like one who exercised it. He vilified the nobles; praised all the most insignificant and low-born candidates; and surrounding himself with former tribunes, like Duillius and Icilius, bustled about the Forum, and through them recommended himself to the plebs; till even his colleagues, who had been singularly devoted to him until then, looked askance at him and wondered what this could mean.

> Latin: 35.4. interdum petendo quam gerendo magistratui erat. optimates, extollere candidatorum levissimum quemque humillimumque, ipse medius inter tribunicios, Iciliosque, in foro volitare, per illos se plebi venditare, donec done collegae quoque, qui unice illi dediti fuerant ad id tempus, coniecere in eum oculos, mirantes quid sibi vellet:

[¶89] 35.6. It was evident there could be nothing genuine about it; so proud a man would certainly not be affable for nothing; excessive self-abasement and mingling with private citizens were not so much the marks of one who was in haste to retire from office as of one who sought the means of re-election.

> Latin: 35.6. apparere nihil sinceri esse; profecto haud gratuitam in tanta superbia comitatem fore: nimium in ordinem se ipsum cogere et volgari cum privatis non tam properantis abire magistratu quam viam ad continuandum magistratum quaerentis esse.

[¶90] 35.7. Open opposition to his desires being more than they dared venture, they endeavoured by a show of complaisance to lessen its intensity; and unanimously appointed him, as their youngest colleague, to preside at the election.

> Latin: 35.7. obviam ire cupiditati parum ausi obsecundando mollire impetum adgrediuntur. illi habendorum, quando minimus natu sit, munus consensu iniungunt.

[¶91] 35.8. This was a trick, that he might be unable to declare himself elected, a thing which none but tribunes of the plebs (and even there the precedent was most vicious) had ever done. But Appius, strange as it may seem, having promised, with a prayer for Heaven's blessing, to convene the comitia, turned the obstacle into an opportunity.

> Latin: 35.8. haec erat, ne semet ipse creare posset, quod praeter tribunos plebi—et id ipsum pessimo exemplo—nemo unquam fecisset. enimvero, quod bene vertat, habiturum se comitia professus, impedimentum pro occasione arripuit, deiectisque honore per coitionem duobus Quinctiis, Capitolino et Cincinnato, et patruo suo C.

[¶92] 35.9. He effected by collusion the defeat of the two Quinctii, Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, of his uncle Gaius Claudius, a steadfast champion of the aristocratic cause, and of other citizens of the same exalted rank; and declared the election of decemvirs who were no match for these men in excellence. His own name he announced among the first, a thing which good citizens condemned with as perfect unanimity, now it was done, as they had before believed he would not dare to do it.

> Latin: 35.9. Claudio, constantissimo viro in optimatium causa, et aliis eiusdem fastigii civibus, nequaquam splendore vitae pares decemviros creat, se in primis, quod haud secus factum improbabant boni quam nemo facere ausurum crediderat.

[¶93] 35.11. With him were elected Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, Marcus Sergius, Lucius Minucius, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, Quintus Poetelius, Titus Antonius Merenda, Caeso Duillius, Spurius Oppius Cornicen, Manius Rabuleius.

> Latin: 35.11. cum eo M. Cornelius Maluginensis M. Sergius L. Minucius Q. Fabius Vibulanus Q. Poetelius T. Antonius Merenda K. Duillius Sp. Oppius Cornicen M'. Rabuleius.

[¶94] 36.1. Appius now threw off the mask he had been wearing, and began from that moment to live as his true nature prompted him. His new colleagues too he commenced, even before they entered upon office, to fashion after his own character.

> Latin: 36.1. finis Appio alienae personae ferendae fuit. iam inde vivere ingenio coepit novosque collegas, iam priusquam inirent magistratum, in suos mores formare.

[¶95] 36.2. Every day they met together without witnesses. The tyrannical designs which they there adopted they matured in secret. They now no longer sought to conceal their pride; they were difficult of access, and surly towards those who sought to speak with them.

> Latin: 36.2. coibant remotis arbitris; inde impotentibus instructi consiliis, quae secreto ab aliis coquebant, iam haud dissimulando superbiam, rari aditus, conloquentibus difficiles, ad idus Maias rem perduxere.

[¶96] 36.3. Thus they carried matters until the Ides of May, at that time the traditional date for beginning a term of office. So then, when they had taken up their duties, they signalized the first day of their administration by a terrible threat. For whereas the former decemvirs had kept to the rule that only one should have the fasces, and that this regal emblem should pass from one to another in rotation, so that each should have his turn, they suddenly appeared in public, every man with his twelve fasces.

> Latin: 36.3. tum Maiae sollemnes ineundis magistratibus erant. igitur magistratu primum honoris diem denuntiatione ingentis terroris insignem fecere. cum ita priores decemviri servassent ut unus fasces haberet et hoc insigne regium in orbem, suam cuiusque vicem, per omnes iret, subito omnes cum duodenis fascibus prodiere.

[¶97] 36.4. A hundred and twenty lictors crowded the Forum, and before them, bound up in the rods, they carried axes. And indeed the decemvirs explained that there had been no reason for removing the axe, since the office to which they had been chosen was without appeal.

> Latin: 36.4. viginti lictores forum impleverant et cum fascibus secures inligatas praeferebant; nec attinuisse demi securem, cum sine provocatione creati essent, interpretabantur.

[¶98] 36.5. They seemed like ten kings; and the terror they inspired, not only in the humblest citizens but in the leaders of the senate, was intensified by the belief that the decemvirs were merely seeking a pretext and an opening for bloodshed, so that if anybody should pronounce a word in praise of liberty, either in the senate or before the people, the rods and axes might instantly be made ready, were it only to frighten the rest.

> Latin: 36.5. regum species erat multiplicatusque terror non infimis solum sed primoribus patrum, ratis caedis causam ac principium quaeri, ut si quis memorem libertatis vocem aut in senatu aut in populo misisset statim virgae securesque etiam ad ceterorum metum expedirentur.

[¶99] 36.6. For besides that there was no help in the people, the right of appeal having been taken away, they had further agreed not to interfere with each other's decisions; whereas their predecessors had allowed their judgments to be revised upon appeal to one of their colleagues; and certain cases which might have been held to be within their own competence they had referred to the people.

> Latin: 36.6. praeterquam quod in populo nihil erat praesidii sublata provocatione, intercessionem quoque consensu sustulerant, cum priores decemviri appellatione collegae corrigi reddita ab se iura tulissent et quaedam, quae sui iudicii videri possent, ad populum reiecissent. aequatus inter omnes terror fuit;

[¶100] 36.7. For a brief period the terror was shared equally by all; but little by little its full force began to fall upon the plebs. The patricians were left unmolested; humbler folk were dealt with arbitrarily and cruelly.

> Latin: 36.7. paulatim totus vertere in plebem coepit. a patribus; in humiliores libidinose crudeliterque consulebatur., non causarum toti erant, ut apud quos gratia vim aequi haberet.

[¶101] 36.8. It was all a question of persons, not of causes, with the decemvirs, since influence held with them the place of right. They concocted their judgments in private, and pronounced them in the Forum. If anybody sought redress from another decemvir, he came away regretting that he had not accepted the decision of the first.

> Latin: 36.8. domi conflabant, pronuntiabant in foro. quis collegam appellasset, ab eo ad quem venerat ita discedebat ut paeniteret non prioris decreto stetisse.

[¶102] 36.9. Moreover a report had got out, though it was not vouched for, that they had not only conspired for present wrongdoing but had ratified with an oath a secret agreement amongst themselves not to call an election, but by means of a perpetual decemvirate to hold the power they had once for all acquired.

> Latin: 36.9. etiam sine auctore exierat non in praesentis modo temporis eos iniuriam conspirasse, sed foedus clandestinum inter ipsos iure iurando ictum, ne comitia haberent perpetuoque decemviratu possessum semel obtinerent imperium.

[¶103] 37.1. The plebeians then fell to searching the countenances of the patricians, and would catch at the breath of freedom in that quarter where they had so feared enslavement as to have reduced the state to its present plight.

> Latin: 37.1. tum patriciorum voltus plebeii et inde libertatis captare auram unde servitutem timendo in eum statum rem publicam adduxerant.

[¶104] 37.2. The leading senators hated the decemvirs and hated the plebs. They could not approve of the things that were being done; still they believed them to be not undeserved. They had no desire to help those who in their greedy rush for liberty had fallen upon servitude, preferring that their wrongs should even be multiplied, that disgust at their actual situation might in the end arouse a longing for the two consuls and the former status of affairs.

> Latin: 37.2. patrum odisse decemviros, odisse plebem; nec probare quae fierent, et credere haud indignis accidere; avide ruendo ad libertatem in servitutem elapsos iuvare nolle, cumulari quoque iniurias, ut taedio praesentium consules duo tandem et status pristinus rerum in desiderium veniant.

[¶105] 37.4. And now the greater part of the year had passed, and the two tables of laws had been added to the ten of the year before; nor was there any further business to make the decemvirate necessary to the republic, so soon as those statutes too should have been enacted in the centuriate assembly.

> Latin: 37.4. iam lam et processerat pars maior anni et duae tabulae legum ad prioris anni decem tabulas erant adiectae, nec nee quicquam iam supererat, si eae quoque leges centuriatis comitiis perlatae essent, cur eo magistratu rei publicae opus esset.

[¶106] 37.5. People were anxiously looking forward to the time when the comitia for the election of consuls should be announced. The plebeians felt only one concern: how were they ever going to restore the tribunician power (their bulwark of liberty) which had been suspended?

> Latin: 37.5. quam mox consulibus creandis comitia edicerentur. modo plebes agitabat, quonam modo tribuniciam potestatem, munimentum libertati, rem intermissam, repararent; cum interim mentio comitiorum nulla fieri.

[¶107] 37.6. Meanwhile there was no mention of an election. And the decemvirs, who had at first exhibited themselves to the plebs in the society of former tribunes, because this had been thought a recommendation to the people, had now assumed a retinue of young patricians.

> Latin: 37.6. decemviri, qui primo tribunicios homines, quia id populate habebatur, circum se ostentaverant plebi, patriciis iuvenibus saepserant latera. catervae tribunalia obsederant.

[¶108] 37.7. Their bands blocked the tribunals. They bullied the plebs and plundered their possessions; for success attended the strong, no matter what they coveted.

> Latin: 37.7. ferre agere plebem plebisque res, cum fortuna, quidquid cupitum foret, potentioris esset.

[¶109] 37.8. And now they ceased even to respect a man's person; some they scourged with rods, others they made to feel the axe; and, that cruelty might not go unrequited, they bestowed the victim's property upon his slayer. Corrupted by these wages, the young nobles not only made no stand against wrong-doing, but frankly showed that they preferred licence for themselves to liberty for all.

> Latin: 37.8. iam ne tergo quidem abstinebatur; virgis caedi, alii securi subici; et ne gratuita crudelitas esset, bonorum donatio sequi domini supplicium. mercede iuventus nobilis corrupta non modo non ire obviam iniuriae, sed propalam licentiam suam malle quam omnium libertatem.

[¶110] 38.1. The Ides of May came. Without causing any magistrates to be elected, the decemvirs, now private citizens, appeared in public with no abatement either of the spirit with which they exercised their power or the insignia which proclaimed their office.

> Latin: 38.1. Maiae venere. subrogatis magistratibus privati pro decemviris neque animis ad imperium inhibendum imminutis neque ad speciem honoris insignibus prodeunt. vero regnum haud dubie videri.

[¶111] 38.2. But this was unmistakable tyranny. Men mourned for liberty as for ever lost; nor did any one arise, or seem likely to do so, in its defence. And not only had the people themselves lost heart; but they had begun to be despised by the neighbouring nations, who could ill brook the existence of imperial power where there was no liberty.

> Latin: 38.2. in perpetuum libertas, nec vindex quisquam exsistit aut futurus videtur. ipsi solum desponderant animos, sed contemni coepti erant a finitimis populis, imperiumque ibi esse ubi non esset libertas indignabantur.

[¶112] 38.3. The Sabines made an incursion with a large force into Roman territory, which they everywhere laid waste. Having safely driven off their booty, comprising men and beasts, they withdrew their army, which had ranged far and wide, to Eretum. There they established a camp, hoping that the want of harmony at Rome would interfere with the levying of troops. Not only the messengers who came, but the flight of the country-people, who thronged the City, inspired a feeling of dismay.

> Latin: 38.3. Sabini magna manu incursionem in agrum Romanum fecere; lateque populati, cum hominum atque pecudum inulti praedas egissent, recepto ad Eretum quod passim vagatum erat agmine castra locant, spem in discordia Romana ponentes: eam impedimentum dilectui fore.

## 16. Book III · chapters 38–50

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/16/#p-N

[¶0] 38.4. The decemvirs considered what they had best do; for they were left in the lurch by the hatred of the patricians on the one side and of the plebs on the other.

> Latin: 38.4. nuntii solum sed per urbem agrestium fuga trepidationem iniecit. consultant quid opus facto sit, destituti inter patrum et plebis odia. terrorem insuper alium fortuna.

[¶1] 38.5. Moreover Fortune sent an additional alarm. The Aequi came from another quarter and encamped on Algidus, and from there raided the lands of Tusculum. Tusculan envoys brought tidings of these acts, and besought protection. The fright which this occasioned drove the decemvirs, now that the City was hemmed in between two simultaneous wars, to consult the senate.

> Latin: 38.5. Aequi alia ex parte castra in Algido locant depopulanturque inde excursionibus Tusculanum agrum. ea ab Tusculo praesidium orantes nuntiant.

[¶2] 38.6. They ordered the Fathers to be summoned to the Curia, though they were not ignorant how great a storm of unpopularity was brewing:

> Latin: 38.6. pavor perculit decemviros ut senatum simul duobus circumstantibus urbem bellis consulerent. iubent in curiam patres haud baud ignari quanta invidiae immineret tempestas:

[¶3] 38.7. the devastation of the land and the dangers which impended would be laid by everybody at their doors; and this would lead to an attempt being made to abolish their magistracy, unless they presented a united resistance, and by sharply exercising their power upon the few really daring spirits, put a stop to the efforts of the rest.

> Latin: 38.7. omnes vastati agri periculorumque imminentium causas in se congesturos, temptationemque eam earn fore abolendi sibi magistratus, ni consensu resisterent imperioque inhibendo acriter in paucos praeferocis animi conatus aliorum comprimerent.

[¶4] 38.8. When the crier's voice was heard in the Forum, calling the senators to meet the decemvirs in the Curia, it was like an innovation, so long had they disregarded the custom of consulting the senate, and it aroused the attention of the plebs, who wondered what in the world could have happened, that after so long an interval they should be reviving a forgotten usage; the enemy and the war deserved men's gratitude, if anything whatever was being done which was usual in a free state.

> Latin: 38.8. audita vox in foro est praeconis patres in curiam ad decemviros vocantis, velut nova res, quia intermiserant iam diu morem consulendi senatus, mirabundam plebem convertit, quidnam incidisset, cur ex tanto intervallo rem desuetam usurparent;

[¶5] 38.9. Men looked about in every corner of the Forum to discover a senator, and seldom recognized one anywhere; then their glances rested on the Curia and the decemvirs sitting there alone.

> Latin: 38.9. hostibus belloque gratiam habendam, quod solitum quicquam liberae civitati fieret. omnibus fori partibus senatorem raroque usquam noscitare;

[¶6] 38.10. Meantime the decemvirs themselves explained the Fathers' failure to assemble as owing to the universal detestation of their rule; the commons as due to their having no authority, being private citizens, to convoke the senate: a beginning, it seemed, was already being made towards the recovery of freedom, if the plebs would join with the senate; and if, even as the Fathers were refusing, when summoned, to attend the session, so they, for their part, would reject the levy. Such were the murmurs of the plebs.

> Latin: 38.10. curiam inde ac solitudinem circa decemviros intueri, cum et ipsi consensu invisum imperium et plebs, quia privatis ius non esset vocandi senatum, non convenire patres interpretarentur: iam caput fieri libertatem repetentium, si se plebs comitem senatui det, et quem ad modum patres vocati non coeant in senatum, sic plebs abnuat dilectum.

[¶7] 38.11. Of senators there was scarce one in the Forum, and there were but few in the City. In their resentment at the situation they had withdrawn to their farms and were absorbed in their private affairs, disregarding those of the nation; for they felt that they were secure from insult only so far as they removed themselves from contact and association with their tyrannical masters.

> Latin: 38.11. fremunt plebes. haud fere quisquam in foro, in urbe rari erant. rerum cesserant in agros, suarumque rerum erant amissa publica, tantum ab iniuria se abesse rati, quantum a coetu congressuque impotentium dominorum se amovissent.

[¶8] 38.12. When on being cited they failed to appear, officers were sent round to their houses, for the double purpose of exacting fines and of ascertaining whether their recalcitrancy were deliberate. They reported that the senators were in the country. This was more pleasing to the decemvirs than if they had announced that the Fathers were in town and repudiated their authority.

> Latin: 38.12. citati non conveniebant, dimissi circa domos apparitores simul ad pignera capienda sciscitandumque num consulto detrectarent referunt senatum in agris esse. id decemviris accidit quam si praesentes detrectare imperium referrent.

[¶9] 38.13. They commanded them all to be summoned, and proclaimed a meeting of the senate for the following day. This session was somewhat better attended than they had themselves expected. Whereupon the plebs concluded that liberty had been betrayed by the senators, since those who had already gone out of office and were mere private citizens, save for the force they exercised, were obeyed by them as though they had the authority to command.

> Latin: 38.13. acciri omnes, senatumque in diem posterum edicunt; qui aliquanto spe ipsorum frequentior convenit. facto proditam a patribus plebs libertatem rata, quod iis qui iam magistratu abissent privatisque, si vis abesset, tamquam iure cogentibus senatus paruisset.

[¶10] 39.1. But their obedience in coming to the senate-house was greater, we are told, than their submissiveness in the expression of their views.

> Latin: 39.1. magis oboedienter ventum in curiam quam obnoxie dictas sententias accepimus.

[¶11] 39.2. It is related that Lucius Valerius Potitus, after Appius Claudius had proposed his motion and before the senators were called upon in order for their opinions, demanded leave to speak on the state of the nation; and when the decemvirs tried with threats to prevent his doing so, stirred up a violent commotion by declaring that he would go before the plebs.

> Latin: 39.2. L. Valerium Potitum proditum memoriae est post relationem Ap. Claudi, priusquam ordine sententiae rogarentur, postulando ut de re publica liceret dicere, prohibentibus minaciter decemviris proditurum se ad plebem denuntiantem tumultum excivisse.

[¶12] 39.3. With equal spirit, it is said, did Marcus Horatius Barbatus enter the dispute, calling them ten Tarquinii, and warning them that the Valerii and the Horatii had been leaders in the expulsion of the kings.

> Latin: 39.3. minus ferociter M. Horatium Barbatum isse in certamen, decem Tarquinios appellantem admonentemque Valeriis et Horatiis ducibus pulsos reges.

[¶13] 39.4. Nor was it the name, said he, which had then disgusted men, since by this name Jupiter was duly called; and Romulus, the founder of the City; and the successive kings; and it had even been retained for religious rites as a solemn title.

> Latin: 39.4. nominis homines tum pertaesum esse, quippe quo Iovem appellari fas sit, quo Romulum, conditorem urbis, deincepsque reges, quod sacris etiam ut sollemne retentum sit: superbiam violentiamque tum perosos regis.

[¶14] 39.5. No, it was the pride and violence of the king which men had hated in those days; and if these qualities had then been intolerable in a king, or the son of a king, who would endure them in so many private citizens?

> Latin: 39.5. si in rege tum aut in filio regis ferenda non fuerint, quem eadem laturum in tot privatis?

[¶15] 39.6. Let them beware lest by denying men freedom of speech in the Curia they should set them a-talking outside the Curia as well. He could not see, he continued, how, as a private citizen, he was less entitled to assemble the people for a speech than they were to convene the senate.

> Latin: 39.6. ne vetando in curia libere homines loqui extra curiam etiam moverent vocem; neque se videre qui sibi minus privato ad contionem populum vocare quam illis senatum cogere liceat.

[¶16] 39.7. When they liked they might learn by making the experiment how much stronger indignation was in the vindication of a man's own liberty than was ambition in defence of unjust power.

> Latin: 39.7. vellent experirentur quanto fortior dolor in libertate sua vindicanda quam cupiditas in iniusta dominatione esset.

[¶17] 39.8. The decemvirs talked of a Sabine war, as if any war were more important to the Roman People than war with those who, though they had been appointed to propose statutes, had left no law in the state; who had done away with elections, with annual magistracies, with the succession of new governors —the only means of equalizing liberty; —and who, though private citizens, had the rods and the power of kings.

> Latin: 39.8. bello Sabino eos referre, tamquam maius ullum populo Romano bellum sit quam cum iis qui legum ferendarum causa creati nihil iuris in civitate reliquerint, qui comitia, qui annuos magistratus, qui vicissitudinem imperitandi, quod unum exaequandae sit libertatis, sustulerint; qui privati fasces et regium imperium habeant.

[¶18] 39.9. Following the expulsion of the kings there had been patrician magistrates; later, after the secession of the plebs, plebeian magistrates had been elected. Of what party, he asked, were they? Of the popular party? Pray what had they done through the agency of the people? Of the aristocratic party? When they had held no meeting of the senate for close upon a year, and were now so conducting it as to suppress discussion of the national welfare?

> Latin: 39.9. regibus exactis patricios magistratus, creatos postea post secessionem plebis plebeios; cuius illi partis essent, rogitare.? Quid enim eos per populum egisse egiss?? Qui anno iam prope senatum non habuerint, nunc ita habeant, ut de re publica loqui prohibeant?

[¶19] 39.10. Let them not trust too much to other men's fears; the things men were enduring now seemed more grievous to them than the things they feared.

> Latin: 39.10. nimium in metu alieno spei ponerent; graviora quae patiantur videri iam hominibus quam quae metuant.

[¶20] 40.1. While Horatius was thus declaiming, the decemvirs were at a loss to know how far they could afford either to resent or to overlook it; nor could they make out what the upshot was likely to be.

> Latin: 40.1. vociferante Horatio cum decemviri nec irae nec ignoscendi modum reperirent nec quo evasura res esset cernerent, C.

[¶21] 40.2. But Gaius Claudius, the uncle of Appius the decemvir, made a speech, approaching more nearly to entreaty than expostulation, in which he implored him in the name of his own brother's and his father's departed spirits to remember rather the civil society in which he had been born than the wicked compact he had entered into with his colleagues.

> Latin: 40.2. Claudi, qui patruus Appi decemviri erat, oratio fuit precibus quam iurgio similior, orantis per sui fratris parentisque eius manes ut civilis potius societatis, in qua natus esset, quam foederis nefarie icti cum collegis meminisset. id magis se illius causa orare quam rei publicae;

[¶22] 40.4. This he begged much more for Appius's own sake than for the sake of the nation; indeed the nation would demand its rights in spite of the decemvirs, if they did not accord them voluntarily; but a great struggle usually aroused great passions, and he shuddered to think what these might lead to.

> Latin: 40.4. quippe rem publicam, si a volentibus nequeat, ab invitis ius expetituram; sed ex magno certamine magnas excitari ferme iras; earum eventum se horrere.

[¶23] 40.5. Although the decemvirs wished to prevent discussion of anything but the subject they had introduced, they were ashamed to interrupt Claudius, who accordingly brought his speech to a conclusion, with the proposal that the senate should take no action.

> Latin: 40.5. aliud praeterquam de quo rettulissent decemviri dicere prohiberent, Claudium interpellandi verecundia fuit. igitur peregit nullum placere senatus consultum fieri.

[¶24] 40.6. Everybody accepted this as meaning that Claudius held the decemvirs to be private citizens; and many of consular rank signified their approval, without discussion.

> Latin: 40.6. ita accipiebant, privatos eos a Claudio iudicatos; multique ex consularibus verbo adsensi sunt.

[¶25] 40.7. Another motion, ostensibly harsher, but in reality somewhat less drastic, directed the patricians to assemble and proclaim an interrex. For by passing any measure whatsoever they declared those who presided over the senate to be magistrates; whereas they had been rated as mere citizens by him who advised the senate against adopting any resolution.

> Latin: 40.7. sententia, asperior in speciem, vim minorem aliquanto habuit, quae patricios coire ad prodendum interregem iubebat. enim quodcumque magistratus esse qui senatum haberent iudicabant, quos privatos fecerat auctor nullius senatus consulti faciendi.

[¶26] 40.8. Thus the cause of the decemvirs was already collapsing, when Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius the decemvir, who had purposely been reserved to be the last speaker among the ex-consuls, defended his brother and his brother's colleagues by feigning anxiety about the war. He said he wondered by what fatality it had come about that the decemvirs were being attacked solely, or at least chiefly, by those who had sought election to that office;

> Latin: 40.8. labente iam causa decemvirorum L. Cornelius Maluginensis, M. Corneli decemviri frater, cum ex consularibus ad ultimum dicendi locum consulto servatus esset, simulando curam belli fratrem collegasque eius tuebatur, quonam fato incidisset mirari se dictitans ut decemviros, qui decemviratum petissent—aut soli ii aut maxime—oppugnarent;

[¶27] 40.10. or why it was that during the many months in which the state had been at peace nobody had raised the question whether regular magistrates were at the head of affairs, and only now, when the enemy were almost at their gates, were men sowing political dissension; unless it was because they thought that in troubled waters it would be harder to discern what was going on.

> Latin: 40.10. aut quid ita, cum per tot menses vacua civitate nemo iustine magistratus summae rerum praeessent controversiam fecerit, nunc demum cum hostes prope ad portas sint, civiles discordias serant, nisi quod in turbido minus perspicuum fore putent quid agatur.

[¶28] 40.11. For the rest, was it not right that when men's attention was taken up with the larger concern, all prejudgment of so important a matter should be eliminated? He therefore proposed, concerning the charge brought by Valerius and Horatius that the official term of the decemvirs had expired on the day before the Ides of May, that they should first conclude the impending wars and restore the state's tranquillity, and then refer the question to the senate for settlement;

> Latin: 40.11. —nonne enim maiore cura occupatis animis verum esse praeiudicium rei tantae auferri?—sibi placere de eo quod Valerius Horatiusque ante idus Maias decemviros abisse magistratu insimulent, bellis quae immineant perfectis, re publica in tranquillum redacta, senatu disceptante agi, et iam nunc ita se parare Ap.

[¶29] 40.12. and that Appius Claudius should at once make up his mind to recognize that he must explain, regarding the comitia which he had held for the election of decemvirs —being one himself —whether they were chosen for one year or until the missing laws should be enacted.

> Latin: 40.12. Claudium ut comitiorum quae decemviris creandis decemvir ipse habuerit sciat sibi rationem reddendam esse utrum in unum annum creati sint, an donec leges quae deessent perferrentur.

[¶30] 40.13. For the present he thought they should pay no attention to anything but the war. If the current rumours about it seemed to them to be false, and if they supposed that not only the couriers but the Tusculan envoys also had brought them idle stories, he suggested that they send out scouts to investigate and return with more certain information.

> Latin: 40.13. praesentia omnia praeter bellum omitti placere; cuius si falso famam volgatam, vanaque non nuntios solum sed Tusculanorum etiam legatos adtulisse putent, speculatores mittendos censere qui certius explorata referant;

[¶31] 40.14. But if they trusted both couriers and envoys, a levy should be held at the earliest possible moment; and the decemvirs should lead the armies whither it seemed good to each of them, giving precedence to no other business.

> Latin: 40.14. sin fides et nuntiis et legatis habeatur, dilectum primo quoque tempore haberi et decemviros quo cuique eorum videatur exercitus ducere nec rem aliam praeverti.

[¶32] 41.1. The younger senators were about to force this motion through on a division, when Valerius and Horatius, in a second and more impassioned outburst, demanded that they be permitted to speak about the state of the nation. They would address the people, they said, if they were restrained by a faction from speaking in the senate; for neither could private citizens prevent them, whether in the senate-house or in an assembly, nor would they yield to the emblems of a fictitious authority.

> Latin: 41.1. hanc sententiam ut discederetur iuniores patrum evincebant. iterum coorti Valerius Horatiusque vociferari ut de re publica liceret dicere; dicturos ad populum, si in senatu per factionem non liceat; neque enim sibi privatos aut in curia aut in contione posse obstare, neque se imaginariis fascibus eorum cessuros esse.

[¶33] 41.2. Thereupon Appius, thinking the moment was at hand when, unless he opposed their violence with equal boldness, his authority was doomed, cried out, “It will be safer not to utter a word except on the subject of debate!” And when Valerius asserted that he would not be silenced by a mere citizen, he sent a lictor to arrest him.

> Latin: 41.2. Appius, iam prope esse ratus ut ni violentiae eorum pari resisteretur audacia victum imperium esset, erit melius inquit, nisi de quo consulimus vocem misisse, et ad Valerium, negantem se privato reticere, lictorem accedere iussit.

[¶34] 41.4. Valerius was imploring the citizens for help, from the threshold of the Curia, when Lucius Cornelius, throwing his arms about Appius, and feigning to be concerned for the other man, stopped the quarrel. At his request Valerius was permitted to say what he wished. But liberty went no further than speech; the decemvirs made good their design.

> Latin: 41.4. Quiritium fidem implorante Valerio a curiae limine, L. Cornelius complexus Appium, non cui simulabat consulendo, diremit certamen; factaque per Cornelium Valerio dicendi gratia quae vellet, cum libertas non ultra vocem excessisset, decemviri propositum tenuere.

[¶35] 41.5. Even the ex-consuls and the elder senators, in consequence of their lingering hatred of the tribunician power, which they thought the plebs regretted much more keenly than they did the authority of the consuls, almost preferred that at some later time the decemvirs should voluntarily abdicate than that hatred of them should lead to another rising of the plebs.

> Latin: 41.5. quoque ac seniores ab residuo tribuniciae potestatis odio, cuius desiderium plebi multo acrius quam consularis imperii rebantur esse, prope malebant postmodo ipsos decemviros voluntate abire magistratu quam invidia eorum exsurgere rursus plebem:

[¶36] 41.6. If gentle measures should restore the government to the consuls, without any popular outcry, they might, either through the intervention of wars, or through the moderation of the consuls in the exercise of their power, bring the plebeians to forget the tribunes.

> Latin: 41.6. si leniter ducta res sine populari strepitu ad consules redisset, aut bellis interpositis aut moderatione consulum in imperiis exercendis posse in oblivionem tribunorum plebem adduci.

[¶37] 41.7. The senators permitted in silence the proclamation of a levy. The young men answered to their names, since the authority of the decemvirs was without appeal. When the legions were enrolled, the decemvirs settled among themselves who ought to go to the front and who command the armies.

> Latin: 41.7. patrum edicitur dilectus., cum sine provocatione imperium esset, ad nomina respondent. scriptis inter se decemviri comparant, quos ire ad bellum, quos praeesse exercitibus oporteret.

[¶38] 41.8. Chief among the ten were Quintus Fabius and Appius Claudius. The war at home seemed more important than that abroad. The violence of Appius was, they thought, more adapted to quell disturbances in the City; while Fabius was of a character deficient in steady rectitude rather than actively bad.

> Latin: 41.8. inter decemviros erant Q. Fabius et Ap. Claudius. domi maius quam foris apparebat. Appi violentiam aptiorem rati ad comprimendos urbanos motus; in Fabio minus in bono constans potius quam navum in malitia ingenium esse.

[¶39] 41.9. For this man, once pre-eminent in civil and in military affairs, had been so altered by the decemvirate and by his colleagues that he chose rather to be like Appius than like himself. To him was intrusted the war in the Sabine country, and Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Poetelius were given him as colleagues.

> Latin: 41.9. enim virum, egregium olim domi militiaeque, decemviratus collegaeque ita mutaverant, ut Appi quam sui similis mallet esse. bellum in Sabinis M'. Rabuleio et Q. Poetelio additis collegis mandatum.

[¶40] 41.10. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Mount Algidus, with Lucius Minucius, Titus Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and Marcus Sergius. Spurius Oppius they assigned to Appius Claudius, to help him in looking out for the City; and they gave them the same powers as had been exercised by the entire board.

> Latin: 41.10. M. Cornelius in Algidum missus cum L. Minucio et T. Antonio et K. Duillio et M. Sergio. Sp. Oppium Ap. Claudio adiutorem ad urbem tuendam aequo omnium decemvirorum imperio decernunt.

[¶41] 42.1. The business of the nation was managed no better in the field than at home.

> Latin: 42.1. militiae quam domi melius res publica administrata est.

[¶42] 42.2. The only fault of the generals was that they had made the citizens detest them; the rest of the blame belonged to the soldiers, who, that nothing might anywhere prosper under the command and auspices of the decemvirs, permitted themselves to be beaten, to their own disgrace and that of their commanders.

> Latin: 42.2. modo in ducibus culpa quod ut odio essent civibus fecerant; alia omnis penes milites noxia erat, qui ne quid ductu atque auspicio decemvirorum prospere usquam gereretur vinci se per suum atque illorum dedecus patiebantur.

[¶43] 42.3. Their armies were routed, both by the Sabines near Eretum, and on Algidus by the Aequi. From Eretum they fled in the silence of the night, and intrenched themselves near the City, between Fidenae and Crustumeria, on elevated ground.

> Latin: 42.3. et ab Sabinis ad Eretum et in Algido ab Aequis exercitus erant. Ab Ereto per silentium noctis profugi propius urbem, inter Fidenas Crustumeriamque, loco edito castra communierant;

[¶44] 42.4. When the enemy followed them up, they nowhere ventured to fight in the open field, but defended themselves by the position and their rampart, not by bravery and arms.

> Latin: 42.4. persecutis hostibus nusquam se aequo certamine committentes, natura loci ac vallo, non virtute aut armis tutabantur.

[¶45] 42.5. The disgrace on Algidus was worse, and a worse disaster was sustained; even the camp was lost, and stripped of all their baggage, the soldiers fled to Tusculum, to subsist by the loyalty and compassion of their hosts, —which nevertheless did not fail them.

> Latin: 42.5. flagitium in Algido, maior etiam clades accepta; castra quoque amissa erant, exutusque omnibus utensilibus miles Tusculum se, fide misericordiaque victurus hospitum, quae tamen non fefellerunt, contulerat.

[¶46] 42.6. To Rome came such alarming reports that the patricians, laying aside now their hatred of the decemvirs, voted to establish watches in the City, and commanded all who were of an age to bear arms to guard the walls and do outpost duty before the gates.

> Latin: 42.6. Romam tanti erant terrores allati ut posito iam decemvirali odio patres vigilias in urbe habendas censerent, omnes qui per aetatem arma ferre possent custodire moenia ac pro portis stationes agere iuberent, arma Tusculum ac supplementum decernerent decemvirosque ab arce Tusculi degressos in castris militem habere;

[¶47] 42.7. They decreed that arms should be dispatched to Tusculum, and reinforcements, and that the decemvirs should descend from the Tusculan citadel and hold their troops in camp; that the other camp should be transferred from Fidenae to Sabine territory, so that by taking the offensive they might frighten the enemy into abandoning his design to besiege the City.

> Latin: 42.7. castra alia a Fidenis in Sabinum agrum transferri, belloque ultro inferendo deterreri hostes a consilio urbis oppugnandae.

[¶48] 43.1. To the disaster suffered at the hands of the enemy the decemvirs added two shameful crimes, one committed in the field, the other at home.

> Latin: 43.1. clades ab hostibus acceptas duo nefanda facinora decemviri belli domique adiciunt.

[¶49] 43.2. Lucius Siccius was serving in the Sabine campaign. Taking advantage of the hatred entertained for the decemvirs, he would scatter hints, in secret conversations with the common soldiers, that they should elect tribunes and secede.

> Latin: 43.2. L. Siccium in Sabinis, per invidiam decemviralem tribunorum creandorum secessionisque mentiones ad volgus militum sermonibus occultis serentem, prospeculatum ad locum castris capiendum mittunt.

[¶50] 43.3. So the generals sent him to look out a place for an encampment; and instructed the men whom they assigned to share his expedition to set upon him when they had got to a suitable spot, and kill him.

> Latin: 43.3. negotium militibus quos miserant expeditionis eius comites ut eum opportuno adorti loco interficerent.

[¶51] 43.4. He died not unavenged. For he laid about him, and several of the assassins fell, for he was very strong, and though surrounded, defended himself with a courage equal to his strength.

> Latin: 43.4. inultum interfecere; nam circa repugnantem aliquot insidiatores cecidere, cum ipse se praevalidus pari viribus animo circumventus tutaretur.

[¶52] 43.5. The others reported at the camp that they had fallen into an ambuscade, and that Siccius had perished, fighting valiantly, and with him certain soldiers.

> Latin: 43.5. in castra ceteri praecipitatum in insidias esse; Siccium egregie pugnantem militesque quosdam cum eo amissos.

[¶53] 43.6. At first their report was believed; afterwards a cohort set out, by permission of the decemvirs, to bury the slain; and finding that none of the bodies there had been despoiled, and that Siccius lay armed in the midst, with all the bodies facing him, while the enemy had left no dead nor any indication of having withdrawn, they brought back the corpse, and declared that Siccius had certainly been murdered by his own men.

> Latin: 43.6. fides nuntiantibus fuit; profecta deinde cohors ad sepeliendos qui ceciderant decemvirorum decemviroru m permissu, postquam nullum spoliatum ibi corpus Sicciumque in medio iacentem armatum omnibus in eum versis corporibus videre, hostium neque corpus ullum nec vestigia abeuntium, profecto ab suis interfectum memorantes rettulere corpus.

[¶54] 43.7. The camp was ablaze with indignation, and it was resolved that Siccius should be carried to Rome forthwith; but the decemvirs made haste to give him a military funeral at the public cost. The soldiers sorrowed greatly at his burial, and the worst reports were current about the decemvirs.

> Latin: 43.7. plena castra erant, et Romam ferri protinus Siccium placebat, ni decemviri funus militare ei publica public inpensa facere maturassent. ingenti militum maestitia, pessima decemvirorum in volgus fama est.

[¶55] 44.1. This outrage was followed by another, committed in Rome, which was inspired by lust and was no less shocking in its consequences than that which had led, through the rape and the death of Lucretia, to the expulsion of the Tarquinii from the City and from their throne; thus not only did the same end befall the decemvirs as had befallen the kings, but the same cause deprived them of their power.

> Latin: 44.1. aliud in urbe nefas ab libidine ortum, haud minus foedo eventu quam quod per stuprum caedemque Lucretiae urbe regnoque Tarquinios expulerat, ut non finis solum idem decemviris qui regibus sed causa etiam eadem imperii amittendi esset.

[¶56] 44.2. Appius Claudius was seized with the desire to debauch a certain maiden belonging to the plebs. The girl's father, Lucius Verginius, a centurion of rank, was serving on Algidus, a man of exemplary life at home and in the army.

> Latin: 44.2. Ap. Claudium virginis plebeiae stuprandae libido cepit. virginis, L. Verginius, honestum ordinem in Algido ducebat, vir exempli recti domi militiaeque. uxor instituta fuerat liberique instituebantur.

[¶57] 44.3. His wife had been brought up in the same principles, and his children were being trained in them. He had betrothed his daughter to the former tribune Lucius Icilius, an active man of proven courage in the cause of the plebeians.

> Latin: 44.3. filiam L. Icilio tribunicio, viro acri et pro causa plebis expertae virtutis.

[¶58] 44.4. She was a grown girl, remarkably beautiful, and Appius, crazed with love, attempted to seduce her with money and promises. But finding that her modesty was proof against everything, he resolved on a course of cruel and tyrannical violence.

> Latin: 44.4. virginem adultam forma excellentem Appius amore amens pretio ac spe perlicere adortus, postquam omnia pudore saepta animadvertit, ad crudelem superbamque vim animum convertit.

[¶59] 44.5. He commissioned Marcus Claudius, his client, to claim the girl as his slave, and not to yield to those who demanded her liberation, thinking that the absence of the maiden's father afforded an opportunity for the wrong.

> Latin: 44.5. M. Claudio clienti negotium dedit ut virginem in servitutem adsereret neque cederet secundum libertatem postulantibus vindicias, quod pater puellae abesset locum iniuriae esse ratus.

[¶60] 44.6. As Verginia was entering the Forum —for there, in booths, were the elementary schools —the minister of the decemvir's lust laid his hand upon her, and calling her the daughter of his bond-woman and herself a slave, commanded her to follow him, and threatened to drag her off by force if she hung back.

> Latin: 44.6. venienti in forum —ibi namque in tabernaculis litterarum ludi erant— minister decemviri libidinis manum iniecit, serva sua natam servamque appellans, sequique se iubebat: cunctantem vi abstracturum.

[¶61] 44.7. Terror made the maiden speechless, but the cries of her nurse imploring help of the Quirites quickly brought a crowd about them. The names of Verginius her father and of her betrothed Icilius were known and popular. Their acquaintance were led to support the girl out of regard for them; the crowd was influenced by the shamelessness of the attempt.

> Latin: 44.7. puella stupente ad clamorem nutricis fidem Quiritium implorantis fit concursus. Vergini patris sponsique Icili populare nomen celebrabatur. gratia eorum, turbam indignitas rei virgini conciliat.

[¶62] 44.8. She was already safe from violence, when the claimant protested that there was no occasion for the people to become excited; he was proceeding lawfully, not by force.

> Latin: 44.8. a vi tuta erat, cum adsertor nihil opus esse multitudine concitata ait; se iure grassari, non vi. puellam in ius.

[¶63] 44.9. He then summoned the girl to court. She was advised by her supporters to 145 follow him, and they went before the tribunal of Appius. The plaintiff acted out a comedy familiar to the judge, since it was he and no other who had invented the plot: The girl had been born, said Marcus, in his house, and had thence been stealthily conveyed to the home of Verginius and palmed off upon him as his own;

> Latin: 44.9. qui aderant ut Sequeretur, Ad tribunal Appi perventum est. iudici fabulam petitor, quippe apud ipsum auctorem argumenti, peragit: puellam domi suae natam furtoque inde in domum Vergini translatam suppositam ei esse;

[¶64] 44.10. he had good evidence for what he said, and would prove it even though Verginius himself were judge, who was more wronged than he was; meanwhile it was right that the hand-maid should follow her master.

> Latin: 44.10. id se indicio compertum adferre probaturumque vel ipso Verginio iudice, ad quem maior pars iniuriae eius pertineat; interim dominum sequi ancillam aequum esse.

[¶65] 44.11. The friends of the girl said that Verginius was absent on the service of the state; he would be at hand in two days' time if he were given notice of the matter; it was unjust that a man should be involved in litigation about his children when away from home; they therefore requested Appius to leave the case open until the father arrived, and in accordance with the law he had himself proposed, grant the custody of the girl to the defendants, nor suffer a grown maiden's honour to be jeopardized before her freedom should be adjudicated.

> Latin: 44.11. puellae, cum Verginium rei publicae causa dixissent abesse, biduo adfuturum si nuntiatum ei sit, iniquum esse absentem de liberis dimicare, postulant ut rem integram in patris adventum differat, lege ab ipso lata vindicias det secundum libertatem, neu patiatur virginem adultam famae prius quam libertatis periculum adire.

[¶66] 45.1. Appius prefaced his decision by saying that it was evident how much he favoured liberty from that very law which the friends of Verginius made the pretext for their claim;

> Latin: 45.1. Appius decreto praefatur, quam libertati faverit eam ipsam legem declarare quam Vergini amici postulationi suae praetendant;

[¶67] 45.2. but the law would afford liberty a sure protection only if it varied neither with causes nor with persons; for in the case of others who were claimed as free, the demand was legal, since any one might bring an action: in the case of one who was under the authority of a father there was no one else to whom the master ought to yield the custody;

> Latin: 45.2. ceterum ita in ea firmum libertati fore praesidium si nec causis nec personis variet; in aliis enim qui adserantur in libertatem quia quivis lege agere possit, id iuris esse: in ea quae in patris manu sit neminem esse alium cui dominus possessione cedat.

[¶68] 45.3. accordingly he decreed that the father should be summoned, and that meanwhile the claimant should not relinquish his right, but should take the girl in charge and guarantee that she should be produced at the coming of him who was called her father.

> Latin: 45.3. itaque patrem arcessiri, interea iuris sui iacturam adsertorem non facere quin ducat puellam sistendamque in adventum eius qui pater dicatur promittat.

[¶69] 45.4. Against the injustice of the decree, though many murmured their disapproval, there was not a single man who dared to stand out; when Publius Numitorius, the girl's great-uncle, and her lover Icilius, arrived on the scene.

> Latin: 45.4. iniuriam decreticum multi magis fremerent quam quisquam unus recusare auderet, P. Numitorius, puellae avus, et sponsus Icilius interveniunt;

[¶70] 45.5. When a path had been opened for them through the throng, since the crowd believed that the intervention of Icilius would be particularly effectual in resisting Appius, the lictor cried that the case had been decided, and as Icilius began to protest, attempted to thrust him aside.

> Latin: 45.5. dataque inter turbam via, cum multitudo multitude Icili maxime interventu resisti posse Appio crederet, lictor decresse ait vociferantemque Icilium submovet.

[¶71] 45.6. Even a placid nature would have been incensed by so violent an insult. “You must use iron to rid yourself of me, Appius,” he cried, “that you may carry through in silence what you desire should be concealed. This maiden I am going to wed; and I intend that my bride shall be chaste.”

> Latin: 45.6. quoque ingenium tam atrox iniuria accendisset. hinc tibi submovendus sum, Appi inquit, ut tacitum feras quod celari vis. ego hanc sum ducturus nuptamque pudicam habiturus.

[¶72] 45.7. “So call together all your colleagues' lictors too; bid them make ready rods and axes: the promised wife of Icilius shall not pass the night outside her father's house.”

> Latin: 45.7. omnes collegarum quoque lictores convoca; expediri virgas et secures iube; non manebit extra domum patris sponsa Icili.

[¶73] 45.8. “No! If you have taken from the Roman plebs the assistance of the tribunes and the right of appeal, two citadels for the defence of liberty, it has not therefore been granted to your lust to lord it over our children and our wives as well!”

> Latin: 45.8. , si tribunicium auxilium et provocationem plebi Romanae, duas arces libertatis tuendae, ademistis, ideo in liberos quoque nostros coniugesque regnum vestrae libidini datum est.

[¶74] 45.9. “Vent your rage upon our backs and our necks: let our chastity at least be safe. If that shall be assailed, I will call on the Quirites here present to protect my bride, Verginius will invoke the help of the soldiers in behalf of his only daughter, and all of us will implore the protection of gods and men;”

> Latin: 45.9. in tergum et in cervices nostras: pudicitia saltem in tuto sit. si vis adferetur, ego praesentium Quiritium pro sponsa, Verginius militum pro unica filia, omnes deorum hominumque implorabimus fidem, neque tu istud unquam decretum sine caede nostra referes.

[¶75] 45.10. “nor shall you ever repeat that decree of yours without shedding our blood. I ask you, Appius, to consider earnestly whither you are going.”

> Latin: 45.10. , Appi, etiam atque etiam consideres quo progrediare.

[¶76] 45.11. “Let Verginius decide what to do about his daughter, when he comes; but of one thing he may rest assured: if he yields to this man's claim, he will have to seek a husband for her. As for me, in defence of the freedom of my bride I will sooner die than prove disloyal.”

> Latin: 45.11. Verginius viderit de filia ubi venerit quid agat; hoc tantum sciat, sibi si huius vindiciis cesserit condicionem filiae quaerendam esse. vindicantem sponsam in libertatem vita citius deseret quam fides.

[¶77] 46.1. The crowd was deeply moved and a conflict appeared to be imminent. The lictors had surrounded Icilius, but had nevertheless gone no further than to threaten him, since Appius declared that it was not a question of Verginia's defence by Icilius, but of a turbulent fellow, who even now breathed the spirit of the tribunate, seeking an opportunity to stir up strife.

> Latin: 46.1. multitudo erat certamenque instare videbatur. Icilium circumsteterant; nec ultra minas tamen processum est, cum Appius non Verginiam defendi ab Icilio, sed inquietum hominem et tribunatum etiam nunc spirantem locum seditionis quaerere diceret.

[¶78] 46.3. He would furnish him no excuse for it that day; but that he might know now that the concession had not been made to his own wantonness but to the absent Verginius, to the name of father, and to liberty, he would not pronounce judgment that day nor deliver a decision; he would request Marcus Claudius to waive his right and suffer the girl to remain at large until the morrow;

> Latin: 46.3. praebiturum se illi eo die materiam; sed ut iam sciret non id petulantiae suae sed Verginio absenti et patrio nomini et libertati datum, ius eo die se non dicturum neque decretum interpositurum: a M. Claudio petiturum, ut decederet iure suo vindicarique puellam in posterum diem pateretur;

[¶79] 46.4. but unless the father should appear the next day, he gave notice to Icilius and to those like Icilius that the proposer of his law would not fail to support it, nor the decemvir be wanting in firmness; and in any case he should not call together his colleagues' lictors to repress the instigators of sedition, but rest content with his own.

> Latin: 46.4. quod nisi pater postero die adfuisset, denuntiare se Icilio similibusque Icili, neque legi suae latorem neque decemviro constantiam defore. se utique collegarum lictores convocaturum ad coercendos seditionis auctores: contentum se suis lictoribus fore.

[¶80] 46.5. The time for accomplishing the wrong having been postponed, the girl's supporters went apart by themselves, and decided that first of all the brother of Icilius and the son of Numitorius, active young men, should proceed straight to the City gate and make all possible haste to the camp, to summon Verginius; for the maiden's safety turned on her protector's being at hand in time.

> Latin: 46.5. dilatum tempus iniuriae esset secessissentque advocati puellae, placuit omnium primum fratrem Icili filiumque Numitori, impigros iuvenes, pergere inde recta ad portam, et quantum adcelerari posset Verginium acciri e castris:

[¶81] 46.6. They set out the moment they got their orders, and galloping their horses, carried the message through to the father.

> Latin: 46.6. in eo verti puellae salutem, si postero die vindex iniuriae ad tempus praesto esset. pergunt citatisque equis nuntium ad patrem perferunt.

[¶82] 46.7. When the claimant of the girl pressed Icilius to furnish the sureties required of her guarantor, and Icilius said that it was precisely that which he was considering (though he was doing his best to consume time, that the messengers who had been dispatched to the camp might get a start on the way), the people began on every side to raise their hands, and every man of them to indicate his readiness to go bail for Icilius.

> Latin: 46.7. instaret adsertor puellae ut vindicaret sponsoresque daret, atque id ipsum agi diceret Icilius, sedulo tempus terens dum praeciperent iter nuntii missi in castra, manus tollere undique multitudo multitude et se quisque paratum ad spondendum Icilio ostendere.

[¶83] 46.8. And Icilius said, with tears in his eyes, “I am grateful to you; to-morrow I will use your services; of sureties I now have enough.” So Verginia was surrendered, on the security of her kinsmen.

> Latin: 46.8. ille lacrimabundus Gratum est inquit; crastina die vestra opera utar; sponsorum nunc satis est. vindicatur Verginia spondentibus propinquis.

[¶84] 46.9. Appius waited a little while, that he might not appear to have sat for this case only, and when nobody applied to him —for all other matters were forgotten in men's concern over this, —he went to his house and wrote to his colleagues in camp that they should grant no furlough to Verginius, and should even detain him in custody.

> Latin: 46.9. Appius paulisper moratus ne eius rei causa sedisse videretur, postquam omissis rebus aliis prae cura unius nemo adibat, domum se recepit collegisque in castra scribit, ne Verginio commeatum dent atque etiam in custodia habeant.

[¶85] 46.10. His base design was too late, as it deserved to be; Verginius had already got his leave, and had set out in the fore-part of the night, nor was it until early the next morning that the letters for detaining him were delivered, to no purpose.

> Latin: 46.10. consilium serum, ut debuit, fuit, et iam commeatu sumpto profectus Verginius prima vigilia erat, cum postero die mane de retinendo eo nequiquam litterae redduntur.

[¶86] 47.1. But in the City, as the citizens at break of day were standing in the Forum, agog with expectation, Verginius, dressed in sordid clothes and leading his daughter, who was also meanly clad and was attended by a number of matrons, came down into the market-place with a vast throng of supporters.

> Latin: 47.1. in urbe prima luce cum civitas in foro exspectatione erecta staret, Verginius sordidatus filiam secum obsoleta veste comitantibus aliquot matronis cum ingenti advocatione in forum deducit.

[¶87] 47.2. He then began to go about and canvass people, and not merely to ask their aid as a favour, but to claim it as his due, saying that he stood daily in the battle-line in defence of their children and their wives; that there was no man of whom more strenuous and courageous deeds in war could be related —to what end, if despite the safety of the City those outrages which were dreaded as the worst that could follow a city's capture must be suffered by their children? Pleading thus, as if in a kind of public appeal, he went about amongst the people.

> Latin: 47.2. ibi et prensare homines coepit et non orare solum precariam opem, sed pro debita petere: Se pro liberis eorum ac coniugibus cottidie in acie stare, nec alium virum esse cuius strenue ac fortiter facta in bello plura memorari possent; quid prodesse si, incolumi urbe, quae capta ultima timeantur liberis suis sint patienda?

[¶88] 47.3. Similar appeals were thrown out by Icilius; but the women who attended them were more moving, as they wept in silence, than any words.

> Latin: 47.3. prope contionabundus circumibat homines. his ab Icilio iactabantur.

[¶89] 47.4. In the face of all these things Appius hardened his heart —so violent was the madness, as it may more truly be called than love, that had overthrown his reason —and mounted the tribunal. The plaintiff was actually uttering a few words of complaint, on the score of having been balked of his rights the day before through partiality, when, before he could finish his demand, or Verginius be given an opportunity to answer, Appius interrupted him.

> Latin: 47.4. muliebris plus tacito fletu quam ulla vox movebat. quae omnia obstinato animo Appius—tanta vis amentiae verius quam amoris mentem turbaverat—in tribunal escendit, et ultro querente pauca petitore quod ius sibi pridie per ambitionem dictum non esset, priusquam aut ille postulatum perageret aut Verginio respondendi daretur locus, Appius interfatur.

[¶90] 47.5. The discourse with which he led up to his decree may perhaps be truthfully represented in some one of the old accounts, but since I can nowhere discover one that is plausible, in view of the enormity of the decision, it seems my duty to set forth the naked fact, upon which all agree, that he adjudged Verginia to him who claimed her as his slave.

> Latin: 47.5. decreto sermonem praetenderit, forsan aliquem verum auctores antiqui tradiderint: quia nusquam ullum in tanta foeditate decreti veri similem invenio, id quod constat nudum videtur proponendum, decresse vindicias secundum servitutem.

[¶91] 47.6. At first everybody was rooted to the spot in amazement at so outrageous a proceeding, and for a little while after the silence was unbroken. Then, when Marcus Claudius was making his way through the group of matrons to lay hold upon the girl, and had been greeted by the women with wails and lamentations, Verginius shook his fist at Appius and cried, “It was to Icilius, Appius, not to you that I betrothed my daughter; and it was for wedlock, not dishonour, that I brought her up.”

> Latin: 47.6. stupor omnes admiratione rei tam atrocis defixit; silentium inde aliquamdiu tenuit. cum M. Claudius circumstantibus matronis iret ad prehendendam virginem, lamentabilisque eum mulierum comploratio excepisset, Verginius intentans in Appium manus, Icilio inquit, Appi, non tibi filiam despondi et ad nuptias, non ad stuprum educavi.

[¶92] 47.7. “Would you have men imitate the beasts of the field and the forest in promiscuous gratification of their lust? Whether these people propose to tolerate such conduct I do not know: I cannot believe that those who have arms will endure it.”

> Latin: 47.7. pecudum ferarumque ritu promisce in concubitus ruere? haec isti sint, nescio: non spero esse passuros illos, qui arma habent.

[¶93] 47.8. The claimant of the maiden was being forced back by the ring of women and supporters who surrounded her, when silence was commanded by a herald;

> Latin: 47.8. repelleretur adsertor virginis a globo mulierum circumstantiumque advocatorum, silentium factum per praeconem.

[¶94] 48.1. and the decemvir, crazed with lust, declared that he knew, not only from the abusive words uttered by Icilius the day before and the violence of Verginius, which he could prove by the testimony of the Roman People, but also from definite information, that all through the night meetings had been held in the City to promote sedition.

> Latin: 48.1. alienatus ad libidinem animo negat ex hesterno tantum convicio Icili violentiaque Vergini, cuius testem populum Romanum habeat, sed certis quoque indiciis compertum se habere nocte tota coetus in urbe factos esse ad movendam seditionem.

[¶95] 48.2. Accordingly, having been aware of the approaching struggle, he had come down into the Forum with armed men, not that he might do violence to any peaceable citizen, but to coerce, conformably to the dignity of his office, those who would disturb the nation's peace.

> Latin: 48.2. se haud baud inscium eius dimicationis cum armatis descendisse, non ut quemquam quietum violaret, sed ut turbantes civitatis otium pro maiestate imperii imperil coerceret.

[¶96] 48.3. “You will therefore,” he cried, “best be quiet! Go, lictor, remove the mob and open a way for the master to seize his slave!” When he had wrathfully thundered out these words, the crowd parted spontaneously and left the girl standing there, a prey to villainy.

> Latin: 48.3. quiesse erit melius. I, inquit, lictor, submove turbam et da viam domino ad prehendendum mancipium. haec intonuisset plenus irae, multitudo multitude ipsa se sua sponte dimovit desertaque praeda iniuriae puella stabat.

[¶97] 48.4. Then Verginius, seeing no help anywhere, said, “I ask you, Appius, first to pardon a father's grief if I have somewhat harshly inveighed against you; and then to suffer me to question the nurse here, in the maiden's presence, what all this means, that if I have been falsely called a father, I may go away with a less troubled spirit.”

> Latin: 48.4. Verginius ubi nihil usquam auxilii vidit, inquit, Appi, primum ignosce patrio dolori, si quo inclementius in te sum invectus; deinde sinas hic coram virgine nutricem percontari quid hoc rei sit, ut si falso pater dictus sum aequiore hinc animo discedam.

[¶98] 48.5. Permission being granted, he led his daughter and the nurse apart, to the booths near the shrine of Cloacina, now known as the “New Booths,” and there, snatching a knife from a butcher, he exclaimed, “Thus, my daughter, in the only way I can, do I assert your freedom!” He then stabbed her to the heart, and, looking back to the tribunal, cried, 'Tis you, Appius, and your life I devote to destruction with this blood! The shout which broke forth at the dreadful deed roused Appius, and he ordered Verginius to be seized.

> Latin: 48.5. venia seducit filiam ac nutricem prope Cloacinae ad tabernas quibus nunc novis est nomen atque ibi ab lanio cultro arrepto, te uno quo possum ait modo, filia, in libertatem vindico. deinde puellae transfigit respectansque ad tribunal inquit, Appi, tuumque caput sanguine hoc consecro.

[¶99] 48.6. But Verginius made a passage for himself with his knife wherever he came, and was also protected by a crowd of men who attached themselves to him, and so reached the City gate. Icilius and Numitorius lifted up the lifeless body and showed it to the people, bewailing the crime of Appius, the girl's unhappy beauty, and the necessity that had constrained her father.

> Latin: 48.6. ad tam atrox facinus orto excitus Appius comprehendi Verginium iubet. ferro quacumque ibat viam facere, donec multitudine etiam prosequentium tuente ad portam perrexit.

[¶100] 48.7. After them came the matrons crying aloud, “Was it on these terms that children were brought into the world?”

> Latin: 48.7. Icilius Numitoriusque exsangue corpus sublatum ostentant populo; scelus Appi, puellae infelicem formam, necessitatem patris deplorant.

[¶101] 48.8. “Were these the rewards of chastity?” —with such other complaints as are prompted at a time like this by a woman's anguish, and are so much the more pitiful as their lack of self-control makes them the more give way to grief.

> Latin: 48.8. clamitant matronae: eamne liberorum procreandorum condicionem, ea pudicitiae praemia esse?—cetera quae in tali re muliebris dolor, quo est maestior imbecillo animo, eo miserabilia magis querentibus subicit.

[¶102] 48.9. The men, and especially Icilius, spoke only of the tribunician power; of the right of appeal to the people which had been taken from them; and of their resentment at the nation's wrongs.

> Latin: 48.9. et maxime Icili vox tota tribuniciae potestatis ac provocationis ad populum ereptae publicarumque indignationum erat.

[¶103] 49.1. The wildest excitement prevailed amongst the people, occasioned in part by the atrocity of the crime, in part by the hope of improving the opportunity to regain their liberty.

> Latin: 49.1. multitudo multitude partim atrocitate sceleris, partim spe per occasionem repetendae libertatis.

[¶104] 49.2. Appius first commanded that Icilius be summoned; then, on his resisting, that he be arrested; and at last, when the crowd would not allow his attendants to approach the man, he headed a band of patrician youths in person, and advancing through the mob, bade them drag his enemy off to prison.

> Latin: 49.2. Appius nunc vocari Icilium, nunc retractantem arripi, postremo, cum locus adeundi apparitoribus non daretur, ipse cum agmine patriciorum iuvenum per turbam vadens in vincula duci iubet.

[¶105] 49.3. By this time Icilius was supported not only by the populace but by the leaders of the populace as well, Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, who, forcing the lictor back, declared that if Appius proceeded legally, they would protect Icilius from the prosecution of a mere citizen; if he sought to make use of violence, there too they would be a match for him.

> Latin: 49.3. circa Icilium non solum multitudo sed duces quoque multitudinis erant, L. Valerius et M. Horatius, qui repulso lictore, si iure ageret, vindicare se a privato Icilium aiebant; si vim adferre conaretur, ibi quoque haud impares fore.

[¶106] 49.4. This led to a desperate struggle. The decemvir's lictor now made a rush at Valerius and Horatius; his rods were broken by the mob. Appius mounted the platform; Horatius and Valerius followed him.

> Latin: 49.4. atrox rixa oritur. Valerium Horatiumque lictor decemviri invadit: franguntur a multitudine fasces. contionem Appius escendit: sequuntur Horatius Valeriusque. contio audit: decemviro obstrepitur.

[¶107] 49.5. To them the crowd listened; the decemvir's voice they drowned with noise. And now, as though vested with authority, Valerius was commanding the lictors to withdraw from one who was a private citizen; when Appius, broken in spirit and fearing for his life, covered up his head and sought refuge in a house near the Forum, unobserved by his opponents.

> Latin: 49.5. pro imperio Valerius discedere a privato lictores iubebat, cum fractis animis Appius vitae metuens in domum se propinquam foro insciis adversariis capite obvoluto recipit.

[¶108] 49.6. Spurius Oppius, wishing to assist his colleague, burst into the Forum from the other quarter. He saw that authority had been overcome by force. Distracted then by the suggestions which came from every side, and timidly agreeing first with one and then with another of his many advisers, he ended by ordering the senate to be summoned.

> Latin: 49.6. Sp. Oppius, ut auxilio collegae esset, in forum ex altera parte inrumpit. imperium vi victum. deinde consiliis ad quae ex omni parte adsentiendo multis auctoribus trepidaverat, senatum postremo vocari iussit.

[¶109] 49.7. This course, inasmuch as a great proportion of the patricians appeared to disapprove of the decemvirs' acts, afforded hopes that the senators would end their power, and so quieted the multitude.

> Latin: 49.7. res, quod magnae parti patrum displicere acta decemvirorum videbantur, spe per senatum finiendae potestatis eius multitudinem sedavit.

[¶110] 49.8. The senate decided that the plebs must not be provoked, and that it was even more necessary to see to it that the arrival of Verginius in the army should not occasion any turbulence.

> Latin: 49.8. nec plebem inritandam censuit et multo magis providendum ne quid Verginii adventus in exercitu motus faceret.

[¶111] 50.1. Accordingly certain of the younger senators were dispatched to the camp, which was then on Mount Vecilius, and carried word to the decemvirs that they must employ all their resources to keep the troops from mutiny.

> Latin: 50.1. missi iuniores patrum in castra, quae tum in monte Vecilio erant, nuntiant decemviris ut omni ope ab seditione milites contineant.

[¶112] 50.2. There Verginius aroused a greater commotion than he had left in Rome. For besides that he was seen approaching attended by a body of nearly four hundred men, who had joined him when he left the City, in their anger and resentment at the affair, the weapon in his hand and the gore with which he was spattered drew the attention of the entire camp upon him. Then too the appearance of togas in the camp, in many places, produced the effect of a greater company of civilians than were actually there.

> Latin: 50.2. Verginius maiorem quam reliquerat in urbe motum excivit. praeterquam quod agmine prope quadringentorum hominum veniens, qui ab urbe indignitate rei accensi comites ei se dederant, conspectus est, strictum etiam telum respersusque ipse cruore tota in se castra convertit. togae multifariam in castris visae maioris aliquanto quam erat speciem urbanae multitudinis fecerant.

[¶113] 50.4. Being asked what the matter was, Verginius wept, and for a long time answered never a word; at length, when the bustle and confusion of the gathering had subsided and silence had ensued, he gave an orderly account of all that had taken place.

> Latin: 50.4. quid rei esset flens diu vocem non misit; tandem, ut iam ex trepidatione concurrentium turba constitit ac silentium fuit, ordine cuncta, ut gesta erant, exposuit.

[¶114] 50.5. Then, lifting up his hands in an attitude of prayer, and addressing the crowd as his fellow-soldiers, he besought them not to attribute to him the crime of which Appius Claudius stood guilty, nor to repudiate him as one who had murdered his child.

> Latin: 50.5. deinde tendens manus commilitones appellans orabat ne quod scelus Ap. Claudi esset sibi attribuerent neu se ut parricidam liberum aversarentur.

[¶115] 50.6. To him the life of his daughter had been dearer than his own, if she had been permitted to live pure and chaste; when he saw her being carried off like a slave to be dishonoured, thinking it better to lose his children by death than by outrage, he had been impelled by pity to an act of seeming cruelty; nor would he have survived his daughter, had he not hoped to avenge her death by the help of his fellow-soldiers.

> Latin: 50.6. vitam filiae sua cariorem fuisse, si liberae ac pudicae vivere licitum fuisset: cum velut servam ad stuprum rapi videret, morte amitti melius ratum quam contumelia liberos, misericordia se in speciem crudelitatis lapsum.

[¶116] 50.7. They too had daughters, sisters, and wives; the lust of Appius Claudius had not been extinguished with the life of Verginia, but its lawlessness would be proportioned to its impunity. In the calamity of another they had been given a warning to be on their guard against similar wrongs.

> Latin: 50.7. se superstitem filiae futurum fuisse, nisi spem ulciscendae mortis eius in auxilio commilitonum habuisset. quoque enim filias sorores coniugesque esse, nec cum filia sua libidinem Ap. Claudi exstinctam esse, sed quo impunitior sit, eo effrenatiorem fore.

[¶117] 50.8. So far as he was concerned, his wife had been taken from him in the course of nature, his daughter, because she could no longer have lived chaste, had died a pitiful but an honourable death;

> Latin: 50.8. calamitate documentum datum illis cavendae similis iniuriae. ad se attineat, uxorem sibi fato ereptam, filiam, quia non ultra pudica victura fuerit, miseram sed honestam mortem occubuisse;

## 17. Book III · chapters 50–61

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/17/#p-N

[¶0] 50.9. for the lust of Appius there was now no longer in his house any scope; from other forms which his violence might take he would defend his own person with no less spirit than he had shown in defence of his daughter; the others must look out for themselves and for their own children.

> Latin: 50.9. non esse iam Appi libidini locum in domo sua: ab alia violentia eius eodem se animo suum corpus vindicaturum quo vindicaverit filiae: ceteri sibi ac liberis suis consulerent.

[¶1] 50.10. As Verginius spoke these words in a loud voice, the multitude signified with responsive shouts that they would not forget his sufferings nor fail to vindicate their liberty. And the civilians, mingling with the crowd, repeated the same complaints and told them how much more shameful the thing would have appeared if they could have seen it instead of hearing about it; at the same time they reported that the decemvirate was already overthrown at Rome; and on the arrival of later tidings, to the effect that Appius had almost lost his life and had gone into exile, they induced the troops to raise the cry “To arms!”

> Latin: 50.10. Verginio vociferanti succlamabat multitudo nec illius dolori nec suae libertati se defuturos. immixti turbae militum togati, eadem illa querendo docendoque quanto visa quam audita indigniora potuerint videri, simul profligatam iam rem nuntiando Romae esse, insecutis qui Appium prope interemptum in exsilium abisse dicerent, perpulerunt ut ad arma conclamaretur vellerentque signa et Romam proficiscerentur.

[¶2] 50.12. and to pluck up their standards and set out for Rome. The decemvirs, troubled alike by what they saw and by what they heard had taken place in Rome, rushed through the camp, one this way, another that, to still the rising.

> Latin: 50.12. simul iis quae videbant iisque quae acta Romae audierant perturbati, alius in aliam partem castrorum ad sedandos motus discurrunt. leniter agentibus responsum non redditur: imperium si quis inhiberet, et viros et armatos se esse respondetur.

[¶3] 50.13. And so long as they mildly remonstrated, they got no answer; but if one of them tried to use his authority, they told him that they were men, and armed. They marched in column to the City and took possession of the Aventine, urging the plebeians, as often as they fell in with one, to make an effort to regain their liberty and to elect plebeian tribunes.

> Latin: 50.13. agmine ad urbem et Aventinum insidunt, ut quisque occurrerat plebem ad repetendam libertatem creandosque tribunos tribunes plebis adhortantes.

[¶4] 50.14. Save this, no violent proposals were heard. The senate was convened by Spurius Oppius. It was resolved that no harsh action should be taken, seeing that occasion for the mutiny had been given by themselves. Three delegates of consular rank, Spurius Tarpeius, Gaius Julius, and Publius Sulpicius, were dispatched in the name of the senate to inquire by whose orders the men had deserted the camp, and what they meant, who with arms had seized the Aventine, and, abandoning the enemy, had captured their native City.

> Latin: 50.14. vox nulla violenta audita est. Sp. Oppius habet. placet aspere agi; quippe ab ipsis datum locum seditioni esse. tres legati consulares, Sp. Tarpeius C. Iulius P. Sulpicius, qui quaererent senatus verbis, cuius iussu castra deseruissent aut quid sibi vellent qui armati Aventinum obsedissent belloque averso ab hostibus patriam suam cepissent.

[¶5] 50.16. The men were at no loss for an answer: what they lacked was some one to make it, since they had as yet no definite leader, nor did individuals quite dare to single themselves out for enmity. But the crowd called out in unison that they should send them Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, to whom they would intrust their reply.

> Latin: 50.16. defuit quod responderetur: deerat qui daret responsum nullodum certo duce nec satis audentibus singulis invidiae se offerre. modo a multitudine conclamatum est ut L. Valerium et M. Horatium ad se mitterent: his se daturos responsum.

[¶6] 51.1. After the delegates had been dismissed, Verginius reminded the soldiers that they had been thrown into confusion a few minutes before, over a matter of no very great importance, because the multitude had been without a head;

> Latin: 51.1. legatis admonet milites Verginius in re non maxima paulo ante trepidatum esse quia sine capite multitudo fuerit, responsumque quamquam non inutiliter, fortuito tamen magis consensu quam communi consilio esse.

[¶7] 51.2. and although a very good answer had been returned, yet this had been due rather to their happening to feel alike about the matter than to a concerted plan.

> Latin: 51.2. decem creari qui summae rei praeessent militarique honore tribunos militum appellari.

[¶8] 51.3. He recommended that ten men should be chosen to have supreme command, and that they should be styled, by a military title, tribunes of the soldiers.

> Latin: 51.3. ad eum ipsum primum is honos deferretur, meis vestrisque rebus reservate inquit ista de me iudicia;

[¶9] 51.4. When they would have tendered Verginius himself the first appointment to this office, he replied, “Reserve your good opinion of me till my own affairs and yours are in a better plight; to me no honour can be agreeable while my daughter is unavenged; nor is it well for you, with the state in such confusion, to be led by those who are most exposed to hatred.”

> Latin: 51.4. nec mihi filia inulta honorem ullum iucundum esse patitur, nec in perturbata re publica eos utile est praeesse vobis qui proximi invidiae sint.

[¶10] 51.5. “If I can render any service,” “it shall not be less because I am a private citizen.”

> Latin: 51.5. quis usus mei est, nihilo minor ex privato capietur. decem numero tribunos militares creant.

[¶11] 51.7. So they chose ten military tribunes. Nor was the army in the Sabine country inactive. There too, at the instigation of Icilius and Numitorius, a secession from the decemvirate was brought about; men's anger on being reminded of the murder of Siccius being no less violent than that which was kindled in them by the new story of the maiden whose dishonour had been so foully sought.

> Latin: 51.7. in Sabinis quievit exercitus. quoque auctore Icilio Numitorioque secessio ab decemviris facta est, non minore motu animorum Sicci caedis memoria renovata quam quem nova fama de virgine adeo foede ad libidinem petita accenderat.

[¶12] 51.8. Icilius, on hearing that military tribunes had been elected on the Aventine, feared lest the City comitia might take their cue from the comitia of the soldiers and elect the same men to be tribunes of the plebs, for he was experienced in the ways of the people; and having designs upon that office himself, he saw to it, before they marched to the City, that the same number of men, vested with equal power, were chosen by his own army.

> Latin: 51.8. Icilius ubi audivit tribunos militum in Aventino creatos, ne comitiorum militarium praerogativam urbana comitia iisdem tribunis plebis creandis sequerentur, peritus rerum popularium imminensque ei potestati et ipse, priusquam iretur ad urbem, pari potestate eundem numerum ab suis creandum curat.

[¶13] 51.10. They entered Rome under their standards, by the Colline Gate, and marched right through the midst of the City to the Aventine. There they joined the other army, and directed the twenty military tribunes to appoint two of their number to exercise supreme command.

> Latin: 51.10. Porta Collina urbem intravere sub signis, mediaque urbe agmine in Aventinum pergunt. coniuncti alteri exercitui viginti tribunis militum negotium dederunt ut ex suo numero duos crearent qui summae rerum praeessent. M. Oppium Sex. creant.

[¶14] 51.11. Marcus Oppius and Sextus Manilius were appointed. The Fathers were alarmed about the state; but, though the senate held daily sessions, they spent more time in recriminations than in deliberating.

> Latin: 51.11. solliciti de summa rerum cum senatus cottidie esset iurgiis saepius terunt tempus quam consiliis.

[¶15] 51.12. Siccius's murder was cast in the teeth of the decemvirs, as well as the lust of Appius, and their disgraces in the field. It was decided that Valerius and Horatius should go to the Aventine. They agreed to go only on condition that the decemvirs would put off the insignia of that magistracy which they had already ceased to hold the year before.

> Latin: 51.12. Sicci caedes decemviris et Appiana libido et dedecora militiae obiciebantur. Valerium Horatiumque ire in Aventinum. negabant se aliter ituros quam si decemviri deponerent insignia magistratus eius quo anno iam ante abissent.

[¶16] 51.13. The decemvirs, complaining that they were being deprived of their office, asserted that they would not lay down their authority until after the enactment of the laws which had been the reason of their appointment.

> Latin: 51.13. querentes se in ordinem cogi non ante quam perlatis legibus quarum causa creati essent deposituros imperium se aiebant.

[¶17] 52.1. Having learned from Marcus Duillius, who had been a plebeian tribune, that nothing was coming of the endless bickerings of the senate, the commons quitted the Aventine for the Sacred Mount, since Duillius assured them that not until the patricians beheld the City deserted would they feel any real concern;

> Latin: 52.1. M. Duillium, qui tribunus plebis fuerat, certior facta plebs contentionibus adsiduis nihil transigi, in Sacrum montem ex Aventino transit adfirmante Duillio non prius quam deseri urbem videant curam in animos patrum descensuram;

[¶18] 52.2. the Sacred Mount would remind them of the firmness of the plebs, and they would know whether it were possible or not that affairs should be reduced to harmony without the restoration of the tribunician power.

> Latin: 52.2. admoniturum Sacrum montem constantiae plebis, sciturosque sine restituta potestate tribunicia redigi in concordiam resne queant.

[¶19] 52.3. Marching out by the Via Nomentana, then called Ficulensis, they pitched their camp on the Sacred Mount, having imitated the good behaviour of their fathers and made no depredations.

> Latin: 52.3. Via Nomentana, cui tum Ficolensi nomen fuit, profecti castra in monte Sacro locavere modestiam patrum suorum nihil violando imitati. exercitum plebs nullo qui per aetatem ire posset retractante.

[¶20] 52.4. Following the army came the plebeian civilians; nor did any one who was of an age to go hold back. They were attended a little way forth by their wives and children, who inquired pathetically to whose protection they were leaving them, in that City where neither chastity nor liberty was sacred.

> Latin: 52.4. coniuges liberique, cuinam se relinquerent in ea urbe in qua nec pudicitia nec libertas sancta esset miserabiliter rogitantes.

[¶21] 52.5. Now that all Rome was desolate with an unwonted loneliness, and there was nobody in the Forum but a few old men, and it appeared, particularly when the Fathers had been summoned to the senate-house, quite deserted, there were many others besides Horatius and Valerius who remonstrated. “What will you wait for, Conscript Fathers?”

> Latin: 52.5. vasta Romae omnia insueta solitudo fecisset, in foro praeter paucos seniorum nemo esset, vocatis utique in senatum patribus desertum apparuisset forum, plures iam quam Horatius ac Valerius vociferabantur:

[¶22] 52.6. they cried out. “If the decemvirs persist in their obstinacy, will you suffer everything to go to wrack and ruin? Pray what is that authority, decemvirs, to which you cling with such tenacity? Is it to roofs and walls you will render judgment?”

> Latin: 52.6. exspectabitis, patres conscripti? decemviri finem pertinaciae non faciunt, ruere ac deflagrare omnia passuri estis? autem istud imperium est, decemviri, quod amplexi tenetis?

[¶23] 52.7. “Are you not ashamed that your lictors should be seen in the Forum in almost larger numbers than the other citizens? What do you mean to do if the enemy should come to the City? What if, by and bye, the plebs, finding us unmoved by their secession, come with sword in hand? Do you wish the downfall of the City to be the end of your rule? And yet, either we must have no plebs, or we must have plebeian tribunes.”

> Latin: 52.7. ac parietibus iura dicturi estis? pudet lictorum vestrorum maiorem prope numerum in foro conspici quam togatorum aliorum? si hostes ad urbem veniant facturi estis? si plebs mox, ubi parum secessione moveamur, armata veniat? urbis voltis finire imperium?

[¶24] 52.8. “We will sooner dispense with patrician magistrates than they with plebeian. It was a new and untried power when they extorted it from our fathers:”

> Latin: 52.8. aut plebs non est habenda aut habendi sunt tribuni plebis. citius caruerimus patriciis magistratibus quam illi plebeiis.

[¶25] 52.9. “now that they have once been captivated by its charm, they would be even less willing to forgo it, especially when we on our side do not so temper the exercise of our authority that they stand in no need of help.”

> Latin: 52.9. inexpertamque eam potestatem eripuere patribus nostris; ne nunc dulcedine semel capti ferant desiderium, cum praesertim nec nos temperemus imperiis, quo minus illi auxilii egeant.

[¶26] 52.10. As these reproaches were flung at them from every quarter, the decemvirs were overborne by the consensus of opinion and gave assurances that they would submit, since it was thought best, to the authority of the senate.

> Latin: 52.10. haec ex omni parte iactarentur, victi consensu decemviri futuros se, quando ita videatur, in potestate patrum adfirmant.

[¶27] 52.11. They had but this one request to make —which was also a warning, —that their persons might be protected from men's hate, and that their blood might not be the means of accustoming the plebs to punish senators.

> Latin: 52.11. modo simul orant ac monent, ut ipsis ab invidia caveatur nec suo sanguine ad supplicia patrum plebem adsuefaciant.

[¶28] 53.1. Valerius and Horatius were then sent to bring back the plebs and adjust all differences, on such terms as might seem good to them; and they were also instructed to secure the decemvirs against the anger and violence of the people.

> Latin: 53.1. Valerius Horatiusque missi ad plebem condicionibus quibus videretur revocandam componendasque res, decemviris quoque ab ira et impetu multitudinis praecavere iubentur.

[¶29] 53.2. Having proceeded to the camp, they were received with great rejoicings by the plebs, as undoubted champions of liberty both in the beginning of the disturbance and in the sequel. In recognition of this they were thanked on their arrival, Icilius speaking on behalf of the multitude.

> Latin: 53.2. gaudio ingenti plebis in castra accipiuntur, quippe liberatores haud dubie et motus initio et exitu rei. haec iis advenientibus gratiae actae;

[¶30] 53.3. And it was Icilius too who, when terms were discussed and the commissioners inquired what the plebeians demanded, made such requests, in pursuance of an understanding already reached before the arrival of the envoys, that it was apparent they based their hope more on equity than on arms.

> Latin: 53.3. Icilius pro multitudine verba facit., cum de condicionibus ageretur, quaerentibus legatis quae postulata plebis essent, composito iam ante adventum legatorum consilio ea postulavit ut appareret in aequitate rerum plus quam in armis reponi spei.

[¶31] 53.4. For the recovery of the tribunician power and the appeal were the things they sought —things which had been the help of the plebs before the election of decemvirs; —and that it should not be held against any man that he had incited the soldiers or the people to recover their liberties by secession.

> Latin: 53.4. enim tribuniciam provocationemque repetebant, quae ante decemviros creatos auxilia plebis fuerant, et ne cui fraudi esset concisse milites aut plebem ad repetendam per secessionem libertatem.

[¶32] 53.5. Only in regard to the punishment of the decemvirs was their demand a harsh one; for they thought it just that the decemvirs should be delivered up to them, and threatened to burn them alive.

> Latin: 53.5. decemvirorum modo supplicio atrox postulatum fuit; dedi quippe eos aequum censebant vivosque igni concrematuros minabantur.

[¶33] 53.6. To these proposals the commissioners replied: “The demands which have been prompted by your judgment are so right that they ought to have been accorded you voluntarily; for you seek in them guarantees of liberty, not of a licence to make attacks on others.”

> Latin: 53.6. ad ea: consilii fuerunt adeo aequa postulastis ut ultro vobis deferenda fuerint; libertati enim ea praesidia petitis, non licentiae ad impugnandos alios.

[¶34] 53.7. “But your anger calls for pardon rather than indulgence, seeing that hatred of cruelty is driving you headlong into cruelty, and almost before you are free yourselves you are wishing to lord it over your adversaries.”

> Latin: 53.7. vestrae magis ignoscendum quam indulgendum est, quippe qui crudelitatis odio in crudelitatem ruitis et prius paene quam ipsi liberi sitis dominari iam in adversarios voltis.

[¶35] 53.8. “Will the time never come when our state shall rest from punishments visited either by the patricians on the Roman plebs or by the plebs on the patricians? A shield is what you need more than a sword.”

> Latin: 53.8. quiescet civitas nostra a suppliciis aut patrum in plebem Romanam aut plebis in patres?

[¶36] 53.9. “It is enough and more than enough for a lowly citizen when he lives in the enjoyment of equal rights in the state, neither inflicting an injury nor receiving one.”

> Latin: 53.9. vobis magis quam gladio opus est. superque humili est, qui iure aequo in civitate vivit nec inferendo iniuriam nec patiendo.

[¶37] 53.10. “Even if you are one day to make yourselves dreaded, when you have got back your magistrates and laws and possess authority to put us on trial for our lives and fortunes, you shall then give judgment in accord with the merits of each particular case: for the present it is enough to regain your liberty.”

> Latin: 53.10. si quando metuendos vos praebituri estis, cum reciperatis magistratibus legibusque vestris iudicia penes vos erunt de capite nostro fortunisque, tunc tune ut quaeque causa erit statuetis: nunc libertatem repeti satis est.

[¶38] 54.1. When the people all consented that they should do as they saw fit, the envoys assured them that they would settle matters and presently return.

> Latin: 54.1. ut vellent permittentibus cunctis mox redituros se legati rebus perfectis adfirmant.

[¶39] 54.2. So they departed and explained to the Fathers the demands of the plebs. The other decemvirs, when they found that, contrary to their expectation, no mention was made of any punishment of themselves, made no objection to anything: Appius, hard-hearted, knowing himself peculiarly unpopular, and measuring other men's hatred of himself by his own of them, exclaimed, “I am not unaware of the lot which threatens me.”

> Latin: 54.2. cum mandata plebis patribus exposuissent, alii decemviri, quando quidem praeter spem ipsorum supplicii sui nulla mentio fieret, haud quicquam abnuere: Appius truci ingenio et invidia praecipua odium in se aliorum suo in eos metiens odio, ignaro inquit imminet fortuna.

[¶40] 54.4. “I perceive that the attack upon us is only being postponed till arms are handed over to our adversaries. Hatred must have its offering of blood.”

> Latin: 54.4. donec arma adversariis tradantur differri adversus nos certamen. invidiae est sanguis. ne ego quidem moror quo minus decemviratu abeam.

[¶41] 54.5. “I too am willing to relinquish the decemvirate.” A decree was passed by the senate that the decemvirs should abdicate the magistracy at the earliest possible moment; that Quintus Furius, the Pontifex Maximus, should hold an election of plebeian tribunes; and that no one should be made to suffer for the secession of the soldiers and the plebs.

> Latin: 54.5. senatus consultum ut decemviri se primo quoque tempore magistratu abdicarent, Q. Furius pontifex maximus tribunos plebis crearet, et ne cui fraudi esset secessio militum plebisque.

[¶42] 54.6. Having so decreed the senate adjourned and the decemvirs went before the people and laid down their office, to the great delight of all.

> Latin: 54.6. senatus consultis perfectis dimisso senatu decemviri prodeunt in contionem abdicantque se magistratu ingenti hominum laetitia. haec plebi.

[¶43] 54.7. These events were reported to the plebs, the envoys being accompanied by all the people left in the City. The multitude was met by another joyful throng from the camp, and they exchanged congratulations on the restoration of freedom and harmony to the state.

> Latin: 54.7. quidquid in urbe hominum supererat prosequitur. multitudini laeta alia turba ex castris occurrit. libertatem concordiamque civitati restitutam.

[¶44] 54.8. The commissioners addressed the people as follows: “Prosperity, favour, and good fortune to you and the Republic! Return to your native City, to your homes, to your wives, and your children; but let the self-restraint you have shown here, where no man's farm has been violated, though so many things were useful and necessary to so great a multitude, be preserved when you return to the City.”

> Latin: 54.8. pro contione: bonum faustum felixque sit vobis reique publicae, redite in patriam ad penates, coniuges liberosque vestros; sed qua hic modestia fuistis, ubi nullius ager in tot rerum usu necessario tantae multitudini est violatus, eam modestiam ferte in urbem. Aventinum ite, unde profecti estis.

[¶45] 54.9. “Go to the Aventine, whence you set out. There in the auspicious place where you first laid the foundations of your liberty, you shall choose tribunes of the plebs. The Pontifex Maximus will be at hand to hold the election.”

> Latin: 54.9. felici loco, ubi prima initia incohastis libertatis vestrae, tribunos plebi creabitis. erit pontifex maximus qui comitia habeat.

[¶46] 54.10. With loud applause and great alacrity the people showed their approval of all that had been said. They pulled up their standards from the place and set out for Rome, vying with those whom they met in joyful demonstrations.

> Latin: 54.10. adsensus alacritasque cuncta adprobantium fuit. inde signa profectique Romam certant cum obviis gaudio. per urbem silentio in Aventinum perveniunt.

[¶47] 54.11. Armed, they proceeded in silence through the City to the Aventine. There the Pontifex Maximus at once held the comitia, and they elected tribunes of the plebs; first of all Lucius Verginius; then Lucius Icilius and Publius Numitorius, Verginia's great-uncle, the instigators of the secession; then Gaius Sicinius, son of the man who is related to have been the first plebeian tribune chosen on the Sacred Mount; and Marcus Duillius, who had filled the tribuneship with distinction before the decemvirs were appointed, and had not failed the plebs in their contentions with the decemvirs.

> Latin: 54.11. extemplo pontifice maximo comitia habente tribunos plebis creaverunt, omnium primum L. Verginium, inde L. Icilium et P. Numitorium, avunculum Verginiae, auctores secessionis, tum C. Sicinium, progeniem eius, quem primum tribunum plebis creatum in Sacro monte proditum memoriae est, et M. Duillium, qui tribunatum insignem ante decemviros creatos gesserat nec in decemviralibus certaminibus plebi defuerat.

[¶48] 54.13. Then, more by reason of their promise than for any deserts of theirs, they elected Marcus Titinius, Marcus Pomponius, Gaius Apronius, Appius Villius, and Gaius Oppius.

> Latin: 54.13. deinde magis quam meritis electi M. Titinius M. Pomponius C. Apronius P Ap. Villius C. Oppius.

[¶49] 54.14. As soon as they had taken office, Lucius Icilius proposed to the people, and they so voted, that no man should suffer for the secession from the decemvirs.

> Latin: 54.14. inito L. Icilius extemplo plebem rogavit et plebs scivit ne cui fraudi esset secessio ab decemviris facta.

[¶50] 54.15. Immediately a bill that consuls should be elected subject to appeal was offered by Marcus Duillius and was carried. These matters were all transacted by the council of the plebs, in the Flaminian Meadows, which men now call the Flaminian Circus.

> Latin: 54.15. de consulibus creandis cum provocatione M. Duillius rogationem pertulit. omnia in pratis Flaminiis concilio plebis acta, quem nunc circum Flaminium appellant.

[¶51] 55.1. Then, through an interrex, they elected to the consulship Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, who at once assumed office. Their administration was favourable to the people, without in any way wronging the patricians, though not without offending them;

> Latin: 55.1. interregem deinde consules creati L. Valerius M. Horatius, qui extemplo magistratum occeperunt. consulatus popularis sine ulla patrum iniuria nec sine offensione fuit;

[¶52] 55.2. for whatever was done to protect the liberty of the plebs they regarded as a diminution of their own strength.

> Latin: 55.2. quidquid enim libertati plebis caveretur, id suis decedere opibus credebant.

[¶53] 55.3. To begin with, since it was virtually an undecided question whether the patricians were legally bound by plebiscites, they carried a statute in the centuriate comitia enacting that what the plebs should order in the tribal organization should be binding on the people —a law which provided the rogations of the tribunes with a very sharp weapon.

> Latin: 55.3. primum, cum velut in controverso iure esset tenerenturne patres plebi scitis, legem centuriatis comitiis tulere ut quod tributim plebes iussisset populum teneret; qua lege tribuniciis rogationibus telum acerrimum datum est.

[¶54] 55.4. Next they not only restored a consular law about the appeal, the unique defence of liberty, which had been overthrown by the decemviral power, but they also safeguarded it for the future by the solemn enactment of a new law, that no one should declare the election of any magistrate without appeal, and that he who should so declare might be put to death without offence to law or religion, and that such a homicide should not be held a capital crime.

> Latin: 55.4. deinde consularem legem de provocatione, unicum praesidium libertatis, decemvirali potestate eversam, non restituunt modo, sed etiam in posterum muniunt sanciendo novam legem, ne quis ullum magistratum sine provocatione crearet; qui creasset, eum ius fasque esset occidi, neve ea caedes capitalis noxae haberetur.

[¶55] 55.6. And having sufficiently strengthened the plebs, by means of the appeal on the one hand and the help of the tribunes on the other, they revived, in the interest of the tribunes themselves, the principle of their sacrosanctity (which was a thing that had now come to be well-nigh forgotten) by restoring certain long-neglected ceremonies; and they rendered those magistrates inviolate, not merely on the score of religion but also by a statute, solemnly enacting that he who should hurt the tribunes of the plebs, the aediles, or the decemviral judges should forfeit his head to Jupiter, and that his possessions should be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera.

> Latin: 55.6. cum plebem hinc provocatione hinc tribunicio auxilio satis firmassent, ipsis quoque tribunis, ut sacrosancti viderentur, cuius rei prope iam memoria aboleverat, relatis quibusdam ex magno intervallo caerimoniis renovarunt, et cum religione inviolatos eos tum lege etiam fecerunt, sanciendo ut qui tribunis plebis aedilibus iudicibus decemviris nocuisset, eius caput Iovi sacrum esset, familia ad aedem Cereris Liberi Liberaeque venum iret.

[¶56] 55.8. Expounders of the law deny that any one is sacrosanct by virtue of this statute, but maintain that the man who has injured any of these officials is solemnly forfeited to Jupiter;

> Latin: 55.8. lege iuris interpretes negant quemquam sacrosanctum esse, sed eum qui eorum cui nocuerit, Iovi sacrum sanciri;

[¶57] 55.9. hence the aedile may be arrested and imprisoned by the greater magistrates, an act which, though it be unlawful —for he is thereby injured who, according to this statute, may not be injured, —is nevertheless a proof that the aedile is not regarded as sacrosanct;

> Latin: 55.9. itaque aedilem prendi ducique a maioribus magistratibus, quod etsi non iure fiat —noceri enim ei cui hac lege non liceat—tamen argumentum esse non haberi pro sacro sanctoque aedilem;

[¶58] 55.10. whereas the tribunes are sacrosanct in consequence of the ancient oath taken by the plebs, when they first created this magistracy.

> Latin: 55.10. tribunos vetere iure iurando plebis, cum primum eam potestatem creavit, sacrosanctos esse.

[¶59] 55.11. There were some who taught that by this same Horatian law the consuls also were protected, and the praetors, inasmuch as they were created under the same auspices as the consuls; for the consul was called “judge.”

> Latin: 55.11. qui interpretarentur eadem hac Horatia lege consulibus quoque et praetoribus, quia eisdem auspiciis quibus consules crearentur, cautum esse: iudicem enim consulem appellari.

[¶60] 55.12. But this interpretation is refuted by the fact that it was not yet the custom in those days for the consul to be called “judge,” but “praetor.” Such were the consular laws.

> Latin: 55.12. refellitur interpretatio, quod iis temporibus nondum consulem iudicem sed praetorem appellari mos fuerit.

[¶61] 55.13. The practice was also instituted by the same consuls that the decrees of the senate should be delivered to the aediles of the plebs at the temple of Ceres. Up to that time they were wont to be suppressed or falsified, at the pleasure of the consuls.

> Latin: 55.13. consulares leges fuere. etiam ab iisdem consulibus ut senatus consulta in aedem Cereris ad aediles plebis deferrentur, quae antea arbitrio consulum supprimebantur vitiabanturque.

[¶62] 55.14. Marcus Duillius, the tribune of the plebs, then proposed to the plebs, and they so decreed, that whosoever should leave the plebs without tribunes and whosoever should declare the election of a magistrate without appeal should be scourged and beheaded.

> Latin: 55.14. M. Duillius deinde tribunus plebis plebem rogavit plebesque scivit qui plebem sine tribunis reliquisset, quique magistratum sine provocatione creasset, tergo ac capite puniretur.

[¶63] 55.15. All these measures, though they were passed against the will of the patricians, were yet not opposed by them, since, so far, no one person had been singled out for attack.

> Latin: 55.15. omnia ut invitis, ita non adversantibus patriciis transacta, quia nondum in quemquam unum saeviebatur.

[¶64] 56.1. Then, when the tribunician power and the liberty of the plebs were firmly established, the tribunes, believing that it was now safe to proceed against individuals and that the time was ripe for doing so, selected Verginius to bring the first accusation and Appius to be defendant.

> Latin: 56.1. deinde et potestate tribunicia et plebis libertate tum tribuni adgredi singulos tutum maturumque iam rati accusatorem primum Verginium et Appium reum deligunt.

[¶65] 56.2. When Verginius had cited Appius to appear, and the latter, attended by a crowd of young patricians, had come down into the Forum, there was instantly revived in the minds of all the recollection of that most wicked power, as soon as they caught sight of the man himself and his satellites.

> Latin: 56.2. diem Appio Verginius dixisset et Appius stipatus patriciis iuvenibus in forum descendisset, redintegrata extemplo est omnibus memoria foedissimae potestatis, cum ipsum satellitesque eius vidissent.

[¶66] 56.3. Then Verginius said, “Oratory was invented for doubtful matters; and so I shall neither waste time in arraigning before you the man from whose cruelty you freed yourselves with arms, nor shall I suffer him to add to his other crimes the impudence of defending himself.”

> Latin: 56.3. Verginius inquit, rebus dubiis inventa est; itaque neque ego accusando apud vos eum tempus teram a cuius crudelitate vosmet ipsi armis vindicastis, nec istum ad cetera scelera impudentiam in defendendo se adicere patiar.

[¶67] 56.4. “I therefore pardon you, Appius Claudius, all the impious and wicked deeds which you dared, during two years, to heap one upon another; on one charge only, unless you shall name a referee to establish your innocence of having illegally assigned custody of a free person to him who claimed her as his slave, I shall order you to be taken to prison.”

> Latin: 56.4. igitur tibi, Ap. Claudi, quae impie nefarieque per biennium alia super alia es ausus, gratiam facio: unius tantum criminis nisi iudicem dices, te ab libertate in servitutem contra leges vindicias non dedisse, in vincla te duci iubebo.

[¶68] 56.5. Neither in the protection of the tribunes nor in the decision of the people had Appius anything to hope; yet he called upon the tribunes, and when none of them would stay proceedings, and he had been arrested by an officer, he cried, “I appeal.”

> Latin: 56.5. in tribunicio auxilio Appius nec in iudicio populi ullam spem habebat; tamen et tribunos appellavit et, nullo morante arreptus a viatore, inquit.

[¶69] 56.6. The sound of this word, the one safeguard of liberty, coming from that mouth by which, shortly before, a free person had been given into the custody of one who claimed her as a slave, produced a hush.

> Latin: 56.6. vox una vindex libertatis, ex eo missa ore quo vindiciae nuper ab libertate dictae erant, silentium fecit.

[¶70] 56.7. And while the people muttered, each man to himself, that there were gods after all, who did not neglect the affairs of men; and that pride and cruelty were receiving their punishment, which though late was nevertheless not light —that he was appealing who had nullified appeal; that he was imploring the protection of the people who had trodden all the rights of the people under foot; that he was being carried off to prison, deprived of his right to liberty, who had condemned the person of a free citizen to slavery —the voice of Appius himself was heard amidst the murmurs of the assembly, beseeching the Roman People to protect him.

> Latin: 56.7. dum pro se quisque deos tandem esse et non neglegere humana fremunt, et superbiae crudelitatique etsi seras, non leves tamen venire poenas—provocare qui provocationem sustulisset, et implorare praesidium populi qui omnia iura populi obtrisset, rapique in vincla egentem iure libertatis, qui liberum corpus in servitutem addixisset,—- ipsius Appi inter contionis murmur fidem populi Romani implorantis vox audiebatur.

[¶71] 56.9. He reminded them of the services his forefathers had rendered the state in peace and in war; of his own unfortunate affection for the Roman plebs, in consequence of which he had given up his consulship —in order to make the laws equal for all —with great offence to the patricians; —of the laws he had himself drawn up, which were still standing while their author was being dragged off to prison.

> Latin: 56.9. merita in rem publicam domi militiaeque commemorabat, suum infelix erga plebem Romanam studium, quo aequandarum legum causa cum maxima offensione patrum consulatu abisset, suas leges, quibus manentibus lator earum in vincla ducatur.

[¶72] 56.10. For the rest, when he should be given an opportunity to plead his cause, he would try what would come of his own peculiar services and shortcomings; at present he asked that, in accordance with the common right of citizenship, he be permitted, being a Roman citizen and under accusation, to speak, and to be judged by the Roman People.

> Latin: 56.10. sua propria bona malaque, cum causae dicendae data facultas sit, tum se experturum; in praesentia se communi iure civitatis civem Romanum die dicta postulare ut dicere liceat, ut iudicium populi Romani experiri. ita se invidiam pertimuisse ut nihil in aequitate et misericordia civium suorum spei habeat.

[¶73] 56.11. He did not so fear men's malice as to have no hope in the justice and pity of his fellow citizens. But if he was to be imprisoned, his cause unheard, he appealed once more to the tribunes of the plebs, and warned them not to imitate those whom they hated.

> Latin: 56.11. si indicta causa in vincla ducatur, iterum se tribunos plebei appellare, et monere ne imitentur quos oderint.

[¶74] 56.12. And if the tribunes should confess that they were bound by the same agreement which they charged the decemvirs with having entered into, not to hear an appeal, he still appealed to the people, and invoked the laws, both consular and tribunician, which had been enacted concerning appeals that very year.

> Latin: 56.12. si tribuni eodem foedere obligatos se fateantur tollendae appellationis in quod conspirasse decemviros criminati sint, at se provocare ad populum, implorare leges de provocatione et consulares et tribunicias, eo ipso anno latas.

[¶75] 56.13. For who, he asked, should make an appeal, if a man who had not been condemned, whose cause had not been heard, might not do so? What humble plebeian would find protection in the laws, if they afforded none to Appius Claudius? His own case would show whether the new statutes had established tyranny or freedom, and whether the appeal to the tribunes and that to the people against the injustice of magistrates had been merely a parade of meaningless forms, or had been really granted.

> Latin: 56.13. enim provocaturum, si hoc indemnato indicta causa non liceat? plebeio et humili praesidium in legibus fore, si Ap. Claudio non sit? documento futurum utrum novis legibus dominatio an libertas firmata sit, et appellatio provocatioque adversus iniuriam magistratuum ostentata tantum inanibus litteris an vere data sit.

[¶76] 57.1. Against this plea Verginius asserted that Appius Claudius alone was beyond the pale of the laws and of the rights of citizens and men.

> Latin: 57.1. ea Verginius unum Ap. Claudium et legum expertem et civilis et humani foederis esse aiebat:

[¶77] 57.2. He bade his hearers look on the tribunal, the stronghold of all crimes, where that man, as perpetual decemvir, deadly foe to their fortunes, their persons, and their lives, threatening them all with rods and axes, despising gods and men, backed by executioners instead of lictors, had began to turn his thoughts from rapine and murder to lust; and, in full sight of the Roman People, had torn a free maiden from her father's arms, as though she had been a captive taken in war, and bestowed her as a gift upon his pimp and client; —the tribunal where, by his tyrannical decree and wicked judgments, he had armed a father's right hand against his daughter; where, as they were lifting up the body of the dying girl, he had ordered her betrothed and her uncle to be haled to prison —more moved by the disappointing of his pleasure than by her death.

> Latin: 57.2. respicerent tribunal homines, castellum omnium scelerum, ubi decemvir ille perpetuus, bonis, tergo, sanguini civium infestus, virgas securesque omnibus minitans, deorum hominumque contemptor, carnificibus, non lictoribus stipatus, iam ab rapinis et caedibus animo ad libidinem verso virginem ingenuam in oculis populi Romani, velut bello captam, ab complexu patris abreptam ministro cubiculi sui clienti dono dederit;

[¶78] 57.4. For Appius too had been built that prison which he was wont to call the home of the Roman plebs. Accordingly, though he should again and repeatedly appeal, he would himself again and repeatedly challenge him to prove before a referee that he had not adjudged a free citizen to the custody of one who claimed her as a slave. Should he refuse to go before a referee, he bade him be led to gaol, as one found guilty.

> Latin: 57.4. ubi crudeli decreto nefandisque vindiciis dextram patris in filiam armaverit; ubi tollentis corpus semianime virginis sponsum avumque in carcerem duci iusserit, stupro interpellato magis quam caede motus. illi carcerem aedificatum esse quod domicilium plebis Romanae vocare sit solitus. ut ille iterum ac saepius provocet, sic se iterum ac saepius iudicem illi ferre ni vindicias ab libertate in servitutem dederit; si ad iudicem non eat, pro damnato in vincla duci iubere.

[¶79] 57.6. Though none raised his voice in disapproval, there were yet profound misgivings on the part of the plebs when he was cast into prison, since they saw in the punishment of so great a man a sign that their own liberty was already grown excessive. The tribune appointed a day for the continuance of the trial.

> Latin: 57.6. haud quoquam improbante sic magno motu animorum, cum tanti viri supplicio suamet plebi iam nimia libertas videretur, in carcerem est coniectus. ei diem prodixit.

[¶80] 57.7. Meanwhile from the Latins and the Hernici came envoys to congratulate the Romans upon the harmony subsisting between the patricians and the plebs; and to commemorate it they brought a gift for Jupiter Optimus Maximus, to the Capitol. This was a golden crown, of no great weight, for their states were not rich, and they observed the worship of the gods with piety rather than magnificence.

> Latin: 57.7. haec ab Latinis et Hernicis legati gratulatum de concordia patrum ac plebis Romam venerunt, donumque ob eam earn Iovi optumo maximo coronam auream in Capitolium tulere parvi ponderis, prout res haud opulentae erant colebanturque religiones pie magis quam magnifice.

[¶81] 57.8. From these same envoy came the information that the Aequi and the Volsci were making strenuous preparations for war.

> Latin: 57.8. auctoribus cognitum est Aequos Volscosque summa vi bellum apparare.

[¶82] 57.9. The consuls were therefore bidden to divide the commands between them. To Horatius fell the campaign against the Sabines; to Valerius that against the Aequi. When they had proclaimed a levy for these wars, the plebs showed so much good-will that not only the juniors but also a great number of volunteers who had served their time presented themselves for enrolment, with the result that not alone in numbers but in the quality of the troops as well, owing to the admixture of veterans, the army was stronger than usual.

> Latin: 57.9. partiri provincias consules iussi. Horatio Sabini, Valerio Aequi evenere. ad ea bella dilectum edixissent, favore plebis non iuniores modo sed emeritis etiam stipendiis pars magna voluntariorum ad nomina danda praesto fuere, eoque non copia modo sed genere etiam militum, veteranis admixtis, firmior exercitus fuit.

[¶83] 57.10. Before they left the City, the consuls had the decemviral laws, which are known as the Twelve Tables, engraved on bronze, and set them up in a public place. Some authors say that the aediles, acting under orders from the tribunes, performed this service.

> Latin: 57.10. urbe egrederentur, leges decemvirales, quibus tabulis duodecim est nomen, in aes incisas in publico proposuerunt. qui iussu tribunorum aediles functos eo ministerio scribant.

[¶84] 58.1. Gaius Claudius, who loathed the wickedness of the decemvirs and was particularly offended by his nephew's insolence, had retired to Regillus, the ancient seat of his family. He was advanced in years, but he returned to Rome to beg for the pardon of the man whose vices he had fled. In sordid garments, accompanied by his clansmen and clients, he went about the Forum, soliciting the support of one citizen after another, beseeching them that they would not seek to brand the Claudian race with the shame of being held to merit imprisonment and chains.

> Latin: 58.1. C. Claudius, qui perosus decemvirorum scelera et ante omnes fratris filii superbiae infestus Regillum, antiquam in patriam, se contulerat, is magno iam natu, cum ad pericula eius deprecanda redisset cuius vitia fugerat, sordidatus cum gentilibus clientibusque in foro prensabat singulos orabatque ne Claudiae genti eam earn inustam maculam vellent ut carcere et vinculis viderentur digni.

[¶85] 58.2. A man whose portrait-mask would be held in the highest honour by coming generations, the framer of statutes and the founder of Roman law, lay in prison among night-prowling thieves and banditti.

> Latin: 58.2. honoratissimae imaginis futurum ad posteros, legum latorem conditoremque Romani iuris, iacere vinctum inter fures nocturnos nocturnes ac latrones.

[¶86] 58.3. Let them turn their minds from wrath, for a moment, to consider and reflect upon the matter; and let them sooner forgive one man, at the entreaty of so many Claudii, than scorn, in their hatred of one, the prayers of many.

> Latin: 58.3. ab ira parumper ad cognitionem cogitationemque animos, et potius unum tot Claudiis deprecantibus condonarent quam propter unius odium multorum preces aspernarentur.

[¶87] 58.4. He was doing this, he said, out of regard to his family and his name; nor had there been any reconciliation between him and the man whose adversity he sought to succour. By courage they had got back their liberty; by showing mercy they had it in their power to establish harmony between the orders.

> Latin: 58.4. quoque id generi ac nomini dare nec cum eo in gratiam redisse cuius adversae fortunae velit succursum. libertatem reciperatam esse: dementia concordiam ordinum stabiliri posse.

[¶88] 58.5. There were some whom he moved, more by his family-loyalty than by the cause of the man for whom he pleaded. But Verginius begged them rather to pity himself and his daughter, and to hearken, not to the entreaties of the Claudian family, whose province it was to tyrannize over the plebs, but instead to those of Verginia's relations, the three plebeian tribunes, who had been appointed to help the plebs but were themselves imploring the plebs to protect and comfort them.

> Latin: 58.5. quos moveret sua magis pietate quam eius pro quo agebat causa; sed Verginius sui potius ut misererentur orabat filiaeque, nec gentis Claudiae regnum in plebem sortitae sed necessariorum Verginiae trium tribunorum preces audirent, qui ad auxilium plebis creati ipsi plebis fidem atque auxilium implorarent.

[¶89] 58.6. Men found more reason in his tears. And so Appius, cut off from hope, did not wait for the appointed day to come, but killed himself.

> Latin: 58.6. hae lacrimae videbantur. spe incisa, priusquam prodicta dies adesset, Appius mortem sibi conscivit.

[¶90] 58.7. Immediately thereafter Publius Numitorius caused the arrest of Spurius Oppius, who stood next in point of unpopularity, because he had been in the City when the unjust verdict was pronounced by his colleague.

> Latin: 58.7. arreptus a P. Numitorio Sp. Oppius, proximus invidiae, quod in urbe fuerat cum iniustae vindiciae a collega dicerentur.

[¶91] 58.8. Yet a wrong which Oppius committed was more responsible for men's bitterness towards him than the one which he failed to prevent. A witness was produced who, after enumerating his twenty-seven campaigns, during which he had eight times received special decorations, which he wore in full sight of the people, tore open his tunic and exhibited his back, scored by the rods, professing that if the defendant could name any crime of which he had been guilty, he would suffer him without complaining, private citizen though he was, to vent his rage upon him a second time.

> Latin: 58.8. tamen facta iniuria Oppio quam non prohibita invidiae fecit. productus, qui septem et viginti enumeratis stipendiis octiens extra ordinem donatus donaque ea gerens in conspectu populi, scissa veste tergum laceratum virgis ostendit, nihilum deprecans quin si quam suam noxam reus dicere posset, privatus iterum in se saeviret.

[¶92] 58.9. Oppius too was led to prison, and before the day of trial he there put an end to his life. The property of Claudius and that of Oppius was confiscated by the tribunes. Their colleagues in the decemvirate went into exile, and their possessions were forfeited.

> Latin: 58.9. Oppius quoque ductus in vincula est, et ante iudicii diem finem ibi vitae fecit. Claudi Oppique tribuni publicavere. eorum exsilii causa solum verterunt; bona publicata sunt.

[¶93] 58.10. Marcus Claudius also, the claimant of Verginia, was cited and condemned, but at the instance of Verginius himself the extreme penalty was remitted; and being allowed to depart, he went into exile at Tibur. And so the manes of Verginia, who was more fortunate after her death than she had been while alive, after ranging through so many houses in quest of vengeance, were finally at peace; for no guilty man remained.

> Latin: 58.10. M. Claudius, adsertor Verginiae, die dicta damnatus, ipso remittente Verginio ultimam poenam dimissus Tibur exsulatum abiit, manesque Verginiae, mortuae quam vivae felicioris, per tot domos ad petendas poenas vagati nullo relicto sonte tandem quieverunt.

[¶94] 59.1. A great fear had come over the patricians, and the bearing of the tribunes was now just what that of the decemvirs had been, when Marcus Duillius, a tribune of the plebs, placed a salutary check upon their excessive power.

> Latin: 59.1. metus incesserat patres, voltusque iam iidem tribunorum erant qui decemvirorum fuerant, cum M. Duillius tribunus plebis inhibito salubriter modo nimiae potestati libertatis inquit, nostrae et poenarum ex inimicis satis est;

[¶95] 59.2. “Our own liberty,” he declared, “and the exaction of penalties from our enemies have gone far enough; I shall therefore this year allow no one to be arraigned or thrown into gaol.”

> Latin: 59.2. itaque hoc anno nec diem dici cuiquam nec in vincla duci quemquam sum passurus.

[¶96] 59.3. “For on the one hand it is not good to rake up old offences, already blotted out of memory, now that recent crimes have been expiated by the punishment of the decemvirs; and on the other hand we have a guarantee that no wrong will be attempted that could call for the intervention of tribunician authority, in view of the unceasing care both consuls take to protect your liberty.”

> Latin: 59.3. neque vetera peccata repeti iam oblitterata placet, cum nova expiata sint decemvirorum suppliciis, et nihil admissum iri, quod vim tribuniciam desideret spondet perpetua consulum amborum in libertate vestra tuenda cura.

[¶97] 59.4. It was this moderation on the tribune's part which first relieved the patricians of their fear. It also increased their dislike of the consuls, since the latter had been so wholly devoted to the plebs that the safety and independence of the patricians had been dearer to a plebeian magistracy than to their own, and their opponents had grown sated with punishing them before the consuls evinced any intention of opposing their licence.

> Latin: 59.4. primum moderatio tribuni metum patribus dempsit, eademque auxit consulum invidiam, quod adeo toti plebis fuissent ut patrum salutis libertatisque prior plebeio magistratui quam patricio cura fuisset, et ante inimicos satietas poenarum suarum cepisset quam obviam ituros licentiae eorum consules appareret.

[¶98] 59.5. And there were many who said that the senate had shown a want of resolution in having voted for the measures proposed by the consuls; and indeed there was no doubt that in the troubled state of public affairs they had yielded to the times.

> Latin: 59.5. erant qui mollius consultum dicerent, quod legum ab iis latarum patres auctores fuissent, neque erat dubium quin turbato rei publicae statu tempori succubuissent.

[¶99] 60.1. The consuls, having set affairs in order in the City and established the position of the plebs, departed to their respective commands.

> Latin: 60.1. rebus urbanis compositis fundatoque plebis statu in provincias diversi abiere. Valerius adversus coniunctos iam in Algido exercitus Aequorum Volscorumque sustinuit consilio bellum;

[¶100] 60.2. Valerius, facing the armies of the Aequi and Volsci, which had already effected a junction on Mount Algidus, deliberately postponed engaging them; had he risked an immediate decision, it is likely —such was the difference in spirit between the Romans and the enemy, in consequence of the godless dealings of the decemvirs —that the struggle would have cost him a severe defeat.

> Latin: 60.2. quod si extemplo rem fortunae commisisset, haud scio an, qui tum animi ab decemvirorum infelicibus auspiciis Romanis hostibusque erant, magno detrimento certamen staturum fuerit.

[¶101] 60.3. He established his camp a mile from the enemy and kept his men within the works. The enemy repeatedly drew up their troops in fighting order on the ground between the camps, and challenged the Romans to come out and engage them; but no one answered them.

> Latin: 60.3. mille passuum ab hoste positis copias continebat. medium inter bina castra spatium acie instructa complebant, provocantibusque ad proelium responsum Romanus nemo reddebat.

[¶102] 60.4. At length, weary with standing and waiting, to no purpose, for the battle, the Aequi and Volsci concluded that the Romans had virtually yielded them the victory; and marched off to pillage, some against the Hernici, others against the Latins, leaving behind what was rather a garrison for the camp than a sufficient force for giving battle.

> Latin: 60.4. fatigati stando ac nequiquam exspectando certamen Aequi Volscique, postquam concessum propemodum de victoria credebant, pars in Hernicos, pars in Latinos praedatum abeunt; relinquitur magis castris praesidium quam satis virium ad certamen.

[¶103] 60.5. On perceiving this the consul repaid the fear he had previously been made to feel, and forming a line of battle, himself provoked the enemy.

> Latin: 60.5. ubi consul sensit, reddit inlatum antea terrorem instructaque acie ultro hostem lacessit.

[¶104] 60.6. Since they declined the combat, conscious of their want of strength, the Romans felt an immediate access of courage, and regarded their opponents, cowering behind the palisade, as beaten men.

> Latin: 60.6. illi conscientia quid abesset virium detractavere pugnam, crevit extemplo Romanis animus, et pro victis habebant paventes intra vallum.

[¶105] 60.7. After standing in line all day intent on fighting, the Romans withdrew at nightfall. And they, on their side, were full of hope, as they ate their evening meal; but the enemy's spirits were by no means so high, and they sent out couriers far and wide, in great alarm, to recall the marauders.

> Latin: 60.7. per totum diem stetissent intenti ad certamen, nocti cessere. Romani quidem pleni spei corpora curabant: haudquaquam pari hostes animo nuntios passim trepidi ad revocandos praedatores dimittunt. ex proximis locis: ulteriores non inventi.

[¶106] 60.8. The nearest of these hastened back; but those who were farther afield could not be found. As soon as it was light, the Romans sallied from their camp, intending to assault the rampart, unless the enemy gave battle. So, when the day was now far spent and the enemy made no move, the consul ordered an advance. The Roman line having got in motion, the Aequi and Volsci were ashamed that their victorious armies should depend for protection upon stockades, instead of valour and the sword. Accordingly they too demanded of their leaders, and received, the signal to attack.

> Latin: 60.8. inluxit, egreditur castris Romanus vallum invasurus ni copia pugnae fieret. postquam multa iam dies erat neque movebatur quicquam ab hoste, iubet signa inferri consul; motaque acie indignatio Aequos et Volscos incessit, si victores exercitus vallum potius quam virtus et arma tegerent. et ipsi efflagitatum ab ducibus signum pugnae accepere.

[¶107] 60.9. A part had already passed out through the gates and the rest were following in good order, each man coming out into his proper place; when the Roman consul, not waiting till the enemy's line should be strongly posted in full force, advanced to the charge.

> Latin: 60.9. pars egressa portis erat, deincepsque alii servabant ordinem in suum quisque locum descendentes, cum consul Romanus, priusquam totis viribus fulta constaret hostium acies, intulit signa;

[¶108] 60.10. The attack, which he delivered before their troops had all been brought out, and when those who had been were insufficiently deployed, found little more than a surging mob of men, who as they hurried this way and that cast anxious looks at one another and wished for their missing friends.

> Latin: 60.10. adortusque nec omnes dum eductos, nec qui erant, satis explicatis ordinibus, prope fluctuantem turbam trepidantium huc atque illuc circumspectantiumque se ac suos, addito turbatis mentibus clamore atque impetu invadit. primo pedem hostes;

[¶109] 60.11. The shouting and the fury of the onset increased their agitation, and at first they fell back; then, when they had collected their wits and on every side heard their officers wrathfully demanding if they meant to yield to troops whom they had beaten, they rallied and held their own.

> Latin: 60.11. deinde, cum animos collegissent et undique duces victisne cessuri essent increparent, restituitur pugna.

[¶110] 61.1. The consul, on the other side, bade the Romans remember that on that day they were for the first time fighting as free men for a free Rome. They would be conquering for themselves, not that they might become the spoil of decemvirs in the hour of victory.

> Latin: 61.1. ex altera parte Romanos meminisse iubebat illo die primum liberos pro libera urbe Romana pugnare: sibimet ipsis victuros, non ut decemvirorum victores praemium essent.

[¶111] 61.2. It was no Appius who was commanding them, but the consul Valerius, descendant of liberators of the Roman People, and himself their liberator. Let them show that in previous battles it had been the fault of the generals, not of the soldiers, that they had failed to win.

> Latin: 61.2. Appio duce rem geri, sed consule Valerio, ab liberatoribus populi Romani orto, liberatore ipso. prioribus proeliis per duces, non per milites stetisse ne vincerent;

[¶112] 61.3. It would be disgraceful to have shown more courage in facing their fellow citizens than in facing the enemy, and to have been more fearful of enslavement at home than abroad.

> Latin: 61.3. turpe esse contra cives plus animi habuisse quam contra hostes, et domi quam foris servitutem magis timuisse.

[¶113] 61.4. No one's chastity but Verginia's had been in danger while they were at peace, no citizen but Appius had been possessed of a dangerous lust; but if the fortune of war turned against them, the children of all of them would be in danger from all those thousands of enemies;

> Latin: 61.4. Verginiam fuisse cuius pudicitiae in pace periculum esset, unum Appium civem periculosae libidinis; at si fortuna belli inclinet, omnium liberis ab tot milibus hostium periculum fore;

[¶114] 61.5. yet he would not utter an omen which neither Jupiter nor Mars their Father would suffer to come home to a City founded with such auspices. He reminded them of the Aventine and the Sacred Mount, that they might bring back an undiminished power to the spot where liberty had a few months before been won, and might show that the nature of Rome's soldiers was the same after the expulsion of the decemvirs that it had been before they were elected, and that equality before the law had not lessened the courage of the Roman People.

> Latin: 61.5. nolle ominari quae nec Iuppiter nec Mars pater passuri sint iis auspiciis conditae urbi accidere. Sacrique montis admonebat, ut ubi libertas parta esset paucis ante mensibus, eo imperium inlibatum referrent, ostenderentque eandem indolem militibus Romanis post exactos decemviros esse quae ante creatos fuerit, nec aequatis legibus imminutam virtutem populi Romani esse.

[¶115] 61.7. Having pronounced these words amid the standards of the infantry, he hastened to the cavalry. “Come, young men,” he cried, “surpass the foot-soldiers in daring as you do in honour and in rank!”

> Latin: 61.7. ubi inter signa peditum dicta dedit, avolat deinde ad equites:, iuvenes inquit, praestate virtute peditem ut honore atque ordine praestatis.

[¶116] 61.8. “At the first encounter the infantry have forced the enemy back; now that they are repulsed, do you give rein to your horses and drive them from the field.”

> Latin: 61.8. concursu pedes movit hostem, pulsum vos immissis equis exigite e campo. sustinebunt impetum, et nunc cunctantur magis quam resistunt.

[¶117] 61.9. “They will not sustain the shock; even now they are rather hesitating than resisting.” Clapping spurs to their horses they charged the enemy, already disordered by the infantry-attack, and penetrating his lines, dashed through to the rear; while another division made a detour over unoccupied ground, and finding the enemy everywhere in flight turned most of them back from their camp and frightened them off by riding across their course.

> Latin: 61.9. equos permittuntque in hostem pedestri iam turbatum pugna et perruptis ordinibus elati ad novissimam aciem, pars libero spatio circumvecti iam fugam undique capessentes plerosque a castris avertunt praeterequitantesque absterrent.

## 18. Book III · chapters 61–72

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/18/#p-N

[¶0] 61.10. The infantry and the consul himself swept on into the camp in the full tide of battle, and took possession of it.

> Latin: 61.10. acies et consul ipse visque omnis belli fertur in castra, captisque cum ingenti caede maiore praeda potitur.

[¶1] 61.11. The enemy's losses in men were great, but in booty were even greater. The report of this battle having been brought not only to Rome but also to the Sabine country and the other army, was celebrated in the City with rejoicings, and in the camp inspired the soldiers with a desire to emulate the glorious achievement.

> Latin: 61.11. pugnae fama perlata non in urbem modo sed in Sabinos ad alterum exercitum, in urbe laetitia celebrata est, in castris animos militum ad aemulandum decus accendit.

[¶2] 61.12. Horatius had already accustomed them, by practice in raids and skirmishes, to be self-reliant, instead of dwelling on the disgrace they had incurred under the leadership of the decemvirs; and small engagements had encouraged the highest hopes of the general outcome.

> Latin: 61.12. Horatius eos excursionibus proeliisque levibus experiundo adsuefecerat sibi potius fidere quam meminisse ignominiae decemvirorum ductu acceptae, parvaque certamina in summam totius profecerant spei.

[¶3] 61.13. Nor were the Sabines backward —emboldened as they were by their victory of the year before —with challenges and threats. Why, they asked, did the Romans waste their time advancing swiftly in small companies, like brigands, and as hurriedly retreating; thus dissipating in many little combats the issues of one pitched battle?

> Latin: 61.13. cessabant Sabini, feroces ab re priore anno bene gesta, lacessere atque instare, rogitantes quid latrocinii modo procursantes pauci recurrentesque tererent tempus et in multa proelia parvaque carperent summam unius belli?

[¶4] 61.14. Why did they not attack in line and suffer fortune to decide the matter once for all?

> Latin: 61.14. illi congrederentur acie inclinandamque semel fortunae rem darent?

[¶5] 62.1. Besides the fact that they had of themselves accumulated a good store of confidence, the Romans were also kindled with indignation. The other army, they said, would presently be returning victorious to the City; they themselves were actually being insulted and reviled by the enemy; but when should they be a match for him, if they were not at that moment?

> Latin: 62.1. id quod sua sponte satis conlectum animorum erat indignitate etiam Romani accendebantur: iam alterum exercitum victorem in urbem rediturum, sibi ultro per contumelias hostem insultare; quando autem se, si tum non sint, pares hostibus fore?

[¶6] 62.2. When the consul became aware how the soldiers were murmuring in the camp, he called them together. “Soldiers,” said he, “you have heard, I suppose, how matters have gone on Algidus. The army has proved to be such as it was fitting that the army of a free people should be. By my colleague's strategy and the bravery of his men a victory has been won.”

> Latin: 62.2. haec fremere militem in castris consul sensit, contione advocata Quem ad modum inquit, in Algido res gesta sit, arbitror vos, milites, audisse. liberi populi exercitum decuit esse, talis fuit. collegae, virtute militum victoria parta est.

[¶7] 62.3. “As for me, my strategy and my courage will be what you make them yourselves. It is within our power either to prolong the war with advantage or to bring it to a speedy and successful end.” “If it is to be prolonged, I shall seek to increase your hopes and courage from day to day by the same course of training I have begun; if your spirits are already high enough and you wish the war to be decided, come, give a shout here in the camp, to show your good-will and your courage, like the cheer you will raise in the battle!”

> Latin: 62.3. ad me attinet, id consilii animique habiturus sum quod vos mihi feceritis. trahi bellum salubriter et mature perfici potest. trahendum est, ego ut in dies spes virtusque vestra crescat, eadem qua institui disciplina efficiam: si iam satis animi est decernique placet, agitedum clamorem qualem in acie sublaturi estis tollite hic hie indicem voluntatis virtutisque vestrae.

[¶8] 62.5. The shout was given with great alacrity, and the consul promised, invoking good fortune on the enterprise, that he would do as they wished and lead them forth to battle on the morrow. The rest of the day they spent in making ready their arms.

> Latin: 62.5. ingenti alacritate clamor est sublatus, quod bene vertat gesturum se illis morem posteroque die in aciem deducturum adfirmat. diei apparandis armis consumptum est.

[¶9] 62.6. Next day, as soon as the Sabines saw the Romans forming, they came out themselves, for they had long been eager to fight. It was a battle such as takes place when both armies are confident; for the glory of the one was ancient and unbroken, and the other was exalted by its recent unaccustomed victory.

> Latin: 62.6. die simul instrui Romanam aciem Sabini videre et ipsi, iam pridem avidi certaminis, procedunt. fuit, quale inter fidentes sibimet ambo exercitus, veteris perpetuaeque alterum gloriae, alterum nuper nova victoria elatum.

[¶10] 62.7. Moreover the Sabines employed a stratagem to increase their strength; for when they had marshalled a front of equal extent with the Roman, they held two thousand men in reserve to hurl against their opponent's left, as soon as the battle should be under way.

> Latin: 62.7. etiam Sabini vires adiuvere; nam cum aequassent aciem, duo extra ordinem milia quae in sinistrum cornu Romanorum in ipso certamine impressionem facerent tenuere.

[¶11] 62.8. These troops, attacking in flank, had almost encompassed that wing, and were beginning to overpower it; when the cavalry of the two legions, numbering about six hundred, leaped down from their horses and rushed to the front, where their comrades were already giving ground. There they made a stand against the foe and at the same time roused the courage of the infantry, first by sharing the danger on equal terms, and then by causing them to feel ashamed.

> Latin: 62.8. ubi inlatis ex transverso signis degravabant prope circumventum cornu, equites duarum legionum sescenti fere ex equis desiliunt cedentibusque iam suis provolant in primum simulque et hosti se opponunt et aequato primum periculo, pudore deinde animos peditum accendunt;

[¶12] 62.9. They felt humiliated that the cavalry should be fighting in their own fashion and in that of infantry too, and that the infantry should not be as good as the horsemen, even when these were dismounted.

> Latin: 62.9. verecundiae erat equitem suo alienoque Marte pugnare, peditem ne ad pedes quidem degresso equiti parem esse.

[¶13] 63.1. They therefore renewed the battle which on their flank had been given up, and advanced again into the position from which they had retreated, and in a trice the fighting was not merely even, but the Sabine wing had begun to yield.

> Latin: 63.1. igitur in proelium ab sua parte omissum et locum ex quo cesserant repetunt; momentoque non restituta modo pugna, sed inclinatur etiam Sabinis cornu.

[¶14] 63.2. The horsemen, under cover of the ranks of infantry, regained their mounts. Then they galloped across to the other wing, announcing the victory to their friends; and at the same time they made a charge against the enemy, who were already panic-stricken, as they might well be when the stronger of their wings had been defeated. No other troops showed more conspicuous courage in that battle.

> Latin: 63.2. inter ordines peditum tectus se ad equos recipit. inde in partem alteram suis victoriae nuntius; simul et in hostes iam pavidos, quippe fuso suae partis validiore cornu, impetum facit. aliorum eo proelio virtus magis enituit.

[¶15] 63.3. The consul looked out for every contingency, commended the brave, and upbraided any who fought listlessly. Being rebuked they would at once begin to acquit themselves like men, —shame proving as powerful an incentive to them as praise to the others.

> Latin: 63.3. providere omnia, laudare fortis, increpare sicubi segnior pugna esset. fortium statim virorum opera edebant, tantumque hos pudor quantum alios laudes excitabant.

[¶16] 63.4. With a fresh cheer all along the line the Romans made a concerted effort and drove the enemy back, and from that moment there was no resisting the violence of their onset. The Sabines fled in confusion through the fields and left their camp to be plundered by their foes. There the Romans won back not the possessions of their allies, as on Algidus, but their own which had earlier been lost to them through the raids on their lands.

> Latin: 63.4. clamore undique omnes conisi hostem avertunt, nec deinde Romana vis sustineri potuit. Sabini fusi passim per agros castra hosti ad praedam relinquunt. non sociorum sicut in Algido res, sed suas Romanus populationibus agrorum amissas recipit.

[¶17] 63.5. Though a double victory had been gained in two separate battles, the senate was so mean as to decree thanksgivings in the name of the consuls for one day only. The people went unbidden on the second day also in great numbers, to offer up thanks to the gods; and this unorganized and popular supplication was attended with an enthusiasm which almost exceeded that of the other.

> Latin: 63.5. victoria duobus bifariam proeliis parta maligne senatus in unum diem supplicationes consulum nomine decrevit. iniussu et altero die frequens iit supplicatum; et haec vaga popularisque supplicatio studiis prope celebratior fuit.

[¶18] 63.6. The consuls had arranged to approach the City within a day of one another, and summoned the senate out into the Campus Martius. While they were there holding forth on the subject of their victories, complaints were made by leading senators that the senate was being held in the midst of the army on purpose to inspire fear.

> Latin: 63.6. ex composito eodem biduo ad urbem accessere senatumque in Martium campum evocavere. cum de rebus ab se gestis agerent, questi primores patrum senatum inter milites dedita opera terroris causa haberi. inde consules, ne criminationi locus esset, in prata Flaminia, ubi nunc aedes Apollinis est—iam tum Apollinare appellabant,— avocavere senatum.

[¶19] 63.8. And so the consuls, to allow no room for the accusation, adjourned the senate from that place to the Flaminian Meadows, where the temple of Apollo is now, and which was called even then Apollo's Precinct. When the Fathers, meeting there, refused with great unanimity to grant a triumph, Lucius Icilius the plebeian tribune laid the issue before the people.

> Latin: 63.8. cum ingenti consensu patrum negaretur triumphus, L. Icilius tribunus plebis tulit ad populum de triumpho consulum multis dissuasum prodeuntibus, maxime C.

[¶20] 63.9. Many came forward to dissuade them, and Gaius Claudius was particularly vehement. It was a triumph, he said, over the patricians, not Rome's enemies, which the consuls desired; they were seeking a favour in return for personal services they had done the tribune, not an honour in requital of valour.

> Latin: 63.9. Claudio vociferante de patribus, non de hostibus consules triumphare velle, gratiamque pro privato merito in tribunum, non pro virtute honorem peti. ante de triumpho per populum actum; semper aestimationem arbitriumque eius honoris penes senatum fuisse;

[¶21] 63.10. Never before had a triumph been voted by the people; the decision whether this honour had been deserved had always rested with the senate; not even the kings had infringed the majesty of the highest order in the state; let not the tribunes so dominate all things as not to suffer the existence of any public council; if each order retained its own rights and its own dignity, then, and only then, would the state be free and the laws equal for all.

> Latin: 63.10. ne reges quidem maiestatem summi ordinis imminuisse; ne ita omnia tribuni potestatis suae implerent, ut nullum publicum consilium sinerent esse; ita demum liberam civitatem fore, ita aequatas leges, si sua quisque iura ordo, suam maiestatem teneat.

[¶22] 63.11. After many speeches had been made to the same purpose by the other older members of the senate, all the tribes voted in favour of the motion. Then, for the first time, a triumph which lacked the authorization of the senate was celebrated at the bidding of the people.

> Latin: 63.11. eandem sententiam multa et a ceteris senioribus patrum cum essent dicta, omnes tribus eam earn rogationem acceperunt. primum sine auctoritate senatus populi iussu triumphatum est.

[¶23] 64.1. This victory of the tribunes and the commons had nearly resulted in a dangerous abuse; for the tribunes conspired together to obtain their re-election, and, that their own ambition might be less conspicuous, to procure as well the return to office of the consuls.

> Latin: 64.1. victoria tribunorum plebisque prope in haud salubrem luxuriam vertit conspiratione inter tribunos facta ut iidem tribuni reficerentur, et quo sua minus cupiditas emineret, consules quoque continuarent magistratum.

[¶24] 64.2. Their pretext was the solidarity of the patricians, which had operated, by injurious treatment of the consuls, to break down the authority of the tribunes of the plebs.

> Latin: 64.2. patrum causabantur, quo per contumeliam consulum iura tribunorum plebis labefactata essent.

[¶25] 64.3. What would happen if, ere the laws were firmly established, the new tribunes should be assailed through the agency of consuls belonging to the patricians' own party? For there would not always be consuls like Valerius and Horatius, who preferred the liberty of the plebs to their own interests.

> Latin: 64.3. futurum nondum firmatis legibus, si novos tribunos per factionis suae consules adorti essent? enim semper Valerios Horatiosque consules fore, qui libertati plebis suas opes postferrent.

[¶26] 64.4. By a fortunate chance in this emergency the superintendence of the elections fell by lot to none other than Marcus Duillius, a far-seeing man who perceived that the re-election of the magistrates would be fraught with odium.

> Latin: 64.4. quadam utili ad tempus ut comitiis praeesset potissimum M. Duillio sorte evenit, viro prudenti et ex continuatione magistratus invidiam imminentem cernenti.

[¶27] 64.5. But when he asserted that he would not consider the candidacy of any of the former tribunes, his colleagues vehemently insisted that he should receive the suffrages of the tribes without restriction, or else resign the presidency of the election to his fellow-tribunes, who would conduct the voting in accordance with the law rather than the desires of the patricians. A controversy having thus arisen, Duillius summoned the consuls before the benches of the tribunes and asked them what course they meant to pursue in the consular elections; and finding, by their replying that they should have new consuls chosen, that he had got in them popular supporters of his unpopular policy, he went with them before the assembly.

> Latin: 64.5. cum ex veteribus tribunis negaret se ullius rationem habiturum, pugnarentque collegae ut liberas tribus in suffragium mitteret aut concederet sortem comitiorum collegis, habituris e lege potius comitia quam ex voluntate patrum, iniecta contentione Duillius consules ad subsellia accitos cum interrogasset quid de comitiis consularibus in animo haberent, respondissentque se novos consules creatures, auctores populares sententiae haud popularis nactus in contionem cum iis processit.

[¶28] 64.7. When the consuls, on being there brought forth to the people and asked what they would do if the Roman People, mindful of their help in the recovery of liberty at home and remembering their military successes, should again elect them to office, declined to alter their determination, Duillius first praised the consuls for persisting to the end in their unlikeness to the decemvirs, and then held the election.

> Latin: 64.7. cum consules producti ad populum interrogatique, si eos populus Romanus, memor libertatis per illos receptae domi, memor militiae rerum gestarum, consules iterum faceret, quidnam facturi essent, nihil sententiae suae mutassent, conlaudatis consulibus quod perseverarent ad ultimum dissimiles decemvirorum esse, comitia habuit;

[¶29] 64.8. And after five tribunes had been chosen and no other candidates obtained a majority of the tribes, on account of the eagerness with which the nine incumbents openly sought re-election, he dismissed the assembly, nor did he afterwards convene it for an election.

> Latin: 64.8. et quinque tribunis plebi creatis cum prae studiis aperte petentium novem tribunorum alii candidati tribus non explerent, concilium dimisit nec deinde comitiorum causa habuit.

[¶30] 64.9. He declared that the law had been satisfied, which, without anywhere prescribing the number, provided only that the tribunate should not be left vacant; and directed that those who had been elected should co-opt colleagues. He recited too the formula of the announcement, in which the following words occurred: “If I shall call for your suffrages for ten tribunes of the plebs; if for any reason you shall elect to-day less than ten tribunes of the plebs, then let those whom the elected tribunes co-opt as their colleagues be as legally tribunes of the plebs as those whom you shall this day have chosen to that office.” Having persevered to the end in denying that the state could have fifteen plebeian tribunes, and having defeated the cupidity of his colleagues, Duillius laid down his magistracy, approved by patricians and plebs alike.

> Latin: 64.9. legi aiebat, quae numero nusquam praefinito tribuni modo ut relinquerentur sanciret, et ab iis qui creati essent cooptari collegas 10 iuberet; recitabatque rogationis carmen, in quo sic erat: tribunos plebei decem rogabo; si qui vos minus hodie decem tribunos plebei feceritis, tum ut ii quos hi sibi collegas cooptassint legitimi eadem lege tribuni plebei sint ut illi quos hodie tribunos plebei feceritis. Duillius cum ad ultimum perseverasset negando quindecim tribunos plebei rem publicam habere posse, victa collegarum cupiditate pariter patribus plebeique acceptus magistratu abiit.

[¶31] 65.1. The new tribunes of the plebs consulted the wishes of the nobles in the co-optation of colleagues; they even chose two who were patricians and ex-consuls, Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aternius.

> Latin: 65.1. tribuni plebis in cooptandis collegis patrum voluntatem foverunt; duos etiam patricios consularesque, Sp. Tarpeium et A. Aternium, cooptavere.

[¶32] 65.2. The new consuls, Spurius Herminius and Titus Verginius Caelimontanus, being specially devoted neither to the cause of the patricians nor to that of the plebs, enjoyed a peaceful year both at home and abroad.

> Latin: 65.2. creati Sp. Herminius T. Verginius Caelimontanus, nihil magnopere ad patrum aut plebis causam inclinati, otium domi ac foris habuere.

[¶33] 65.3. Lucius Trebonius, a tribune of the commons, being angry with the patricians, because, as he said, he had been defrauded by them in the co-optation of the tribunes and had been betrayed by his colleagues, proposed a law that he who called upon the Roman plebs to elect tribunes should continue to call upon them until he should effect the election of ten; and he so baited the nobles during his year of office as even to gain the surname of Asper, or “the Truculent.”

> Latin: 65.3. L. Trebonius tribunus plebis, infestus patribus quod se ab iis in cooptandis tribunis fraude captum proditumque a collegis aiebat, rogationem tulit ut qui plebem Romanam tribunos plebi rogaret, is usque eo rogaret dum decem tribunos plebi faceret; insectandisque patribus, unde Aspero etiam inditum est cognomen, tribunatum gessit.

[¶34] 65.5. Next, Marcus Geganius Macerinus and Gaius Julius became consuls, and assuaged the strife of the tribunes with the young nobles, without censuring those magistrates or sacrificing the dignity of the patricians.

> Latin: 65.5. M. Geganius Macerinus et C. Iulius consules facti contentiones tribunorum adversus nobilium iuventutem ortas sine insectatione potestatis eius conservata maiestate patrum sedavere.

[¶35] 65.6. They withheld the plebs from sedition by suspending a levy which had been decreed with a view to making war on the Volsci and the Aequi, averring that so long as the City was quiet their foreign relations were likewise entirely peaceful; that it was discord in Rome which made other nations take heart.

> Latin: 65.6. decreto ad bellum Volscorum et Aequorum dilectu sustinendo rem ab seditionibus continuere, urbano otio foris quoque omnia tranquilla esse adfirmantes, per discordias civiles externos tollere animos.

[¶36] 65.7. The pains they were at to maintain peace were also productive of internal harmony. But the one order was always taking advantage of the moderation of the other; the plebs were tranquil, but the younger patricians began to insult them.

> Latin: 65.7. pacis concordiae quoque intestinae causa fuit. alter semper ordo gravis alterius modestiae erat; quiescenti plebi ab iunioribus patrum iniuriae fieri coeptae.

[¶37] 65.8. When the tribunes attempted to assist the lowly, at first their services were of little effect; and later they did not even escape violence themselves, especially in the last months of their term, since not only were wrongs committed through cabals of the more powerful, but the effectiveness of every magistrate rather languished, as a rule, in the latter part of the year.

> Latin: 65.8. tribuni auxilio humilioribus essent, in primis parum proderat; deinde ne ipsi quidem inviolati erant, utique postremis mensibus, cum et per coitiones potentiorum iniuria fieret et vis potestatis omnis aliquanto posteriore anni parte languidior ferme esset.

[¶38] 65.9. By this time the plebs had ceased to count upon the tribunate, unless they could have tribunes like Icilius; for two years they had had mere names.

> Latin: 65.9. iamque lamque plebs ita in tribunatu ponere aliquid spei, si similes Icilio tribunos haberet: nomina tantum se biennio habuisse.

[¶39] 65.10. The elder patricians, for their part, though they thought their young men too headstrong, yet preferred, if moderation must be left behind, that the excess of spirits should be on their side rather than with their adversaries.

> Latin: 65.10. contra patrum, ut nimis feroces suos credere iuvenes esse, ita malle, si modus excedendus esset, suis quam adversariis superesse animos.

[¶40] 65.11. So difficult is it to be moderate in the defence of liberty, since everyone, while pretending to seek fair-play, so raises himself as to press another down; while insuring themselves against fear, men actually render themselves fearful to others; and having defended ourselves from an injury, we proceed —as though it were necessary either to do or suffer wrong —to inflict injury upon our neighbour.

> Latin: 65.11. moderatio tuendae libertatis, dum aequari velle simulando ita se quisque extollit ut deprimat alium, in difficili est, cavendoque ne metuant, homines metuendos ultro se efficiunt, et iniuriam a nobis repulsam, tamquam aut facere aut pati necesse sit, iniungimus aliis.

[¶41] 66.1. Titus Quinctius Capitolinus (for the fourth time) and Agrippa Furius were then made consuls. They experienced neither domestic sedition nor foreign war, but were threatened with both.

> Latin: 66.1. T. Quinctius Capitolinus quartum et Agrippa Furius consules inde facti nec seditionem domi nec foris bellum acceperunt; sed imminebat utrumque.

[¶42] 66.2. The strife between citizens could now no longer be repressed, since tribunes and plebs alike were inflamed against the patricians, and the trial of one or another of the nobles was continually embroiling the assemblies in new quarrels.

> Latin: 66.2. non ultra discordia civium reprimi poterat et tribunis et plebe incitata in patres, cum dies alicui nobilium dicta novis semper certaminibus contiones turbaret.

[¶43] 66.3. At the first disturbance in these meetings the Aequi and Volsci took up arms, as though they had received a signal, and also because their leaders, being eager for plunder, had convinced them that the Romans had found it impossible, the year before, to carry out the levy which they had proclaimed, since the plebs were no longer amenable to authority; and that this had been the reason why armies were not dispatched against themselves.

> Latin: 66.3. quarum primum strepitum velut signo accepto arma cepere Aequi ac Volsci, simul quod persuaserant iis duces, cupidi praedarum, biennio ante dilectum indictum haberi non potuisse abnuente iam plebe imperium; eo adversus se non esse missos exercitus.

[¶44] 66.4. Lawlessness was breaking down their martial traditions, nor was Rome any longer a united nation; all the hostility and quarrelsomeness they had formerly entertained towards other nations was now being turned against themselves; the wolves were blinded with mad rage at one another, and there was now an opportunity to destroy them.

> Latin: 66.4. licentia militandi morem, nec pro communi iam patria Romam esse. irarum simultatiumque cum externis fuerit in ipsos verti. lupos intestina rabie opprimendi occasionem esse.

[¶45] 66.5. Combining their armies, they first desolated the country of the Latins, and then, when it appeared that there was no one in that region to punish them, they carried their marauding, amidst the triumphant rejoicings of the advocates of war, to the very walls of Rome, in the direction of the Esquiline Gate, where they insolently exhibited to the inhabitants of the City the devastation of their lands.

> Latin: 66.5. exercitibus Latinum primum agrum perpopulati sunt; deinde postquam ibi nemo vindex occurrebat, tum vero exsultantibus belli auctoribus ad moenia ipsa Romae populabundi regione portae Esquilinae accessere vastationem agrorum per contumeliam urbi ostentantes.

[¶46] 66.6. After they had withdrawn unmolested, and driving their booty before them had marched to Corbio, the consul Quinctius summoned the people to an assembly.

> Latin: 66.6. postquam inulti praedam prae se agentes retro ad Corbionem agmine iere, Quinctius consul ad contionem populum vocavit.

[¶47] 67.1. There he spoke, as I understand, to the following effect: "Although I am conscious, Quirites, of no wrong-doing, nevertheless it is with great shame that I have come to this assembly to confront you. To think that you know, to think that future generations will be told, that the Aequi and the Volsci, but now scarce a match for the Hernici, have in the fourth consulship of Titus Quinctius approached the walls of the City of Rome —with impunity, and armed! We have now for a long time been living under such conditions that my mind could foresee nothing good; yet had I known that such a disgrace was in store for this year, of all others, I should have shunned it even at the cost of exile or of death, in default of other means of escaping office. So! Had they been men whose swords were there at our gates, Rome might have been captured in my consulship!

> Latin: 67.1. in hanc sententiam locutum accipio: " mihi nullius noxae conscius, Quirites, sum, tamen cum pudore summo in contionem in conspectum vestrum processi. vos scire, hoc posteris memoriae traditum iri, Aequos et Volscos, vix Hernicis modo pares, T. Quinctio quartum consule ad moenia urbis Romae impune armatos venisse! ego ignominiam, quamquam iam diu ita vivitur ut nihil boni divinet animus, si huic potissimum imminere anno scissem, vel exsilio vel morte, si alia fuga honoris non esset, vitassem.

[¶48] 67.3. I had enjoyed honours enough, I had had enough, and more than enough, of life; death should have come to me in my third consulship. For whom, pray, did the most dastardly of our enemies feel such contempt?

> Latin: 67.3. si viri arma illa habuissent quae in portis fuere nostris, capi Roma me consule potuit. honorum, satis superque vitae erat;

[¶49] 67.4. For us, the consuls, or for you, Quirites? If the fault is ours, deprive us of authority we do not merit; and if that is not enough, then punish us to boot: if yours, may neither god nor man seek to punish your sins, Quirites; only may you yourselves repent of them!

> Latin: 67.4. mori consulem tertium oportuit. tandem ignavissimi hostium contempsere? consules an vos, Quirites? culpa in nobis est, auferte imperium indignis, et si id parum est, insuper poenas expetite:

[¶50] 67.5. It was not cowardice in you that they despised, nor was it their own courage in which they put their trust; in truth they have been too often beaten and routed, despoiled of their camps, stripped of their lands, and sent under the yoke, not to know both themselves and you: it was the discord betwixt the classes, and the quarrels —poison of this City —between the patricians and the plebs that roused their hopes, as they beheld our greed for power and yours for liberty; your disgust at the patrician magistracies and ours at the plebeian.

> Latin: 67.5. si in vobis, nemo deorum nec hominum sit qui vestra puniat peccata, Quirites: vosmet tantum eorum paeniteat. illi vestram ignaviam contempsere nec suae virtuti confisi sunt; quippe totiens fusi fugatique, castris exuti, agro multati, sub iugum missi et se et vos novere:

[¶51] 67.6. In Heaven's name what would you have? You conceived a longing for tribunes of the plebs; for the sake of harmony we granted them. You desired decemvirs; we allowed them to be elected.

> Latin: 67.6. discordia ordinum et venenum urbis huius, patrum ac plebis certamina, dum nec nobis imperii nec vobis libertatis est modus, dum taedet vos patriciorum, nos plebeiorum magistratuum, sustulere illis animos.

[¶52] 67.7. You grew exceedingly weary of the decemvirs; we compelled them to abdicate. When your resentment against them persisted in their retirement to private life, we permitted men of the highest birth and the most distinguished careers to suffer death and exile.

> Latin: 67.7. deum fidem quid vobis voltis? plebis concupistis; concordiae causa concessimus. desiderastis; creari passi sumus. vos pertaesum est;

[¶53] 67.8. Again you desired to choose tribunes of the plebs, and chose them; to appoint consuls of your own faction, and though we saw that this was unfair to the patricians, we beheld even the patrician magistracy presented to the plebs.

> Latin: 67.8. coegimus abire magistratu. in eosdem privatos ira vestra mori atque exsulare nobilissimos viros honoratissimosque passi sumus.

[¶54] 67.9. That you should enjoy the support of tribunes and the right of appeal to the people; that the decrees of the plebs should be made binding upon the patricians; that on the pretext of equalizing the laws our rights should be trodden under foot —all this we have endured and are now enduring.

> Latin: 67.9. plebis creare iterum voluistis; creastis; consules facere vestrarum partium; etsi patribus videbamus iniquum, patricium quoque magistratum plebi donum fieri vidimus. tribunicium, provocationem ad populum, scita plebis iniuncta patribus, sub titulo aequandarum legum nostra iura oppressa tulimus et ferimus.

[¶55] 67.10. What end will there be to our dissensions? Will a time ever come when we can have a united City? Will a time ever come when this can be our common country? We, the beaten party, accept the situation with more equanimity than do you, the victors.

> Latin: 67.10. finis erit discordiarum? unam urbem habere, ecquando communem hanc esse patriam licebit? nos aequiore animo quiescimus quam vos victores.

[¶56] 67.11. Is it not enough that we must fear you? It was against us that the Aventine was taken; against us that the Sacred Mount was occupied; we have seen the Esquiline almost captured by the enemy, and the Volscian mounting our rampart. The enemy found none to drive him back; against us you show your manhood; against us you have drawn the sword.

> Latin: 67.11. est nobis vos metuendos esse? nos Aventinum capitur, adversus nos Sacer occupatur mons; Esquilias vidimus ab hoste prope captas, et scandentem in aggerem Volscum. nemo submovit: in nos viri, in nos armati estis.

[¶57] 68.1. “Come now, when you have laid siege to the senate-house here, and rendered the Forum unsafe, and filled the gaol with our leading men, go out in that same valorous spirit beyond the Esquiline Gate;” “or if your courage is not equal even to that, behold from the walls how your fields have been laid waste with fire and sword, how your cattle are being driven off, while far and wide the smoke is rising from burning buildings.”

> Latin: 68.1. , ubi hic curiam circumsederitis et forum infestum feceritis et carcerem impleveritis principibus, iisdem istis ferocibus animis egredimini extra portam Esquilinam, aut si ne hoc quidem audetis, ex muris visite agros vestros ferro ignique vastatos, praedam abigi, fumare incensa passim tecta.

[¶58] 68.3. 'But,' you may say, 'it is the community that suffers by these things: the fields are burned; the City is besieged; the glory of the war rests with the enemy.' How now? In what plight are your private interests?

> Latin: 68.3. enim communis res per haec loco est peiore; ager uritur, urbs obsidetur, belli gloria penes hostes est. tandem? res vestrae quo statu sunt? unicuique ex agris sua damna nuntiabuntur.

[¶59] 68.4. “Every man of you will presently be getting from the country a report of his personal losses. Pray what resources do you command for supplying the want of these things? Shall the tribunes restore and make good to you your losses? Resounding words they will pour forth to your hearts' content, and accusations against prominent men, and laws one after another, and assemblies; but from those assemblies there was never one of you returned home the better off in circumstances or in fortune.”

> Latin: 68.4. est tandem domi unde ea expleatis? vobis amissa reddent ac restituent? verborumque quantum voletis ingerent et criminum in principes et legum aliarum super alias et contionum; sed ex illis contionibus nunquam vestrum quisquam re, fortuna domum auctior rediit.

[¶60] 68.5. “Has ever one of you carried aught back to wife and children but animosities, complaints, and quarrels, both public and private? —from which you always fly for refuge, not to your own bravery and innocence, but to the help of others.”

> Latin: 68.5. rettulit aliquid ad coniugem ac liberos praeter odia offensiones simultates publicas privatasque? quibus semper non vestra virtute innocentiaque, sed auxilio alieno tuti sitis.

[¶61] 68.6. “But, by Hercules! when you used to serve under us, the consuls, instead of under tribunes, and in camp instead of in the Forum; when your shout was raised in the battle-line, not the assembly, and caused not the Roman nobles but the enemy to shudder; —in those days, I say, you were wont to capture booty, to strip the enemy of his lands, and crowned with success and glory —for the state no less than for yourselves —to return in triumph to your homes and your household gods; now you suffer the foe to load himself with your riches and depart.”

> Latin: 68.6. hercules cum stipendia nobis consulibus, non tribunis ducibus, et in castris, non in foro faciebatis, et in acie vestrum clamorem hostes, non in contione patres Romani horrebant, praeda parta, agro ex hoste capto, pleni fortunarum gloriaeque simul publicae simul privatae triumphantes domum ad penates redibatis: nunc oneratum vestris fortunis hostem abire sinitis.

[¶62] 68.7. “Hold fast to your assemblies and live your lives in the Forum; you shall still be pursued by the necessity of that service which you seek to evade. It was hard to march against the Aequi and Volsci; the war is before your gates. If it is not driven back, it will soon be within the walls and will scale Citadel and Capitol and pursue you into your homes.”

> Latin: 68.7. adfixi contionibus et in foro vivite: sequetur vos necessitas militandi quam fugitis. erat in Aequos et Volscos proficisci: ante portas est bellum. inde non pellitur, iam intra moenia erit et arcem et Capitolium scandet et 8 in domos vestras vos persequetur. ante senatus dilectum haberi et educi exercitum in Algidum iussit: sedemus desides domi mulierum ritu inter nos altercantes, praesenti pace laeti nec cernentes ex otio illo brevi multiplex bellum rediturum.

[¶63] 68.8. “Last year the senate commanded that an army should be levied and led out to Algidus: we are still sitting idly at home, scolding each other like so many women, rejoicing in the temporary peace, and not perceiving that we shall soon be paying for this brief repose with a war many times as great.”

> Latin: 68.8. ego gratiora dictu alia esse scio; sed me vera pro gratis loqui, etsi meum ingenium non moneret, necessitas cogit. equidem vobis placere, Quirites; sed multo malo vos salvos esse, qualicumque erga me animo futuri estis.

[¶64] 68.9. “I know that there are other things more pleasant to hear; but even if my character did not prompt me to say what is true in preference to what is agreeable, necessity compels me. I could wish to give you pleasure, Quirites, but I had far sooner you should be saved, no matter what your feeling towards me is going to be.”

> Latin: 68.9. hoc ita comparatum est ut qui apud multitudinem sua causa loquitur gratior eo sit cuius mens nihil praeter publicum commodum videt; nisi forte adsentatores publicos, plebicolas istos, qui vos nec in armis nec in otio esse sinunt, vestra vos causa incitare et stimulare putatis.

[¶65] 68.10. “It has been ordained by nature that he who addresses a crowd for his own selfish ends should be more acceptable to it than he whose mind regards nothing but the general welfare; unless perhaps you suppose that it is for your sakes that the public flatterers —I mean your courtiers of the plebs, who will suffer you neither to be at war nor to keep the peace-are exciting you and urging you on.”

> Latin: 68.10. aut honori aut quaestui illis estis, et quia in concordia ordinum nullos se usquam esse vident, malae rei se quam nullius duces esse volunt.

[¶66] 68.11. “Once thoroughly aroused you are a source of political advancement or of profit to them; and because they see that so long as the orders are harmonious they themselves count for nothing anywhere, they had rather lead an evil cause than none.” “If you are capable at last of feeling a disgust for these things, and are willing to resume your fathers' and your own old-fashioned manners, in ” “place of these new-fangled ones, I give you leave to punish me as you like, if within a few days I have not defeated and routed these devastators of our fields, stripped them of their camp, and shifted this alarm of war which now dismays you from our gates and walls to the cities of our enemies.”

> Latin: 68.11. rerum si vos taedium tandem capere potest et patrum vestrosque antiquos mores voltis pro his novis sumere, nulla supplicia recuso, nisi paucis diebus hos populatores agrorum nostrorum fusos fugatosque castris exuero et a portis nostris moenibusque ad illorum urbes hunc belli terrorem quo nunc vos attoniti estis transtulero.

[¶67] 69.1. Rarely has the speech of a popular tribune been more agreeable to the plebs than was at that time this speech by the sternest of consuls.

> Latin: 69.1. alias tribuni popularis oratio acceptior plebi quam tunc tune severissimi consulis fuit.

[¶68] 69.2. Even the young men, who amid such alarms were wont to regard a refusal to enlist as their sharpest weapon against the nobles, began to look forward to war and arms. And the flight of the country-people and the presence of those who had been plundered while on their farms and wounded, and who reported worse outrages than those which met the eyes of the citizens, filled all Rome with resentment.

> Latin: 69.2. quoque, quae inter tales metus detractationem militiae telum acerrimum adversus patres habere solita erat, arma et bellum spectabat. agrestium fuga spoliatique in agris et volnerati, foediora iis quae subiciebantur oculis nuntiantes, totam urbem ira implevere.

[¶69] 69.3. When the senate had met, then in truth all turned to Quinctius, whom they looked on as the sole champion of Roman majesty. The foremost senators declared that his speech had been worthy of the consular authority, worthy of the many consulships he had held in the past, worthy of his whole life, crowded as it had been with honours which, often as he had received them, he had still oftener deserved.

> Latin: 69.3. senatum ubi venture est, ibi vero in Quinctium omnes versi ut unum vindicem maiestatis Romanae intueri, et primores patrum dignam dicere contionem imperio consulari, dignam tot consulatibus ante actis, dignam vita omni, plena honorum saepe gestorum, saepius meritorum.

[¶70] 69.4. Other consuls had either flattered the plebs by betraying the dignity of the patricians, or by harshly inforcing the rights of their order had exasperated the populace while seeking to subjugate them; Titus Quinctius had spoken without forgetting the dignity of the patricians, or the harmony of the orders, or —what was particularly important —the existing crisis.

> Latin: 69.4. consules aut per proditionem dignitatis patrum plebi adulatos aut acerbe tuendo iura ordinis asperiorem domando multitudinem fecisse: T. Quinctium orationem memorem maiestatis patrum concordiaeque ordinum et temporum in primis habuisse.

[¶71] 69.5. They begged him and his colleague to undertake the guidance of the state; they besought the tribunes to unite with the consuls in a single-minded effort to repel their enemies from the walls of the City, and to cause the plebs to yield obedience to the patricians in so alarming a situation; the appeal to the tribunes came, they said, from their common country, which implored their assistance for its wasted fields and its well-nigh beleaguered City.

> Latin: 69.5. eum collegamque ut capesserent rem publicam; orare tribunos ut uno animo cum consulibus bellum ab urbe ac moenibus propulsari vellent plebemque oboedientem in re tam trepida patribus praeberent; appellare tribunos communem patriam auxiliumque eorum implorare vastatis agris, urbe prope oppugnata.

[¶72] 69.6. By general consent a levy was proclaimed and held. The consuls announced in the assembly that there was no time to consider excuses; that all the juniors should present themselves at dawn of the following day in the Campus Martius;

> Latin: 69.6. omnium dilectus decernitur habeturque. consules in contione pronuntiassent tempus non esse causas cognoscendi; omnes iuniores postero die prima luce in campo Martio adessent;

[¶73] 69.7. that they would take time when the war was over to listen to the excuses of those who had failed to hand in their names; and that any man whose excuse they did not approve would be treated as a deserter.

> Latin: 69.7. cognoscendis causis eorum qui nomina non dedissent bello perfecto se daturos tempus; pro desertore futurum cuius non probassent causam;—omnis iuventus adfuit postero die.

[¶74] 69.8. Next day the entire body of young men appeared. The cohorts each chose their own centurions, and two senators were put in command of every cohort. We are told that all these measures were carried out so promptly that the standards were fetched from the treasury by the quaestors that very day, and being carried to the Campus Martius, headed the line of march from the mustering ground at ten o'clock in the morning; and the newly recruited army, with the voluntary escort of a few cohorts of veterans, encamped over night at the tenth mile-stone.

> Latin: 69.8. sibi quaeque centuriones legerunt, bini senatores singulis cohortibus praepositi. omnia adeo mature perfecta accepimus ut signa eo ipso die a quaestoribus ex aerario prompta delataque in campum quarta diei hora mota ex campo sint exercitusque novus paucis cohortibus veterum militum voluntate sequentibus manserit ad decimum lapidem.

[¶75] 69.9. The following day brought the enemy into view, and the Roman camp was established close to theirs, near Corbio. On the third day, the Romans being urged on by indignation, and the enemy, who had so often revolted, by the consciousness of their guilt and by despair, no attempt was made to delay the battle.

> Latin: 69.9. dies hostem in conspectum dedit, castraque ad Corbionem castris sunt coniuncta. die, cum ira Romanos, illos, cum totiens rebellassent, conscientia culpae ac desperatio inritaret, mora dimicandi nulla est facta.

[¶76] 70.1. Although the two consuls were of equal authority in the Roman army, yet they made an arrangement which is extremely advantageous in the administration of important measures, by which Agrippa yielded the supreme command to his colleague. The latter, thus preferred, responded courteously to the ready self-effacement of the other by admitting him to a share in his plans and his achievements, and treating him as an equal, despite his inferiority.

> Latin: 70.1. exercitu Romano cum duo consules essent potestate pari, quod saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est, summa imperii concedente Agrippa penes collegam erat; et praelatus ille facilitati summittentis se comiter respondebat communicando consilia laudesque et aequando imparem sibi.

[¶77] 70.2. In the battle-line Quinctius held the right wing, Agrippa the left; to Spurius Postumius Albus, the lieutenant, they gave the centre in charge; and the other lieutenant, Publius Sulpicius, they put in command of the horse.

> Latin: 70.2. acie Quinctius dextrum cornu, Agrippa sinistrum tenuit; Sp. Postumio Albo legato datur media acies tuenda, legatum alterum P. Sulpicium equitibus praeficiunt.

[¶78] 70.3. The infantry on the right fought brilliantly, and were vigorously resisted by the Volsci.

> Latin: 70.3. ab dextro cornu egregie pugnavere haud segniter resistentibus Volscis.

[¶79] 70.4. Publius Sulpicius broke through the enemy's centre with his cavalry. He might have returned to the Roman side the way he went, before the enemy could re-form their broken ranks; but it seemed better to assail them in the rear. It would have been but the work of a moment to charge them from behind and throw them into confusion between the two attacks; but the Volscian and Aequian cavalry met him with his own kind of troops and held him in check for some little while.

> Latin: 70.4. P. Sulpicius per mediam hostium aciem cum equitatu perrupit. cum eadem reverti posset ad suos priusquam hostis turbatos ordines reficeret, terga impugnare hostium satius visum est; momentoque temporis in aversam incursando aciem ancipiti terrore dissipasset hostes, ni suo proprio eum proelio equites Volscorum et Aequorum exceptum aliquamdiu tenuissent.

[¶80] 70.5. Thereupon Sulpicius cried out that there was no time for hesitation; they were surrounded and cut off from their fellows, unless they put forth all their might and disposed of the enemy's cavalry.

> Latin: 70.5. vero Sulpicius negare cunctandi tempus esse, circumventos interclusosque ab suis vociferans, ni equestre proelium conixi omni vi perficerent.

[¶81] 70.6. Nor was it enough to rout them and let them get safely off; they must destroy them, horse and man, that none might ride back into the battle or renew the fight. It would be impossible, he said, for their cavalry to resist his men, when the close ranks of their infantry had given way before them.

> Latin: 70.6. fugare equitem integrum satis esse: conficerent equos virosque, ne quis reveheretur inde ad proelium aut integraret pugnam; non posse illos resistere sibi, quibus conferta peditum acies cessisset.

[¶82] 70.7. His words did not fall upon deaf ears. With a single rush the Romans routed the entire body of cavalry. Hurling great numbers of them from their horses, they transfixed men and steeds with their javelins.

> Latin: 70.7. surdis auribus dicta. una totum equitatum fudere, magnam vim ex equis praecipitavere, ipsos equosque spiculis confodere.

[¶83] 70.8. This ended the cavalry-battle. Then they fell upon the hostile infantry, and sent off gallopers to announce their success to the consuls, where the enemy's line was already beginning to give way. The tidings at once aroused fresh ardour in the conquering Romans and filled the faltering Aequi with confusion.

> Latin: 70.8. finis pugnae equestris fuit. adorti peditum aciem nuntios ad consules rei gestae mittunt, ubi iam inclinabatur hostium acies. Nuntius deinde et vincentibus Romanis animos auxit et referentes gradum perculit Aequos.

[¶84] 70.9. It was in the centre that their defeat began, where the attack of the troopers had thrown their ranks into disorder; then the left wing began to fall back before the consul Quinctius.

> Latin: 70.9. media primum acie vinci coepti, qua permissus equitatus turbaverat ordines;

[¶85] 70.10. The Romans experienced most difficulty on the right; there Agrippa, young, active, and courageous, perceiving that the battle was everywhere going better than on his own front, snatched the standards from the men who bore them, and began to carry them forward himself, and even to fling some of them into the press of the enemy. The disgrace with which his soldiers were thus threatened spurred them to the attack, and the victory was extended to every part of the line.

> Latin: 70.10. sinistrum deinde cornu ab Quinctio consule pelli coeptum; in dextro plurimum laboris fuit. Agrippa, aetate viribusque ferox, cum omni parte pugnae melius rem geri quam apud se videret, arrepta signa ab signiferis ipse inferre, quaedam iacere etiam in confertos hostes coepit;

[¶86] 70.11. A message then came from Quinctius, saying that he had beaten the enemy and was already threatening their camp, but did not wish to storm it until he knew that the fight had been decided on the left wing also;

> Latin: 70.11. cuius ignominiae ignomniniae metu concitati milites invasere hostem. aequata ex omni parte victoria est Nuntius tum a Quinctio venit victorem iam se imminere hostium castris; nolle inrumpere antequam sciat debellatum et in sinistro cornu esse:

[¶87] 70.12. if Agrippa had already defeated his opponents, let him bring up his troops, that the entire army might enter together into possession of the spoils. The victorious Agrippa accordingly joined his victorious colleague, with mutual congratulations, in front of the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 70.12. si iam fudisset hostes, conferret ad se signa, ut simul omnis exercitus praeda potiretur.

[¶88] 70.13. Its handful of defenders was speedily put to flight, and the Romans burst into the entrenchments without encountering resistance. The consuls led their army back to the City laden with a vast quantity of booty, as well as with the goods which they had lost by the pillage of their fields but had now recovered.

> Latin: 70.13. Agrippa cum mutua gratulatione ad victorem collegam castraque hostium venit. paucis defendentibus momentoque fusis sine certamine in munitiones inrumpunt, praedaque ingenti conpotem exercitum suis etiam rebus reciperatis quae populatione agrorum amissae erant reducunt.

[¶89] 70.14. I do not find either that the consuls themselves asked for a triumph or that one was offered them by the senate; nor is there any record of the reason why they despised the honour or did not hope for it.

> Latin: 70.14. nec ipsos postulasse nec nee delatum iis ab senatu accipio, nec traditur causa spreti aut non sperati honoris.

[¶90] 70.15. The best conjecture I myself can offer, after so long an interval of time, is this: since the consuls Valerius and Horatius, who besides beating the Volsci and Aequi had also attained renown by bringing the Sabine war to a successful conclusion, had been refused a triumph by the senate, they were ashamed to ask for that distinction in recompense of an achievement only half as great, lest even if it should be granted, it might seem that account had been taken rather of persons than of deserts.

> Latin: 70.15. quantum in tanto intervallo temporum conicio, cum Valerio atque Horatio consulibus, qui praeter Volscos et Aequos Sabini etiam belli perfecti gloriam pepererant, negatus ab senatu triumphus esset, verecundiae fuit pro parte dimidia rerum consulibus petere triumphum, ne etiamsi impetrassent magis hominum ratio quam meritorum habita videretur.

[¶91] 71.1. The glory of defeating the enemy was sullied by a shameful judgment given by the people in Rome regarding the boundaries of her allies.

> Latin: 71.1. honestam ex hostibus partam turpe domi de finibus sociorum iudicium populi deformavit.

[¶92] 71.2. The men of Aricia and those of Ardea had often gone to war over a territory which both cities claimed. Exhausted by the many defeats which each had experienced, they referred their quarrel to the Roman People for decision.

> Latin: 71.2. Aricini atque Ardeates de ambiguo agro cum saepe bello certassent, multis in vicem cladibus fessi iudicem populum Romanum cepere. ad causam orandam venissent, concilio populi a magistratibus dato magna contentione actum.

[¶93] 71.3. When they had come to plead their cause, and a popular assembly had been granted them by the magistrates, they argued their respective claims with great vehemence. The testimony had already been taken, and the time had come for the tribes to be summoned and the people to give their votes, when Publius Scaptius, an aged plebeian, arose and said: “If I am permitted, consuls, to speak concerning the nation's interests, I will not suffer the people to go wrong in this matter.”

> Latin: 71.3. editis testibus cum tribus vocari et populum inire suffragium oporteret, consurgit P. Scaptius de plebe magno natu et licet inquit, consules, de re publica dicere, errare ego populum in hac causa non patiar.

[¶94] 71.4. The consuls declared that he was an untrustworthy fellow and ought not to be listened to, and when he protested noisily that the public cause was being betrayed, they ordered him to be removed; whereat he appealed to the tribunes.

> Latin: 71.4. ut vanum eum negarent consules audiendum esse vociferantemque prodi publicam causam submoveri iussissent, tribunos appellat.

[¶95] 71.5. The tribunes, as almost always happens, were swayed by the crowd, instead of swaying it, and, to please the greedy ears of the plebs, gave Scaptius leave to say what he wished.

> Latin: 71.5. , ut fere semper reguntur a multitudine magis quam regunt, dedere cupidae audiendi plebi ut quae vellet Scaptius diceret.

[¶96] 71.6. He therefore began, and said that he was eighty-two years old and had fought in the army, in that district which was under discussion, not as a youth, but as one already in his twentieth year of service at the time of the campaign before Corioli.

> Latin: 71.6. infit annum se tertium et octogensimum agere et in eo agro de quo agitur militasse, non iuvenem, vicesima iam stipendia merentem, cum ad Coriolos sit bellatum. rem se vetustate oblitteratam, ceterum suae memoriae infixam adferre, agrum de quo ambigitur finium Coriolanorum fuisse captisque Coriolis iure belli publicum populi Romani factum.

[¶97] 71.7. Hence it came that he was telling them of a matter forgotten with the lapse of years, but fixed in his own memory, namely that the disputed land had been a part of the territory of Corioli, and had consequently, on the capture of that town, become, by right of conquest, the property of the Roman People. He marvelled, he said, at the effrontery with which the men of Ardea and Aricia hoped to deprive the Roman People —whom they had made the judge, in place of being the owner —of a territory over which they had never exercised any authority so long as the state of Corioli was intact. He had himself but a little while to live; yet he had not been able to convince himself that, having as a soldier done his part to conquer the land, he should not defend it, even in his old age, with the only weapon left him, to wit his voice. He earnestly counselled the people not to condemn their own cause from an unreasonable motive of propriety.

> Latin: 71.7. se quonam ore Ardeates Aricinique, cuius agri ius nunquam usurpaverint incolumi Coriolana re, eum se a populo Romano, quem pro domino iudicem fecerint, intercepturos sperent. exiguum vitae tempus superesse; non potuisse se tamen inducere in animum quin, quem agrum miles pro parte virili manu cepisset, eum senex quoque voce, qua una posset, vindicaret. se suadere populo, ne inutili pudore suam ipse causam damnaret.

[¶98] 72.1. When the consuls had perceived that Scaptius was listened to not only in silence but actually with approval, they called on gods and men to witness that a great outrage was being perpetrated, and sent for the leaders of the senate. With them they went about among the tribes and implored them not to be guilty of an act which, utterly wrong in itself, would establish a precedent that was even worse, by diverting to their own possession, as judges, the property in dispute; and that too when, even if it were right that a judge should be concerned for his own advantage, they would by no means gain so much by the seizure of the land as they would lose by the wrongful estrangement of their allies.

> Latin: 72.1. , cum Scaptium non silentio modo, sed cum adsensu etiam audiri animadvertissent, deos hominesque testantes flagitium ingens fieri 2 patrum primores arcessunt. iis circumire tribus, orare ne pessimum facinus peiore exemplo admitterent iudices in suam rem litem vertendo, cum praesertim etiam si fas sit curam emolumenti sui iudici esse, nequaquam tantum agro intercipiendo adquiratur, quantum amittatur alienandis iniuria sociorum animis. famae quidem ac fidei damna maiora esse quam quae aestimari possent. legatos referre domum, hoc volgari, hoc socios audire, hoc hostes, quo cum dolore hos, quo cum gaudio illos!

[¶99] 72.3. For reputation at least and trustworthiness were things the loss of which was beyond all reckoning. Was this to be the report carried home by the envoys? Was this to be noised abroad and come to the ears of allies and enemies?

> Latin: 72.3. hoc, contionali seni, adsignaturos putarent finitimos populos? hac fore imagine Scaptium; sed populum Romanum quadruplatoris et interceptoris litis alienae personam laturum.

[¶100] 72.4. What grief it would cause the former, and what joy the latter! Did they suppose that Scaptius, a meddling old hanger-on of assemblies, would be held responsible for this by the neighbouring nations? It would be a famous thing for Scaptius to have inscribed beneath his portrait, but the Roman People would be playing a role of chicanery and of usurpation of the claims of others.

> Latin: 72.4. enim hoc private rei iudicem fecisse ut sibi controversiosam adiudicaret rem? Scaptium ipsum id quidem, etsi praemortui iam sit pudoris, non facturum.

[¶101] 72.5. For what umpire in a private suit would have thought of awarding to himself the object of litigation? Even Scaptius, though he had already outlived all sense of shame, would not do that.

> Latin: 72.5. consules, haec patres vociferantur; sed plus cupiditas et auctor cupiditatis Scaptius valet. tribus iudicaverunt agrum publicum populi Romani esse.

[¶102] 72.6. These arguments were loudly urged both by the consuls and by the Fathers; but they were less convincing than men's cupidity, or than Scaptius, who had aroused it. The tribes, being called upon to vote, decided the territory to be public land belonging to the Roman People. Nor is it denied that such would have been the verdict if recourse had been had to another court; but in the circumstances the excellence of the cause did not in the slightest degree extenuate the disgrace of the judgment, which seemed no less scandalous and harsh to the Roman senators than to the men of Aricia and Ardea. The remainder of the year passed without disturbances in either domestic or foreign relations.

> Latin: 72.6. abnuitur ita fuisse, si ad iudices alios itum foret; nunc haud baud sane quicquam bono causae levatur dedecus iudicii; idque non Aricinis Ardeatibusque quam patribus Romanis foedius atque acerbius visum. anni quietum ab urbanis motibus et ab externis mansit.

## 19. Book IV · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. MARCUS GENUClUS and Gaius Curtius succeeded these men as consuls. It was a year of quarrels both at home and abroad. For at its commencement Gaius Canuleius, a tribune of the plebs, proposed a bill regarding the intermarriage of patricians and plebeians which the patricians looked upon as involving the debasement of their blood and the subversion of the principles inhering in the gentes, or families; and a suggestion, cautiously put forward at first by the tribunes, that it should be lawful for one of the consuls to be chosen from the plebs, was afterwards carried so far that nine tribunes proposed a bill giving the people power to choose consuls as they might see fit, from either the plebs or the patriciate.

> Latin: 1.1. secuti M. Genucius et C. Curtius consules. annus domi forisque infestus. principio et de conubio patrum et plebis C. Canuleius tribunus plebis rogationem promulgavit, qua contaminari sanguinem suum patres confandique iura gentium rebantur, et mentio primo sensim inlata a tribunis, ut alterum ex plebe consulem liceret fieri, eo processit deinde ut rogationem novem tribuni promulgarent,

[¶1] 1.3. To carry out this last proposal would be, in the estimation of the patricians, not merely to give a share of the supreme authority to the lowest of the citizens, but actually to take it away from the nobles and bestow it on the plebs.

> Latin: 1.3. ut populo potestas esset, seu de plebe seu de patribus vellet, consules faciendi; id vero si fieret, non volgari modo cum infimis, sed prorsus auferri a primoribus ad plebem summum imperium credebant.

[¶2] 1.4. The Fathers therefore rejoiced to hear that the people of Ardea had revolted because of the unjust decision which deprived them of their land; that the men of Veii had ravaged the Roman frontier; and that the Volsci and Aequi were murmuring at the fortification of Verrugo; so decidedly did they prefer even an unfortunate war to an ignominious peace.

> Latin: 1.4. ergo audiere patres Ardeatium populum ob iniuriam agri abiudicati descisse, et Veientes depopulatos extrema agri Romani, et Volscos Aequosque ob communitam Verruginem fremere; adeo vel infelix bellum ignominiosae paci praeferebant.

[¶3] 1.5. Accordingly they made the most of these threats, that the proposals of the tribunes might be silenced amidst the din or so many wars; and ordered levies to be held and military preparations to be made with the utmost energy, and if possible, even more strenuously than had been done when Titus Quinctius was consul.

> Latin: 1.5. itaque in maius etiam acceptis, ut inter strepitum tot bellorum conticiscerent actiones tribuniciae, dilectus haberi, bellum armaque vi summa apparari iubent, si quo intentius possit, quam T. Quinctio consule apparatum sit.

[¶4] 1.6. Thereupon Gaius Canuleius curtly proclaimed in the senate that it was in vain the consuls sought to frighten the plebs out of their concern for the new laws; and, declaring that they should never hold the levy, while he lived, until the plebs had voted on the measures which he and his colleagues had brought forward, at once convened an assembly.

> Latin: 1.6. C. Canuleius pauca in senatu vociferatus: nequiquam territando consules avertere plebem a cura novarum legum; nunquam eos se vivo dilectum habituros, antequam ea quae promulgata ab se collegisque essent plebes scivisset, confestim ad contionem advocavit.

[¶5] 2.1. At one and the same time the consuls were inciting the senate against the tribune, and the tribune was arousing the people against the consuls. The consuls declared that the frenzy of the tribunes could no longer be endured; the end had now been reached, and there was more war being stirred up at home than abroad.

> Latin: 2.1. tempore et consules senatum in tri. bunum et tribunus populum in consules incitabat. consules iam ultra ferri posse furores tribunicios; ventum iam ad finem esse; domi plus belli concitari quam foris. adeo non plebis quam patrum neque tribunorum magis quam consulum culpa accidere.

[¶6] 2.2. This state of things was, to be sure, as much the fault of the senators as of the plebs, and the consuls were as guilty as the tribunes.

> Latin: 2.2. rei praemium sit in civitate, eam earn maximis semper auctibus crescere; sic pace bonos, sic bello fieri.

[¶7] 2.3. That tendency which a state rewarded always attained the greatest growth; it was thus that good men were produced, both in peace and in war.

> Latin: 2.3. Romae praemium seditionum esse; ideo singulis universisque semper honori fuisse.

[¶8] 2.4. In Rome the greatest reward was given to sedition, which had, therefore, ever been held in honour by all and sundry. Let them recall the majesty of the senate when they had taken it over from their fathers, and think what it was likely to be when they passed it on to their sons, and how the plebs could glory in the increase of their strength and consequence.

> Latin: 2.4. quam maiestatem senatus ipsi a patribus accepissent, quam liberis tradituri essent, vel quem ad modum plebs gloriari posset auctiorem amplioremque se esse. ergo non fieri nec futuram donec quam felices seditiones tam honorati seditionum auctores essent.

[¶9] 2.5. There was no end in sight, nor would be, so long as the fomenters of insurrection were honoured in proportion to the success of their projects. What tremendous schemes had Gaius Canuleius set on foot!

> Latin: 2.5. quantasque res C. Canuleium adgressum! gentium, perturbationem auspiciorum publicorum privatorumque adferre, ne quid sinceri, ne quid incontaminati sit, ut discrimine omni sublato nec se quisquam nec suos noverit.

[¶10] 2.6. He was aiming to contaminate the gentes and throw the auspices, both public and private, into confusion, that nothing might be pure, nothing unpolluted; so that, when all distinctions had been obliterated, no man might recognise either himself or his kindred. For what else, they asked, was the object of promiscuous marriages, if not that plebeians and patricians might mingle together almost like the beasts?

> Latin: 2.6. enim aliam vim conubia promiscua habere nisi ut ferarum prope ritu volgentur concubitus plebis patrumque? qui natus sit ignoret, cuius sanguinis, quorum sacrorum sit; dimidius patrum sit, dimidius plebis, ne secum quidem ipse concors.

[¶11] 2.7. The son of such a marriage would be ignorant to what blood and to what worship he belonged; he would pertain half to the patricians, half to the plebs, and be at strife even with himself. It was not enough for the disturbers of the rabble to play havoc with all divine and human institutions: they must now aim at the consulship. And whereas they had at first merely suggested in conversations that one of the two consuls should be chosen from the plebeians, they were now proposing a law that the people should elect consuls at its pleasure from patriciate or plebs.

> Latin: 2.7. id videri, quod omnia divina humanaque turbentur; iam ad consulatum volgi turbatores accingi. primo ut alter consul ex plebe fieret, id modo sermonibus temptasse; nunc rogari ut seu ex patribus seu ex plebe velit populus consules creet. creaturos haud dubie ex plebe seditiosissimum quemque; Canuleios igitur Iciliosque consules fore.

[¶12] 2.8. Its choice would without doubt always fall upon plebeians of the most revolutionary sort, and the result would be that they would have consuls of the type of Canuleius and Icilius. They called on Jupiter Optimus Maximus to forbid that a power regal in its majesty should sink so low. For their parts, they would sooner die a thousand deaths than suffer so shameful a thing to be done.

> Latin: 2.8. id Iuppiter optimus maximus sineret regiae maiestatis imperium eo recidere; et se miliens morituros potius quam ut tantum dedecoris admitti patiantur. habere maiores quoque, si divinassent concedendo omnia non mitiorem in se plebem, sed asperiorem alia ex aliis iniquiora postulando cum prima impetrasset futuram, primo quamlibet dimicationem subituros fuisse potius quam eas leges sibi imponi paterentur.

[¶13] 2.10. They felt certain that their forefathers too, had they divined that all sorts of concessions would make the commons not more tractable but more exacting, and that the granting of their first demands would lead to others, ever more unjust, would rather have faced any conflict whatsoever than have permitted such laws to be imposed upon them. Because they had yielded then, in the matter of the tribunes, they had yielded a second time; it was impossible there should be any settlement of the trouble, if in one and the same state there were both plebeian tribunes and patricians; one thing or the other must go, — the patriciate or the tribunate. It was better late than never to oppose their rashness and temerity.

> Latin: 2.10. tum concessum sit de tribunis, iterum concessum esse; fine non fieri posse si in eadem civitate tribuni plebis et patres essent; aut hunc ordinem aut illum magistratum tollendum esse, potiusque sero quam nunquam obviam eundum audaciae temeritatique.

[¶14] 2.12. Were they to be suffered with impunity first to sow discord and stir up neighbouring wars, and then to prevent the state from arming and defending itself against the wars they had raised themselves? When they had all but invited in the enemy, should they refuse to allow the enrolment of armies to oppose that enemy; while Canuleius had the hardihood to announce in the senate that unless the Fathers permitted his laws to be received, as though he were a conqueror, he would forbid the levy? What else was this than a threat that he would betray his native City to attack and capture? How must that speech encourage, not the Roman plebs, but the Volsci, the Aequi, and the Veientes!

> Latin: 2.12. ut impune primo discordias serentes concitent finitima bella, deinde adversus ea, quae concitaverint, armari civitatem defendique prohibeant, et cum hostes tantum non arcessierint, exercitus conscribi adversus hostes non patiantur, sed audeat Canuleius in senatu proloqui se, nisi suas leges tamquam victoris patres accipi sinant, dilectum haberi prohibiturum? esse aliud quam minari se proditurum patriam, oppugnari atque capi passurum! eam earn vocem animorum non plebi Romanae, sed Volscis et Aequis et Veientibus allaturam!

[¶15] 2.14. Would they not hope that, led by Canuleius, they would be able to scale the Capitol and the Citadel? Unless the tribunes had robbed the patricians of their courage when they took away their rights and their dignity, the consuls were prepared to lead them against criminal citizens sooner than against armed enemies.

> Latin: 2.14. Canuleio duce se speraturos Capitolium atque arcem scandere posse? patribus tribuni cum iure ac maiestate adempta animos etiam eripuerint, consules paratos esse duces prius adversus scelus civium quam adversus hostium arma.

[¶16] 3.1. At the very time when these opinions were finding expression in the senate, Canuleius held forth in this fashion in behalf of his laws and in opposition to the consuls:

> Latin: 3.1. maxime haec in senatu agerentur, Canuleius pro legibus suis et adversus consules ita disseruit:

[¶17] 3.2. "How greatly the patricians despised you, Quirites, how unfit they deemed you to live in the City, within the same walls as themselves, I think I have often observed before, but never more clearly than at this very moment, when they are rallying so fiercely against these proposals of ours. Yet what else do we intend by them than to remind our fellow citizens that we are of them, and that, though we possess not the same wealth, still we dwell in the same City they inhabit?

> Latin: 3.2. "Quanto opere vos, Quirites, contemnerent patres, quam indignos ducerent qui una secum urbe intra eadem moenia viveretis, saepe equidem et ante videor animadvertisse, nunc tamen maxime quod adeo atroces in has rogationes nostras coorti sunt, quibus quid aliud quam admonemus cives nos eorum esse, et si non easdem opes habere, eandem tamen patriam incolere?

[¶18] 3.4. In the one bill we seek the right of intermarriage, which is customarily granted to neighbours and foreigners —indeed we have granted citizenship, which is more than intermarriage, even to defeated enemies;

> Latin: 3.4. conubium petimus, quod finitimis externisque dari dai solet—nos quidem civitatem, quae plus quam conubium est, hostibus etiam victis dedimus;

[¶19] 3.5. —in the other we propose no innovation, but reclaim and seek to exercise a popular right, to wit that the Roman People shall confer office upon whom it will.

> Latin: 3.5. —altera nihil novi ferimus, sed id quod populi est repetimus atque usurpamus, ut quibus velit populus Romanus honores mandet.

[¶20] 3.6. What reason is there, pray, why they should confound heaven and earth; why they should almost have attacked me just now in the senate; why they should declare that they will place no restraint on force, and should threaten to violate our sacrosanct authority?

> Latin: 3.6. tandem est cur caelum ac terras misceant, cur in me impetus modo paene in senatu sit factus, negent se manibus temperaturos violaturosque denuntient sacrosanctam potestatem?

[¶21] 3.7. If the Roman People is granted a free vote, that so it may commit the consulship to what hands it likes, if even the plebeian is not cut off from the hope of gaining the highest honours —if he shall be deserving of the highest honours —will this City of ours be unable to endure? Is her dominion at an end? When we raise the question of making a plebeian consul, is it the same as if we were to say that a slave or a freedman should attain that office?

> Latin: 3.7. populo Romano liberum suffragium datur, ut quibus velit consulatum mandet, et non praeciditur spes plebeio quoque, si dignus summo honore erit, apiscendi summi honoris, stare urbs haec non poterit? imperio actum est? perinde hoc valet, plebeiusne consul fiat, tamquam servum aut libertinum aliquis consulem futurum dicat?

[¶22] 3.8. Have you any conception of the contempt in which you are held? They would take from you, were it possible, a part of this daylight.

> Latin: 3.8. sentitis in quanto contemptu vivatis? vobis huius partem, si liceat, adimant; quod spiratis, quod vocem mittitis, quod formas hominum habetis, indignantur;

[¶23] 3.9. That you breathe, that you speak, that you have the shape of men, fills them with resentment. Nay, they assert, if you please, that it is sinning against Heaven to elect a plebeian consul. Tell me, if we are not admitted to consult the Fasti or the Commentaries of the Pontiffs, are we therefore ignorant of what all men, even foreigners, know, viz. that the consuls succeeded to the place of the kings, and possess no jot nor tittle of right or dignity that belonged not to the kings before?

> Latin: 3.9. quin etiam, si dis placet, nefas aiunt esse consulem plebeium fieri. vos, si non ad fastos, non ad commentarios pontificum admittimur, ne ea quidem scimus quae omnes peregrini etiam sciunt, consules in locum regum successisse nec aut iuris aut maiestatis quicquam habere quod non in regibus ante fuerit?

[¶24] 3.10. Come! Would you believe the story was ever heard how Numa Pompilius —not only no patrician, but not even a Roman citizen —was sent for from the country of the Sabines, and reigned at Rome, by command of the people and with the senators' consent?

> Latin: 3.10. unquam creditis fando auditum esse Numam Pompilium, non modo non patricium sed ne civem quidem Romanum, ex Sabino agro accitum, populi iussu, patribus auctoribus Romae regnasse?

[¶25] 3.11. And again, how Lucius Tarquinius, who was not even of Italian stock —not to mention Roman —being the son of Demaratus of Corinth, and an immigrant from Tarquinii, was made king, while the sons of Ancus were still living?

> Latin: 3.11. L. deinde Tarquinium, non Romanae modo, sed ne Italicae quidem gentis, Demarati Corinthii filium, incolam ab Tarquiniis, vivis liberis Anci, regem factum?

[¶26] 3.12. And how after him Servius Tullius, son of a captive woman from Corniculum, who had nobody for his father and a bond-woman for his mother, held the royal power by his innate ability and worth? For why should I speak of Titus Tatius the Sabine, with whom Romulus himself, the Father of the City, shared his sovereignty?

> Latin: 3.12. Ser. Tullium post hunc, captiva Corniculana natum, patre nullo, matre serva, ingenio virtute regnum tenuisse? enim de T. Tatio Sabino dicam, quem ipse Romulus, parens urbis, in societatem regni accepit?

[¶27] 3.13. Well then, so long as men despised no family that could produce conspicuous excellence, the dominion of Rome increased. And are you now to scorn a plebeian consul, when our ancestors were not above accepting alien kings, and when the City was not closed against the meritorious foreigner, even after the expulsion of the kings?

> Latin: 3.13. dum nullum fastiditur genus in quo eniteret virtus, crevit imperium Romanum. nunc vos plebeii consulis, cum maiores nostri advenas reges non fastidierint et ne regibus quidem exactis clausa urbs fuerit peregrinae virtuti?

[¶28] 3.14. The Claudian family at least we not only received from the Sabine country, after the kings had been driven out, and gave them citizenship, but even admitted them to the number of patricians.

> Latin: 3.14. certe gentem post reges exactos ex Sabinis non in civitatem modo accepimus sed etiam in patriciorum numerum.

[¶29] 3.15. Shall the son of a stranger become patrician and then consul, but a Roman citizen, if plebeian, be cut off from all hope of the consulship?

> Latin: 3.15. peregrinone patricius, deinde consul fiat, civis Romanus si sit ex plebe, praecisa consulatus spes erit?

[¶30] 3.16. Do we not believe it possible that a bold and strenuous man, serviceable both in peace and in war, should come from the plebs, —a man like Numa, Lucius Tarquinius, or Servius Tullius? Or shall we refuse, even if such an one appear, to let him approach the helm of state? Must we rather look forward to consuls like the decemvirs, the vilest of mortals, who nevertheless were all of patrician birth, than to such as shall resemble the best of the kings, new men though they were?

> Latin: 3.16. tandem non credimus fieri posse ut vir fortis ac strenuus, pace belloque bonus, ex plebe sit, Numae, L. Tarquinio, Ser. similis, an, ne si sit quidem, ad gubernacula rei publicae accedere eum patiemur, potiusque decemviris, taeterrimis mortalium, qui tamen omnes ex patribus erant, quam optimis regum, novis hominibus, similes consules sumus habituri?

[¶31] 4.1. "'But,' you will say, ' from the time the kings were expelled no plebeian has ever been consul.' Well, what then?. Must no new institution be adopted? Ought that which has not yet been done —and in a new nation many things have not yet been done —never to be put in practice, even if it be expedient?

> Latin: 4.1. " enim nemo post reges exactos de plebe consul fuit. postea? res nova institui debet, et quod nondum est factum—multa enim nondum sunt facta in novo populo,—ea ne si utilia quidem sint fieri oportet?

[¶32] 4.2. There were neither pontiffs nor augurs in the reign of Romulus; Numa Pompilius created them. There was no census in the state, no registration of centuries and classes; Servius Tullius made one. There had never been any consuls; when the kings had been banished, consuls were elected.

> Latin: 4.2. , augures Romulo regnante nulli erant; ab Numa Pompilio creati sunt. in civitate et discriptio centuriarum classiumque non erat; ab Ser. est facta.

[¶33] 4.3. Neither the power nor the name of dictator had ever been known; in the time of our fathers they began. Plebeian tribunes, aediles, and quaestors, there were none; men decided to have them. Within the past ten years we have elected decemvirs for drawing up the laws, and removed them from the commonwealth.

> Latin: 4.3. nunquam fuerant; regibus exactis creati sunt. nec imperium nec nomen fuerat: apud patres esse coepit. plebi, aediles, quaestores nulli erant; institutum est, ut fierent. legibus scribendis intra decem hos annos et creavimus et e re publica sustulimus.

[¶34] 4.4. Who can question that in a city founded for eternity and of incalculable growth, new powers, priesthoods, and rights of families and individuals, must be established?

> Latin: 4.4. dubitat quin in aeternum urbe condita, in immensum crescente nova imperia, sacerdotia, iura gentium hominumque instituantur?

[¶35] 4.5. Was not this very provision, that patricians and plebeians might not intermarry, enacted by the decemvirs a few years since, with the worst effect on the community and the gravest injustice to the plebs? Or can there be any greater or more signal insult than to hold a portion of the state unworthy of intermarriage, as though it were defiled?

> Latin: 4.5. ipsum, ne conubium patribus cum plebe esset, non decemviri tulerunt paucis his annis pessimo publico, cum summa iniuria plebis? An esse ulla maior aut insignitior contumelia potest quam partem civitatis velut contaminatam indignam conubio haberi?

[¶36] 4.6. What else is this but to suffer exile within the same walls and banishment? They guard against having us for connections or relations, against the mingling of our blood with theirs.

> Latin: 4.6. est aliud quam exsilium intra eadem moenia, quam relegationem pati? adfinitatibus, ne propinquitatibus immisceamur cavent, ne societur sanguis.?

[¶37] 4.7. Why, if this pollutes that fine nobility of yours —which many of you, being of Alban or of Sabine origin, possess not by virtue of race or blood, but through co-optation into the patriciate, having been chosen either by the kings, or, after their expulsion, by decree of the people —could you not keep it pure by your own private counsels, neither taking wives from the plebs nor permitting your daughters and sisters to marry out of the patriciate? No plebeian would offer violence to a patrician maiden: that is a patrician vice.

> Latin: 4.7. si polluit nobilitatem istam vestram, quam plerique oriundi ex Albanis et Sabinis non genere nec sanguine sed per cooptationem in patres habetis, aut ab regibus lecti aut post reges exactos iussu populi, sinceram servare privatis consiliis non poteratis, nec ducendo ex plebe neque vestras filias sororesque enubere ecnubere sinendo e patribus?

[¶38] 4.8. No one would have compelled anybody to enter a compact of marriage against his will.

> Latin: 4.8. plebeius patriciae virgini vim adferret; patriciorum ista libido est; nemo invitum pactionem nuptialem quemquam facere coegisset.

[¶39] 4.9. But let me tell you that in the statutory prohibition and annulment of intermarriage between patricians and plebeians we have indeed at last an insult to the plebs. Why, pray, do you not bring in a law that there shall be no intermarrying of rich and poor?

> Latin: 4.9. enimvero lege id prohiberi et conubium tolli patrum ac plebis, id demum demumr contumeliosum plebi est. enim non fertis, ne sit conubium divitibus ac pauperibus?

[¶40] 4.10. That which has always and everywhere been a matter of private policy, that a woman might marry into whatever family it had been arranged, that a man might take a wife from that house where he had engaged himself, you would subject to the restraint of a most arrogant aw, that thereby you might break up our civil society and make two states out of one.

> Latin: 4.10. privatorum consiliorum ubique semper fuit, ut in quam cuique feminae convenisset domum nuberet, ex qua pactus esset vir domo in matrimonium duceret, id vos sub legis superbissimae vincula conicitis, qua dirimatis societatem civilem duasque ex una civitate faciatis.

[¶41] 4.11. Why do you not enact that a plebeian shall not live near a patrician, nor go on the same road? That he shall not enter the same festive company? That he shall not stand by his side in the same Forum? For what real difference does it make if a patrician takes a plebeian wife, or a plebeian a patrician? What right, pray, is invaded?

> Latin: 4.11. non sancitis ne vicinus patricio sit plebeius nec eodem itinere eat, ne idem convivium ineat, ne in foro eodem consistat? enim in re est aliud, si plebeiam patricius duxerit, si patriciam plebeius? iuris tandem mutatur? patrem sequuntur liberi.

[¶42] 4.12. The children of course take the father's rank. There is nothing we are seeking to gain from marriage with you, except that we should be accounted men and citizens. Neither have you any reason to oppose us, unless you delight in vying with each other how you may outrage and humiliate us.

> Latin: 4.12. quod nos ex conubio vestro petamus quicquam est, praeterquam ut hominum, ut civium numero simus, nec vos, nisi in contumeliam ignominiamque nostram certare iuvat, quod contendatis quicquam est.

[¶43] 5.1. “Finally I would ask, is it you, or the Roman People, who have supreme authority? Did the banishment of the kings bring you dominion, or to all men equal liberty?”

> Latin: 5.1. utrum tandem populi Romani an vestrum summum imperium est? exactis utrum vobis dominatio an omnibus aequa libertas parta est?

[¶44] 5.2. “Ought the Roman People to be permitted, if it so desire, to enact a law; or shall you, as each proposal is brought up, proclaim a levy by way of penalty, and so soon as I, the tribune, begin to summon the tribes to vote, shall you, the consul, at once administer the oath to those of military age and march them out to camp, with threats against the plebs and with threats against the tribune?”

> Latin: 5.2. licere populo Romano, si velit, iubere legem; an, ut quaeque rogatio promulgata erit, vos dilectum pro poena decernetis, et, simul ego tribunus vocare tribus in suffragium coepero, tu statim consul sacramento iuniores adiges et in castra educes et minaberis plebi, minaberis tribuno?

[¶45] 5.3. “How would it be if you had not twice already proved how little those threats of yours are worth against the unanimous will of the plebs? ' I suppose it was consideration for our good that made you refrain from fighting? Or was this rather the reason there was no strife, because the stronger side was also the more moderate?”

> Latin: 5.3. si non quantum istae minae adversus plebis consensum valerent, bis iam experti essetis? quia nobis consultum volebatis, certamine abstinuistis; an ideo non est dimicatum, quod quae pars firmior eadem modestior fuit?

[¶46] 5.4. “Neither will there be any struggle now, Quirites; they will always test your courage; but will never put your strength to the proof.”

> Latin: 5.4. nunc erit certamen, Quirites; animos vestros illi temptabunt semper, vires non experientur.

[¶47] 5.5. “And so the commons are ready, consuls, for those wars you deal in, be they feigned or genuine, if you give them back their right of intermarriage, and make this a single state at last; if you enable them to coalesce, to unite, to merge with you in domestic alliances; if the hope of attaining honours is held out to strenuous men and brave; if they are granted a share in the partnership of government; if, in the enjoyment of equal liberty, they are allowed to govern and obey in turn, with the annual change of magistrates.”

> Latin: 5.5. ad bella ista, seu falsa seu vera sunt, consules, parata vobis plebes est, si conubiis redditis unam hanc civitatem tandem facitis; si coalescere, si iungi miscerique vobis privatis necessitudinibus possunt; si spes, si aditus ad honores viris strenuis et fortibus datur; si in consortio, si in societate rei publicae esse, si, quod aequae libertatis est, in vicem annuis magistratibus parere atque imperitare licet.

[¶48] 5.6. “If anyone shall prevent these reforms, you may talk of wars, and multiply them in the telling; but nobody will give in his name, nobody will take up arms, nobody will fight for haughty masters with whom he has no association in the honours of the state nor in the marriages of private life.”

> Latin: 5.6. haec impediet aliquis, ferte sermonibus et multiplicate fama bella; nemo est nomen daturus, nemo arma capturus, nemo dimicaturus pro superbis dominis, cum quibus nec in re publica honorum nec in privata conubii societas est.

[¶49] 6.1. When the consuls had come forth to the people and set speeches had given place to wrangling, the tribune demanded what reason there was why a plebeian should not be chosen consul; to whom Curtius replied, with truth perhaps, yet, in the circumstances, to little purpose, “because no plebeian has the auspices, and that is the reason the decemvirs have forbidden intermarriages, lest the auspices should be confounded by the uncertain standing of those born of them.”

> Latin: 6.1. in contionem consumes processissent et res a perpetuis orationibus in altercationem vertisset, interroganti tribuno cur plebeium consulem fieri non oporteret, ut fortasse vere, sic parum utiliter in praesens Curtius respondit, nemo plebeius auspicia haberet, ideoque decemviros conubium diremisse ne incerta prole auspicia turbarentur.

[¶50] 6.3. At this the plebs fairly blazed with indignation, because it was declared that; they could not take auspices, as though they were hated by the immortal gods; nor was the controversy ended —for the plebeians had got a most energetic champion in their tribune, and rivalled him themselves in determination, —until at last the patricians were beaten, and allowed the law regarding intermarriage to be passed, chiefly because they thought that so the tribunes would either wholly give over their contention for plebeian consuls or would postpone it until after the war, and that the plebs meantime, contented with the right to intermarry, would be ready to submit to the levy.

> Latin: 6.3. ad id maxime maxinme indignatione exarsit, quod auspicari, tamquam invisi dis immortalibus, negarentur posse; nec ante finis contentionum fuit, cum et tribunum acerrimum auctorem plebes nacta esset et ipsa cum eo pertinacia certaret, quam victi tandem patres ut de conubio ferretur concessere, ita maxime rati contentionem de plebeiis consulibus tribunos aut totam deposituros aut post bellum dilaturos esse, contentamque interim conubio plebem paratam dilectui fore.

[¶51] 6.5. But since Canuleius was grown so great through his victory over the patricians and the favour of the plebs, the other tribunes were encouraged to take up the quarrel; and they fought for their measure with the utmost violence, hindering the levy, though the rumours of war increased from day to day.

> Latin: 6.5. Canuleius victoria de patribus et plebis favore ingens esset, accensi alii tribuni ad certamen pro rogatione sua summa vi pugnant et crescente in dies fama belli dilectum impediunt.

[¶52] 6.6. The consuls, since they were powerless to do anything through the senate when the tribunes interposed their veto, held councils of their leading men in private. It was clear that they must submit to be conquered either by the enemy or by their fellow citizens.

> Latin: 6.6. , cum per senatum intercedentibus tribunis nihil agi posset, concilia principum domi habebant. aut hostibus aut civibus de victoria concedendum concedendurn esse.

[¶53] 6.7. Of all the consulars only Valerius and Horatius took no part in their deliberations. Gaius Claudius spoke in favour of arming the consuls against the tribunes; the Quinctii, both Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, were opposed to bloodshed and to injuring those whom they had acknowledged by a solemn treaty with the plebs to be inviolable.

> Latin: 6.7. ex consularibus Valerius atque Horatius non intererant consiliis. C. Claudi sententia consules armabat in tribunos; Quinctiorum, Cincinnatique et Capitolini, sententiae abhorrebant a caede violandisque quos foedere icto cum plebe sacrosanctos accepissent.

[¶54] 6.8. The upshot of these consultations was this, that they permitted military tribunes with consular authority to be chosen indifferently from the patriciate and the plebs, but made no change in the election of consuls. With this decision both tribunes and commons were content. An election was called, for choosing three tribunes with consular powers.

> Latin: 6.8. haec consilia eo deducta est res ut tribunos militum consulari potestate promisce ex patribus ac plebe creari sinerent, de consulibus creandis nihil mutaretur; eoque contenti tribuni, contenta plebs fuit.

[¶55] 6.9. No sooner was it proclaimed than everybody who had ever spoken or acted in a seditious manner, especially those who had been tribunes, fell to canvassing voters and bustling about all over the Forum in the white robes of candidates;

> Latin: 6.9. tribunis consulari potestate tribus creandis indicuntur. indictis indietis extemplo quicumque aliquid seditiose dixerat aut fecerat unquam, maxime tribunicii, et prensare homines et concursare toto foro candidati coepere, ut patricios desperatio primo inritata plebe apiscendi honoris, deinde indignatio, si cum his gerendus esset honos, deterreret.

[¶56] 6.10. so that the patricians, what with despair of obtaining office now that the plebs were so wrought up, and what with scorn if they must share its administration with these fellows, were deterred from standing. At last, however, they were compelled by their leaders to compete, lest they might seem to have surrendered the control of the commonwealth. The outcome of this election showed how different are men's minds when struggling for liberty and station from what they are when they have laid aside their animosities and their judgment is unbiassed; for the people chose all the tribunes from among the patricians, quite satisfied that plebeians should have been allowed to stand.

> Latin: 6.10. coacti tamen a primoribus prirnoribus petiere, ne cessisse possessione rei publicae viderentur. eorum comitiorum docuit alios animos in contentione libertatis dignitatisque, alios secundum deposita certamina incorrupto iudicio esse; tribunos enim omnes patricios creavit populus, contentus eo quod ratio habita plebeiorum esset.

[¶57] 6.12. Where shall you now find in one single man that moderation, fairness, and loftiness of mind, which at that time characterized the entire people?

> Latin: 6.12. hanc modestiam aequitatemque et altitudinem animi ubi nunc in uno inveneris, quae tum populi universi fuit?

[¶58] 7.1. In the year three hundred and ten from B.C. 444 the founding of Rome, military tribunes for the first time took office in place of consuls. Their names were Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, and Titus Cloelius. During their administration domestic harmony insured peace abroad, as well.

> Latin: 7.1. trecentesimo decimo quam urbs Roma condita erat primum primurn tribuni militum pro consulibus magistratum ineunt, A. Sempronius Atratinus L. Atilius T. Cloelius, quorum in magistratu concordia domi pacem etiam foris praebuit.

[¶59] 7.2. (Some say that on account of a war with Veii, which broke out in addition to the war with the Aequi and Volsci and the revolt of the men of Ardea, two consuls were unable to cope with so many wars at once, and therefore three military tribunes were created. These writers say nothing of the promulgation of a law about the election of consuls from the plebs, but record that the three tribunes enjoyed the authority and insignia of consuls.)

> Latin: 7.2. qui propter adiectum Aequorum Volscorumque bello et Ardeatium defectioni Veiens bellum, quia duo consules obire tot simul bella nequirent, tribunos militum tres creatos dicant, sine mentione promulgatae legis de consulibus creandis ex plebe, et imperio et insignibus consularibus usos.

[¶60] 7.3. Still, the power of that magistracy was not yet upon a firm footing, for three months after they had taken up their office they laid it down, the augurs having decreed that there had been a flaw in their election, because Gaius Curtius, who had presided over the assembly, had not properly selected the ground for the tent.

> Latin: 7.3. tamen pro firmato iam stetit magistratus eius ius, quia tertio mense quam inierunt, augurum decreto perinde ac vitio creati, honore abiere, quod C. Curtius, qui comitiis eorum praefuerat, parum recte tabernaculum cepisset.

[¶61] 7.4. Ambassadors from Ardea came to Rome, complaining of the injustice done them, and with such fairness that it was evident that if they were granted redress, through the restoration of their land, they would abide by the treaty and remain friendly.

> Latin: 7.4. ab Ardea Romam venerunt, ita de iniuria querentes ut si demeretur ea in foedere atque amicitia mansuros restituto agro appareret.

[¶62] 7.5. The senate replied that the judgment of the people could not be rescinded by them, not only because they had no precedent or authority for such action, but also because they had regard to the harmony between the orders.

> Latin: 7.5. Ab senatu responsum est iudicium populi rescindi ab senatu non posse, praeterquam quod nullo nec exemplo nec iure fieret, concordiae etiam ordinum causa:

[¶63] 7.6. If the Ardeates would bide their time and leave the senate to decide upon a remedy for the injury done them, the day would come when they would be glad that they had controlled their anger, and they would learn that the senators had been equally concerned that no wrong should be done them and that what had been done should be speedily redressed.

> Latin: 7.6. si Ardeates sua tempora exspectare velint arbitriumque senatui levandae iniuriae suae permittant, fore ut postmodo gaudeant se irae moderatos moderates, sciantque patribus aeque curae fuisse ne qua iniuria in eos oreretur ac ne orta diuturna esset.

[¶64] 7.7. So the ambassadors, having said that they would refer the whole matter to their people, were courteously dismissed. The patricians, since the state was without any curule magistrate, met and chose an interrex.

> Latin: 7.7. legati cum se rem integram relaturos dixissent, comiter dimissi., cum sine curuli magistratu res publica esset, coiere et interregem creavere. consulesne an tribuni militum crearentur in interregno rem dies complures tenuit.

[¶65] 7.8. A dispute whether consuls or military tribunes should be appointed kept the state in an interregnum for several days. The interrex and the senate held out for the election of consuls; the plebeian tribunes and the plebs were for military tribunes.

> Latin: 7.8. ac senatus consulum comitia, tribuni plebis et plebs tribunorum militum ut habeantur tendunt. patres, quia et plebs, patriciis seu hunc seu illum delatura honorem honored, frustra certare supersedit, et principes plebis ea comitia malebant quibus non haberetur ratio sua, quam quibus ut indigni praeterirentur.

[¶66] 7.9. Victory rested with the senators, not only because the plebs gave up the idle contest whether they should confer this honour or that upon the patricians, but also because the leaders of the plebs preferred an election in which they would not be reckoned candidates to one in which they would be passed over as unworthy. The tribunes, too, of the plebs relinquished the unavailing contest in favour of the leaders of the patricians. Titus Quinctius Barbatus, as interrex, declared the election of Lucius Papirius Mugillanus and Lucius Sempronius Atratinus.

> Latin: 7.9. quoque plebi certamen sine effectu in beneficio apud primores patrum reliquere. T. Quinctius Barbatus interrex consules creat L. Papirium Mugillanum, L. Sempronium Atratinum. consulibus cum Ardeatibus foedus renovatum est; idque monumenti est consules eos illo anno fuisse, qui neque in annalibus priscis neque in libris magistratuum inveniuntur.

[¶67] 7.11. In their consulship the treaty with the Ardeates was renewed; and in this lies the proof that these men were consuls that year, although their names are found neither in the ancient annals nor in the lists of magistrates; I suppose that, because there were military tribunes in the beginning of the year, the consuls who were elected in their place were passed over as if the tribunes had been in power throughout the year.

> Latin: 7.11. quod tribuni militum initio anni fuerunt, eo perinde ac si totum totunm annum in imperio fuerint, suffectos iis consules praetermissos.

[¶68] 7.12. Licinius Macer testifies that the names of these consuls were given both in the treaty with Ardea and in the Linen Rolls in the temple of Moneta. Things were quiet both abroad and at home, despite the numerous alarms which neighbouring states had caused.

> Latin: 7.12. consulum horum Licinius Macer auctor est et in foedere Ardeatino et in linteis libris ad Monetae inventa. foris, cum tot terrores a finitimis ostentati essent, et domi otium fuit.

[¶69] 8.1. This year, whether it had tribunes only or B.C. 443 tribunes succeeded by consuls, was followed by one which had consuls about whom there is no question. These were Marcus Geganius Macerinus, for the second time, and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, for the fifth time.

> Latin: 8.1. annum, seu tribunos modo seu tribunis suffectos consules quoque habuit, sequitur annus haud dubiis consulibus, M. Geganio Macerino iterum T. Quinctio Capitolino quintum.

[¶70] 8.2. This same year saw the adoption of the censorship, an institution which originated in a small way but afterwards grew to such dimensions that it was invested with the regulation of the morals and discipline of the Romans. The distribution of honour and ignominy amongst the senate and the centuries of the knights was controlled by this magistracy, while jurisdiction over public and private sites, together with the revenues of the Roman People, were entirely subject to its discretion.

> Latin: 8.2. hic annus censurae initium fuit, rei a parva origine ortae, quae deinde tanto incremento aucta est ut morum disciplinaeque Romanae penes eam earn regimen, senatui equitumque centuriis decoris dedecorisque discrimen sub dicione eius magistratus, ius publicorum privatorumque locorum, vectigalia populi Romani sub nutu atque arbitrio eius essent.

[¶71] 8.3. What first gave rise to the office was this: the people had not been rated for many years and the census could not be postponed; yet the consuls, when so many nations threatened war, had no time for this work.

> Latin: 8.3. autem initium est rei, quod in populo per multos annos incenso neque differri census poterat neque consulibus, cum tot populorum bella imminerent, operae erat id negotium agere.

[¶72] 8.4. The subject was brought up in the senate, where it was held that the task, which was a laborious one and beneath the dignity of a consul, required its own proper magistrates, who should have a staff of clerks, assume the custody of the records, and regulate the form of the census.

> Latin: 8.4. inlata ad senatum est rem operosam ac minime consularem suo proprio magistratu egere, cui scribarum ministerium custodiaeque tabularum cura, cui arbitrium formulae censendi subiceretur.

[¶73] 8.5. The senators, though it was a small matter, nevertheless gladly welcomed the suggestion, in order that there might be more patrician magistracies in the administration of the state. They thought even then, I imagine, as afterwards proved to be the case, that it would not be long before the consequence of those who held the office would lend authority and dignity to the office itself. The tribunes also, regarding it as a necessary rather than a showy service, as in those days it actually was, did not hold out against the plan, lest they might seem to be vexatiously obstinate even in trifles.

> Latin: 8.5. patres quamquam rem parvam, tamen taren quo plures patricii magistratus in re publica essent, laeti accepere, id quod evenit, futurum, credo, etiam rati, ut mox opes eorum qui praeessent ipsi honori ius maiestatemque adicerent; et tribuni, id quod tunc tune erat, magis necessarii quam speciosi ministerii procurationem intuentes, ne in parvis quoque rebus incommode adversarentur, haud sane tetendere.

[¶74] 8.7. The principal men in the state scorned the office, and the taking of the census was, by the votes of the people, committed to Papirius and Sempronius (whose consulship is questioned), that they might round out their incomplete year of office with this magistracy. They were called censors from their function.

> Latin: 8.7. a primoribus civitatis spretus honor esset, Papirium Semproniumque, quorum de consulatu dubitatur, ut eo magistratu parum solidum consulatum explerent, censui agendo populus suffragiis praefecit. ab re appellati sunt.

[¶75] 9.1. While these things were going on in Rome, there came envoys from Ardea begging the Romans in the name of their ancient alliance, renewed by the recent treaty, to send help to their city, which was on the brink of ruin.

> Latin: 9.1. haec Romae geruntur, legati ab Ardea veniunt pro veterrima societate renovataque foedere recenti auxilium prope eversae urbi implorantes.

[¶76] 9.2. For the enjoyment of peace, which they had most wisely preserved with the Roman People, had been denied them, owing to civil war. This is said to have had its cause and origin in the rivalry of factions, which have been and will be fraught with destruction to more nations than foreign wars, or famine and pestilence, or whatsoever other scourges men attribute, as the most desperate national calamities, to the wrath of Heaven.

> Latin: 9.2. namque pace optimo consilio cum populo Romano servata per intestina arma non licuit; quorum causa atque initium traditur ex certamine factionum ortum, quae fuerunt eruntque pluribus populis exitio quam bella externa, quam fames morbive, quaeque alia in deum iras velut ultima publicorum malorum vertunt.

[¶77] 9.4. A maiden of plebeian family who was famous for her beauty had two youthful suitors. One was of her own class and relied on the approval of her guardians, who were themselves of the same standing.

> Latin: 9.4. plebeii generis maxime forma notam duo petiere iuvenes, alter virgini genere par, tutoribus fretus, qui et ipsi eiusdem corporis erant, nobilis alter, nulla re praeterquam forma captus.

[¶78] 9.5. The other was a noble, captivated solely by her good looks, who was supported by the favour of the optimates, which resulted in the introduction of party strife into the household of the girl herself. The noble was preferred by the mother, who wished her daughter to make as grand a match as possible. The guardians, mindful even in a matter like this of political interests, held out for their fellow plebeian.

> Latin: 9.5. eum optumatium studia, per quae in domum quoque puellae certamen partium penetravit. superior iudicio matris esse, quae quam splendidissimis nuptiis iungi puellam volebat: tutores in ea quoque re partium memores ad suum tendere.

[¶79] 9.6. When the dispute could not be settled privately, a suit was instituted. After listening to the pleas of the mother and the guardians, the magistrates decreed that the mother should have power to decide as she saw fit about the marriage.

> Latin: 9.6. res peragi intra parietes nequisset, ventum in ius est. audito matris tutorumque magistratus secundum parentis arbitrium dant ius nuptiarum.

[¶80] 9.7. But violence was stronger than they; for the guardians, after openly addressing a crowd of their own party in the market-place, on the injustice of the decision, collected a party and carried the girl off from her mother's house.

> Latin: 9.7. vis potentior fuit; namque tutores, inter suae partis homines de iniuria decreti palam in foro contionati, manu facta virginem ex domo matris rapiunt;

[¶81] 9.8. To confront them an even more warlike band of nobles gathered, under the leadership of the injured and indignant youth, and a desperate battle followed. The plebs were routed, but, unlike the Roman plebs, having armed and withdrawn from their city and encamped upon a certain hill, they sallied forth, sword and torch in hand, to sack the farms of the nobles.

> Latin: 9.8. adversus quos infestior coorta optumatium acies sequitur accensum iniuria iuvenem. proelium atrox. plebs, nihil Romanae plebi similis, armata ex urbe profecta colle quodam capto in agros optumatium cum ferro ignique excursiones facit;

[¶82] 9.9. They even prepared to besiege the city itself, for the entire body of artizans, even those who had hitherto had no part in the quarrel, had been called out by the hope of plunder;

> Latin: 9.9. urbem quoque omni etiam expertium ante certaminis multitudine opificum ad spem praedae evocata obsidere parat;

[¶83] 9.10. nor was there wanting any form of the horrors of war, as though the nation had been infected with the madness of the two young men who sought a fatal marriage in the ruin of their country.

> Latin: 9.10. nec ulla species cladesque belli abest velut contacta civitate rabie duorum iuvenum funestas nuptias ex occasu patriae petentium.

[¶84] 9.11. Neither side saw that there had been enough of war and arms at home; the optimates called upon the Romans to relieve their beleaguered city; the plebeians sent for the Volsci to help them capture Ardea.

> Latin: 9.11. parti utrique domi armorum bellique est visum; optumates Romanos ad auxilium urbis obsessae, plebs ad expugnandam secum Ardeam Volscos excivere.

[¶85] 9.12. The Volsci, with the Aequian Cluilius for their leader, were the first to reach Ardea, and threw up intrenchments against the walls of their enemies.

> Latin: 9.12. Volsci duce Aequo Cluilio Ardeam venere et moenibus hostium vallum obiecere. ubi Romam est nuntiatum, extemplo M.

[¶86] 9.13. When the news was brought to Rome, Marcus Geganius the consul immediately set out with an army. When three miles from the enemy he chose a place for his camp; and as the day was now fast drawing to a close, ordered his soldiers to refresh themselves.

> Latin: 9.13. Geganius consul cum exercitu profectus tria milia passuum ab hoste locum castris cepit praecipitique iam die curare corpora milites iubet. deinde vigilia signa profert, coeptumque opus adeo adproperatum est ut sole orto Volsci firmiore se munimento ab Romanis circumvallatos quam a se urbem viderent;

[¶87] 9.14. Then in the fourth watch he marched out, and commencing a contravallation, made such speed that at sunrise the Volsci perceived that they were more securely hemmed in by the Romans than was the city by themselves; and on one side the consul had thrown out a work to join the walls of Ardea, in order that his friends in the town might be enabled to come and go. The Volscian commander, who had maintained his men up to that time not out of a store provided in advance, but with corn taken from day to day in pillaging the country-side, was no sooner shut in by the rampart than he found himself all at once destitute of everything. He therefore invited the consul to a parley, and said that if the Roman general had come for the purpose of raising the siege, he would lead the Volscians off.

> Latin: 9.14. et alia parte consul muro Ardeae bracchium iniunxerat, qua ex oppido sui commeare possent. Volscus imperator, qui ad eam diem non commeatu praepalato sed ex populatione agrorum rapto in diem frumento aluisset militem, postquam saeptus vallo repente inops omnium rerum erat, ad conloquium consule evocato, si solvendae obsidionis causa venerit Romanus, abducturum se inde Volscos ait.

[¶88] 10.2. The consul replied that it was for the conquered to accept terms, not to make them; the Volsci had consulted their own pleasure in coming to attack the allies of the Roman People; it would be otherwise with their departure.

> Latin: 10.2. ea consul victis condiciones accipiendas esse, non ferendas respondit, neque ut venerint ad oppugnandos socios populi Romani suo arbitrio, ita abituros Volscos esse.

[¶89] 10.3. He ordered them to surrender their general, to lay down their arms, and, confessing themselves defeated, to yield to his authority; if they did not, he would be their determined enemy, whether they attempted to go or to stay, and would rather bring back to Rome a victory over the Volsci than a treacherous peace with them.

> Latin: 10.3. imperatorem, arma poni iubet, et fatentes victos se esse imperio parere; aliter tam abeuntibus quam manentibus se hostem infensum victoriam potius ex Volscis quam pacem infidam Romam relaturum.

[¶90] 10.4. The Volsci, testing the small hope that arms held out to them —for all other hope had been cut off —fought, not to speak of other disadvantages, in a position that was unfavourable for battle and still more unfavourable for flight; and being cut to pieces on every side, left off fighting and fell to entreaties; and after giving up their general and handing over their weapons, were sent under the yoke, with a single garment each, and so dismissed, overwhelmed with shame and disaster.

> Latin: 10.4. Volsci exiguam spem in armis alia undique abscisa cum temptassent, praeter cetera adversa loco quoque iniquo ad pugnam congressi, iniquiore ad fugam, cum ab omni parte caederentur, ad preces a certamine versi, dedito imperatore traditisque armis sub iugum missi cum singulis vestimentis ignominiae cladisque pleni dimittuntur;

[¶91] 10.5. But on their encamping not far from the city of Tusculum, the Tusculans, upon an old grudge, attacked them in their defenseless state, and exacted so heavy a penalty that they scarce left any to report the massacre.

> Latin: 10.5. et cum haud procul urbe Tusculo consedissent, vetere Tusculanorum odio inermes oppressi dederunt poenas vix nuntiis caedis relictis.

[¶92] 10.6. The Roman commander, finding Ardea distracted by sedition, composed its troubles by beheading the ringleaders of the revolt and confiscating their property to the public treasury of the Ardeates. The townsmen thought that the great service which the Roman People had thus rendered them had cancelled the injustice of the judgment, but the Roman senate felt that something still remained to do in order to wipe out that reminder of the national greed.

> Latin: 10.6. Romanus Ardeae turbatas seditione res principibus eius motus securi percussis bonisque eorum in publicum Ardeatium redactis composuit; demptamque iniuriam iudicii tanto beneficio populi Romani Ardeates credebant; senatui superesse aliquid ad delendum publicae avaritiae monumentum videbatur.

[¶93] 10.7. The consul returned to the City and triumphed, making Cluilius, the leader of the Volsci, walk before his chariot, and displaying the spoils which he had taken from the hostile army, before sending them under the yoke.

> Latin: 10.7. triumphans in urbem redit Cluilio duce Volscorum ante currum ducto praelatisque spoliis quibus dearmatum exercitum hostium sub iugum miserat.

[¶94] 10.8. It is no easy thing to do, but the consul Quinctius equalled in civil life the fame of his armed colleague; for so well did he maintain domestic peace and concord, by tempering the law to high and low, that the Fathers regarded him as a strict consul, and the plebs as mild enough.

> Latin: 10.8. , quod haud facile est, Quinctius consul togatus armati gloriam collegae, quia concordiae pacisque domesticae curam iura infimis summisque moderando ita tenuit ut eum et patres severum consulem et plebs satis comem crediderint.

[¶95] 10.9. He held his own, too, with the tribunes, more by his personal influence than by contending with them. Five consulships administered on the self-same principles, and a life which had been throughout of consular dignity, made the man himself almost more revered than his office. Hence there was no talk of military tribunes while these men were consuls.

> Latin: 10.9. adversus tribunos auctoritate plura quam certamine tenuit; quinque consulatus eodem tenore gesti vitaque omnis consulariter acta verendum paene ipsum magis quam honorem faciebant. tribunorum militarium nulla mentio his consulibus fuit.

[¶96] 11.1. Marcus Fabius Vibulanus and Postumus Aebutius Cornicen were elected to the consulship.

> Latin: 11.1. creantur M. Fabius Vibulanus, Postumus Aebutius Cornicen.

[¶97] 11.2. These men, perceiving that they succeeded to a period of great renown for civil and military achievements, and that nothing made the year so memorable in the eyes of neighbouring peoples, both allies and enemies, as the earnestness with which the Romans had come to the assistance of the Ardeates in their dangerous crisis, were the more concerned to erase completely from men's minds the disgrace of the judgment. They accordingly caused the senate to decree that inasmuch as the citizens of Ardea had been reduced by domestic troubles to a small number, colonists should be enrolled to defend that city against the Volsci.

> Latin: 11.2. Fabius et Aebutius consules, quo maiori gloriae rerum domi forisque gestarum succedere se cernebant, maxime autem memorabilem annum apud finitimos socios hostesque esse, quod Ardeatibus in re praecipiti tanta foret cura subventum, eo impensius, ut delerent prorsus ex animis hominum infamiam iudicii, senatus consultum fecerunt ut, quoniam civitas Ardeatium intestino tumultu redacta ad paucos esset, coloni eo praesidii causa adversus Volscos scriberentur.

[¶98] 11.4. This was the form in which the decree was drawn up and published, that the plebs and the tribunes might not perceive that a plan was on foot for rescinding the judgment; but the senators had privately agreed that they would enrol as colonists a much larger proportion of Rutulians than Romans, and that no land should be parcelled out except that which had been sequestered by the infamous decision, nor a single clod assigned there to any Roman until all the Rutulians had been provided for.

> Latin: 11.4. palam relatum in tabulas, ut plebem tribunosque falleret iudicii rescindendi consilium initum; consenserant autem ut multo maiore parte Rutulorum colonorum quam Romanorum scripta nec ager ullus divideretur nisi is, qui interceptus iudicio infami erat, nec ulli prius Romano ibi quam omnibus Rutulis divisus esset, gleba ulla agri adsignaretur.

[¶99] 11.5. Thus the land reverted to the Ardeates. As triumvirs for establishing the colony at Ardea they appointed Agrippa Menenius, Titus Cloelius Siculus, Marcus Aebutius Helva.

> Latin: 11.5. ager ad Ardeates rediit. ad coloniam Ardeam deducendam creati Agrippa Menenius T. Cloelius Siculus, M. Aebutius Helva;

[¶100] 11.6. These men not only had a far from popular service to perform, and offended the plebs by assigning to the allies land which the Roman People had adjudged to be its own; but failed to satisfy even the great patricians, because they had done nothing to conciliate any man's goodwill. They therefore avoided vexatious attacks before the people —where the tribunes had already summoned them for trial —by remaining in the colony, which bore witness to their integrity and justice.

> Latin: 11.6. qui praeter minime populare ministerium, agro adsignando sociis quem populus Romanus suum iudicasset cum plebem offendissent, ne primoribus quidem patrum satis accepti, quod nihil gratiae cuiusquam dederant, vexationes ad populum iam die dicta ab tribunis, remanendo in colonia, quam testem integritatis iustitiaeque habebant, vitavere.

[¶101] 12.1. There was peace at home and abroad during this and the following year, when Gaius Furius Paculus and Marcus Papirius Crassus were consuls.

> Latin: 12.1. domi forisque fuit et hoc et insequente anno C. Furio Paculo et M. Papirio Crasso consulibus.

[¶102] 12.2. The games which the decemvirs had vowed in pursuance of a decree of the senate, during the secession of the plebs from the patricians, were that year celebrated.

> Latin: 12.2. ab decemviris per secessionem plebis a patribus ex senatus consulto voti eo anno facti sunt.

## 20. Book IV · chapters 12–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/20/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/20/#p-N

[¶0] 12.3. Occasion for dissension was sought in vain by Poetelius, who though he had got himself elected plebeian tribune for the second time, by proclaiming that he would carry through these very measures, was unsuccessful in forcing the consuls to lay before the senate a proposal for assigning land to the plebs; and when, after a hard struggle, he obtained a vote of the senate to determine whether consuls or tribunes should be elected, the decision was for consuls.

> Latin: 12.3. seditionum nequiquam a Poetelio quaesita, qui tribunus plebis iterum ea ipsa denuntiando factus neque ut de agris dividendis plebi referrent consules ad senatum pervincere potuit, et cum magno certamine obtinuisset ut consulerentur patres, consulum an tribunorum placeret comitia haberi, consules creari iussi sunt;

[¶1] 12.5. Men only laughed when the tribune threatened to hold up the levy, for the neighbouring peoples were quiet, and war and warlike preparations were alike uncalled for.

> Latin: 12.5. ludibrioque erant minae tribuni denuntiantis se dilectum impediturum, cum quietis finitimis neque bello neque belli apparatu opus esset.

[¶2] 12.6. To this tranquil period succeeded the consulship of Proculus Geganius Macerinus and Lucius Menenius Lanatus, a year conspicuous for numerous deaths and dangers, for seditions, famine, and for the yoke of sovereignty, to which, won over by largesses, men almost bowed their necks.

> Latin: 12.6. hanc tranquillitatem rerum annus Proculo Geganio Macerino L. Menenio Lanato consulibus multiplici clade ac periculo insignis, seditionibus, fame, regno prope per largitionis dulcedinem in cervices accepto;

[¶3] 12.7. The one thing lacking was foreign war, and if that had been added to their burden they could hardly have held out, though all the gods had aided them. The troubles began with a dreadful famine, whether because the season was unfavourable for crops, or that the attraction of assemblies and city-life had left the fields uncultivated; for both explanations have been given. The patricians accused the plebeians of idleness, and the tribunes of the plebs accused the consuls now of dishonesty, now of carelessness.

> Latin: 12.7. unum afuit bellum externum; quo si adgravatae res essent, vix ope deorum omnium resisti potuisset. a fame mala, seu adversus annus frugibus fuit, seu dulcedine contionum et urbis deserto agrorum cultu; nam utrumque traditur. patres plebem desidem et tribuni plebis nunc fraudem nunc neglegentiam consulum accusabant.

[¶4] 12.8. In the end they brought the plebs, with no opposition on the senate's part, to elect Lucius Minucius prefect of the corn-supply. He was destined, while filling this magistracy, to be more successful in safe-guarding liberty than in discharging the duties of his office, although in the end he also earned and received both gratitude and glory for relieving the scarcity.

> Latin: 12.8. perpulere plebem haud adversante senatu ut L. Minucius praefectus annonae crearetur, felicior in eo magistratu ad custodiam libertatis futurus quam ad curationem ministerii sui, quamquam postremo annonae quoque levatae haud immeritam iinmeritam et gratiam et gloriam tulit.

[¶5] 12.9. For although he had dispatched to neighbouring peoples many embassies by land and sea without result —save that a little corn was brought in from Etruria —he found that he had not materially improved the supply. He then fell back upon the plan of distributing the shortage. He forced men to declare their stocks of corn and to sell the surplus above the requirements of a month; he deprived the slaves of a portion of their daily ration; he brought charges against the dealers and exposed them to the anger of the people;

> Latin: 12.9. cum multis circa finitimos populos legationibus terra marique nequiquam missis, nisi quod ex Etruria haud baud ita multum frumenti advectum est, nullum momentum annonae fecisset, et revolutus ad dispensationem inopiae, profiteri cogendo frumentum et vendere quod usui menstruo superesset, fraudandoque parte diurni cibi servitia, criminando inde et obiciendo irae populi frumentarios, acerba inquisitione aperiret magis quam levaret inopiam,

[¶6] 12.11. and by this bitter inquisition rather revealed than alleviated the scarcity, so that many of the plebeians lost hope, and sooner than suffer torment by prolonging their existence, covered up their heads and threw themselves into the Tiber.

> Latin: 12.11. multi ex plebe, spe amissa, potius quam ut cruciarentur trahendo animam, capitibus obvolutis se in Tiberim praecipitaverunt.

[¶7] 13.1. Then Spurius Maelius, of the equestrian order, a man for those times very rich, undertook to do a useful thing in a way that set a very bad example and had a motive still worse.

> Latin: 13.1. Sp. Maelius ex equestri ordine, ut illis temporibus praedives, rem utilem pessimo exemplo peiore consilio est adgressus.

[¶8] 13.2. For having bought up corn in Etruria with his own money, through the agency of friends and clients there — which very circumstance had hindered, I can well believe, the public efforts to bring down prices —he set about distributing it gratis.

> Latin: 13.2. namque ex Etruria privata pecunia per hospitum clientiumque ministeria coempto, quae, credo, ipsa res ad levandam publica cura annonam impedimento fuerat, largitiones frumenti facere instituit;

[¶9] 13.3. The plebeians were captivated by this munificence; wherever he went, conspicuous and important beyond the measure of a private citizen, they followed in his train; and the devotion and hope he inspired in them gave him no uncertain assurance of the consulship.

> Latin: 13.3. plebemque hoc munere delenitam, quacumque incederet, conspectus elatusque supra modum hominis privati, secum trahere, haud dubium consulatum favore ac spe despondentem.

[¶10] 13.4. He himself, so insatiable of fortune's promises is the heart of man, began to cherish a loftier and less allowable ambition; and since even the consulship would have to be wrested from unwilling nobles, considered how he might be king: nothing else, he felt, would adequately reward him for his elaborate schemes and the toil and moil of the great struggle he must make.

> Latin: 13.4. , ut est humanus animus insatiabilis eo quod fortuna spondet, ad altiora et non concessa tendere, et quoniam consulatus quoque eripiendus invitis patribus esset, de regno agitare: id unum dignum tanto apparatu consiliorum et certamine, quod ingens exsudandum esset, praemium fore.

[¶11] 13.5. The consular election was now at hand, and found him with his plans not yet fully ripened.

> Latin: 13.5. comitia consularia instabant; quae res eum necdum compositis maturisve satis consiliis oppressit.

[¶12] 13.6. For the sixth time Titus Quinctius Capitolinus was chosen consul, a most unsuitable man for the purposes of a would-be revolutionary.

> Latin: 13.6. sextum creatus T. Quinctius Capitolinus, minime opportunus vir novanti res; collega additur ei Agrippa Menenius, cui Lanato erat cognomen;

[¶13] 13.7. For colleague he was given Agrippa Menenius, surnamed Lanatus; and Lucius Minucius either was reappointed prefect of the corn-supply or had been named for an indefinite period, so long as the situation should require; for authorities do not agree, but the name of the prefect is entered in the Linen Rolls among the magistrates for both years.

> Latin: 13.7. et L. Minucius praefectus annonae seu refectus seu, quoad res posceret, in incertum creatus; nihil enim constat, nisi in libros linteos utroque anno relatum inter magistratus praefecti nomen.

[¶14] 13.8. This Minucius was discharging the same function in his public capacity which Maelius had undertaken to perform as a private citizen, and the same sort of men were coming and going in both their houses.

> Latin: 13.8. Minucius eandem publice curationem agens quam Maelius privatim agendam susceperat, cum in utraque domo genus idem hominum versaretur, rem compertam ad senatum defert:

[¶15] 13.9. Thus Minucius discovered the affair and reported to the senate that weapons were being collected at the house of Maelius, that he was haranguing people there, and that they were certainly contriving a kingdom; the time for executing the plot was not yet fixed; all else had been agreed upon: the tribunes had been bribed to betray liberty, and the leaders of the mob had been assigned their parts. He said that he had withheld his report of these things almost longer than was safe, that he might not become voucher for anything of an uncertain or trivial nature.

> Latin: 13.9. tela in domum Maeli conferri, eumque contiones domi dorni habere, ac non dubia regni consilia esse. agendae rei nondum stare: cetera iam convenisse: et tribunos mercede emptos ad prodendam libertatem et partita ducibus multitudinis ministeria esse. se paene quam tutum fuerit, ne cuius incerti vanique auctor esset, ea deferre.

[¶16] 13.10. On hearing this the leaders of the senate loudly blamed the consuls of the year before because they had suffered these donations and plebeian gatherings to take place in a private house, and the new consuls because they had waited till information of so grave a crime was laid before the senate by the prefect of the corn-supply, though it wanted a consul not only to report it but to punish it;

> Latin: 13.10. postquam sunt audita, cum undique primores patrum et prioris anni consules increparent quod eas largitiones coetusque plebis in privata domo passi essent fieri, et novos consules quod exspectassent donec done a praefecto annonae tanta res ad senatum deferretur, quae consulem non auctorem solum desideraret sed etiam vindicem;

[¶17] 13.11. but Quinctius said that the consuls were blamed unjustly, for, constrained by the laws of appeal, which had been enacted in order to break down their authority, they had by no means so much power in their office as they had will to punish so heinous an offence in the way it deserved. There was need, he continued, of a man, and one who was not only brave, but free and unfettered by the laws.

> Latin: 13.11. tum Quinctius consules immerito increpari ait, qui constricti legibus de provocatione ad dissolvendum imperium latis, nequaquam tantum virium in magistratu ad eam rem pro atrocitate vindicandam quantum animi haberent. esse non forti solum viro, sed etiam libero exsolutoque legum vinclis.

[¶18] 13.12. He would therefore name Lucius Quinctius dictator; there was a spirit whose stature was equal to that great power. Despite the universal approval of this step, Quinctius at first refused, and asked what they meant by exposing him at the end of his life to so fierce a struggle.

> Latin: 13.12. se dictatorem L. Quinctium dicturum; ibi animum parem tantae potestati esse. cunctis primo Quinctius abnuere et quid sibi vellent rogitare, qui se aetate exacta tantae dimicationi obicerent.

[¶19] 13.13. Then, when men called out on every side that there was not only more wisdom but more courage in that old man's heart than in all the rest and loaded him with not unmerited compliments, and when the consul would not recede from his purpose, at length Cincinnatus uttered a prayer to the immortal gods that they would not suffer his old age to bring harm or shame to the republic in so perilous a case, and was pronounced dictator by the consul.

> Latin: 13.13. cum undique plus in illo senili animo non consilii modo, sed etiam virtutis esse quam in omnibus aliis dicerent laudibusque haud immeritis onerarent, et consul nihil remitteret, precatus tandem deos immortales Cincinnatus ne senectus sua in tam trepidis rebus damno dedecorive rei publicae esset, dictator a consule dicitur.

[¶20] 13.14. He then himself named Gaius Servilius Ahala his master of the horse.

> Latin: 13.14. deinde C. Servilium Ahalam magistrum equitum dicit.

[¶21] 14.1. The next day, after disposing guards at several points he went down into the Forum, where the novel and surprising sight drew upon him the attention of the plebs. The followers of Maelius and their leader himself perceived that it was against them that the force of that high authority was aimed; while those who knew nothing of the plans for setting up a king asked what outbreak or what sudden war had called for the majesty of a dictator or for Quinctius (now past his eightieth year) to direct the state.

> Latin: 14.1. die dispositis praesidiis cum in forum descendisset conversaque in eum plebs novitate rei ac miraculo esset, et Maeliani atque ipse dux eorum in se intentam vim tanti imperii cernerent, expertes consiliorum regni qui tumultus, quod bellum repens aut dictatoriam maiestatem aut Quinctium post octogesimum annum rectorem rei publicae quaesisset rogitarent,

[¶22] 14.3. Then Servilius, the master of the horse, being sent by the dictator to Maelius, said: “The dictator summons you.” When Maelius, trembling, asked what he wanted, Servilius replied that he must stand his trial and clear himself of a charge which Minucius had lodged against him with the senate. Then Maelius drew back into the crowd of his retainers, and at first, glancing this way and that, attempted to avoid the issue; but finally, when the attendant, being so commanded by the master of the horse, would have led him away, he was torn from his grasp by the bystanders and fled, calling on the Roman plebs to protect him, declaring that he was overthrown by a plot of the patricians because he had acted kindly by the commons, and begging them to help him in his extremity and not permit him to be murdered before their eyes.

> Latin: 14.3. missus ab dictatore Servilius magister equitum ad Maelium te inquit, dictator. pavidus ille quid vellet quaereret Serviliusque causam dicendam esse proponeret crimenque a Minucio delatum ad senatum diluendum, tunc tune Maelius recipere se in catervam suorum, et primum circumspectans tergiversari, postremo cum apparitor iussu magistri equitum duceret, ereptus a circumstantibus fugiensque fidem plebis Romanae implorare, et opprimi se consensu patrum dicere, quod plebi benigne fecisset; orare ut opem sibi ultimo in discrimine ferrent neve ante oculos suos trucidari sinerent.

[¶23] 14.6. While he was screaming out these appeals, Servilius Ahala overtook and slew him; then, bespattered with his blood and guarded by a company of young nobles, he returned to the dictator and reported that Maelius, having been summoned to appear before him, had repulsed the attendant and was rousing up the populace when he received the punishment he had deserved.

> Latin: 14.6. eum vociferantem adsecutus Ahala Servilius obtruncat, respersusque cruore, stipatus caterva patriciorum iuvenum, dictatori renuntiat vocatum ad eum Maelium repulso apparitore concitantem multitudinem poenam meritam habere.

[¶24] 14.7. Whereat the dictator exclaimed, “Well done, Gaius Servilius; you have delivered the commonwealth!”

> Latin: 14.7. dictator virtute inquit, C. Servili, esto liberata re publica.

[¶25] 15.1. Then, as the crowd was in a turmoil, not knowing what to think of the deed, he bade convoke them to an assembly. There he asserted that Maelius had been justly slain, even though he had been innocent of plotting to make himself king, since he had been cited before the dictator by the master of the horse and had not obeyed.

> Latin: 15.1. deinde multitudinem incerta existimatione facti ad contionem vocari iussit et Maelium iure caesum pronuntiavit etiam si regni crimine insons fuerit, qui vocatus a magistro equitum ad dictatorem non venisset.

[¶26] 15.2. He himself, he said, had sat to hear the cause, and if the hearing had been concluded Maelius would have prospered as his cause deserved; but, planning violence to avoid undergoing trial, he had been repressed by violence.

> Latin: 15.2. ad causam cognoscendam consedisse, qua cognita habiturum habitururn fuisse Maelium similem causae fortunam; vim parantem ne iudicio se committeret, vi coercitum esse.

[¶27] 15.3. Neither would it have been right to deal with Maelius as with a citizen. The man had been born amongst a free people enjoying rights and laws, in a City from which he knew that the kings had been banished, and how in that very year the king's nephews, sons of the consul who had freed his country, had, on the exposure of a compact they had made to bring the princes back to Rome, been beheaded by their father's orders.

> Latin: 15.3. cum eo tamquam cum cive agendum fuisse, qui natus in libero populo inter iura legesque, ex qua urbe reges exactos sciret eodemque anno sororis filios regis et liberos consulis, liberatoris patriae, propter pactionem indicatam recipiendorum in urbem regum a patre securi esse percussos, ex qua Collatinum Tarquinium consulem nominis odio abdicare se magistratu atque exsulare iussum, in qua de Sp.

[¶28] 15.4. He knew that in this City the consul Tarquinius Collatinus had been commanded, out of hatred for the name he bore, to lay down his office and go into exile; that here, some years after, Spurius Cassius had been punished for aiming at royalty; that here, but lately, the decemvirs had been visited with confiscation, banishment, and death, because of kingly arrogance.

> Latin: 15.4. Cassio post aliquot annos propter consilia inita de regno supplicium sumptum, in qua nuper decemviros bonis, exsilio, capite multatos ob superbiam regiam, in ea Sp. Maelius spem regni conceperit.

[¶29] 15.5. Yet in this same City a Spurius Maelius had conceived the hope of reigning. And who was this fellow? To be sure, no nobility, no honours, no merits, opened wide the road to tyranny for any man; nevertheless the Claudii and Cassii had been encouraged by consulships and decemvirates, by their own honours and those of their forefathers, and by the splendour of their families, to aim at forbidden heights;

> Latin: 15.5. quis homo? nullam nobilitatem, nullos honores, nulla merita cuiquam ad dominationem pandere viam; sed tamen Claudios, Cassios consulatibus, decemviratibus, suis maiorumque honoribus, splendore familiarum sustulisse animos quo nefas fuerit:

[¶30] 15.6. Spurius Maelius, a rich corn-dealer, a man who might have desired but ought scarcely to have hoped to become a plebeian tribune, had flattered himself that for a couple of pounds of spelt he had purchased the liberty of his fellow citizens; he had imagined that by flinging food to them he could entice into slavery a people who had conquered all their neighbours, so that a state which could scarce have stomached him as a senator would endure him for its king, having the insignia and authority of Romulus its founder, who was descended from the gods and had returned to them.

> Latin: 15.6. Sp. Maelium, cui tribunatus plebis magis optandus quam sperandus fuerit, frumentarium divitem, bilibris farris sperasse libertatem se civium suorum emisse, ciboque obiciendo ratum victorem finitimorum omnium populum in servitutem perlici posse, ut quem quern senatorem concoquere civitas vix posset regem ferret, Romuli conditoris, ab dis orti, recepti ad deos, insignia atque imperium habentem. pro scelere id magis quam pro monstro habendum, nec satis esse sanguine eius expiatum, nisi tecta parietesque intra quae tantum amentiae conceptum esset dissiparentur bonaque contacta pretiis regni mercandi publicarentur.

[¶31] 15.8. This ought to be regarded as a thing no less monstrous than wicked; nor was his blood sufficient expiation, unless the roof and walls within which such madness had been conceived should be demolished, and the goods which had been tainted with the offer of them as the price to buy a tyranny be confiscated; he therefore bade the quaestors sell those goods and place the proceeds in the public treasury. Quinctius then commanded the man's house to be pulled down, that the bare site might commemorate the frustration of his wicked purpose. The place was named Aequimaelium. Lucius Minucius was presented with an ox and a gilded statue outside the Porta Trigemina, without opposition even on the part of the plebs, since Minucius divided the corn of Maelius among them at the price of one as the peck.

> Latin: 15.8. itaque quaestores vendere ea bona atque in publicum redigere. deinde, ut monumento area esset oppressae nefariae spei, dirui extemplo iussit. Aequimaelium appellatum est. L. Minucius bove et statua aurata extra portam Trigeminam est donatus ne plebe quidem invita quia frumentum Maelianum assibus in modios aestimatum plebi divisit.

[¶32] 16.3. I find it stated by some historians that this Minucius went over from the patricians to the plebeians, and being co-opted an eleventh tribune of the plebs, allayed the rebellious feeling which arose from the killing of Maelius;

> Latin: 16.3. Minucium apud quosdam auctores transisse a patribus ad plebem undecimumque tribunum plebis cooptatum seditionem motam ex Maeliana caede sedasse invenio;

[¶33] 16.4. but it is hardly credible that the patricians should have permitted the number of tribunes to be increased, and that this precedent, of all others, should have been introduced by a patrician; or that the plebs, having once obtained this concession, should not have held fast to it, or at least have tried to do so. But what proves more conclusively than anything the falsity of the inscription on his portrait is this, that it was enacted by law a few years before that the tribunes might not co-opt a colleague.

> Latin: 16.4. ceterum vix credibile est numerum tribunorum patres augeri passos, idque potissimum exemplum a patricio homine introductum, nec deinde id plebem concessum eoncessum semel obtinuisse aut certe temptasse. ante omnia refellit falsum imaginis titulum paucis ante annis lege cautum ne tribunis collegam cooptare liceret.

[¶34] 16.5. Quintus Caecilius, Quintus Junius, and Sextus Titinius were the only members of the college of tribunes who had not supported the law conferring honours on Minucius, and had never ceased to accuse now Minucius, now Servilius, before the plebs, and to complain of the unmerited death of Maelius.

> Latin: 16.5. Q. Caecilius, Q. Iunius, Sex. Titinius soli ex collegio tribunorum neque tulerant de honoribus Minuci legem et criminari nunc Minucium nunc Servilium apud plebem querique indignam necem Maeli non destiterant.

[¶35] 16.6. So they forced through a measure providing that military tribunes should be elected instead of consuls, not doubting that for some of the six places —for this was now the number that might be filled —plebeians would be chosen, if they would promise to avenge the death of Maelius.

> Latin: 16.6. igitur ut tribunorum militum potius quam consulum comitia haberentur, haud dubii quin sex locis—tot enim iam creari licebat—et plebeii aliqui profitendo se ultores fore Maelianae caedis, crearentur.

[¶36] 16.7. The plebeians, though they had been aroused that year by many different commotions, elected no more than three tribunes with consular powers, and among these Lucius Quinctius, son of Cincinnatus, from whose dictatorship men were trying to derive the odium for inspiring a mutiny.

> Latin: 16.7. Plebs, quamquam agitata multis eo anno et variis motibus erat, nec pluris quam tres tribunos consulari potestate creavit et in his L. Quinctium, Cincinnati filium, ex cuius dictaturae invidia tumultus quaerebatur.

[¶37] 16.8. Aemilius Mamercus, a man of the highest standing, was ahead of Quinctius in the voting; Lucius Julius was elected third.

> Latin: 16.8. suffragiis Quinctio Mamercus Aemilius, vir summae dignitatis; L. Iulium tertium creant.

[¶38] 17.1. During the term of these magistrates, Fidenae, a Roman colony, revolted to Lars Tolumnius and the Veientes.

> Latin: 17.1. horum magistratu Fidenae, colonia Romana, ad Lartem Tolumnium ac Veientes defecere.

[¶39] 17.2. To their defection they added a worse crime, for when Gaius Fulcinius, Cloelius Tullus, Spurius Antius, and Lucius Roscius, Roman envoys, came to inquire the reason of this new policy, at the command of Tolumnius they put them to death.

> Latin: 17.2. additum defectioni scelus: C. Fulcinium Cloelium Tullum Sp. Antium L. Roscium, legatos Romanos, causam novi consilii quaerentes, iussu Tolumni interfecerunt.

[¶40] 17.3. Some persons seek to palliate the king's act, saying that an ambiguous expression of his upon a lucky throw of dice, which made him seem to order them to kill the envoys, was heard by the Fidenates and was responsible for the men's death. But it is quite incredible that the king on being interrupted by the Fidenates, his new allies, come to consult him about a murder that would violate the law of nations, should not have withdrawn his attention from the game, and that the attribution of the crime to a mistake did not come later.

> Latin: 17.3. quidam regis facinus: in tesserarum prospero iactu vocem eius ambiguam, ut occidi iussisse videretur, a Fidenatibus exceptam causam mortis legatis fuisse,—rem incredibilem, interventu Fidenatium, novorum sociorum, consulentium consulentiurn de caede ruptura ius gentium, non aversum ab intentione lusus animum nec deinde in errorem versum facinus.

[¶41] 17.5. It is easier to believe that he wished the people of Fidenae to be involved by the consciousness of so heinous a deed, that it might be impossible for them to hope for any reconciliation with the Romans.

> Latin: 17.5. est fidem obstringi Fidenatium populum ne respicere spem ullam ab Romanis posset conscientia tanti sceleris voluisse.

[¶42] 17.6. The envoys who had been slain at Fidenae were honoured, at the public cost, with statues on the Rostra. With the Veientes and Fidenates, not only because they were neighbouring peoples, but also in consequence of the nefarious act with which they had begun the war, a bitter struggle now impended. Accordingly, out of regard for the general welfare, the plebeians and their tribunes kept quiet, and raised no opposition to the election as consuls of Marcus Geganius Macerinus (for the third time) and Lucius Sergius Fidenas.

> Latin: 17.6. qui Fidenis caesi erant statuae publice in Rostris positae sunt. Veientibus Fidenatibusque, praeterquam finitimis populis, ab causa etiam tam nefanda bellum exorsis atrox dimicatio instabat. ad curam summae rerum quieta plebe tribunisque eius nihil controversiae fuit quin consules crearentur M. Geganius Macerinus tertium et L. Sergius Fidenas.

[¶43] 17.8. I suppose that the name was given him from the war which he then waged; for he was the first who fought a successful battle on this side the Anio with the king of the Veientes; but he gained no bloodless victory, and so there was more grief for the citizens who were lost than rejoicing over the defeat of the enemy; and the senate, as is usual in an alarming situation, commanded the appointment of a dictator, Mamercus Aemilius.

> Latin: 17.8. bello credo quod deinde gessit appellatum; hic enim primus cis Anienem cum rege Veientium secundo proelio conflixit, nec nee incruentam victoriam rettulit. itaque ex civibus amissis dolor quam laetitia fusis hostibus fuit, et senatus ut in trepidis rebus dictatorem dici Mamercum Aemilium iussit.

[¶44] 17.9. He named as his master of the horse a man who had been his colleague the year before, when they had both been military tribunes with consular authority, namely Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, a young man worthy of his father.

> Latin: 17.9. magistrum equitum ex collegio prioris anni, quo simul tribuni militum consulari potestate fuerant, L. Quinctium Cincinnatum, dignum parente iuvenem, dixit.

[¶45] 17.10. To the troops which the consuls levied were added veteran centurions experienced in war, and the losses of the last battle were made good. The dictator bade Titus Quinctius Capitolinus and Marcus Fabius Vibulanus follow him as his lieutenants.

> Latin: 17.10. dilectum dilectur a consulibus habitum centuriones veteres belli periti adiecti et numerus amissorum proxima pugna expletus. T. Quinctium Capitolinum et M. Fabium Vibulanum sequi se dictator iussit.

[¶46] 17.11. The high authority of the dictatorship, in the hands of one who was equal to it, drove the enemy out of Roman territory and across the Anio. They withdrew their camp and pitched upon the hills between Fidenae and the Anio; nor did they descend into the plains until the forces of the Faliscans had come to their support.

> Latin: 17.11. potestas maior tum vir quoque potestati par hostes ex agro Romano trans Anienem submovere; collesque inter Fidenas atque Anienem ceperunt referentes castra, nec ante in campos degressi sunt quam legiones Faliscorum auxilio venerunt.

[¶47] 17.12. Then, and not till then, did the Etruscans encamp before the walls of Fidenae. The Roman dictator likewise went into camp not far off, on the banks of both rivers, at their confluence, and threw up a rampart between his army and the enemy, where he was able to span the interval with intrenchments. Next day he formed up in line of battle.

> Latin: 17.12. demum castra Etruscorum pro moenibus Fidenarum posita. dictator Romanus haud procul inde ad confluentes consedit in utriusque ripis amnis, qua sequi munimento poterat vallo interposito. die in aciem eduxit.

[¶48] 18.1. The enemy were of several minds. The Faliscans, chafing under service performed away from home and fairly self-confident, demanded battle: the Veientes and Fidenates anticipated greater success from a prolongation of the war.

> Latin: 18.1. hostes variae fuere sententiae., procul ab domo militiam aegre patiens satisque fidens sibi, poscere pugnam: Veienti Fidenatique plus spei in trahendo bello esse.

[¶49] 18.2. Tolumnius, though the views of his own followers were more agreeable to him, announced that he would fight on the following day, lest the Faliscans might not tolerate a protracted campaign.

> Latin: 18.2. Tolumnius, quamquam suorum magis placebant consilia, ne longinquam militiam non paterentur Falisci, postero die se pugnaturum edicit.

[¶50] 18.3. The dictator and the Romans were encouraged at the enemy's reluctance; and the next day, on the soldiers threatening that they would at once attack the camp and the city, unless the enemy came to an engagement, both armies marched out in line of battle into the plain between the two camps.

> Latin: 18.3. ac Romanis, quod detractasset pugnam hostis, animi accessere; posteroque die iam militibus castra urbemque se oppugnaturos frementibus ni copia pugnae fiat, utrimque acies inter bina castra in medium campi procedunt.

[¶51] 18.4. The Veientes, having men to spare, dispatched a party round the mountains to assail the camp of the Romans during the engagement. The army of the three nations was so drawn up that the Veientes held the right wing, the Faliscans the left, and the Fidenates formed the centre.

> Latin: 18.4. Veiens multitudine abundans, qui inter dimicationem castra Romana adgrederentur post montes circummisit. populorum exercitus ita stetit instructus ut dextrum cornu Veientes, sinistrum Falisci tenerent, medii Fidenates essent.

[¶52] 18.5. The dictator advanced on the right, against the Faliscans, and Quinctius Capitolinus on the left, to meet the Veientes; while the master of the horse, with the cavalry, led the attack on the centre.

> Latin: 18.5. Dictator dextro cornu adversus Faliscos, sinistro contra Veientem Capitolinus Quinctius intulit signa; ante mediam aciem cum equitatu magister equitum processit.

[¶53] 18.6. For a brief moment all was hushed and still; since the Etruscans were resolved not to begin fighting unless they were forced, and the dictator kept looking back to the Citadel of Rome, that the augurs might thence make him a signal, as they had arranged to do, the moment the omens were propitious.

> Latin: 18.6. silentium et quies fuit nec Etruscis, nisi cogerentur, pugnam inituris et dictatore arcem Romanam respectante, ut ex ea ab auguribus, simul aves rite admisissent, ex composito tolleretur signum.

[¶54] 18.7. As soon as he descried the signal, he first sent his cavalry against the enemy, cheering as they charged; and the infantry followed with a furious attack.

> Latin: 18.7. simul conspexit, primos equites clamore sublato in hostem emisit; secuta peditum acies ingenti vi conflixit.

[¶55] 18.8. At no point could the Etruscan legions withstand the onset of the Romans; their horse made the chief resistance, and of all their horse by far the bravest was the king himself, who rode against the Romans, as they scattered in every direction for the pursuit, and prolonged the struggle.

> Latin: 18.8. parte legiones Etruscae sustinuere impetum Romanorum; eques maxime resistebat; equitumque longe fortissimus ipse rex ab omni parte effuse sequentibus obequitans Romanis trahebat certamen.

[¶56] 19.1. There was at that time among the cavalrymen a tribune of the soldiers named Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a man of strikingly handsome person and no less distinguished for courage and strength. Proud of his name, which was very famous when it came to him, he left to his descendants one still greater and more glorious.

> Latin: 19.1. tum inter equites tribunus militum A. Cornelius Cossus, eximia pulchritudine corporis, animo ac viribus par memorque generis, quod amplissimum acceptum maius auctiusque reliquit posteris.

[¶57] 19.2. This man, seeing how Tolumnius, wherever he charged, brought confusion to the Roman squadrons, and recognizing him, conspicuous in his royal dress, as he galloped swiftly up and down the line, exclaimed, “Is this the breaker of human leagues, the violater of the law of nations?”

> Latin: 19.2. cum ad impetum Tolumni, quacumque se intendisset, trepidantes Romanas videret turmas, insignemque eum regio habitu volitantem tota acie cognosset, est inquit, ruptor foederis humani violatorque gentium iuris?

[¶58] 19.3. “I will speedily offer him up as a sacrificial victim, if only it is the will of Heaven that there should be aught sacred on this earth, to the manes of the envoys!”

> Latin: 19.3. ego hanc mactatam victimam, si modo sancti quicquam in terris esse di volunt, legatorum manibus dabo.

[¶59] 19.4. Clapping spurs to his charger and levelling his spear, he made for his one enemy. Having struck and unhorsed his man, he himself leaped quickly to the ground by the help of his lance, and as the king struggled to his feet flung him back with the boss of his shield, and plunging the spear again and again into his body, pinned him to earth.

> Latin: 19.4. subditis infesta cuspide in unum fertur hostem; quem cum ictum equo deiecisset, confestim et ipse hasta innixus se in pedes excepit.

[¶60] 19.5. Then stripping the spoils from the corpse and cutting off the head, he bore it victoriously on the point of his spear and drove the enemy before him, panic-stricken at the sight of their slain king. Thus even the cavalry was routed, which alone had made the issue of the contest doubtful.

> Latin: 19.5. ibi regem umbone resupinat repetitumque saepius cuspide ad terram adfixit. exsangui detracta spolia caputque abscisum victor spiculo gerens terrore caesi regis hostes fundit. equitum quoque fusa acies, quae una fecerat anceps certamen.

[¶61] 19.6. The dictator pressed on after the flying legions, and pursuing them to their camp cut them to pieces. Large numbers of the Fidenates escaped, thanks to their knowledge of the ground, into the mountains. Cossus crossed the Tiber with his cavalry, and from the fields of the Veientes brought a vast quantity of booty back to town.

> Latin: 19.6. Dictator legionibus fugatis instat et ad castra compulsos caedit. Fidenatium plurimi locorum notitia effugere in montes. Cossus Tiberim cum equitatu transvectus ex agro Veientano ingentem detulit praedam ad urbem.

[¶62] 19.7. During the battle there was also fighting at the Roman camp with a part of the forces of Tolumnius which he had dispatched against it, as has been said before.

> Latin: 19.7. proelium et ad castra Romana pugnatum est adversus partem copiarum ab Tolumnio, ut ante dictum est, ad castra missam.

[¶63] 19.8. Fabius Vibulanus first manned the rampart with a cordon of defenders; and then, when the attention of the enemy was fixed on the wall, sallied out of the Porta Principalis, on the right, with his reserves, and fell suddenly upon them. In consequence of the panic thus occasioned, though the slaughter was less, because fewer were engaged, yet the rout was quite as complete as in the battle-line.

> Latin: 19.8. Fabius Vibulanus corona primum vallum defendit; intentos deinde hostes in vallum, egressus dextra principali cum triariis, repente invadit. pavore iniecto caedes minor, quia pauciores erant, fuga non minus trepida quam in acie fuit.

[¶64] 20.1. Having been everywhere victorious, the dictator, as decreed by the senate and ratified by the people, returned to the City in triumphal procession.

> Latin: 20.1. locis re bene gesta dictator senatus consulto iussuque populi triumphans in urbem rediit.

[¶65] 20.2. By far the greatest spectacle in the triumph was Cossus, bearing the spoils of honour of the slain king, while the soldiers sang rude verses about him, comparing him to Romulus.

> Latin: 20.2. maximum triumphi spectaculum fuit Cossus spolia opima regis interfecti gerens. eum milites carmina incondita aequantes eum Romulo canere.

[¶66] 20.3. The spoils he fastened up as an offering, with solemn dedication, in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, near the spoils of Romulus, which had been the first to be called opima, and were at that time the only ones. Cossus had drawn the gaze of the citizens away from the car of the dictator upon himself, and the honours of that crowded festival were virtually his alone.

> Latin: 20.3. in aede Iovis Feretri prope Romuli spolia quae, prima opima appellata, sola ea tempestate erant, cum sollemni dedicatione dono fixit; averteratque in se a curru dictatoris civium ora et celebritatis eius diei fructum prope solus tulerat.

[¶67] 20.4. The dictator, at the people's behest, presented to Jupiter on the Capitol a golden chaplet of a pound in weight, from the public treasury.

> Latin: 20.4. Dictator coronam auream, libram pondo; ex publica pecunia populi iussu in Capitolio Iovi donum posuit.

[¶68] 20.5. Following all previous historians, I have stated that Aulus Cornelius Cossus was a military tribune when he brought the second spoils of honour to the temple of Jupiter Feretrius.

> Latin: 20.5. ante me auctores secutus, A. Cornelium Cossum tribunum militum secunda spolia opima Iovis Feretrii templo intulisse exposui;

[¶69] 20.6. But besides that only those are properly held to be “spoils of honour” which one commander has taken from another commander, and that we know no “commander” but him under whose auspices the war is waged, the very words inscribed upon the spoils disprove their account and mine, and show that it was as consul that Cossus captured them.

> Latin: 20.6. ceterum, praeterquam quod ea rite opima spolia habentur quae dux duci detraxit, nec ducem novimus nisi cuius auspicio bellum geritur, titulus ipse spoliis inscriptus illos meque arguit consulem ea Cossum cepisse.

[¶70] 20.7. Having heard from the lips of Augustus Caesar, the founder or renewer of all the temples, that he had entered the shrine of Jupiter Feretrius, which he repaired when it had crumbled with age, and had himself read the inscription on the linen breast-plate, I have thought it would be almost sacrilege to rob Cossus of such a witness to his spoils as Caesar, the restorer of that very temple.

> Latin: 20.7. ego cum Augustum Caesarem, templorum omnium conditorem aut restitutorem, ingressum aedem Feretri Iovis, quam vetustate dilapsam refecit, se ipsum in thorace linteo scriptum legisse audissem, prope sacrilegium ratus sum Cosso spoliorum suorum Caesarem, ipsius templi auctorem, subtrahere testem.

[¶71] 20.8. Where the error in regard to this matter lies, in consequence of which such ancient annals and also the books of the magistrates, written on linen and deposited in the temple of Moneta, which Licinius Macer cites from time to time as his authority, only give Aulus Cornelius Cossus as consul (with Titus Quinctius Poenus) seven years later, is a matter on which everybody is entitled to his opinion.

> Latin: 20.8. ea in re sit error, quod tam veteres annales quodque magistratuum libri, quos linteos in aede repositos Monetae Macer Licinius citat identidem auctores, septimo post demum anno cum T. Quinctio Poeno A. Cornelium Cossum consulem habeant, existimatio communis omnibus est.

[¶72] 20.9. For there is this further reason why so famous a battle could not be transferred to the later year, that the consulship of Cossus fell within a period of about three years when there were no wars, owing to a pestilence and a dearth of crops, so that certain annals, as though death-registers, offer nothing but the names of the consuls.

> Latin: 20.9. etiam illud accedit, ne tam clara pugna in eum annum transferri posset, quod imbelle triennium ferme pestilentia inopiaque frugum circa A. Cornelium consulem fuit, adeo ut quidam annales velut funesti nihil praeter nomina consulum suggerant.

[¶73] 20.10. The third year after Cossus's consulship saw him military tribune with consular powers, and in the same year he was master of the horse, in which office he fought another famous cavalry-engagement.

> Latin: 20.10. ab consulatu Cossi annus tribunum eum militum consulari potestate habet, eodem anno magistrum equitum; quo in imperio alteram insignem edidit pugnam equestrem.

[¶74] 20.11. Here is freedom for conjecture, but in my opinion it is idle; for one may brush aside all theories when the man who fought the battle, after placing the newly-won spoils in their sacred resting-place, testified in the presence of Jupiter himself, to whom he had vowed them, and of Romulus —witnesses not to be held lightly by a forger —that he was Aulus Cornelius Cossus, consul.

> Latin: 20.11. libera coniectura est, sed, ut ego arbitror, vana; aversari enim omnes opiniones licet, cum auctor pugnae recentibus spoliis in sacra sede positis, Iovem prope ipsum, cui vota erant, Romulumque intuens, haud spernendos falsi tituli testes, se A. Cornelium Cossum consulem scripserit.

[¶75] 21.1. When Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Lucius Papirius Crassus were consuls, armies invaded the country of the Veientes and the Faliscans and drove off booty consisting of men and flocks;

> Latin: 21.1. M. Cornelio Maluginense L. Papirio Crasso consulibus exercitus in agrum Veientem ac Faliscum ducti, praedae abactae hominum pecorumque;

[¶76] 21.2. they nowhere encountered their enemies in the fields nor met with any opportunity to give them battle; still, they besieged no cities, for a pestilence attacked the people.

> Latin: 21.2. hostis in agris nusquam inventus neque pugnandi copia facta; urbes tamen non oppugnatae, quia pestilentia populum invasit.

[¶77] 21.3. And seditions were attempted at home, but not brought about, by Spurius Maelius, tribune of the plebs, who, imagining that the popularity of his name would enable him to stir up trouble, had appointed a day for the prosecution of Minucius, and had also proposed a law for confiscating the goods of Servilius Ahala, maintaining that Maelius had been circumvented by Minucius with false accusations, and flinging it up to Servilius that he had killed a citizen who had not been condemned.

> Latin: 21.3. seditiones domi quaesitae sunt nec motae tamen ab Sp. Maelio tribuno plebis, qui favore nominis moturum se aliquid ratus et Minucio diem dixerat et rogationem de publicandis bonis Servili Ahalae tulerat, falsis criminibus a Minucio circumventum Maelium arguens, Servilio caedem civis indemnati obiciens. vaniora ad populum ipso auctore fuere.

[¶78] 21.5. These charges were even less regarded by the people than was their author. But the increasing virulence of the disease gave concern, and so did certain alarms and prodigies; in particular that it was frequently announced that farm-buildings had been thrown down by earthquakes. A supplication was therefore offered up by the people under the direction of the duumviri.

> Latin: 21.5. magis vis morbi ingravescens curae erat terroresque ac prodigia, maxime quod crebris motibus terrae ruere in agris nuntiabantur tecta. itaque a populo duumviris praeeuntibus est facta.

[¶79] 21.6. The pestilence was worse next year, when Gaius Julius (for the second time) and Lucius Verginius were the consuls, and caused such fears and ravages in the City and the country that not only did no one go out beyond the Roman marches to pillage, nor either patricians or plebs have any thought of waging war, but the men of Fidenae, who at first had kept to their mountains or their city walls, actually came down into Roman territory, bent on plunder.

> Latin: 21.6. inde annus C. Iulio iterum et L. Verginio consulibus tantum metus et vastitatis in urbe agrisque fecit, ut non modo praedandi causa quisquam ex agro Romano exiret bellive inferendi memoria patribus aut plebi esset, sed ultro Fidenates, qui se primo aut montibus aut muris tenuerant, populabundi descenderent in agrum Romanum.

[¶80] 21.8. Then, when they had called in an army from Veii —for the Faliscans could not be driven into renewing the war either by the calamity of the Romans or the entreaties of their allies, —the two peoples crossed the Anio and set up their standards not far from the Colline Gate.

> Latin: 21.8. Veientium exercitu accito—nam Falisci perpelli ad instaurandum bellum neque clade Romanorum neque sociorum precibus potuere—duo populi transiere Anienem atque haud procul Collina porta signa habuere. itaque non in agris magis quam in urbe est.

[¶81] 21.9. The consternation in the City was therefore no less than in the fields; the consul Julius disposed his troops on the rampart and walls, and Verginius took counsel with the senate in the temple of Quirinus.

> Latin: 21.9. Iulius consul in aggere murisque explicat copias, a Verginio senatus in aede Quirini consulitur.

[¶82] 21.10. It was resolved that Quintus Servilius, whose surname some give as Priscus, others as Structus, should be appointed dictator. Verginius delayed till he could consult his colleague; then, with his consent, he that night named the dictator, who appointed as his master of the horse Postumus Aebutius Helva.

> Latin: 21.10. dici Q. Servilium placet, cui Prisco alii, alii Structo fuisse cognomen tradunt. Verginius dum collegam consuleret moratus, permittente eo nocte dictatorem dixit. sibi magistrum equitum Postumum Aebutium Helvam dicit.

[¶83] 22.1. The dictator commanded everybody to be outside the Colline Gate at break of day. All those who were able to bear arms were at hand. The standards were taken out of the treasury and brought to the dictator.

> Latin: 22.1. Dictator omnes luce prima extra portam Collinam adesse iubet. vires suppetebant ad arma ferenda praesto fuere.

[¶84] 22.2. While this was going on, the enemy withdrew to a more elevated position. Thither the dictator marched under arms, and not far from Nomentum joined battle with the Etruscan forces and put them to rout.

> Latin: 22.2. ex aerario prompta feruntur ad dictatorem. cum agerentur, hostes in loca altiora concessere. dictator agmine infesto subit, nec procul Nomento signis conlatis fudit Etruscas legiones; compulit inde in urbem Fidenas valloque circumdedit;

[¶85] 22.3. From there he drove them into the city of Fidenae, which he surrounded with a rampart; but could not capture it with scaling-ladders, since it was a lofty, well-fortified town, nor accomplish anything by blockade, for they not only had corn enough for their necessities, but in fact were lavishly supplied with it from stores which they had collected in advance.

> Latin: 22.3. sed neque scalis capi poterat urbs alta et munita neque in obsidione vis ulla erat, quia frumentum non necessitati modo satis sed copiae quoque abunde ex ante convecto sufficiebat.

[¶86] 22.4. In despair therefore alike of storming the place and of forcing it to surrender; the dictator, operating in a region which was familiar from its nearness to Rome, began, on the farthest side of the city, which was least guarded because its peculiar character made it the safest of all, to drive a mine into the citadel.

> Latin: 22.4. expugnandi pariter cogendique ad deditionem spe amissa, dictator in locis propter propinquitatem notis ab aversa parte urbis, maxime neglecta quia suapte natura tutissima erat, agere in arcem cuniculum instituit.

[¶87] 22.5. He himself, advancing against the city from widely separated points-with his army in four divisions, that they might relieve one another in the attack —by fighting continuously day and night distracted the enemy's attention from the work, until a tunnel had been dug through the hill and a passage-way constructed up into the citadel; when the Etruscans, intent on groundless alarms and unmindful of their real danger, were apprised by the shouts of the enemy above their heads that their city had been taken.

> Latin: 22.5. diversissimis locis subeundo ad moenia quadrifariam diviso exercitu qui alii aliis succederent ad pugnam, continenti die ac nocte proelio ab sensu operis hostes avertebat, donec perfosso monte erecta in arcem via est, intentisque Etruscis ad vanas a certo periculo minas clamor supra caput hostilis captam captain urbem ostendit.

[¶88] 22.7. In that year Gaius Furius Paculus and Marcus Geganius Macerinus the censors approved a public building erected in the Campus Martius, and the census of the people was taken there for the first time.

> Latin: 22.7. anno C. Furius Paculus et M. Geganius Macerinus censores villam publicam in campo Martio probaverunt, ibique primum census populi est actus.

[¶89] 23.1. That the same consuls were re-elected the following year (Julius for a third and Verginius for a second term) I find stated by Licinius Macer: Valerius Antias and Quintus Tubero give Marcus Manlius and Quintus Sulpicius as the consuls for that year.

> Latin: 23.1. consules insequenti anno refectos, Iulium tertium, Verginium iterum, apud Macrum Licinium invenio:

[¶90] 23.2. For the rest, in spite of the great discrepancy in their statements, both Tubero and Macer cite the authority of the Linen Rolls; neither writer dissembles the fact that the elder historians had recorded that there were military tribunes for that year.

> Latin: 23.2. Valerius Antias atque Q. Tubero M. Manlium et Q. Sulpicium consules in eum annum edunt. in tam discrepanti editione et Tubero et Macer libros linteos auctores profitentur; neuter tribunos militum eo anno fuisse traditum a scriptoribus antiquis dissimulat.

[¶91] 23.3. Licinius sees fit to follow without hesitation the Linen Rolls: Tubero is uncertain where the truth lies. With all the other matters which are shrouded in antiquity this question too may be left undecided.

> Latin: 23.3. libros haud dubie sequi linteos placet: Tubero incertus veri est. inter cetera vetustate cooperta hoc quoque in incerto positum.

[¶92] 23.4. There was great alarm in Etruria in consequence of the capture of Fidenae. Not only were the people of Veii terrified by the fear of a similar disaster, but the Faliscans too remembered that they had commenced the war in alliance with the Fidenates, although they had not supported them in their revolt.

> Latin: 23.4. in Etruria est post Fidenas captas non Veientibus solum exterritis metu similis excidii, sed etiam Faliscis memoria initi primo cum iis belli, quamquam rebellantibus non adfuerant.

[¶93] 23.5. Accordingly when the two states, sending envoys round amongst the twelve cities, had obtained their consent to have a council proclaimed for all Etruria at the shrine of Voltumna, the senate, feeling that they were threatened with a great outbreak in that quarter, ordered that Mamercus Aemilius be again named dictator.

> Latin: 23.5. cum duae civitates legatis circa duodecim populos missis impetrassent ut ad Voltumnae fanum indiceretur omni Etruriae concilium, velut magno inde tumultu imminente senatus Mam. Aemilium dictatorem iterum dici iussit.

[¶94] 23.6. By him Aulus Postumius Tubertus was appointed master of the horse, and preparations for war were set about as much more energetically than on the last occasion, as the danger from all Etruria was greater than it had been from two cities.

> Latin: 23.6. Ab eo A. Postumius Tubertus magister equitum est dictus; bellumque tanto maiore quam proximo conatu apparatum est quanto plus erat ab omni Etruria periculi quam ab duobus populis fuerat.

[¶95] 24.1. This affair ended a good deal more quietly than anybody had anticipated.

> Latin: 24.1. res aliquanto exspectatione omnium tranquillior fuit.

[¶96] 24.2. It was reported by merchants that the Veientes had been refused assistance and had been told that having embarked on the war at their own discretion they must prosecute it with their own forces nor seek the alliance of those in their adversity with whom they had not shared the prospect of success. Whereupon the dictator, that his appointment might not have been for nothing, was desirous, being deprived of the means of winning military renown, of accomplishing some peaceful achievement to signalize his dictatorship. He therefore laid his plans to weaken the censorship, either thinking its powers excessive, or troubled less by the greatness of the office than by its long duration.

> Latin: 24.2. cum renuntiatum a mercatoribus esset negata Veientibus auxilia, iussosque suo consilio bellum initum suis viribus exsequi nec adversarum rerum quaerere socios, cum quibus spem integram communicati non sint, tum dictator, ne nequiquam creatus esset, materia quaerendae bello gloriae adempta, in pace aliquid operis edere quod monumentum esset dictaturae cupiens, censuram minuere parat seu nimiam potestatem ratus seu non tam magnitudine honoris quam diuturnitate offensus.

[¶97] 24.4. So, calling an assembly, he said that the immortal gods had undertaken to manage the foreign relations of the state and to make everything safe: he himself would do what needed to be done within the City, and would defend the liberty of the Roman People. Now the greatest safeguard was that great powers should not be long-continued, but that a limit of time should be imposed on them, since no limit of jurisdiction could be. Other magistracies were tenable for one year, the censorship for five.

> Latin: 24.4. itaque advocata rem publicam foris gerendam ait tutaque omnia praestanda deos immortales suscepisse: se, quod intra muros agendum esset, libertati populi Romani consulturum; maximam autem eius custodiam esse si magna imperia diuturna non essent et temporis modus imponeretur quibus iuris imponi non posset;

[¶98] 24.5. It was a serious matter for the same man to have authority over people for so many years, in a great part of their affairs. He announced that he should propose a law that the censorship might not last longer than a year and a half.

> Latin: 24.5. alios magistratus annuos esse, quinquennalem censuram; grave esse iisdem per tot annos magna parte vitae obnoxios vivere; se legem laturum, ne plus quam annua ac semestris censura esset.

[¶99] 24.6. With vast enthusiasm on the part of the people the law was next day enacted, and Mamercus exclaimed, “That you may have positive proof, Quirites, how little I approve prolonged authority, I lay down my dictatorship.”

> Latin: 24.6. ingenti populi legem postero die pertulit et re ipsa inquit sciatis, Quirites, quam mihi diuturna non placeant imperia, dictatura me abdico.

[¶100] 24.7. Thus, having resigned his own magistracy and assigned a limit for the other, he was escorted to his home by the people, with striking manifestations of rejoicing and good-will. The censors, in their indignation that Mamercus had abridged a magistracy of the Roman People, removed him from his tribe, and assessing him at eight times his former tax, disfranchised him. This they say Mamercus bore with great fortitude, having regard rather to the cause of his humiliation than to the humiliation itself. The leading patricians, though they had opposed the curtailment of the jurisdiction of the censorship, were offended by this example of censorial ruthlessness, since each of them perceived that he should be subjected to the censor for a longer period and more frequently than he should hold the censor's office. The people at any rate are said to have been so enraged that no man's influence but that of Mamercus himself could have shielded the censors from their violence.

> Latin: 24.7. suo magistratu, imposito fine alteri, cum gratulatione ac favore ingenti populi domum est reductus. aegre passi Mamercum quod magistratum populi Romani minuisset tribu moverunt octiplicatoque censu aerarium fecerunt. rem ipsum ingenti animo tulisse ferunt causam potius ignominiae intuentem quam ignominiam; primores patrum, quamquam deminutum censurae ius noluissent, exemplo acerbitatis censoriae offensos, quippe cum se quisque diutius ac saepius subiectum censoribus fore cerneret quam censuram gesturum: populi certe tanta indignatio coorta dicitur ut vis a censoribus nullius auctoritate praeterquam ipsius Mamerci deterreri quiverit.

[¶101] 25.1. The tribunes of the plebs by persistent opposition prevented the consular elections from taking place. At last, when matters had been brought almost to an interregnum, they succeeded in their contention that military tribunes with consular powers should be chosen.

> Latin: 25.1. plebi adsiduis contentionibus prohibendo consularia comitia cum res prope ad interregnum perducta esset, evicere tandem ut tribuni militum consulari potestate crearentur.

[¶102] 25.2. Though they hoped their victory would be rewarded by the choice of a plebeian, they were disappointed: all those who were elected were patricians, Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Marcus Folius, Lucius Sergius Fidenas.

> Latin: 25.2. praemium quod petebatur, ut plebeius crearetur, nullum fuit; omnes patricii creati sunt, M. Fabius Vibulanus M. Folius L. Sergius Fidenas.

[¶103] 25.3. An epidemic that year afforded a respite from other troubles. A temple was vowed to Apollo in behalf of the people's health. The duumviri did many things by direction of the Books for the purpose of appeasing the angry gods and averting the plague from the people.

> Latin: 25.3. eo anno aliarum rerum otium praebuit. Apollini pro valetudine populi vota est. duumviri ex libris placandae deum irae avertendaeque a populo pestis causa fecere;

[¶104] 25.4. Nevertheless the losses were severe, both in the City and the country, and men and cattle were stricken without distinction. They even feared that famine would succeed the epidemic, since the farmers were down with the disease. They therefore sent to Etruria and the Pomptine district, and to Cumae, and finally to Sicily itself, for, corn.

> Latin: 25.4. magna tamen clades in urbe agrisque promiscua hominum pecorumque pernicie accepta. quoque ex pestilentia morbo implicitis cultoribus agrorum timentes in Etruriam Pomptinumque agrum et Cumas, postremo in Siciliam quoque frumenti causa misere. comitiorum nulla mentio habita est;

[¶105] 25.5. Nothing was said about consular elections; military tribunes with consular authority were chosen as follows: Lucius Pinarius Mamercus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Spurius Postumius Albus —all patricians.

> Latin: 25.5. tribuni militum consulari potestate omnes patricii creati sunt, L. Pinarius Mamercus L. Furius Medullinus Sp. Postumius Albus.

[¶106] 25.6. This year the violence of the disease was mitigated, and there was no risk of a dearth of corn, since precautions had been taken in advance.

> Latin: 25.6. anno vis morbi levata neque a penuria frumenti, quia ante provisum erat, periculum fuit.

[¶107] 25.7. Schemes for instigating war were discussed in the councils of the Volsci and Aequi, and in Etruria at the shrine of Voltumna.

> Latin: 25.7. ad movenda bella in Volscorum Aequorumque conciliis et in Etruria ad fanum Voltumnae agitata.

## 21. Book IV · chapters 25–37

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/21/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/21/#p-N

[¶0] 25.8. There the enterprise was put over for a year, and it was decreed that no council should convene before that date, though the Veientes complained —without effect —that Veii was threatened with the same destruction as had overtaken Fidenae.

> Latin: 25.8. prolatae in annum res, decretoque cautum ne quod ante concilium fieret, nequiquam Veiente populo querente eandem qua Fidenae deletae sint imminere Veiis fortunam.

[¶1] 25.9. Meanwhile in Rome the leaders of the plebs, who had now for a long time, while there was peace with other nations, been thwarted in their hopes of attaining to greater honours, began to appoint meetings at the houses of the plebeian tribunes.

> Latin: 25.9. Romae principes plebis, iam diu nequiquam imminentes spei maioris honoris dum foris otium esset, coetus indicere in domos tribunorum plebis;

[¶2] 25.10. There they considered their plans in secret; they complained that they were held in such contempt by the plebs that although military tribunes with consular powers had been elected for so many years, no plebeian had ever been admitted to that office.

> Latin: 25.10. ibi secreta consilia agitare; queri se a plebe adeo spretos, ut cum per tot annos tribuni militum consulari potestate creentur, nulli unquam plebeio ad eum honorem aditus fuerit.

[¶3] 25.11. Their ancestors had shown great foresight in providing that no patrician should be eligible for the plebeian magistracies; otherwise they would have been obliged to have patricians as tribunes of the plebs, so contemptible did they appear, even to their own class, being no less despised by the commons than by the nobles.

> Latin: 25.11. providisse suos maiores, qui caverint ne cui patricio plebeii magistratus paterent; aut patricios habendos fuisse tribunos plebi; adeo se suis etiam sordere nec a plebe minus quam a patribus contemni.

[¶4] 25.12. Others exonerated the plebs and threw the blame upon the patricians: it was owing to their artful canvassing that the plebeians found the road to office blocked; if the plebs might have a breathing-spell from the mingled prayers and menaces of the nobles, they would think of their friends when they went to vote, and to the protection they had already won would add authority.

> Latin: 25.12. purgare plebem, culpam in patres vertere: eorum ambitione artibusque fieri ut obsaeptum plebi sit ad honorem iter; si plebi respirare ab eorum mixtis precibus minisque liceat, memorem eam suorum inituram suffragia esse et parto auxilio imperium quoque adscituram.

[¶5] 25.13. It was resolved in order to do away with canvassing, that the tribunes should propose a law forbidding anyone to whiten his toga, for the purpose of announcing himself a candidate. This may now appear a trivial thing and one scarcely to be considered seriously, but at that time it kindled a furious struggle between the patricians and the plebs.

> Latin: 25.13. tollendae ambitionis causa tribunos legem promulgare ne cui album in vestimentum addere petitionis causa liceret. nunc res et vix serio agenda videri possit, quae tunc ingenti certamine patres ac plebem accendit.

[¶6] 25.14. Yet the tribunes prevailed and carried their law; and it was clear that the plebeians in their irritated mood would support the men of their own order. That they might not be at liberty to do so, the senate decreed that consuls should be elected.

> Latin: 25.14. tamen tribuni ut legem perferrent; apparebatque inritatis animis plebem ad suos studia inclinaturam. ne libera essent, senatus consultum factum est ut consularia comitia haberentur.

[¶7] 26.1. The reason alleged was a sudden outbreak B..431 of hostilities on the part of the Aequi and Volsci, which the Latins and the Hernici had reported.

> Latin: 26.1. causa fuit, quem ab Aequis et Volscis Latini atque Hernici nuntiarant.

[¶8] 26.2. Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, son of Lucius —the same who is given the added surname Poenus, — and Gnaeus Julius Mento were made consuls. Nor was the fear of war deferred.

> Latin: 26.2. T. Quinctius L. f. Cincinnatus—eidem et Poeno cognomen additur—et Cn. Iulius Mento consules facti.

[¶9] 26.3. After a levy, held under a lex sacrata which was their most effective means of collecting soldiers, strong armies marched out from both nations and met on Algidus, where the Aequi encamped in one place and the Volsci in another, and their generals took more pains than ever before to intrench, and to drill their men. For this reason the report occasioned the more dismay in Rome.

> Latin: 26.3. ultra terror belli est dilatus. sacrata, quae maxima apud eos vis cogendae militiae erat, dilectu habito utrimque utrimnque validi exercitus profecti in Algidum convenere, ibique seorsum Aequi, seorsum Volsci castra communivere, intentiorque quam unquam ante muniendi exercendique militem cura ducibus erat.

[¶10] 26.5. The senate resolved that a dictator should be appointed, since, though often beaten, those nations had renewed the war with greater efforts than at any previous time, and a considerable proportion of the young Romans had been carried off by the plague.

> Latin: 26.5. plus nuntii terroris Romam attulere. dictatorem dici placuit, quia etsi saepe victi populi maiore tamen conatu quam alias unquam rebellarant, et aliquantum Romanae iuventutis morbo absumptum erat.

[¶11] 26.6. Above all, men were frightened by the wrong-headedness of the consuls, their want of harmony between themselves, and their opposition to each other in all their plans. Some writers say that these consuls were defeated on Algidus, and that this was the reason of the dictator's being named.

> Latin: 26.6. omnia pravitas consulum discordiaque inter ipsos et certamina in consiliis omnibus terrebant. qui male pugnatum ab his consulibus in Algido auctores sint eamque causam dictatoris creandi fuisse.

[¶12] 26.7. Thus much is clear: though they might differ in other matters, they were agreed on one thing, to oppose the wishes of the Fathers for the appointment of a dictator; until, as the reports grew more and more alarming, and the consuls refused to be guided by the senate, Quintus Servilius Priscus, a man who had filled with distinction the highest offices, cried out, “To you, tribunes of the plebs, since matters ” “have come to an extremity, the senate appeals, that in this great national crisis you may compel the consuls, by virtue of your authority, to name a dictator.”

> Latin: 26.7. satis constat ad alia discordes in uno adversus patrum voluntatem consensisse ne dicerent dictatorem, donec donee cum alia aliis terribiliora adferrentur nec in auctoritate senatus consules essent, Q. Servilius Priscus, summis honoribus egregie usus, Vos inquit, tribuni plebis, quoniam ad extrema ventum est, senatus appellat ut in tanto discrimine rei publicae dictatorem dicere consules pro potestate vestra cogatis.

[¶13] 26.9. Hearing this the tribunes felt that an opportunity had come for increasing their power; they conferred apart, and then announced, in behalf of the college, that they were resolved that the consuls should obey the senate; if they persisted further to oppose the unanimous opinion of that most honourable order, they should command them to be put in prison. The consuls preferred to be defeated by the tribunes rather than by the senate.

> Latin: 26.9. voce audita occasionem oblatam rati tribuni augendae potestatis secedunt proque collegio pronuntiant placere consules senatui dicto audientes esse; si adversus consensum amplissimi ordinis ultra tendant, in vincla se duci eos iussuros.

[¶14] 26.10. They declared that the senators had betrayed the rights of the highest office in the state and had ignominiously surrendered the consulship to the tribunician power, since apparently it was possible for the consuls to be subjected to the official compulsion of a tribune, and even —what could a private citizen fear more than that? —be carried off to gaol.

> Latin: 26.10. ab tribunis quam ab senatu vinci maluerunt, proditum a patribus summi imperii ius datumque sub iugum tribuniciae potestati consulatum memorantes, si quidem cogi aliquid pro potestate ab tribuno consules et—quo quid ulterius private timendum foret?—in vincla etiam duci possent.

[¶15] 26.11. It was determined by lot —for the colleagues had not been able to agree even about this —that Titus Quinctius should name the dictator. He appointed Aulus Postumius Tubertus, his father-in-law, a man of the sternest authority; and by him Lucius Julius was chosen master of the horse. At the same time a levy was proclaimed and a cessation of legal business, and it was ordered that nothing else should be done in all the City but prepare for war.

> Latin: 26.11. , ut dictatorem diceret—nam ne id quidem inter collegas convenerat — T. Quinctio evenit. A. Postumium Tubertum, socerum suum, severissimi imperii virum, dictatorem dixit; ab eo L. Iulius magister equitum est dictus.

[¶16] 26.12. The examination of those who claimed exemption from military service was put over till after the war, and so even those whose cases were uncertain were disposed to give in their names. Men were required also of the Hernici and the Latins, and in both instances the dictator was zealously obeyed.

> Latin: 26.12. simul edicitur et iustitium, neque aliud tota urbe agi quam bellum apparari. vacantium militiae munere post bellum differtur; ita dubii quoque inclinant ad nomina danda. Hernicis Latinisque milites imperati; utrimque enixe oboeditum dictatori est.

[¶17] 27.1. These measures were all carried out with great dispatch. Gnaeus Julius the consul was left behind to protect the city; and Lucius Julius, the master of the horse, to meet the sudden demands which arise in war, that the troops might not be hampered in camp by the want of anything that they might need. The dictator, repeating the words after Aulus Cornelius the pontifex maximus, vowed to celebrate great games if he succeeded in quelling the outbreak, and, dividing his army with the consul Quinctius, set out from Rome and came to the enemy.

> Latin: 27.1. omnia celeritate ingenti acta; relictoque Cn. Iulio consule ad praesidium urbis et L. iulio lulio magistro equitum ad subita belli ministeria, ne qua res qua eguissent in castris moraretur, dictator praeeunte A. Cornelio pontifice maximo ludos magnos tumultus causa vovit, profectusque ab urbe diviso cum Quinctio consule exercitu ad hostes pervenit.

[¶18] 27.3. Seeing that the opposing forces occupied two camps with a little space between, the Roman generals followed their example and encamped about a mile from the enemy, the dictator nearer to Tusculum and the consul to Lanuvium.

> Latin: 27.3. bina castra hostium parvo inter se spatio distantia viderant, ipsi quoque mille ferme passus ab hoste dictator Tusculo, consul Lanuvio propiorem locum castris ceperunt.

[¶19] 27.4. Thus the four armies in their four intrenchments had in their midst a field of sufficient extent not merely for small preliminary skirmishes but even for drawing up lines of battle on both sides.

> Latin: 27.4. quattuor exercitus totidem munimenta planitiem in medio non parvis modo excursionibus ad proelia, sed vel ad explicandas utrimque acies satis patentem habebant.

[¶20] 27.5. Nor from the moment the Romans had pitched their camp near that of the enemy did they once cease skirmishing; and the dictator was well content that his men should match their strength against their adversaries, and by trying the outcome of these contests come, little by little, to count upon a general victory.

> Latin: 27.5. ex quo castris castra conlata sunt cessatum a levibus proeliis est, facile patiente dictatore conferendo vires spem universae victoriae temptato paulatim eventu certaminum suos praecipere.

[¶21] 27.6. The enemy in consequence abandoned all hope of success in a regular battle and attacked the consul's camp at night, committing their cause to the hazard of a dangerous enterprise. The shout which suddenly broke out aroused not only the consul's sentries and after them his entire army, but the dictator as well.

> Latin: 27.6. hostes nulla in proelio iusto relicta spe, noctu adorti castra consulis rem in casum ancipitis eventus committunt. subito ortus non consulis modo vigiles, exercitum deinde omnem, sed dictatorem quoque ex somno excivit.

[¶22] 27.7. When circumstances required instant action, the consul proved to be wanting neither in resolution nor in judgment. With a part of his soldiers he reinforced the guards at the gates; with a part he lined the palisade. In the other camp, with the dictator, there was less confusion and a correspondingly clearer perception what was needful to be done. Reinforcements were immediately sent to the consul's camp, under Spurius Postumius Albus the lieutenant: the dictator himself, taking a part of his forces, marched by a slight detour to a place absolutely screened from the fighting, that he might thence strike the enemy unawares as he faced the other way.

> Latin: 27.7. praesenti ope res egebant, consul nec animo defecit nec consilio: pars militum portarum stationes firmant, pars corona 8 vallum cingunt. alteris apud dictatorem castris quo minus tumultus est, eo plus animadvertitur quid opus facto sit. extemplo ad castra subsidium, cui Sp. Postumius Albus legatus praeficitur: ipse parte copiarum parvo circuitu locum maxime secretum ab tumultu petit unde ex necopinato aversum hostem invadat. Q. Sulpicium legatum praeficit castris; M. Fabio legato adsignat equites, nec ante lucem movere iubet manum inter nocturnos tumultus moderatu difficilem., quae vel alius imperator prudens et impiger in tali re praeciperet ageretque, praecipit ordine atque agit;

[¶23] 27.9. The lieutenant Quintus Sulpicius he put in charge of the camp; to the lieutenant Marcus Fabius he assigned the cavalry, but ordered him not to move his command till daybreak, as it would be hard to control in the confusion of the night.

> Latin: 27.9. illud eximium consilii animique specimen et neutiquam volgatae laudis, quod ultro ad oppugnanda castra hostium, unde maiore agmine profectos exploratum fuerat, M. Geganium cum cohortibus delectis misit.

[¶24] 27.10. Everything that any wise and active general could have commanded and carried out in such a situation was duly commanded and carried out by him; but an unusual proof of judgment and daring and one which reflects no ordinary credit upon him was this, that he actually attacked the enemy's camp (from which, as he ascertained, they had marched out with more than half their troops), dispatching Marcus Geganius with some chosen cohorts on that service.

> Latin: 27.10. postquam intentos homines in eventum periculi alieni pro se incautos neglectis vigiliis stationibusque est adortus, prius paene cepit castra quam oppugnari hostes satis scirent.

[¶25] 27.11. This officer found his foes absorbed in the issue of the dangerous work undertaken by their fellows, and with no thought for themselves, neglecting their sentinels and outguards; he attacked them, captured their camp almost before they fully realized that they were assailed, and sent up a prearranged signal of smoke, on seeing which the dictator cried out that the enemy's camp was taken and bade spread the news. By this time the day was breaking and everything could be seen. Fabius had delivered a charge with his cavalry; the consul had made a sally from the camp against the enemy, who were already wavering;

> Latin: 27.11. fumo, ut convenerat, datum signum ubi conspectum ab dictatore est, exclamat capta hostium castra nuntiarique passim iubet. iam lucescebat omniaque sub oculis erant. Fabius cum equitatu impetum dederat et consul eruptionem e castris in trepidos iam hostes fecerat;

[¶26] 28.2. while the dictator, on the other side of the field, attacking the supports and the second line, had fallen upon the foe from every side, as they wheeled about to meet the wild shouts and sudden onsets, with his victorious foot and horse.

> Latin: 28.2. dictator autem parte altera subsidia et secundam aciem adortus circumagenti se ad dissonos clamores ac subitos tumultus hosti undique obiecerat victorem peditem equitemque.

[¶27] 28.3. Accordingly, being now hemmed in on every side, the enemy would have suffered to a man the penalty of their rebellion, had not Vettius Messius, a Volscian more distinguished by his deeds than by his birth, called out in a clear voice to his men, who were already crowding together in a circle, “Are you going to offer yourselves up here to the weapons of the enemy, defenceless and unavenged?”

> Latin: 28.3. igitur iam in medio ad unum omnes poenas rebellionis dedissent, ni Vettius Messius ex Volscis, nobilior vir factis quam genere, iam orbem volventes suos increpans clara voce Hic praebituri inquit, vos telis hostium estis indefensi, inulti?

[¶28] 28.4. “To what end then are you armed, or why without provocation did you make war, turbulent in peace and sluggards in the field? What hope is there while you stand here? Do you think that some god will protect you and deliver you from this plight?”

> Latin: 28.4. igitur arma habetis aut quid ultro bellum intulistis, in otio tumultuosi, in bello segnes? hic stantibus spei est? An deum aliquem protecturum vos rapturumque hinc putatis? via facienda est.

[¶29] 28.5. “It is your swords must make a way for you! Come, where you see me go before, there you must follow, if you would look on homes, parents, wives and children! It is not a wall or rampart that blocks your path, but armed men like yourselves. In courage you are their equals; in necessity, which is the last and chiefest weapon, you are the better men.”

> Latin: 28.5. , qua me praegressum videritis, agite, qui visuri domos parentes coniuges liberos estis, ite mecum! murus nec vallum sed armati armatis obstant. pares, necessitate, quae ultimum ac maximum telum est, superiores estis.

[¶30] 28.6. So he spoke, and acted on the word. Renewing their shouts they followed after, and hurled themselves against the Romans where the cohorts of Postumius Albus had confronted them. And they forced the victors to give ground, until the dictator came up, as his men were already falling back, and the fighting all centred on that spot.

> Latin: 28.6. locutum exsequentemque dicta redintegrato clamore secuti dant impressionem qua Postumius Albus cohortes obiecerat; et moverunt victorem, donec done dictator pedem iam referentibus suis advenit, eoque omne proelium versum est.

[¶31] 28.7. On one single warrior, Messius, hung the fortunes of the enemy. Many were the wounds on either side, and great was the slaughter everywhere. Now even the Roman leaders were bleeding as they fought.

> Latin: 28.7. viro Messio fortuna hostium innititur. utrimque volnera, multa passim caedes est. ne duces quidem Romani incruenti pugnant.

[¶32] 28.8. Only Postumius left the battle, struck by a stone that broke his head. A wounded shoulder could not drive the dictator from so critical a fight; nor would Fabius retire for a thigh almost pinned to his horse; nor the consul for an arm that was hewn away.

> Latin: 28.8. Postumius ictus saxo perfracto capite acie excessit, non dictatorem umerus volneratus, non Fabium prope adfixum equo femur, non bracchium bracehium abscisum consulem ex tam ancipiti proelio submovit.

[¶33] 29.1. Messius pressed on with a band of courageous youths over the slain bodies of his enemies, and reached the Volscian camp, which had not yet been taken; and on that point the entire battle converged.

> Latin: 29.1. impetus per stratos caede hostes cum globo fortissimorum iuvenum extulit ad castra Volscorum, quae nondum capta erant. omnis acies inclinatur.

[¶34] 29.2. The consul, after pursuing his opponents clear up to the rampart, assailed the camp itself and the palisade; and thither from another part of the field the dictator brought up his troops.

> Latin: 29.2. effusos usque ad vallum persecutus ipsa castra vallumque adgreditur; eodem et dictator alia parte copias admovet.

[¶35] 29.3. The assault was no less vigorous than the battle had been. They say that the consul even cast his standard into the stockade, to make his men the more eager in the charge, and that in seeking to recover it they made the first breach. The dictator too had breached the rampart and had already carried the fighting into the camp.

> Latin: 29.3. segnior oppugnatio est quam pugna fuerat. signum quoque intra vallum iniecisse ferunt, quo milites acrius subirent, repetendoque signo primam impressionem factam. dictator proruto vallo iam in castra proelium intulerat.

[¶36] 29.4. Then the enemy began on every hand to throw down their arms and surrender. Finally the camp itself was captured, and the enemy were all sold into slavery, except the senators. A portion of the booty was restored to the Latins and the Hernici, on their identifying it as their own; a part was sold at auction by the dictator; who then left the consul in command of the camp and returning himself in triumph to the City laid down his office.

> Latin: 29.4. abici passim arma ac dedi hostes coepti, castrisque et his captis hostes praeter senatores omnes venum dati sunt. pars sua cognoscentibus Latinis atque Hernicis reddita, partem sub hasta dictator vendidit; praepositoque consule castris ipse triumphans invectus urbem dictatura se abdicavit.

[¶37] 29.5. The memory of the noble dictatorship assumes a sombre hue in a tradition that Aulus Postumius' son, who, tempted by an opportunity of fighting to advantage, had left his post unbidden, was in the hour of his victory beheaded by his father's orders.

> Latin: 29.5. dictaturae tristem memoriam faciunt, qui filium ab A. Postumio, quod occasione bene pugnandi captus iniussu decesserit praesidio, victorem securi percussum tradunt.

[¶38] 29.6. One is loath to believe this story, and the diversity of opinion allows one to reject it. It is an indication of its falsity that we speak of Manlian, not Postumian discipline, whereas he who had first established so rigorous a precedent would himself have received that notorious stigma of cruelty. Besides, Manlius was given the surname Imperiosus — “the Despotic” —while Postumius received no such grim distinction.

> Latin: 29.6. libet credere, et licet in variis opinionibus; et argumento est, quod imperia Manliana, non Postumiana appellata sunt, cum qui prior auctor tam saevi exempli foret, occupaturus insignem titulum crudelitatis fuerit. quoque Manlio cognomen inditum; Postumius nulla tristi nota est insignitus.

[¶39] 29.7. Gnaeus Julius the consul dedicated the temple of Apollo in the absence of his colleague, without drawing lots. Quinctius resented this, when he had dismissed his army and returned to the City; but his complaint of it in the senate was without effect.

> Latin: 29.7. Cn. Julius consul aedem Apollinis absente collega sine sorte dedicavit. id passus Quinctius cum dimisso exercitu in urbem redisset, nequiquam in senatu est conquestus.

[¶40] 29.8. To the history of a year famous for its great events, is appended a statement —as though the incident was then regarded as of no importance to the Roman state-that the Carthaginians, destined to be such mighty enemies, then for the first time sent over an army into Sicily to assist one of the factions in the domestic quarrels of the Sicilians.

> Latin: 29.8. magnis rebus anno additur nihil tum ad rem Romanam pertinere visum, quod Carthaginienses, tanti hostes futuri, tum primum per seditiones Siculorum ad partis alterius auxilium in Siciliam exercitum traiecere.

[¶41] 30.1. An effort was made in the City by the B.C. tribunes of the plebs to procure the election of military tribunes with consular powers, but it was unsuccessful. Lucius Papirius Crassus and Lucius Julius were chosen consuls. The Aequi, through their envoys, sought a treaty from the senate.

> Latin: 30.1. in urbe ab tribunis plebis ut tribuni militum consulari potestate crearentur nec obtineri potuit. fiunt L. Papirius Crassus L. Iulius. Aequorum legati foedus ab senatu cum petissent et pro foedere deditio ostentaretur, indutias annorum octo impetraverunt:

[¶42] 30.2. Instead of granting a treaty, the senate suggested that they surrender; but they asked and obtained a truce for eight years. The Volscian commonwealth, in addition to the disaster it had suffered on Algidus, had become involved in quarrels and seditions, in consequence of an obstinate struggle between the advocates of peace and those of war.

> Latin: 30.2. Volscorum res super acceptam in Algido cladem pertinaci certamine inter pacis bellique auctores in iurgia et seditiones versa: undique otium fuit Romanis.

[¶43] 30.3. The Romans everywhere enjoyed peace. A law concerning the valuation of fines was most welcome to the people.

> Latin: 30.3. de multarum aestimatione pergratam populo cum ab tribunis parari consules unius ex collegio proditione excepissent, ipsi praeoccupaverunt ferre.

[¶44] 30.4. Having learned through the treachery of a member of the college that the tribunes were drawing one up, the consuls anticipated their action and themselves proposed it. The next consuls were Lucius Sergius Fidenas (for the second time) and Hostius Lucretius Tricipitinus.

> Latin: 30.4. L. Sergius Fidenas iterum Hostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. dignum dictu actum his consulibus. eos consules A. Cornelius Cossus T. Quinctius Poenus iterum.

[¶45] 30.5. Nothing noteworthy was done this year. They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Titus Quinctius Poenus, who was elected for the second time.

> Latin: 30.5. Veientes in agrum Romanum excursiones fecerunt. fuit quosdam ex Fidenatium iuventute participes eius populationis fuisse, cognitioque eius rei L. Sergio et Q. Servilio et Mam.

[¶46] 30.6. The Veientes made inroads into Roman territory. It was rumoured that certain young men of Fidenae had shared in the pillaging. The investigation of this report was intrusted to Lucius Sergius, Quintus Servilius, and Mamercus Aemilius; and certain men were banished to Ostia, because it was not clear why they had been away from Fidenae during those days.

> Latin: 30.6. Aemilio permissa. Ostiam relegati, quod cur per eos dies a Fidenis afuissent parum constabat. additus numerus agerque iis bello interemptorum adsignatus.

[¶47] 30.7. A number of settlers were added to the colony, and land was assigned them which had belonged to men who had fallen in the war. A drought that year caused great suffering. Not only did the skies provide too little rain, but the earth as well was deficient in native moisture and could hardly supply the perennial streams.

> Latin: 30.7. eo anno plurimum laboratum est, nec caelestes modo defuerunt aquae sed terra quoque ingenito umore egens vix ad perennes suffecit amnes alibi aquarum circa torridos fontes rivosque stragem siti pecorum morientium morientum dedit; scabie alia absumpta; volgatique contactu in homines morbi. primo in agrestes ingruerant servitiaque; urbs deinde impletur.

[¶48] 30.9. In some cases the failure of the sources caused the dry springs and brooks to be lined with cattle perishing of thirst; others were carried off by a mange, and their diseases were by contact communicated to mankind. At first they attacked country people and slaves; then the City was infected. And not only were men's bodies smitten by the plague, but a horde of superstitions, mostly foreign, took possession of their minds, as the class of men who find their profit in superstition-ridden souls introduced strange sacrificial rites into their homes, pretending to be seers;

> Latin: 30.9. corpora modo adfecta tabo, sed animos quoque multiplex religio et pleraque externa invasit irvasit, novos ritus sacrificandi vaticinando inferentibus in domos, quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi, donec publicus iam pudor ad primores civitatis pervenit cernentes in omnibus vicis sacellisque peregrina atque insolita piacula pacis deum exposcendae.

[¶49] 30.11. until the public shame finally reached the leading citizens, as they beheld in every street and chapel outlandish and unfamiliar sacrifices being offered up to appease Heaven's anger.

> Latin: 30.11. inde negotium aedilibus ut animadverterent ne qui nisi Romani di neu quo alio more quam patrio colerentur.

[¶50] 30.12. The aediles were then commissioned to see to it that none but Roman gods should be worshipped, nor in any but the ancestral way. Revenge on the men of Veii was postponed till the following year, when Gaius Servilius Ahala and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus were consuls.

> Latin: 30.12. adversus Veientes in insequentem annum, C. Servilium Ahalam L. Papirium Mugillanum consules, dilatae sunt.

[¶51] 30.13. Even then a religious scruple prevented the immediate declaration of war and dispatch of armies; they resolved that fetials must first be sent to require restitution.

> Latin: 30.13. quoque ne confestim bellum indiceretur neve exercitus mitterentur religio obstitit; fetiales prius mittendos ad res repetendas censuere.

[¶52] 30.14. Not long before there had been a battle with the Veientes near Nomentum and Fidenae, and this had been followed not by peace but by a truce. Its time had now run out, and indeed the enemy had begun to fight again before its expiration; nevertheless fetials were sent; yet their words, when they sought reparation after taking the customary oath, were not attended to.

> Latin: 30.14. Veientibus nuper acie dimicatum ad Nomentum et Fidenas fuerat, indutiaeque inde, non pax facta, quarum et dies exierat et ante diem rebellaverant; missi tamen fetiales; nec eorum, cum more patrum iurati repeterent res, verba sunt audita.

[¶53] 30.15. A dispute then arose whether war should be declared by command of the people, or whether a senatorial decree was enough. The tribunes prevailed, by threatening to hinder the levy, and forced the consul Quinctius to refer the question of war to the people.

> Latin: 30.15. inde fuit utrum populi iussu indiceretur bellum an satis esset senatus consultum. tribuni, denuntiando impedituros se dilectum, ut Quinctius consul de bello ad populum ferret. centuriae iussere.

[¶54] 30.16. All the centuries voted for it. In this respect also the plebs had the better, that they made good their wish that consuls should not be elected for the following year.

> Latin: 30.16. eo quoque plebs superior fuit, quod tenuit ne consules in proximum annum crearentur.

[¶55] 31.1. Four military tribunes with consular powers were elected, Titus Quinctius Poenus, who had just been consul, Gaius Furius, Marcus Postumius, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus.

> Latin: 31.1. militum consulari potestate quattuor creati sunt, T. Quinctius Poenus ex consulatu C. Furius M. Postumius A. Cornelius Cossus.

[¶56] 31.2. Of these, Cossus had charge of the City; the three others held a levy and marching against Veii gave a demonstration how unprofitable it was in war to parcel out authority. By pursuing each his own counsels, one having this opinion, another that, they gave the enemy room to take them at a disadvantage;

> Latin: 31.2. his Cossus praefuit urbi, tres dilectu habito profecti sunt Veios documentoque fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset. ad sua quisque consilia, cum aliud alii videretur, aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti;

[¶57] 31.3. for their army was confused when some bade sound the charge, while others commanded the recall; and at this favourable moment the Veientes fell upon them. The camp, which was close by, received the demoralized and fleeing men, and so they suffered more disgrace than actual harm.

> Latin: 31.3. incertam namque aciem, signum aliis dari, receptui aliis cani iubentibus, invasere opportune Veientes. propinqua turbatos ac terga dantes accepere;

[¶58] 31.4. The nation was filled with grief, for it was not used to being conquered; disgusted with the tribunes, people demanded a dictator: therein, they said, lay the hope of the state. And when they seemed likely to be thwarted in that also, by a scrupulous feeling that no one but a consul could name a dictator, the augurs were consulted and removed the impediment.

> Latin: 31.4. plus itaque ignominiae quam cladis est acceptum. civitas fuit vinci insueta; odisse tribunos, poscere dictatorem: in eo verti spes civitatis. cum ibi quoque religio obstaret ne non posset nisi ab consule dici dictator, augures consulti eam religionem exemere.

[¶59] 31.5. Aulus Cornelius named as dictator Mamercus Aemilius and was himself appointed by Mamercus master of the horse, so true is it that when the fortune of the state required real worth, the animadversion of the censor could by no means prevent men's seeking a director of their affairs in a house undeservedly stigmatized.

> Latin: 31.5. A. Cornelius dictatorem Mam. Aemilium dixit et ipse ab eo magister equitum est dictus; adeo, simul fortuna civitatis virtute vera eguit, nihil censoria animadversio effecit quo minus regimen rerum ex notata indigne domo peteretur.

[¶60] 31.6. The Veientes, elated by their success, dispatched envoys round about to the peoples of Etruria, boasting that they had routed three Roman commanders in one fight. Nevertheless they obtained no general support from the league, though they attracted volunteers from all quarters by the prospect of booty.

> Latin: 31.6. Veientes re secunda elati missis circum Etruriae populos legatis iactando tres duces Romanos ab se uno proelio fusos, cum tamen nullam publici consilii societatem movissent, voluntarios undique ad spem praedae adsciverunt.

[¶61] 31.7. Only the people of Fidenae voted to renew the war; and, as though it were forbidden to commence war without a crime, as before in the blood of the ambassadors, so now they imbued their swords in that of the new settlers, and joined the men of Veii.

> Latin: 31.7. Fidenatium populo rebellare placuit; et tamquam nisi ab scelere bellum ordiri nefas esset, sicut legatorum ante, ita tum novorum colonorum caede imbutis armis Veientibus sese coniungunt.

[¶62] 31.8. Consultations followed between the leaders of the two nations whether they should take Veii or Fidenae for the headquarters of their campaign. Fidenae seemed the fitter; and accordingly the Veientes crossed the Tiber and transferred the war to Fidenae.

> Latin: 31.8. inde principes duorum populorum Veios an Fidenas sedem belli caperent. Fidenae visae opportuniores; itaque traiecto Tiberi Veientes Fidenas transtulerunt bellum.

[¶63] 31.9. At Rome there was a wild alarm. The troops were recalled from Veii, though even their spirits were much daunted in consequence of their failure, and encamped before the Colline Gate. Armed men were disposed along the walls, a cessation of the courts was proclaimed in the Forum, the shops were closed, and everything assumed more the look of a camp than of a city. The dictator, sending heralds this way and that through the streets, summoned the frightened citizens to an assembly, where he rebuked them for possessing hearts so easily dismayed by trivial fluctuations of fortune that on sustaining a slight reverse —and that not due to the valour of the enemy or the cowardice of the Roman army, but to a disagreement among their generals —they were seized with dread of the Veientine enemy whom they had six times defeated, and of Fidenae which they had captured almost more often than they had attacked it.

> Latin: 31.9. Romae terror ingens erat. exercitu a Veiis, eoque ipso ab re male gesta perculso castra locantur ante portam Collinam, et in muris armati dispositi, et iustitium in foro tabernaeque clausae fiuntque omnia castris quam urbi similiora, cum trepidam civitatem praeconibus per vicos dimissis dictator ad contionem advocatam increpuit quod animos ex tam levibus momentis fortunae suspensos gererent ut parva iactura accepta, quae ipsa non virtute hostium nec ignavia Romani exercitus sed discordia imperatorum accepta sit, Veientem hostem sexiens victum pertimescant Fidenasque prope saepius captas quam oppugnatas.

[¶64] 32.3. Both the Romans and their enemies were the same as they had been for so many generations; they had the same courage, the same bodily vigour, the same weapons; he was himself the same dictator Mamercus Aemilius who had formerly put to flight the armies of the Veientes and the Fidenates, with the Faliscans added, before Nomentum;

> Latin: 32.3. et Romanos et hostes esse qui per tot saecula fuerint; eosdem animos, easdem corporis vires, eadem arma gerere; se quoque eundem dictatorem Mam. Aemilium esse qui antea Veientium Fidenatiumque adiunctis Faliscis ad Nomentum exercitus fuderit, et magistrum equitum A.

[¶65] 32.4. and, as master of the horse, Aulus Cornelius would be the same man in battle that he had shown himself in the former war, when as military tribune he had slain Lars Tolumnius, king of the Veientes, in full sight of both armies, and had borne the spoils of honour to the temple of Jupiter Feretrius.

> Latin: 32.4. Cornelium eundem in acie fore qui priore bello tribunus militum, Larte Tolumnio rege Veientium in conspectu duorum exercituum occiso, spolia opima Iovis Feretri templo intulerit.

[¶66] 32.5. Let them remember then that theirs were the triumphs, theirs the spoils, theirs the victory; while their enemies were stained with the crime of putting envoys to death against the law of nations, with the slaughter in time of peace of settlers at Fidenae, with the broken truce, with rebelling unsuccessfully for the seventh time.

> Latin: 32.5. memores secum triumphos, secum spolia, secum victoriam esse, cum hostibus scelus legatorum contra ius gentium interfectorum, caedem in pace Fidenatium colonorum, indutias ruptas, septimam infelicem defectionem, arma caperent.

[¶67] 32.6. Let them think of these things and arm. When once they should have pitched their camp near the camp of the enemy, he was very confident the dastardly foe would not long rejoice over the humiliation of a Roman army; but that the Roman People would perceive how much better those men had served the state who had named him for the third time dictator, than had those who, because he had torn from the censorship its tyrannical powers, had fixed a stigma upon his second dictatorship.

> Latin: 32.6. castra castris coniunxissent, satis confidere nec sceleratissimis hostibus diuturnum ex ignominia exercitus Romani gaudium fore, et populum Romanum intellecturum quanto melius de re publica meriti sint qui se dictatorem tertium dixerint quam qui ob ereptum censurae regnum labem secundae dictaturae suae imposuerint.

[¶68] 32.8. Then, having offered vows to the gods, he marched out and encamped a mile and a half this side of Fidenae, protected on his right by mountains, on his left by the river Tiber.

> Latin: 32.8. deinde nuncupatis profectus mille et quingentos passus citra Fidenas castra locat, dextra montibus, laeva Tiberi amne saeptus.

[¶69] 32.9. His lieutenant Titus Quinctius Poenus he commanded to secure the mountains and secretly to occupy the ridge which lay to the enemy's rear.

> Latin: 32.9. T. Quinctium Poenum legatum occupare montes iubet occultumque id iugum capere quod ab tergo hostibus foret.

[¶70] 32.10. On the morrow, when the Etruscans, in high feather at what, on the previous day, had been more good luck than good fighting, sallied forth to offer battle, the dictator delayed a little, till his scouts should report that Quinctius had come out on the ridge near the citadel of Fidenae; and then forming his infantry in line of battle led them at the double against the enemy.

> Latin: 32.10. postero die cum Etrusci pleni animorum ab pristini diei meliore occasione quam pugna in aciem processissent, cunctatus parumper, dum speculatores referrent Quinctium evasisse in iugum propinquum arci Fidenarum, signa profert peditumque aciem instructam pleno gradu in hostem inducit;

[¶71] 32.11. He directed the master of the horse not to begin to fight until he got his orders: when he required the help of the cavalry, he would himself give the signal; let him then bear himself as one mindful of his battle with a king, of his glorious offering, of Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius. The armies came together with great fury. The Romans were consumed with hatred.

> Latin: 32.11. magistro equitum praecipit ne iniussu pugnam incipiat: se cum opus sit equestri auxilio signum daturum; tum ut memor regiae pugnae, memor mernor opimi doni Romulique ac Iovis Feretri rem gereret.

[¶72] 32.12. “Traitors” was the name they gave the Fidenates, and “brigands” the men of Veii; they called them breakers of truces, stained with the horrid murder of ambassadors, sprinkled with the gore of their own settlers, faithless allies and cowardly enemies; and fed their rage at once with deeds and with words.

> Latin: 32.12. impetu ingenti confligunt. Romanus odio accensus impium Fidenatem, praedonem Veientem, ruptores indutiarum, cruentos legatorum infanda caede, respersos sanguine colonorum suorum, perfidos socios, imbelles hostes compellans, factis simul dictisque odium explet.

[¶73] 33.1. They had shaken the enemy's resistance at the very first onset, when suddenly the gates of Fidenae were flung open and a strange kind of army, never seen before or heard of, came pouring out.

> Latin: 33.1. primo statim congressu hostem, cum repente patefactis Fidenarum portis nova erumpit acies inaudita ante id tempus invisitataque.

[¶74] 33.2. Fire was the weapon of that vast multitude, and blazing torches threw a glare upon the entire throng when, as though inspired with a wild insanity, they rushed headlong on their enemy.

> Latin: 33.2. armata ingens multitudo facibusque ardentibus tota conlucens velut fanatico instincta furore cursu in hostem ruit, formaque insolitae pugnae Romanos parumper exterruit.

[¶75] 33.3. For an instant the strangeness of this kind of battle dismayed the Romans. Then the dictator, calling up the master of the horse and his cavalry, sending for Quinctius to come down from the mountains, and urging on the fight himself, hurried to the left wing, which, as though it found itself in a conflagration rather than a line of battle, had shrunk back in terror from the flames, and in a loud voice cried out:

> Latin: 33.3. dictator magistro equitum equitibusque, tum ex montibus Quinctio accito proelium ciens ipse in sinistrum cornu, quod, incendio similius quam proelio, territum cesserat flammis, accurrit claraque voce Fumone victi inquit, velut examen apum loco vestro exacti inermi cedetis hosti?

[¶76] 33.4. “Will you quit your post, subdued with smoke like a swarm of bees, and yield to an unarmed foe? Will you not extinguish fire with the sword?”

> Latin: 33.4. ferro exstinguetis ignes? faces has ipsas pro se quisque, si igni, non telis pugnandum est, ereptas ultro inferetis?

[¶77] 33.5. “Will you not seize these self-same brands, and each for himself —if we must fight with fire, not with javelins —attack them with their own weapons? Come, call to mind the Roman name, your fathers' valour and your own; turn this blaze upon the enemy's city and destroy Fidenae with its own flames, since your kindness was powerless to gain its friendship! The blood of your envoys and your colonists and your devastated borders exhort you to do as I say.”

> Latin: 33.5. , nominis Romani ac virtutis patrum vestraeque memores vertite incendium hoc in hostium urbem et suis flammis delete Fidenas, quas vestris beneficiis placare non potuistis. hoc vos vestrorum colonorumque sanguis vastatique fines monent.

[¶78] 33.6. At the dictator's command the whole array was set in motion. Here they caught up torches which had been flung away; there they wrested them violently from their bearers: both sides were armed with fire. The master of the horse on his part invented a new kind of cavalry-fighting. Commanding his men to pull off the bridles from their horses, he led the way, and setting spurs to his own, was carried by the unbridled charger into the midst of the flames.

> Latin: 33.6. imperium dictatoris mota cuncta acies. partim emissae excipiuntur, partim vi eripiuntur: utraque acies armatur igni. equitum et ipse novat pugnam equestrem. ut detrahant equis imperat et ipse princeps calcaribus subditis evectus effreno equo in medios ignes infertur, et alii concitati equi libero cursu ferunt equitem in hostem.

[¶79] 33.8. The other horses too were urged on and bore their riders at full tilt against the enemy; while the dust that rose and mingled with the smoke darkened the eyes both of the men and of their mounts.

> Latin: 33.8. elatus mixtusque fumo lucem ex oculis virorum equorumque aufert., quae militem terruerat species nihil terruit equos. igitur similem stragem eques quacumque pervaserat dedit.

[¶80] 33.9. But the sight which had frightened the infantry had no terror for the horses, and the cavalry overthrew their enemies in heaps wherever they advanced. Then a new shout was heard. Both armies in astonishment looked that way; and when the dictator called out that Quinctius the lieutenant and his followers had assailed the enemy in the rear, the cheering was renewed, and he pressed home his own attack more sharply.

> Latin: 33.9. deinde accidit novus; qui cum utramque mirabundam in se aciem vertisset, dictator exclamat Quinctium legatum et suos ab tergo hostem hosted adortos; ipse redintegrato clamore infert acrius signa.

[¶81] 33.10. Now that two battle-fronts and two distinct attacks hemmed in the Etruscans and forced them back from front and rear; and there was no way for them to flee, either back into their camp or into the mountains, whence a new foe had appeared to block their path; and the horses, with loose reins, had borne their riders far and wide; —the Veientes for the most part ran in disorder to the Tiber, while those of the Fidenates who survived turned towards the city of Fidenae.

> Latin: 33.10. duae acies, duo diversa proelia circumventos Etruscos et a fronte et ab tergo urgerent neque in castra retro neque in montes, unde se novus hostis obiecerat, iter fugae esset, et equitem passim liberis frenis distulissent equi, Veientium maxima pars Tiberim effusi petunt, Fidenatium qui supersunt ad urbem Fidenas tendunt.

[¶82] 33.11. In their panic they fled into the middle of the carnage. Some were cut down on the banks of the river; others, forced into the water, were swept away by the current; even experienced swimmers were borne down by weariness and wounds and fear; only a few out of the many swam across.

> Latin: 33.11. pavidos fuga in mediam caedem; obtruncantur in ripis; alios in aquam compulsos gurgites ferunt; etiam peritos nandi lassitudo et volnera et pavor degravant; pauci ex multis tranant. agmen fertur per castra in urbem.

[¶83] 33.12. The other party was carried on through the camp to the city. Thither the Romans too pushed forward in the impetuosity of the pursuit —especially Quinctius, and with him those who had just come down from the hills and were the freshest soldiers for the work, having arrived at the close of the battle.

> Latin: 33.12. et Romanos sequentes impetus rapit, Quinctium maxime et cum eo degressos modo de montibus, recentissimum ad laborem militem, quia ultimo proelio advenerat.

[¶84] 34.1. After these troops, mingling with the enemy, had entered the gate, they made their way on to the wall, where they raised a signal to show their friends that the town was taken.

> Latin: 34.1. postquam mixti hostibus portam intravere, in muros evadunt suisque capti oppidi signum ex muro tollunt.

[¶85] 34.2. When the dictator saw it —for by this time he had himself penetrated to the deserted camp of the enemy, —he checked his soldiers, who were eager to scatter in search of booty, by encouraging the hope that they would find larger spoils in the city;

> Latin: 34.2. ubi dictator conspexit—iam enim et ipse in deserta hostium castra penetraverat,—cupientem militem discurrere ad praedam spe iniecta maioris in urbe praedae ad portam ducit receptusque intra muros in arcem, quo ruere fugientium turbam videbat, pergit.

[¶86] 34.3. and, leading them to the gate, was received within the walls and marched directly to the citadel, whither he saw that the throng of fugitives was rushing Nor was the slaughter in the city less than it had been in the battle, until they threw away their arms, and asking nothing but their lives, surrendered to the dictator.

> Latin: 34.3. minor caedes in urbe quam in proelio fuit, donec abiectis armis nihil praeter vitam petentes dictatori deduntur.

[¶87] 34.4. The city and the camp were sacked. Next day the cavalrymen and centurions drew lots for a single captive each, while those who had shown conspicuous bravery received two. The rest were sold at auction, and the dictator marched his victorious army, enriched with plunder, back to Rome, and triumphed.

> Latin: 34.4. castraque diripiuntur. die singulis captivis ab equite ac centurionibus sorte ductis, et quorum eximia virtus fuerat, binis, aliis sub corona venumdatis venundatis exercitum victorem opulentumque praeda triumphans dictator Romam reduxit;

[¶88] 34.5. After commanding his master of the horse to lay down his office, he himself abdicated, giving up in peace on the sixteenth day the supreme authority he had received in time of war and danger.

> Latin: 34.5. iussoque magistro equitum abdicare se magistratu ipse deinde abdicat die sexto decimo reddito in pace imperio, quod in bello trepidisque rebus acceperat.

[¶89] 34.6. Certain annalists have recorded that there was a naval battle also with the Veientes, near Fidenae, a thing equally difficult and incredible; for even to-day the river is not wide enough for that, and in those times it was somewhat narrower, as we learn from the old writers; unless possibly there were a few ships assembled to dispute the passage of the river and this was exaggerated, as so often happens, by those who added to the inscription the false claim of a naval victory.

> Latin: 34.6. quoque ad Fidenas pugnatum cum Veientibus quidam in annales rettulere, rem aeque difficilem atque incredibilem nec nunc lato satis ad hoc amne et tum aliquanto, ut a veteribus accepimus, artiore, nisi in traiectu forte fluminis prohibendo aliquarum navium concursum in maius, ut fit, celebrantes navalis victoriae vanum titulum appetivere.

[¶90] 35.1. The next year there were military tribunes with consular powers, namely Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Lucius Horatius Barbatus.

> Latin: 35.1. annus tribunos militares consulari potestate habuit A. Sempronium Atratinum L. Quinctium Cincinnatum L. Furium Medullinum L. Horatium Barbatum.

[¶91] 35.2. The Veientes were granted a truce of twenty years, and the Aequi one of three, though they had asked for a longer one. There was a respite also from civil disturbances.

> Latin: 35.2. Veientibus annorum viginti indutiae datae et Aequis triennii, cum plurium annorum petissent; et a seditionibus urbanis otium fuit.

[¶92] 35.3. The following year was noteworthy neither for foreign war nor dissension at home, but gained celebrity from the games which had been vowed during the war and were splendidly carried out by the military tribunes and attended by a great concourse of neighbouring peoples.

> Latin: 35.3. insequentem neque bello foris neque domi seditione insignem ludi bello voti celebrem et tribunorum militum apparatu et finitimorum concursu fecere.

[¶93] 35.4. The tribunes with consular authority were Appius Claudius Crassus, Spurius Nautius Rutulus, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, and Sextus Julius Iulus. The spectacle was rendered the more agreeable to the visitors by the courtesy which their hosts had united in a resolution to extend to them.

> Latin: 35.4. consulari potestate erant Ap. Claudius Crassus Sp. Nautius Rutulus L. Sergius Fidenas Sex. Julius Iulus. comitate etiam hospitum, ad quam publice consenserant, advenis gratius fuit.

[¶94] 35.5. After the games seditious speeches were made by the plebeian tribunes, who berated the populace because, in their besotted admiration of the men they hated, they kept themselves in perpetual servitude, and not only dared not aspire to claim participation in the consulship, but even in the matter of choosing military tribunes —an election open alike to patricians and plebeians —took no thought either for themselves or for their friends.

> Latin: 35.5. ludos contiones seditiosae tribunorum plebi fuerunt, obiurgantium multitudinem quod admiratione eorum quos odisset stupens, in aeterno se ipsa teneret servitio, et non modo ad spem consulatus in partem revocandam adspirare non auderet, sed ne in tribunis quidem militum creandis, quae communia essent comitia patrum ac plebis, aut sui aut suorum meminisset.

[¶95] 35.7. Let them cease therefore to wonder why no one busied himself for the good of the plebs; toil was bestowed and danger risked, they said, in causes which held out hopes of emolument and honour; there was nothing men would not attempt if those who made great efforts were afforded the prospect of great rewards;

> Latin: 35.7. ergo mirari cur nemo de commodis plebis ageret; eo impendi laborem ac periculum unde emolumentum atque honos speretur; nihil non adgressuros homines si magna conatis magna praemia proponantur;

[¶96] 35.8. but that some one plebeian tribune should rush blindly into a struggle where the risk was enormous and the reward was nothing, and in consequence of which he might be certain that the patricians, against whom he would be striving, would pursue him with relentless animosity, and that the plebs, for whom he would have fought, would not add the least tittle to his honours, was a thing to be neither expected nor demanded. Great hearts were begotten of great honours.

> Latin: 35.8. ut quidem aliquis tribunus plebis ruat caecus in certamina periculo ingenti, fructu nullo, ex quibus pro certo habeat patres, adversus quos tendered, bello inexpiabili se persecuturos, apud plebem, pro qua dimicaverit, nihilo se honoratiorem fore, neque sperandum neque postulandum esse.

[¶97] 35.9. No plebeian would despise himself when plebeians should cease to be despised. It was high time they made trial in one or two cases, to see whether there were some plebeian fit to hold high office, or whether it were almost a portent and a miracle that there should exist any brave and energetic man of plebeian origin.

> Latin: 35.9. animos magnis honoribus fieri. se plebeium contempturum, ubi contemni desissent. rem denique in uno aut altero esse sitne aliqui plebeius ferendo magno honori, an portento simile miraculoque sit fortem ac strenuum virum aliquem exsistere ortum ex plebe.

[¶98] 35.10. By exerting their utmost force they had carried the point that military tribunes with consular powers might be chosen even from the plebs. Men whose worth had been proven at home and in the field had stood for the office; during the first years they had been buffeted about, rejected, and laughed at by the patricians; finally, they had ceased to expose themselves to insult.

> Latin: 35.10. vi expugnatum esse ut tribuni militum consulari potestate et ex plebe crearentur. viros domi militiaeque spectatos; primis annis suggillatos, repulsos, risui patribus fuisse; desisse postremo praebere ad contumeliam os.

[¶99] 35.11. They could see no reason, they said, why they should not even repeal a statute which authorized something that would never come; there would surely be less shame in the injustice of the law than in being passed over on account of their own unworthiness.

> Latin: 35.11. se videre cur non lex quoque abrogetur, qua id liceat quod nunquam futurum sit; minorem quippe ruborem fore in iuris iniquitate quam si per indignitatem ipsorum praetereantur.

[¶100] 36.1. Speeches of this sort, being listened to with approval, incited certain men to stand for the military tribuneship, with the promise that they would propose in their term of office such and such measures of advantage to the plebs.

> Latin: 36.1. generis orationes cum adsensu auditae incitavere quosdam ad petendum tribunatum militum, alium alia de commodis plebis laturum se in magistratu profitentem.

[¶101] 36.2. Hopes were held out of dividing up the public domain and planting colonies, and of levying a tax on the occupants of the land and distributing the money as pay for the soldiers.

> Latin: 36.2. publici dividendi coloniarumque deducendarum ostentatae spes et vectigali possessoribus agrorum imposito in stipendium militum erogandi aeris.

[¶102] 36.3. The military tribunes then watched for an opportunity when people were out of town, and recalling the senators by a secret notification, got the senate to pass a resolution, in the absence of the tribunes of the plebs, that since the Volsci were rumoured to have made a plundering expedition into the country of the Hernici, the tribunes of the soldiers should go and investigate the affair, and that a consular election should be held.

> Latin: 36.3. deinde tempus ab tribunis militum, quo per discessum hominum ab urbe, cum patres clandestina denuntiatione revocati ad diem certam essent, senatus consultum fieret absentibus tribunis plebi ut quoniam Volscos in Hernicorum agros praedatum exisse fama esset, ad rem inspiciendam tribuni militum proficiscerentur consulariaque comitia haberentur.

[¶103] 36.5. The tribunes set out, leaving Appius Claudius, the decemvir's son, as prefect of the City. He was an energetic young man and imbued from his very cradle with hatred of the tribunes and the plebs. The plebeian tribunes had no ground of contention either with the absent officials who had obtained the resolution of the senate, or with Appius, now that the thing was done.

> Latin: 36.5. Ap. Claudium, filium decemviri, praefectum urbis relinquunt, impigrum iuvenem et iam inde ab incunabulis imbutum odio tribunorum plebisque. plebi nec cum absentibus iis, qui senatus consultum fecerant, nec cum Appio, transacta re quod contenderent, fuit.

[¶104] 37.1. Gaius Sempronius Atratinus and Quintus Fabius Vibulanus were elected consuls. A foreign episode, but worth relating, is ascribed to this year, viz. that Volturnum, the Etruscan city which is now Capua, was taken by the Samnites, and named Capua from their leader Capys, or, as is more probable, from its champaign country.

> Latin: 37.1. consules sunt C. Sempronius Atratinus Q. Fabius Vibulanus. res, sed memoria digna traditur eo anno facta, Volturnum, Etruscorum urbem, quae nunc Capua est, ab Samnitibus captam Capuamque ab duce eorum Capye vel, quod propius vero est, a campestri agro appellatam.

[¶105] 37.2. Now they captured it after being admitted by the Etruscans —who were worn out with fighting —to a share in the city and its fields; then, on a holiday, when the old settlers were heavy with sleep and feasting, the newcomers fell upon them in the night and slew them.

> Latin: 37.2. autem prius bello fatigatis Etruscis in societatem urbis agrorumque accepti, deinde festo die graves somno epulisque incolas veteres novi coloni nocturna caede adorti.

[¶106] 37.3. In the train of these events, the consuls whom I have named took up their duties, on the 13th of December. By this time not only had those who had been dispatched for this purpose reported that a Volscian invasion was imminent, but envoys from the Latins, and the Hernici as well, announced that never before had the Volscians been more energetic, whether in selecting generals or in levying an army;

> Latin: 37.3. rebus actis consules ii quos diximus idibus Decembribus magistratum occepere. non solum qui ad id missi erant rettulerant imminere Volscum bellum, sed legati quoque ab Latinis et Hernicis nuntiabant non ante unquam Volscos nec ducibus legendis nec exercitui scribendo intentiores fuisse;

[¶107] 37.5. that everywhere men were muttering that they must either give up for ever all thoughts of arms and war, and submit to the yoke, or must not lag behind those with whom they were contending for supremacy, either in courage or in endurance or in military discipline.

> Latin: 37.5. volgo fremere aut in perpetuum arma bellumque oblivioni danda iugumque accipiendum, aut iis cum quibus de imperio certetur nec virtute nec patientia nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum esse.

## 22. Book IV · chapters 37–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/22/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/22/#p-N

[¶0] 37.6. Their tidings were true, but they caused no answerable activity among the senators; and Gaius Sempronius, to whom the command had been assigned by lot, trusting to fortune as though it were the most constant thing in the world, because he had commanded the victorious nation against the people they had defeated, conducted everything so carelessly and rashly that Roman discipline was more in evidence in the Volscian army than in the Roman.

> Latin: 37.6. vana attulere; sed nec perinde patres moti sunt, et C. Sempronius, cui ea provincia sorti evenit, tamquam constantissimae rei fortunae fretus, quod victoris populi adversus victos dux esset, omnia temere ac neglegenter egit, adeo ut disciplinae Romanae plus in Volsco exercitu quam in Romano esset.

[¶1] 37.7. Accordingly Fortune, as on many another occasion, waited on desert. In the first battle, which Sempronius entered without caution or deliberation, his line was not strengthened with reserves nor was his cavalry skilfully posted, when the fighting began. The battle-cries were the first intimation how the affair was likely to go;

> Latin: 37.7. fortuna, ut saepe alias, virtutem est secuta. proelio, quod ab Sempronio incaute inconsulteque commissum est, non subsidiis firmata acie, non equite apte locato concursum est.

[¶2] 37.9. for the enemy's was louder and fuller, that of the Romans dissonant and uneven and, dragging more with each repetition, betrayed the faintness of their hearts. This caused the enemy to charge the more boldly, thrusting with shields and making play with swords.

> Latin: 37.9. indicium primum fuit quo res inclinatura esset, excitatior crebriorque ab hoste sublatus: ab Romanis dissonus, impar, segnius saepe iteratus prodidit pavorem animorum.

[¶3] 37.10. On the Roman side helmets nodded, as their wearers looked this way and that for help, and irresolute soldiers made falteringly for the nearest group; at one moment the standards would be left behind by the retreat of the front-rankers, at the next they would be falling back among their proper maniples.

> Latin: 37.10. ferocior inlatus hostis urgere scutis, micare gladiis. ex parte nutant circumspectantibus galeae, et incerti trepidant applicantque se turbae;

[¶4] 37.11. It was not yet a definite flight, not yet a victory; the Romans sought rather to protect themselves than to fight; the Volscians advanced and bore hard against the Roman line, but saw more of their enemies killed than running away.

> Latin: 37.11. signa nunc resistentia deseruntur ab antesignanis, nunc inter suos manipulos recipiuntur. fuga certa, nondum victoria erat; tegi magis Romanus quam pugnare; Volscus inferre signa, urgere aciem, plus caedis hostium videre quam fugae.

[¶5] 38.1. But now the Romans were everywhere falling back, and it was in vain that Sempronius the consul upbraided or encouraged them.

> Latin: 38.1. omnibus locis ceditur nequiquam Sempronio consule obiurgante atque hortante. nec imperium nec maiestas valebat, dataque mox terga hostibus forent, ni Sex.

[¶6] 38.2. There was no virtue either in his authority or in his dignity; and his men would presently have shown the enemy their backs, had not a cavalry decurion named Sextus Tempanius, just as the situation was becoming desperate, come with prompt courage to the rescue.

> Latin: 38.2. Tempanius, decurio equitum, labante iam re praesenti animo subvenisset. cum magna voce exclamasset ut equites qui salvam rem publicam vellent esse ex equis desilirent, omnium turmarum equitibus velut ad consulis imperium motis, haec inquit, parmata cohors sistit impetum hostium, actum de imperio est.

[¶7] 38.3. In a loud voice he cried out that the horsemen who wished to save the state should leap down from their horses, and when the troopers in every squadron had bestirred themselves as if at the command of the consul, he added: “Unless this bucklered cohort stops the enemy's rush it is all over with our supremacy. Follow my spear as your guidon; show Romans and Volscians that when you are mounted no cavalry are your equals, nor any infantry, when you fight on foot!” When a cheer had shown their approval of this exhortation, he advanced with uplifted spear. Wherever they went they forced a passage; holding their targets up before them, they charged where they saw the distress of their friends was greatest.

> Latin: 38.3. pro vexillo cuspidem meam; ostendite Romanis Volscisque neque equitibus vobis ullos equites nec peditibus esse pedites pares. clamore comprobata adhortatio esset, vadit alte cuspidem gerens. incedunt, vi viam faciunt; eo se inferunt obiectis parmis ubi suorum plurimum laborem vident.

[¶8] 38.5. The fortune of the day was restored at every point where their onset carried them; nor was there any doubt that if those few men could have been present everywhere at the same time the enemy would have turned tail.

> Latin: 38.5. omnibus locis pugna, in quae eos impetus tulit; nec dubium erat quin, si tam pauci simul obire omnia possent, terga daturi hostes fuerint.

[¶9] 39.1. When the Volscian general saw that their attack could not anywhere be stopped, he ordered his troops to give ground to the men with bucklers, the enemy's new cohort, until, carried forward in their rush, they should be cut off from their friends.

> Latin: 39.1. cum iam parte nulla sustinerentur, dat signum Volscus imperator ut parmatis, novae cohorti hostium, locus detur, donec done impetu inlati ab suis excludantur.

[¶10] 39.2. On this being done, the horsemen were intercepted, and were unable to break through in the same way as they had got over, since their enemies were most thickly crowded together where they had made their path. When the consul and the Roman legions could nowhere see the soldiers who a moment before had been a shield to the entire army, they pressed forward to save at any cost so many heroic men from being surrounded and borne down by the enemy.

> Latin: 39.2. ubi est factum, interclusi equites nec perrumpere eadem qua transierant posse, ibi maxime confertis hostibus qua viam fecerant, et consul legionesque Romanae cum quod tegumen modo omnis exercitus fuerat nusquam viderent, ne tot fortissimos viros interclusos opprimeret hostis, tendunt in quemcumque casum.

[¶11] 39.4. The Volscians, facing two ways, sustained on one side the onset of the consul and the legions, and on the other front pressed home their attack upon Tempanius and his troopers;

> Latin: 39.4. Volsci hinc consulem ac legiones sustinere, altera fronte instare Tempanio atque equitibus; qui cum saepe conati nequissent perrumpere ad suos, tumulo quodam occupato in orbem se tutabantur, nequaquam inulti; nec pugnae finis ante noctem fuit.

[¶12] 39.5. who, having failed, in spite of many attempts, to force their way through to their friends, had seized a certain mound and, forming a circle, were defending themselves, not without taking vengeance on their assailants. The battle did not end till nightfall. Neither did the consul relax his efforts anywhere, but kept the enemy engaged as long as there was any light. Darkness put a stop to the indecisive struggle, and the terror in each camp was such, in consequence of men's ignorance of the outcome, that both armies, abandoning their wounded and a good part of their baggage, retreated to the nearest hills, as though defeated.

> Latin: 39.5. quoque nusquam remisso certamine dum quicquam superfuit lucis, hostem tenuit. incertos diremit; tantusque ab imprudentia eventus utraque castra tenuit pavor ut relictis sauciis et magna parte impedimentorum ambo pro victis exercitus se in montes proximos reciperent.

[¶13] 39.7. Nevertheless the mound was besieged till after midnight. But when word was brought to the besiegers that their camp was abandoned, they too supposed that their side had been defeated, and every man fled where his panic led him in the darkness.

> Latin: 39.7. tamen circumsessus ultra mediam noctem est. cum circumsedentibus nuntiatum esset castra deserta esse, victos rati suos et ipsi, qua quemque in tenebris pavor tulit fugerunt.

[¶14] 39.8. Tempanius feared an ambush and kept his soldiers close till daylight. Then, descending with a few followers to reconnoitre, he discovered by questioning some wounded enemies that the camp of the Volscians was deserted, whereupon he joyfully called his men down from the hill and made his way into the Roman camp.

> Latin: 39.8. Tempanius metu insidiarum suos ad lucem tenuit. deinde ipse cum paucis speculatum cum ab sauciis hostibus sciscitando comperisset castra Volscorum deserta esse, laetus ab tumulo suos devocat et in castra Romana penetrat.

[¶15] 39.9. There he found everything abandoned and forlorn and the same desolation he had met with on the ground of the enemy; and, before the Volsci could learn of their blunder and return, he carried with him such of the wounded as he was able, and not knowing what way the consul had gone, took the nearest road to the City.

> Latin: 39.9. cum vasta desertaque omnia atque eandem quam apud hostes foeditatem invenisset, priusquam Volscos cognitus error reduceret, quibus poterat sauciis ductis secum, ignarus quam regionem consul petisset, ad urbem proximis itineribus pergit.

[¶16] 40.1. Thither the rumour of an unsuccessful engagement and the abandonment of the camp had already made its way, and more than all the rest the horsemen had been mourned, with public as well as private lamentations. The consul Fabius was keeping watch before the gates —for the panic had permeated even the City —when cavalry were espied a long way off, and caused no little trepidation, since men knew not who they could be.

> Latin: 40.1. eo fama pugnae adversae castrorumque desertorum perlata erat, et ante omnia deplorati erant equites non privato magis quam publico luctu, consul terrore urbi quoque iniecto stationem ante portas agebat, cum equites procul visi non sine terrore ab dubiis quinam essent, mox cogniti tantam ex metu laetitiam fecere ut clamor urbem pervaderet gratulantium salvos victoresque redisse equites,

[¶17] 40.3. But being soon after recognized, they turned the people's fear to such rejoicing that the City was filled with the noise of congratulations on the safe and victorious return of the horse; and from the houses which a little while before had been filled with sadness and had bewailed their sons as dead, the inhabitants ran out into the street, and trembling mothers and wives, heedless of decorum in their happiness, hurried to meet the troops, and flung themselves with utter abandonment into the arms of their loved ones, being scarcely able to control themselves for joy.

> Latin: 40.3. et ex maestis paulo ante domibus quae conclamaverant suos, procurreretur in vias, pavidaeque matres ac coniuges oblitae prae gaudio decoris obviam agmini occurrerent, in suos quaeque simul corpore atque animo vix prae gaudio compotes effusae.

[¶18] 40.4. The plebeian tribunes, who had set a day for the trial of Marcus Postumius and Titus Quinctius, because of their responsibility for the reverse at Veii, thought a favourable opportunity was afforded by the odium recently incurred by the consul Sempronius for renewing men's displeasure with them.

> Latin: 40.4. plebi qui M. Postumio et T. Quinctio diem dixerant, quod ad Veios eorum opera male pugnatum esset, occasio visa est per recens odium Semproni consulis renovandae in eos invidiae.

[¶19] 40.5. So, having called a meeting, they loudly declared that the state had been betrayed at Veii by its generals; and that then, because they had gone scot free, the army fighting with the Volsci had been betrayed by the consul, their heroic cavalry given over to slaughter, and the camp basely abandoned.

> Latin: 40.5. advocata contione cum proditam Veiis rem publicam esse ab ducibus, proditum deinde, quia illis impune fuerit, in Volscis ab consule exercitum, traditos ad caedem fortissimos equites, deserta foede castra vociferati essent, C.

[¶20] 40.6. Then Gaius Junius, one of the tribunes, commanded the cavalryman Tempanius to be called, and turning to him spoke as follows: “Sextus Tempanius, I ask you whether you think that Gaius Sempronius the consul either joined battle at a suitable moment, or strengthened his line with supports, or performed any of the duties of a good consul;”

> Latin: 40.6. Iunius, unus ex tribunis, Tempanium equitem vocari iussit coramque ei Sex. Tempani inquit, quaero de te, arbitrerisne C. Sempronium consulem aut in tempore pugnam inisse aut firmasse subsidiis aciem aut ullo boni consulis functum officio, et tune ipse victis legionibus Romanis tuo consilio equitem ad pedes deduxeris restituerisque pugnam;

[¶21] 40.7. “and whether you yourself, when the Roman legions had been beaten, dismounted the cavalry of your own motion and restored the fortunes of the battle; then, when you and your troopers had been cut off from our line, if either the consul himself came to your rescue or sent supports;”

> Latin: 40.7. excluso deinde ab acie nostra tibi atque equitibus num aut consul ipse subvenerit aut miserit praesidium;

[¶22] 40.8. “furthermore, whether you had any help anywhere next day, or you and your cohort forced a way to the camp by your own valour; whether you found any consul in the camp and any army, or a deserted camp and wounded and forsaken soldiers.”

> Latin: 40.8. postero denique die ecquid praesidii usquam habueris, an tu cohorsque in castra vestra virtute perruperitis; ecquem in castris consulem, ecquem exercitum inveneritis, an deserta castra, relictos saucios milites.

[¶23] 40.9. “In the name of your courage and your loyalty, which alone have preserved the republic in this war, you must now answer these questions; finally you must tell us where Gaius Sempronius and our legions are; whether you were abandoned, or yourself abandoned the consul and the army; —in one word, whether we have been defeated or victorious.”

> Latin: 40.9. pro virtute tua fideque, qua una hoc bello res publica stetit, dicenda tibi sunt hodie; denique ubi C. Sempronius, ubi legiones nostrae sint; desertus sis an deserueris consulem exercitumque; victi denique simus an vicerimus.

[¶24] 41.1. To these questions Tempanius is said to have replied in homely terms but with a soldierly dignity, in which was neither self-praise nor self-complacent criticism of others. Touching the degree of skill in military matters possessed by Gaius Sempronius, it was not for a soldier, he said, to appraise a general: that had been the Roman People's business when it elected Sempronius consul at the comitia.

> Latin: 41.1. haec Tempani oratio incompta fuisse dicitur, ceterum militariter gravis, non suis vana 2 laudibus, non crimine alieno laeta. prudentia rei bellicae in C. Sempronio esset, non militis de imperatore existimationem esse, sed populi Romani fuisse, cum eum comitiis consulem legeret. ne ab se imperatoria consilia neu consulares artes exquirerent, quae pensitanda magnis quoque animis atque ingeniis essent; sed quod viderit referre posse.

[¶25] 41.3. It was not, therefore, to him that they must address inquiries concerning the strategy of commanders and the qualifications of consuls; even the weighing of such abilities demanded great mental and intellectual powers.

> Latin: 41.3. autem se, priusquam ab acie intercluderetur, consulem in prima acie pugnantem, adhortantem, inter signa Romana telaque hostium versantem.

[¶26] 41.4. But that which he had seen he was able to report; and he had seen the consul, before he had himself been cut off from the main army, fighting in the front line, encouraging his men, and moving about amidst the standards of the Romans and the enemy's missiles.

> Latin: 41.4. se a conspectu suorum ablatum ex strepitu tamen et clamore sensisse usque ad noctem extractum certamen, nec ad tumulum quem ipse tenuerat prae multitudine hostium credere perrumpi potuisse.

[¶27] 41.5. He had afterwards been carried out of sight of his friends; but still, from the din and shouting, he had made out that the struggle had been prolonged till nightfall, and he did not believe that it had been possible to break through to the hillock which he himself had held, in view of the enemy's numbers.

> Latin: 41.5. ubi esset se nescire; arbitrari, velut ipse in re trepida loci praesidio se suosque sit tutatus, sic consulem servandi exercitus causa loca tutiora castris cepisse;

[¶28] 41.6. Where the army was, he did not know; he supposed that, just as he himself had protected himself and his men by taking up a strong position, so likewise the consul, in order to save his army, had occupied a place of greater security than the camp.

> Latin: 41.6. nec Volscorum meliores res esse credere quam populi Romani; fortunam noctemque omnia erroris mutui implesse. deinde, ne se fessum labore ac volneribus tenerent, cum ingenti laude non virtutis magis quam moderationis dimissum.

[¶29] 41.7. And he did not believe that the Volsci were any better off than the Roman People; chance and darkness had at every point confused both armies.

> Latin: 41.7. haec agerentur, iam consul via Labicana ad fanum Quietis erat. missa plaustra iumentaque alia ab urbe exercitum adfectum proelio ac via nocturna excepere.

[¶30] 41.8. On his going on to beg that they would not detain him, exhausted by toil and wounds, it is said that he was dismissed with the highest praise, no less for his moderation than for his bravery. Meanwhile the consul had already reached the shrine of Quies on the Labican road. Thither wagons and beasts of burden were dispatched from the City, and brought the soldiers back, weary from fighting and the nightmarch. A little later the consul entered the City, and showed no less concern to extol Tempanius with well-merited praise than to clear himself of blame.

> Latin: 41.8. post in urbem est ingressus consul, non ab se magis enixe amovens culpam quam Tempanium meritis laudibus ferens. civitati ab re male gesta et iratae ducibus M. Postumius reus obiectus, qui tribunus militum pro consule ad Veios fuerat, decem milibus aeris gravis damnatur.

[¶31] 41.10. While the citizens were grieving over their defeat, and were filled with resentment against their commanders, Marcus Postumius, who had been military tribune with consular authority at Veii, was brought before them for trial and condemned to pay a fine of ten thousand pounds of bronze.

> Latin: 41.10. T. Quinctium collegam eius, quia et in Volscis consul auspicio dictatoris Postumi Tuberti et ad Fidenas legatus dictatoris alterius Mam. res prospere gesserat, totam culpam eius temporis in praedamnatum collegam transferentem omnes tribus absolverunt.

[¶32] 41.11. Titus Quinctius his colleague, having been victorious both in the Volscian country, when consul under the auspices of the dictator Postumius Tubertus, and at Fidenae, as lieutenant to the other dictator, Mamercus Aemilius, shifted all the blame for the present campaign upon his colleague who had already been condemned, and was acquitted by all the tribes. It is said that the memory of his father Cincinnatus, whom the people venerated, was a help to him, and also the fact that Quinctius Capitolinus, now well-stricken in years, supplicated and implored them not to suffer him, who had but a little time to live, to be the bearer of such sad news to Cincinnatus. The plebs elected in their absence Sextus Tempanius, Marcus Asellius, Tiberius Antistius, and Tiberius Spurillius to be plebeian tribunes. These were men whom the cavalry had also chosen, at the instance of Tempanius, to act as centurions over them.

> Latin: 41.11. ei Cincinnati patris memoria dicitur, venerabilis viri, et exactae iam aetatis Capitolinus Quinctius suppliciter orans ne se brevi reliquo vitae spatio tam tristem nuntium ferre ad Cincinnatum paterentur. Plebs tribunos plebi absentes Sex. Tempanium M. Asellium Ti. Antistium Ti. Spurillium fecit, quos et pro centurionibus sibi praefecerant Tempanio auctore equites.

[¶33] 42.2. The senate, feeling that the hatred of Sempronius made the title of consul offensive, ordered the election of military tribunes with consular powers. The successful candidates were Lucius Manlius Capitolinus, Quintus Antonius Merenda, Lucius Papirius Mugillanus.

> Latin: 42.2. , cum odio Semproni consulare nomen offenderet, tribunos militum consulari potestate creari iussit. sunt L. Manlius Capitolinus Q. Antonius Merenda L. Papirius Mugillanus.

[¶34] 42.3. At the very beginning of the year Lucius Hortensius, tribune of the plebs, brought an action against Gaius Sempronius, consul of the year before. The tribune's four colleagues besought him in full sight of the Roman People not to persecute their general, in whom nothing could be reckoned amiss save his ill-fortune; but this Hortensius would not brook, regarding it as a test of his perseverance and persuaded that the defendant was relying not on the entreaties of the tribunes, which were thrown out merely to preserve appearances, but on their veto.

> Latin: 42.3. statim anni L. Hortensius tribunus plebis C. Sempronio, consuli anni prioris, diem dixit. cum quattuor collegae inspectante populo Romano orarent ne imperatorem suum innoxium, in quo nihil praeter fortunam reprehendi posset, vexaret, aegre Hortensius pati, temptationem eam credens esse perseverantiae suae nec precibus tribunorum, quae in speciem modo iactentur, sed auxilio confidere reum.

[¶35] 42.5. And so, turning now to Sempronius, he demanded to be told where the well-known patrician spirit was, and where the courage that placed its confident reliance upon innocence; was it in the shadow of the tribunate that a former consul had found a hiding-place?

> Latin: 42.5. modo ad eum conversus, ubi illi patricii spiritus, ubi subnixus et fidens innocentiae animus esset quaerebat; sub tribunicia umbra consularem virum delituisse?

[¶36] 42.6. And again, addressing his colleagues, he asked, “But what do you mean to do, if I persist in prosecuting the defendant?”

> Latin: 42.6. modo ad collegas: autem, si reum perago, quid acturi estis? an erepturi ius populo et eversuri tribuniciam potestatem?

[¶37] 42.7. “Will you rob the people of their rights and overthrow the authority of the tribunes?” When they replied that the authority of the Roman People was supreme over Sempronius and all other men, and that they neither desired nor were able to annul the people's judgment;

> Latin: 42.7. illi et de Sempronio et de omnibus summam populi Romani potestatem esse dicerent nec se iudicium populi tollere aut velle aut posse, sed si preces suae pro imperatore, qui sibi parentis esset loco, non valuissent, se vestem cum eo mutaturos, tum Hortensius Non videbit inquit, plebs Romana sordidatos tribunos suos.

[¶38] 42.8. but that if their entreaties in behalf of their commander, who stood in the relation of a parent to them, should prove ineffectual, they would put on mourning with him, then Hortensius declared, “The Roman plebs shall not see its tribunes clad in mourning. Gaius Sempronius may go free, for me, since his command has gained him this, to be so beloved by his soldiers.” Nor was the loyalty of the four tribunes more pleasing to both plebs and senators than was the disposition of Hortensius to yield so readily to reasonable entreaties.

> Latin: 42.8. C. Sempronium nihil moror, quando hoc est in imperio consecutus, ut tam carus esset militibus. pietas quattuor tribunorum quam Hortensi tam placabile ad iustas preces ingenium pariter plebi patribusque gratius fuit.

[¶39] 42.10. Fortune now ceased to favour the Aequi, who had accepted the dubious victory of the Volsci as their own.

> Latin: 42.10. diutius fortuna Aequis indulsit, qui ambiguam victoriam Volscorum pro sua amplexi fuerant.

[¶40] 43.1. The next year Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, the son of Capitolinus, were consuls. Under the leadership of Fabius, to whom this command had been assigned by lot, nothing worthy of relation was accomplished.

> Latin: 43.1. anno Num. Fabio Vibulano T. Quinctio Capitolini filio Capitolino consulibus ductu Fabii, cui sorte ea provincia evenerat, nihil dignum memoratu actum.

[¶41] 43.2. The Aequi had scarce made an irresolute show of battle when they were routed and driven disgracefully from the field, and the consul got no credit by the affair. He was accordingly denied a triumph; but because he had relieved the ignominy incurred by Sempronius's defeat, he was allowed to enter the City in an ovation.

> Latin: 43.2. trepidam tantum ostendissent aciem Aequi, turpi fuga funduntur haud magno consulis decore. triumphus negatus, ceterum ob Sempronianae cladis levatam ignominiam ut ovans urbem intraret concessum est.

[¶42] 43.3. But while the war had been concluded with less of a struggle than men had feared, in the City tranquillity gave place to unexpected and serious quarrels, which broke out between the plebs and the senators, and began over the duplication of the number of quaestors.

> Latin: 43.3. bellum minore quam timuerant dimicatione erat perfectum, sic in urbe ex tranquillo necopinata moles discordiarum inter plebem ac patres exorta est, coepta ab duplicando quaestorum numero.

[¶43] 43.4. This measure —that besides the two city quaestors two others should be elected to assist the consuls in the administration of wars —was proposed by the consuls and received the hearty approval of the senate, but the tribunes of the plebs made a fight to have half of the quaestors —hitherto patricians had been chosen —taken from the plebs.

> Latin: 43.4. rem—praeter duos urbanos ut crearentur alii quaestores duo qui consulibus ad ministeria belli praesto essent—a consulibus relatam cum et patres summa ope adprobassent, tribuni plebi certamen intulerunt ut pars quaestorum—nam ad id tempus patricii creati erant—ex plebe fieret.

[¶44] 43.5. Against this provision both consuls and senators at first exerted themselves with all their might; afterwards they were ready to concede that, just as in the case of tribunes with consular powers, so likewise with the quaestors, the people should be unrestricted in their choice; but making no headway with this offer, they dropped the whole question of enlarging the number of quaestors.

> Latin: 43.5. quam actionem primo et consules et patres summa ope adnisi sunt; concedendo deinde ut, quemadmodum in tribunis consulari potestate creandis, sic in quaestoribus liberum esset arbitrium populi, cum parum proficerent, totam rem de augendo quaestorum numero omittunt.

[¶45] 43.6. It was then taken up where they had left it by the tribunes; and other revolutionary schemes came to the fore in quick succession, among them one for enacting an agrarian law. When the senate, because of these disturbances, preferred that consuls be elected rather than tribunes, yet was unable to pass a resolution on account of tribunician vetoes, the government passed from the consuls to an interrex; nor was even this accomplished without a violent struggle, for the tribunes tried to prevent the patricians from holding a meeting.

> Latin: 43.6. omissam tribuni, aliaeque subinde, inter quas et agrariae legis, seditiosae actiones exsistunt. quos motus cum senatus consules quam tribunos creari mallet, neque posset per intercessiones tribunicias senatus consultum fieri, res publica a consulibus ad interregnum, neque id ipsum—nam coire patricios tribuni prohibebant—sine certamine ingenti, redit.

[¶46] 43.8. The greater part of the ensuing year dragged on with contests between the new tribunes and several interreges. At one time the tribunes would keep the patricians from meeting to appoint an interrex; at another time they would interpose their veto against the interrex, that the senate might not pass a resolution to hold the consular elections.

> Latin: 43.8. pars maior insequentis anni per novos tribunos plebi et aliquot interreges certaminibus extracta esset modo prohibentibus tribunis patricios coire ad prodendum interregem, modo interregem interpellantibus, ne senatus consultum de comitiis consularibus faceret, postremo L.

[¶47] 43.9. Finally Lucius Papirius Mugillanus was named interrex, and upbraiding now the senators, now the tribunes of the plebs, reminded them how the state, abandoned and forsaken by men, had been protected by the providential care of Heaven, and existed by the grace of the Veientine truce and the dilatory policy of the Aequi.

> Latin: 43.9. Papirius Mugillanus proditus interrex castigando nunc patres, nunc tribunos plebi desertam omissamque ab hominibus rem publicam, deorum providentia curaque exceptam memorabat Veientibus indutiis et cunctatione Aequorum stare.

[¶48] 43.10. If an alarm should break out in that quarter, was it their pleasure that the republic should be caught without a patrician magistrate? that there should be no army, no general to enrol an army?

> Latin: 43.10. si quid increpet terroris, sine patricio magistratu placere rem publicam opprimi? exercitum, non ducem scribendo exercitui esse? An bello intestino bellum externum propulsaturos?

[¶49] 43.11. Or did they expect to beat off a foreign foe with a civil war? But if both should come at once, the help of the gods themselves would scarce suffice to stay the destruction of the Roman commonwealth. Why would they not every man abate somewhat of his full rights and compromise harmoniously on a middle course, the Fathers consenting that military tribunes should be chosen instead of consuls, the tribunes interposing no veto to prevent four quaestors being taken promiscuously from plebeians and patricians by free election of the people?

> Latin: 43.11. si in unum conveniant, vix deorum opibus quin obruatur Romana res resisti posse. illi remittendo de summa quisque iuris mediis consiliis copularent concordiam, patres patiendo tribunos militum pro consulibus fieri, tribuni plebi non intercedendo quo minus quattuor quaestores promise de plebe ac patribus libero suffragio populi fierent?

[¶50] 44.1. The election of tribunes was held first. The tribunes with consular powers who were chosen were all patricians, namely Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus (for the third time), Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the second time), Marcus Manlius, and Aulus Sempronius Atratinus.

> Latin: 44.1. primum comitia sunt habita. tribuni consulari potestate omnes patricii, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus tertium L. Furius Medullinus iterum M. Manlius A. Sempronius Atratinus.

[¶51] 44.2. The last-named held the election for quaestors. Among the several plebeians who sought the place were the son of a plebeian tribune, named Aulus Antistius, and the brother of another, Sextus Pompilius. Yet neither the authority nor the support of these men could prevent the people from giving the preference, because of their noble birth, to men whose fathers and grandfathers they had seen consuls.

> Latin: 44.2. tribuno comitia quaestorum habente petentibusque inter aliquot plebeios filio A. Antisti tribuni plebis et fratre alterius tribuni plebis Sex., nec potestas nec suffragatio horum valuit quin quorum patres avosque consules viderant eos nobilitate praeferrent.

[¶52] 44.3. This made all the tribunes furious, but more than all the rest Pompilius and Antistius, who were incensed at the defeat of their kinsmen.

> Latin: 44.3. omnes tribuni plebi, ante omnes Pompilius Antistiusque, repulsa suorum accensi. id rei esset?

[¶53] 44.4. What in the world, they asked, was the meaning of this? Had neither their own services nor the wrongs which the patricians had inflicted, nor even the pleasure of exercising a right —since what had before been unlawful was now permitted —availed to elect a single quaestor from the plebs, let alone a military tribune?

> Latin: 44.4. suis beneficiis, non patrum iniuriis, non denique ius usurpandi libidine, cum liceat quod ante non licuerit, si non tribunum militarem, ne quaestorem quidem quemquam ex plebe factum!

[¶54] 44.5. Of no avail had been a father's entreaties for his son, a brother's for his brother, not though they had been tribunes of the plebs, and invested with an inviolable office, created for the protection of liberty. There was fraud in the matter, beyond question, and Aulus Sempronius had employed more artifice than honesty in the election.

> Latin: 44.5. valuisse patris pro filio, fratris pro fratre preces, tribunorum plebis, potestatis sacrosanctae ad auxilium libertatis creatae. profecto in re esse, et A. Sempronium comitiis plus artis adhibuisse quam fidei. iniuria queri suos honore deiectos.

[¶55] 44.6. It was by his wrong-doing, they complained, that their relations had been defeated for office. And so, since they could not attack the man himself, secure as he was not only in his innocence but in the magistracy which he was filling, they turned their anger upon Gaius Sempronius, the cousin of Atratinus; and prosecuted him, with the co-operation of their colleague Marcus Canuleius, on the score of the humiliation suffered in the Volscian war.

> Latin: 44.6. cum in ipsum et innocentia tutum et magistratu, in quo tunc tune erat, impetus fieri non posset, flexere iras in C. Sempronium, patruelem Atratini, eique ob ignominiam Volsci belli adiutore collega M. Canuleio diem dixere.

[¶56] 44.7. The same tribunes frequently mentioned in the senate the division of the public lands, a measure which Gaius Sempronius had always stoutly resisted, for they reckoned —and rightly —that either he would abandon the cause and his defence would become a matter of less concern to the patricians, or that persevering in his attitude he would give offence, up to the moment of his trial, to the plebeians.

> Latin: 44.7. ab iisdem tribunis mentio in senatu de agris dividendis inlata est, cui actioni semper acerrime C. Sempronius restiterat, ratis, id quod erat, aut deposita causa leviorem futurum apud patres reum aut perseverantem sub iudicii tempus plebem offensurum.

[¶57] 44.8. He chose to face the storm of unpopularity and to injure his own cause rather than be found wanting in that of the nation; and he held fast to the same opinion, that there should be no largess, for that would redound to the advantage of the three tribunes. It was not land for the plebs they were then looking for, he declared, but hatred for himself; he was as ready as another to confront that tempest with a courageous heart; nor ought the senate to set so high a value upon himself or any other citizen that their tenderness for him should bring about a general disaster.

> Latin: 44.8. invidiae obici maluit et suae nocere causae quam publicae deesse; stetitque in eadem sententia ne qua largitio, cessura in trium gratiam tribunorum, fieret; nec tum agrum plebi, sed sibi invidiam quaeri; se quoque subiturum eam tempestatem forti animo; nec senatui tanti se civem aut quemquam alium debere esse, ut in parcendo uni malum publicum fiat.

[¶58] 44.10. His spirit was not a whit less firm when the day of trial came. He pleaded his own cause; the senators exerted in vain every means of mollifying the plebs; and he was condemned to pay a fine of fifteen thousand asses. The same year a Vestal virgin named Postumia was put on trial for unchastity.

> Latin: 44.10. demissiore animo, cum dies venit, causa ipse pro se dicta, nequiquam omnia expertis patribus ut mitigarent plebem, quindecim milibus aeris damnatur. anno Postumia virgo Vestalis de incestu causam dixit crimine innoxia, ab suspicione propter cultum amoeniorem ingeniumque liberius quam virginem decet parum abhorrens.

[¶59] 44.12. She was innocent of the charge, though open to suspicion because of her pretty clothes and the unmaidenly freedom of her wit. After she had been remanded and then acquitted, the pontifex maximus, in the name of the college, commanded her to abstain from jests, and to dress rather with regard to sanctity than coquetry.

> Latin: 44.12. ampliatam, deinde absolutam pro collegii sententia pontifex maximus abstinere iocis colique sancte potius quam scite iussit. anno a Campanis Cumae, quam Graeci tum urbem tenebant, capiuntur.

[¶60] 44.13. In this same year Cumae, a city which the Greeks then held, was captured by the Campanians. The ensuing year had as military tribunes with consular powers Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Spurius Nautius Rutulus.

> Latin: 44.13. annus tribunos militum consulari potestate habuit Agrippam Menenium Lanatum P. Lucretium Tricipitinum Sp. Nautium Rutulum, annus felicitate populi Romani periculo potius ingenti quam clade insignis.

[¶61] 45.1. It was a year remarkable, thanks to the good fortune of the Roman People, for a great danger but not a disaster. The slaves conspired to set fire to the City at points remote from one another, and, while the people should be busy everywhere with rescuing their houses, to seize the Citadel and the Capitol with an armed force.

> Latin: 45.1. urbem ut incenderent distantibus locis coniurarunt, populoque ad opem passim ferendam tectis intento ut arcem Capitoliumque armati occuparent.

[¶62] 45.2. Jupiter brought their wicked schemes to naught, and on the evidence of two of their number the guilty were arrested and punished.

> Latin: 45.2. nefanda consilia Iuppiter, indicioque duorum comprehensi sontes poenas dederunt. dena milia gravis aeris, quae tum divitiae habebantur, ex aerario numerata et libertas praemium fuit.

[¶63] 45.3. Each informant was rewarded from the public treasury with ten thousand pounds of bronze —which passed for wealth in those days —and with freedom. The Aequi then began to prepare again for war; and word was brought to Rome on good authority that new enemies, the Labicani, were making common cause with the old ones.

> Latin: 45.3. inde ab Aequis reparari coeptum; et novos hostes Labicanos consilia cum veteribus iungere haud incertis auctoribus Romam est allatum.

[¶64] 45.4. As for the Aequi, the citizens had by now grown accustomed to war with them, as to an annual occurrence; but they dispatched envoys to Labici, and having got them back with an ambiguous answer, from which it appeared that though war was not as yet being organized, yet peace would not long continue, they commissioned the Tusculans to watch that no fresh outbreak should occur at that place.

> Latin: 45.4. Aequorum iam velut anniversariis armis adsueverat civitas: Labicos legati missi cum responsa inde rettulissent dubia, quibus nec tum bellum parari nec diuturnam pacem fore appareret, Tusculanis negotium datum adverterent animos ne quid novi tumultus Labicis oreretur.

[¶65] 45.5. To the military tribunes with consular authority who held office the ensuing year, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Marcus Papirius Mugillanus, and Gaius Servilius, son of the Priscus who as dictator had captured Fidenae, there came, just as they had entered on their magistracy, ambassadors from Tusculum, who announced that the Labicani had armed and, after devastating the Tusculan countryside in company with an Aequian army, had encamped on Algidus.

> Latin: 45.5. insequentis anni tribunos militum consulari potestate inito magistratu legati ab Tusculo venerunt, L. Sergium Fidenatem M. Papirium Mugillanum C. Servilium Prisci filium, quo dictatore Fidenae captae fuerant. legati Labicanos arma cepisse et cum Aequorum exercitu depopulatos agrum Tusculanum castra in Algido posuisse.

[¶66] 45.7. Thereupon war was declared against the Labicani, and the senate resolved that two of the tribunes should proceed to the front, while one attended to matters in Rome. At this a dispute immediately broke out amongst the tribunes, each of whom boasted of his superiority as a general and spurned the care of the City as a thankless and ignoble task.

> Latin: 45.7. Labicanis bellum indictum; factoque senatus consulto ut duo ex tribunis ad bellum proficiscerentur, unus res Romae curaret, certamen subito inter tribunos exortum; se quisque belli ducem potiorem ferre, curam urbis ut ingratam ignobilemque aspernari.

[¶67] 45.8. While the astonished senators watched this unseemly rivalry amongst the colleagues, Quintus Servilius exclaimed, “Since you have no respect for this order nor for the republic, a father's authority shall end your quarrel. My son shall preside over the City, without recourse to lots. I only hope that those who are eager to make the campaign may conduct it with more consideration and harmony than they display in seeking it.”

> Latin: 45.8. parum decorum inter collegas certamen mirabundi patres conspicerent, Q. Servilius nec ordinis huius ulla inquit, nec rei publicae est verecundia, patria maiestas altercationem istam dirimet. meus extra sortem urbi praeerit. utinam qui adpetunt consideratius concordiusque quam cupiunt gerant.

[¶68] 46.1. It was determined not to make a general levy on the entire people, but ten tribes were chosen by lot. From these the two tribunes enrolled the men of military age and led them to war.

> Latin: 46.1. haberi non ex toto passim populo placuit; decem tribus sorte ductae sunt. iis scriptos iuniores duo tribuni ad bellum duxere.

[¶69] 46.2. The bickerings which had commenced between them in the City grew much hotter in the camp, from the same eagerness to command; they could not agree on anything; each strove for his own opinion; each desired his own plans and his own orders to be the only valid ones;

> Latin: 46.2. inter eos in urbe certamina cupiditate eadem imperii multo impensius in castris accendi; nihil sentire idem, pro sententia pugnare; sua consilia velle, sua imperia sola rata esse;

[¶70] 46.3. each despised the other and was in turn despised by him, until at last, reproved by their lieutenants, they arranged to exercise the supreme command on alternate days.

> Latin: 46.3. contemnere in vicem et contemni, donec done castigantibus legatis tandem ita comparatum est ut alternis diebus summam imperii haberent.

[¶71] 46.4. When the report of this reached Rome, it is said that Quintus Servilius, taught by years and experience, besought the immortal gods that the strife between the tribunes might not result more disastrously to the republic than had been the case at Veii, and as though certain defeat were imminent, urged his son to enlist soldiers and make ready arms.

> Latin: 46.4. cum allata Romam essent, dicitur Q. Servilius, aetate et usu doctus precatus ab dis immortalibus ne discordia tribunorum damnosior rei publicae esset quam ad Veios fuisset, et velut haud dubia clade imminente institisse filio ut milites scriberet et arma pararet.

[¶72] 46.5. Nor was he a false prophet. For under the leadership of Lucius Sergius, whose day it was to command, the Romans found themselves in an unfavourable position close to the enemy's camp, whither they had been drawn, when the Aequi feigned fear and retired to their rampart, by the vain hope of capturing it; and there they were suddenly attacked by the Aequi and driven pellmell down a sloping valley, where many of them, as they rather tumbled down than retreated, were overtaken and put to the sword.

> Latin: 46.5. falsus vates fuit. ductu L. Sergi, cuius dies imperii erat, loco iniquo sub hostium castris, cum, quia simulato metu receperat se hostis ad vallum, spes vana expugnandi castra eo traxisset, repentino impetu Aequorum per supinam vallem fusi sunt, multique in ruina maiore quam fuga oppressi obtruncatique.

[¶73] 46.6. That day they defended their camp with difficulty, and on the next, when the enemy had almost surrounded it, they abandoned it by a disgraceful flight through the opposite gate.

> Latin: 46.6. eo die aegre retenta, postero die circumfusis iam magna ex parte hostibus per aversam portam fuga turpi deseruntur. legatique et quod circa signa roboris de exercitu fuit Tusculum petiere:

[¶74] 46.7. The generals and their lieutenants and such of the army's strength as kept to the standards made for Tusculum: the others, scattering through the fields, this way and that, hastened to Rome by divers roads and reported a much heavier defeat than had been sustained.

> Latin: 46.7. palati alii per agros passim multis itineribus maioris quam accepta erat cladis nuntii Romam contenderunt.

[¶75] 46.8. There was the less dismay for the reason that the event had tallied with men's apprehensions, and because reserves which they could look to in the hour of danger had been made ready by the tribune of the soldiers.

> Latin: 46.8. trepidationis fuit, quod eventus timori hominum congruens fuerat, et quod subsidia quae respicerent in re trepida praeparata erant ab tribune militum.

[¶76] 46.9. It was by his orders too that the lesser magistrates had quieted the confusion in the City, when the scouts whom he had hurriedly sent out reported that the generals and the army were at Tusculum, and that the enemy had not broken camp.

> Latin: 46.9. eiusdem per minores magistratus sedato in urbe tumultu speculatores propere missi nuntiavere Tusculi duces exercitumque esse, hostem castra loco non movisse.

[¶77] 46.10. And —what raised men's courage most — Quintus Servilius Priscus was in consequence of a senatorial decree named dictator —a man whose clear vision in public affairs the state had proved on many previous occasions, but particularly in the outcome of this war, because he alone had viewed the quarrel of the tribunes with anxiety, before their defeat.

> Latin: 46.10. , quod plurimum animorum fecit, dictator ex senatus consulto dictus Q. Servilius Priscus, vir cuius providentiam in re publica cum multis aliis tempestatibus ante experta civitas erat tum eventu eius belli, quod uni certamen tribunorum suspectum ante rem male gestam fuerat.

[¶78] 46.11. Having appointed his son, by whom, when military tribune, he had himself been pronounced dictator, to be master of the horse, —as some authorities have recorded; for others write that Servilius Ahala was master of the horse that year, —he set out with a fresh army for the war, sent for the troops which were at Tusculum, and fixed his camp two miles from the enemy.

> Latin: 46.11. equitum creato a quo ipse tribuno militum dictator erat dictus, filio suo—ut tradidere quidam; nam alii Ahalam Servilium magistrum equitum eo anno fuisse scribunt, —novo exercitu profectus ad bellum accitis qui Tusculi erant, duo milia passuum ab hoste locum castris cepit.

[¶79] 47.1. In consequence of their success, the Aequi had taken over the arrogance and carelessness which the Roman generals had shown, and the result was seen in the very first battle.

> Latin: 47.1. ex re bene gesta superbia neglegentiaque ad Aequos quae in Romanis ducibus fuerat.

[¶80] 47.2. When the dictator had attacked with his cavalry and had thrown the enemy's front ranks into confusion, he ordered the legions to advance rapidly, and when one of his standard-bearers hesitated, cut him down.

> Latin: 47.2. primo statim proelio cum dictator equitatu immisso antesignanos hostium turbasset, legionum inde signa inferri propere iussit signiferumque ex suis unum cunctantem occidit.

[¶81] 47.3. So eager for combat were the troops, that the Aequi could not stop their rush, and when, defeated in the field, they had withdrawn to their camp in a disordered flight, it was stormed with less expenditure of time and effort than the battle itself had cost.

> Latin: 47.3. ardor ad dimicandum fuit ut impetum Aequi non tulerint, victique acie cum fuga effusa petissent castra, brevior tempore et certamine minor castrorum oppugnatio fuit quam proelium fuerat.

[¶82] 47.4. Having captured and sacked the camp, the dictator relinquished the plunder to his soldiers; and the cavalry, which had pursued the enemy as they fled from their encampment, came back with the report that all the Labicani, after their defeat, and a great part of the Aequi, had taken refuge in Labici.

> Latin: 47.4. direptisque castris cum praedam dictator militi concessisset secutique fugientem ex castris hostem equites renuntiassent omnes Labicanos victos, magnam partem Aequorum Labicos confugisse, postero die ad Labicos ductus exercitus oppidumque corona circumdata scalis captum ac direptum est.

[¶83] 47.6. Next day the army marched to Labici and, drawing a cordon about the town, stormed it with ladders and plundered it. Leading his victorious army back to Rome, the dictator resigned his office eight days after his appointment; and the senate seized the opportunity, before the tribunes of the plebs could stir up agrarian troubles by proposing a division of the Labican territory, to resolve, in a largely-attended meeting, that a colony should be planted in Labici.

> Latin: 47.6. Dictator exercitu victore Romam reducto die octavo quam creatus erat magistratu se abdicavit; et opportune senatus priusquam ab tribunis plebi agrariae seditiones mentione inlata de agro Labicano dividendo fierent, censuit frequens coloniam Labicos deducendam.

[¶84] 47.7. Fifteen hundred colonists were sent from the City, and each received two iugera. The year that followed the capture of Labici, having as military tribunes with consular powers Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Gaius Servilius Structus, and Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus (all these for the second time), together with Spurius Rutilius Crassus;

> Latin: 47.7. ab urbe mille et quingenti missi bina iugera acceperunt. Labicis deinde tribunis militum consulari potestate Agrippa Menenio Lanato et C. Servilio Structo et P. Lucretio Tricipitino, iterum omnibus his, et Sp.

[¶85] 47.8. and the succeeding year, with Aulus Sempronius Atratinus (for his third term) and Marcus Papirius Mugillanus and Spurius Nautius Rutulus (for their second) were a period of tranquillity in foreign relations but of civil discord arising out of agrarian laws.

> Latin: 47.8. Rutilio Crasso, et insequente anno A. Sempronio Atratino tertium, et duobus iterum, M. Papirio Mugillano et Sp. Nautio Rutulo biennium tranquillae externae res, discordia domi ex agrariis legibus fuit.

[¶86] 48.1. Those who stirred up the people were Spurius Maecilius, tribune of the plebs for the fourth time, and Marcus Metilius, for the third, both having been elected in their absence.

> Latin: 48.1. volgi erant Sp. Maecilius quartum et M. Metilius tertium tribuni plebis, ambo absentes creati.

[¶87] 48.2. On their proposing a law that the land which had been captured from enemies should be divided up among the citizens, a plebiscite which would mean the confiscation of the fortunes of a great part of the nobles —for there was scarcely any land, as might be expected in the case of a city situated on alien soil, which had not been gained by force of arms;

> Latin: 48.2. cum rogationem promulgassent ut ager ex hostibus captus viritim divideretur, magnaeque partis nobilium eo plebi scito publicarentur fortunae—nec enim ferme quicquam agri, ut in urbe alieno solo posita, non armis partum erat, nec quod venisset adsignatumve publice esset praeterquam plebs habebat,

[¶88] 48.4. nor was much, if any, of that which had been sold or assigned by the state held by other than plebeians, —it appeared that a desperate struggle was at hand between the plebs and the patricians.

> Latin: 48.4. —atrox plebi patribusque propositum videbatur certamen. tribuni militum nunc in senatu, nunc conciliis privatis principum cogendis viam consilii inveniebant, cum Ap.

[¶89] 48.5. The military tribunes had hit upon no plan of action either in the senate or in the private conferences which they held with the leading men, when Appius Claudius, grandson of him who had been decemvir for drawing up the laws, himself the youngest of the council of senators, announced —so the story goes —that he was bringing them from his house an old family device;

> Latin: 48.5. Claudius, nepos eius qui decemvir legibus scribendis fuerat, minimus natu ex patrum concilio, dicitur dixisse vetus se ac familiare consilium domo adferre; proavum enim suum Ap. Claudium ostendisse patribus viam unam dissolvendae tribuniciae potestatis per collegarum intercessionem.

[¶90] 48.7. for it had been his great-grandfather Appius Claudius who had pointed out to the senators that the only way to break the power of the tribunes lay through the veto of their colleagues.

> Latin: 48.7. homines novos auctoritate principum de sententia deduci, si temporum interdum potius quam maiestatis memor adhibeatur oratio.

[¶91] 48.8. It was not difficult for the leading men of the state to induce upstart politicians to change their minds, if they would but suit their discourse meantime rather to the exigencies of the crisis than to their lofty station. The sentiments of such fellows varied with their fortunes: when they saw that their colleagues, by taking the lead in the management of affairs, had appropriated all the favour of the populace in advance and had left no room there for themselves, they would incline without reluctance to the cause of the senate, by supporting which they might gain the goodwill not only of the order as a whole, but also of the foremost senators.

> Latin: 48.8. fortuna illis animos esse; ubi videant collegas principes agendae rei gratiam omnem ad plebem praeoccupasse nec locum in ea relictum sibi, haud gravate adclinaturos se ad causam senatus, per quam cum universo ordini, tum primoribus se patrum concilient.

[¶92] 48.10. When they had all expressed their approval, and especially Quintus Servilius Priscus, who praised the young man as one who had not degenerated from the Claudian stock, everybody was given the task of inducing such of the tribunician college as he could to interpose their vetoes.

> Latin: 48.10. cunctis et ante omnes Q. Servilio Prisco, quod non degenerasset ab stirpe Claudia conlaudante iuvenem, negotium datur ut quos quisque posset ex collegio tribunorum ad intercessionem perlicerent.

[¶93] 48.11. The senate adjourned and the leading members began to canvass the tribunes. By arguments in which they mingled warnings with the promise that their action would earn the tribunes the personal gratitude of individuals, as well as that of the senate as a body, they got six men to promise their opposition.

> Latin: 48.11. senatu prensantur ab principibus tribuni. monendo pollicendoque, gratum id singulis privatim, gratum universo senatui fore, sex ad intercessionem comparavere. die cum ex composito relatum ad senatum esset de seditione quam Maecilius Metiliusque largitione pessimi exempli concirent, eae orationes a primoribus patrum habitae sunt ut pro se quisque iam nec consilium sibi suppetere diceret nec se ullam opem cernere aliam usquam praeterquam in tribunicio auxilio;

[¶94] 48.13. Next day when the senate, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, had taken up the question of the sedition which Maecilius and Metilius were beginning by proposing a donation of the most objectionable type, the principal senators made speeches in which each took occasion to say that he could think of nothing to suggest and saw no help for the situation anywhere save in the assistance of the tribunes; this was the power to whose protection the harassed republic, like a private citizen in distress, now fled for succour; it was a, glorious thing both for the men themselves and for their office that the tribunate possessed no less strength for the resistance of its wicked colleagues than for troubling the senate and promoting discord between the orders.

> Latin: 48.13. in eius potestatis fidem circumventam rem publicam, tamquam privatum inopem, confugere; praeclarum ipsis potestatique esse non ad vexandum senatum discordiamque ordinum movendam plus in tribunatu virium esse quam ad resistendum improbis collegis.

[¶95] 48.15. Loud shouts were then heard from the entire senate and appeals were addressed to the tribunes from every part of the Curia. Then, after silence had been obtained, those who had been won over by the favour of the chief senators declared their readiness to veto the measure which their colleagues had proposed but the senate deemed subversive of the republic.

> Latin: 48.15. deinde universi senatus ortus, cum ex omnibus partibus curiae tribuni appellarentur. silentio facto ii qui praeparati erant gratia principum, quam rogationem a collegis promulgatam senatus censeat dissolvendae rei publicae esse, ei se intercessuros ostendunt. intercessoribus ab senatu actae.

[¶96] 48.16. The thanks of the senate were voted the protesters. The authors of the bill convened an assembly, and accusing their colleagues of being traitors to the interests of the plebs and slaves of the consulars, and in other ways bitterly denouncing them, withdrew their measure.

> Latin: 48.16. rogationis contione advocata proditores plebis commodorum ac servos consularium appellantes aliaque truci oratione in collegas invecti actionem deposuere.

[¶97] 49.1. There would have been two wars in the ensuing year, in which Publius Cornelius Cossus, Gaius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, and Numerius Fabius Vibulanus were military tribunes with consular powers, had not the war with Veii been delayed, thanks to the superstition of the Veientine leaders, whose farms an overflow of the Tiber had laid waste, chiefly by ruining the farmhouses.

> Latin: 49.1. bella insequens annus habuisset, quo P. Cornelius Cossus C. Valerius Potitus Q. Quinctius Cincinnatus Num. Fabius Vibulanus tribuni militum consulari potestate fuerunt, ni Veiens bellum religio principum distulisset, quorum agros Tiberis super ripas effusus maxime ruinis villarum vastavit.

[¶98] 49.3. At the same time the Aequi were deterred by the defeat they had suffered three years before from marching to the assistance of the Bolani, a tribe of their own race.

> Latin: 49.3. Aequos triennio ante accepta clades prohibuit Bolanis, suae gentis populo, praesidium ferre.

[¶99] 49.4. These people had made incursions into the neighbouring territory of Labici and attacked the new settlers.

> Latin: 49.4. inde in confinem agrum Labicanum factae erant novisque colonis bellum inlatum.

[¶100] 49.5. The consequences of this outrage they had hoped to avoid by means of the co-operation of all the Aequi; but, having been abandoned by their friends, they lost their town and their lands, in a war which does not even merit description, as the result of a siege and a single skirmish.

> Latin: 49.5. noxam cum se consensu omnium Aequorum defensuros sperassent, deserti ab suis ne memorabili quidem bello, per obsidionem levemque unam pugnam et oppidum et fines amisere.

[¶101] 49.6. An attempt on the part of Lucius Decius, a plebeian tribune, to carry a law providing that colonists should be sent to Bolae too, as well as to Labici, was frustrated through the intervention of his colleagues, who intimated that they would permit no plebiscite to pass unless it had the warrant of the senate.

> Latin: 49.6. ab L. Decio tribuno plebis, ut rogationem ferret qua Bolas quoque, sicut Labicos, coloni mitterentur, per intercessionem collegarum, qui nullum plebi scitum nisi ex auctoritate senatus passuros se perferri ostenderunt, discussum est.

[¶102] 49.7. Bolae was retaken the next year, and the Aequi planted a colony there and strengthened the town with new defenders. Rome now had the following military tribunes with consular powers, Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Lucius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus (for the second time), and Marcus Postumius Regillensis.

> Latin: 49.7. insequente anno receptis Aequi coloniaque eo deducta novis viribus oppidum firmarunt, tribunis militum Romae consulari potestate Cn. Cornelio Cosso L. Valerio Potito Q. Fabio Vibulano iterum M. Postumio Regillensi.

[¶103] 49.8. To this last was intrusted the campaign against the Aequi. He was a wrongheaded man, yet he showed it more in the hour of victory than during the campaign.

> Latin: 49.8. bellum adversus Aequos permissum est, pravae mentis homini, quam tamen victoria magis quam bellum ostendit.

[¶104] 49.9. For he was energetic in raising an army and leading it to Bolae, where, after breaking the spirit of the Aequi in some trifling engagements, he finally forced an entrance into the town. He then diverted the quarrel from the enemy to his fellow-citizens; and though he had proclaimed at the time of the attack that the booty should belong to the soldiers, when he had taken the town he broke his promise.

> Latin: 49.9. exercitu impigre scripto ductoque ad Bolas cum levibus proeliis Aequorum animos fregisset, postremo in oppidum inrupit. ab hostibus in cives certamen vertit et cum inter oppugnationem praedam militis fore edixisset, capto oppido fidem mutavit.

## 23. Book IV · chapters 49–61

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/23/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/23/#p-N

[¶0] 49.10. This, I am inclined to believe, was the cause of the army's resentment, rather than the fact that in a recently-plundered city inhabited by new settlers, there was less booty than the tribune had predicted.

> Latin: 49.10. magis adducor ut credam irae causam exercitui fuisse quam quod in urbe nuper direpta coloniaque nova minus praedicatione tribuni praedae fuerit.

[¶1] 49.11. The ill-feeling was increased, when, being sent for by his colleagues on account of tribunician disturbances, he had returned to the City, by a stupid and almost insane remark he was heard to make in an assembly, where Marcus Sextius, a plebeian tribune, in introducing an agrarian measure, announced that he should propose also that colonists be dispatched to Bolae —for it was proper, he said, that the city and lands of the Bolani should belong to those who had captured them in war. “Woe to my soldiers,” exclaimed Postumius, “unless they hold their peace!”

> Latin: 49.11. eam earn iram, postquam ab collegis arcessitus propter seditiones tribunicias in urbem revertit, audita vox eius in contione stolida ac prope vecors, qua M. Sextio tribuno plebis legem agrariam ferenti, simul Bolas quoque ut mitterentur coloni laturum se dicenti—dignum enim esse qui armis cepissent, eorum urbem agrumque Bolanum esse— quidem militibus meis inquit, nisi quieverint. auditum non contionem magis quam mox patres offendit.

[¶2] 49.12. —a saying which presently, on being reported to the senators, offended them no less than it had the assembly. And the tribune of the plebs, a keen and not uneloquent man, having got for one of his adversaries a man of haughty spirit and unbridled tongue, whom he could irritate and provoke to say things that would not only make himself disliked but his cause and the entire senate as well, made a point of involving Postumius in a dispute more often than any other member of the college of military tribunes.

> Latin: 49.12. tribunus plebis, vir acer nec infacundus, nactus inter adversarios superbum ingenium immodicamque linguam, quam inritando agitandoque in eas impelleret voces quae invidiae non ipsi tantum sed causae atque universe ordini essent, neminem ex collegio tribunorum militum saepius quam Postumium in disceptationem trahebat.

[¶3] 49.13. On this particular occasion, after that savage and brutal threat, he cried, “Do you hear him, Quirites, threatening his soldiers with punishment like slaves?”

> Latin: 49.13. vero secundum tam saevum atque inhumanum dictum inquit, Quirites, sicut servis malum minantem militibus?

[¶4] 49.14. “Shall this wild beast seem to you, notwithstanding, more deserving of so great an office than those who would present you with a city and with lands, and send you out to colonies; who would provide a home for your old age; who fight for your interests against these cruel and insolent adversaries?”

> Latin: 49.14. haec belua dignior vobis tanto honore videbitur quam qui vos urbe agrisque donatos in colonias mittunt, qui sedem senectuti vestrae prospiciunt, qui pro vestris commodis adversus tam crudeles superbosque adversarios adversaries depugnant?

[¶5] 49.15. “And does it surprise you that so few espouse your cause? What are they to expect of you? Those offices which you give by preference to your opponents, rather than to the champions of the Roman People?”

> Latin: 49.15. deinde mirari cur pauci iam vestram suscipiant causam. ut a vobis sperent? An honores, quos adversariis vestris potius quam populi Romani propugnatoribus datis?

[¶6] 49.16. “You groaned just now when you heard his remark. What of it? If you should be asked to vote this very moment, you would elect this man who threatens you with chastisement in preference to those who wish to secure you lands and houses and fortunes.”

> Latin: 49.16. modo voce huius audita. id refert? si suffragium detur, hunc qui malum vobis minatur iis qui agros sedesque ac fortunas stabilire volunt praeferetis.

[¶7] 50.1. When this saying of Postumius reached the troops, it stirred up much greater indignation in the camp: did the man who had fraudulently cut off his soldiers from their spoils also threaten them with punishment?

> Latin: 50.1. haec vox Postumi ad milites multo in castris maiorem indignationem movit: praedaene interceptorem fraudatoremque etiam malum minari militibus?

[¶8] 50.2. And while they murmured openly, the quaestor Publius Sestius, thinking that the mutiny could be quelled with the same violence which had occasioned it, sent a lictor to arrest a certain brawling soldier; whereupon shouts and objurgations broke forth, and Sestius was hit with a stone and retreated from the scuffle, while the man who had wounded him thundered after him that the quaestor had got what the general had threatened to give his men.

> Latin: 50.2. cum fremitus aperte esset, et quaestor P. Sestius eadem violentia coerceri putaret seditionem posse qua mota erat, misso ad vociferantem quendam militem lictore cum inde clamor et iurgium oreretur, saxo ictus turba excedit, insuper increpante qui volneraverat, habere quaestorem quod imperator esset militibus minatus.

[¶9] 50.4. Being summoned to deal with this disturbance, Postumius aggravated everything by his harsh inquisitions and savage punishments. Finally his anger got beyond all bounds, and when the shout of those whom he had ordered to be put to death under a hurdle had caused a crowd to gather, he ran down in a frenzy of passion from his tribunal to those who would have interrupted the execution.

> Latin: 50.4. hunc tumultum accitus Postumius asperiora omnia fecit acerbis quaestionibus, crudelibus suppliciis. cum modum irae nullum faceret, ad vociferationem eorum quos necari sub crate iusserat concursu facto, ipse ad interpellantes poenam vecors de tribunali decurrit.

[¶10] 50.5. There, when the lictors and centurions assailed the mob and tried to drive them back, on this side and on that, resentment ran so high that a military tribune was overwhelmed with a volley of stones from his own soldiers.

> Latin: 50.5. cum submoventes passim lictores centurionesque vexarent turbam, eo indignatio erupit ut tribunus militum ab exercitu suo lapidibus cooperiretur.

[¶11] 50.6. This dreadful deed having been announced in Rome, the tribunes of the soldiers wished to institute a senatorial inquiry into the death of their colleague, but the plebeian tribunes interposed their vetoes.

> Latin: 50.6. tam atrox facinus postquam est Romam nuntiatum, tribunis militum de morte collegae per senatum quaestiones decernentibus tribuni plebis intercedebant.

[¶12] 50.7. The dispute was closely connected with another struggle. The senators had become apprehensive lest the plebs, what with their fear of investigations and their indignation, should elect military tribunes from their own class; they therefore used all their efforts to have consuls chosen.

> Latin: 50.7. ea contentio ex certamine alio pendebat, quod cura incesserat patres ne metu quaestionum plebs iraque tribunos militum ex plebe crearet, tendebantque summa ope ut consules crearentur.

[¶13] 50.8. Since the plebeian tribunes would not allow the resolution of the senate to go through, and also vetoed the election of consuls, the state reverted to an interregnum. The victory then rested with the senators.

> Latin: 50.8. senatus consultum fieri tribuni plebis non paterentur, iidem intercederent consularibus comitiis, res ad interregnum rediit. deinde penes patres fuit.

[¶14] 51.1. Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, acting as interrex, held an election, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Lucius Furius Medullinus were chosen consuls.

> Latin: 51.1. Q. Fabio Vibulano interrege comitia habente consules creati sunt A. Cornelius Cossus L. Furius Medullinus.

[¶15] 51.2. In their consulship, early in the year, a senatorial resolution was passed that the tribunes should bring the investigation of Postumius's murder before the plebs at the earliest possible moment, and that the plebs should appoint whomsoever they wished to have charge of the inquiry.

> Latin: 51.2. consulibus principio anni senatus consultum factum est, ut de quaestione Postumianae caedis tribuni primo quoque tempore ad plebem ferrent plebesque praeficeret quaestioni quem vellet. plebe consensu consulibus negotium mandatur;

[¶16] 51.3. The plebs unanimously referred the matter to the consuls. They accomplished their task with the utmost moderation and leniency, punishing a few only, —and these are generally believed to have committed suicide; —yet they were unable to prevent the transaction from being bitterly resented by the plebs, who complained that the measures which had been proposed in their interests lay all this while neglected, whereas the law that was passed concerning their punishment and their lives was carried out at once, and most effectually.

> Latin: 51.3. qui summa moderatione ac lenitate per paucorum supplicium, quos sibimet ipsos conscisse mortem satis creditum est, transacta re, nequivere tamen consequi, ut non aegerrime id plebs ferret:

[¶17] 51.4. It would have been a very suitable occasion, now that the mutiny had been avenged, to appease their anger by offering to divide the Bolan territory.

> Latin: 51.4. iacere tam diu inritas actiones quae de suis commodis ferrentur, cum interim de sanguine ac supplicio suo latam legem confestim exerceri et tantam vim habere.

[¶18] 51.5. Had the senators done this, they would have lessened men's desire for the agrarian law which was meant to expel the patricians from their wrongful occupation of the public domain.

> Latin: 51.5. tempus fuerat vindicatis seditionibus delenimentum animis Bolani agri divisionem obici, quo facto minuissent desiderium agrariae legis quae possesso per iniuriam agro publico patres pellebat; tunc tune haec ipsa indignitas angebat animos:

[¶19] 51.6. As it was, a sense of injury was aroused by the very circumstance that the nobility not only persisted in retaining the public lands, which they held by force, but would not even divide among the plebeians the unoccupied ground which had recently been taken from the enemy and would soon, they thought, become, like all the rest, the booty of a few.

> Latin: 51.6. non in retinendis modo publicis agris quos vi teneret pertinacem nobilitatem esse, sed ne vacuum quidem agrum nuper ex hostibus captum plebi dividere, mox paucis, ut cetera, futurum praedae.

[¶20] 51.7. The same year the Volsci laid waste the borders of the Hernici, and the legions were led out to meet them by the consul Furius. Not finding the enemy there, they captured Ferentinum, to which a great number of Volsci had retired.

> Latin: 51.7. anno adversus Volscos populantes Hernicorum fines legiones ductae a Furio consule cum hostem ibi non invenissent, Ferentinum, quo magna multitudo multitude Volscorum se contulerat, cepere.

[¶21] 51.8. There was less plunder there than they had expected, because the Volsci, having small hopes of defending the town, removed their possessions by night and abandoned it; next day, when it was taken, it was practically deserted. The town itself and its territory were given to the Hernici.

> Latin: 51.8. praedae quam speraverant fuit, quod Volsci, postquam spes tuendi exigua erat, sublatis rebus nocte oppidum reliquerunt; postero die prope desertum capitur. Hernicis ipsum agerque dono datus.

[¶22] 52.1. After this year, which the moderation of the tribunes had made a quiet one, came the plebeian tribuneship of Lucius Icilius, when Quintus Fabius Ambustus and Gaius Furius Paculus were consuls.

> Latin: 52.1. modestia tribunorum quietum excepit tribunus plebis L. Icilius Q. Fabio Ambusto C. Furio Paculo consulibus.

[¶23] 52.2. While Icilius, at the very outset of the year, was endeavouring to stir up sedition by the promulgation of agrarian laws, as if it had been the appointed task of his name and family, a pestilence broke out, which, though it was more threatening than fatal, diverted men's thoughts from the Forum and political conflicts to their homes and the care of the sick, and is thought to have been less hurtful than the sedition would have been.

> Latin: 52.2. cum principio statim anni, velut pensum nominis familiaeque, seditiones agrariis legibus promulgandis cieret, pestilentia coorta, minacior tamen quam perniciosior, cogitationes hominum a foro certaminibusque publicis ad domum curamque corporum nutriendorum avertit; minusque eam damnosam fuisse, quam seditio futura fuerit credunt.

[¶24] 52.4. The state had escaped with very few deaths, considering the great number of those who had fallen ill, when the year of pestilence was succeeded, in the consulship of Marcus Papirius Atratinus and Gaius Nautius Rutulus, by a scarcity of corn, owing to the neglect of tillage usual at such times.

> Latin: 52.4. civitate plurimorum morbis, perpaucis funeribus, pestilentem annum inopia frugum neglecto cultu agrorum, ut plerumque fit, excepit, M. Papirio Atratino C. Nautio Rutulo consulibus.

[¶25] 52.5. Indeed the famine would have been more baneful than the disease, had they not supplemented the supply of corn by dispatching emissaries to all the peoples round about who dwelt on the Tuscan sea or by the Tiber, to purchase it.

> Latin: 52.5. fames quam pestilentia tristior erat, ni dimissis circa omnes populos legatis qui Etruscum mare quique Tiberim accolunt ad frumentum mercandum, annonae foret subventum.

[¶26] 52.6. The Samnites who held Capua and Cumae insolently refused to permit the envoys to trade with them, but the Sicilian tyrants, on the contrary, lent them generous assistance; and the largest supplies of all were brought down the Tiber, with the hearty goodwill of the Etruscans.

> Latin: 52.6. ab Samnitibus qui Capuam habebant Cumasque legati prohibiti commercio sunt, contra ea benigne ab Siculorum tyrannis adiuti; maximos commeatus summo Etruriae studio Tiberis devexit.

[¶27] 52.7. The consuls experienced a lack of men in the afflicted City, and, being unable to find more than one senator for an embassy, were obliged to add two knights to each.

> Latin: 52.7. in civitate aegra experti consules sunt, cum in legationes non plus singulis senatoribus invenientes coacti sunt binos equites adicere.

[¶28] 52.8. With the exception of the disease and the shortage of corn, there was no internal or foreign trouble during these two years. But no sooner had these anxieties departed, than there came an outbreak of all the ills which were wont to harass the state, domestic quarrels and war abroad.

> Latin: 52.8. ab morbo annonaque nihil eo biennio intestini externive incommodi fuit. ubi eae sollicitudines discessere, omnia quibus turbari solita erat civitas, domi discordia, foris bellum exortum.

[¶29] 53.1. In the consulship of Marcus Aemilius and Gaius Valerius Potitus the Aequi prepared to go to war, and the Volsci, though they did not take up arms as a nation, made the campaign as volunteers serving for pay.

> Latin: 53.1. M. Aemilio C. Valerio Potito consulibus bellum Aequi parabant, Volscis, quamquam non publico consilio capessentibus arma, voluntariis mercede secutis militiam.

[¶30] 53.2. When, on the rumour of their advance, — for they had already crossed over into Latin and Hernican territory, —Valerius the consul was raising troops, and Marcus Menenius, tribune of the plebs and proposer of an agrarian law, was obstructing the levy, and everybody who did not wish to go was availing himself of the tribune's protection and refusing the oath, on a sudden came the news that the citadel of Carventum had been seized by the enemy.

> Latin: 53.2. quorum famam hostium—iam enim in Latinum Hernicumque transcenderant agrum —dilectum habentem Valerium consulem M. Menenius tribunus plebis, legis agrariae lator, cum impediret auxilioque tribuni nemo invitus sacramento diceret, repente nuntiatur arcem Carventanam ab hostibus occupatam esse.

[¶31] 53.4. This humiliation not only gave the patricians the means of stirring up feeling against Menenius, but supplied the rest of the tribunes, who had already been persuaded to veto the agrarian law, with a more justifiable pretext for resisting their colleague.

> Latin: 53.4. ignominia accepta cum apud patres invidiae Menenio fuit, tum ceteris tribunis, iam ante praeparatis intercessoribus legis agrariae, praebuit iustiorem causam resistendi collegae.

[¶32] 53.5. The dispute was long drawn out. The consuls called gods and men to witness that the responsibility for whatever defeat or disgrace had already been or threatened to be visited on them by the enemy would rest with Menenius, because of his interference with the levy; Menenius, on the other hand, protested loudly that if the occupants of the public domain would surrender their illegal possession of it, he was prepared to withdraw his opposition to the muster. At this juncture nine tribunes interposed a resolution which ended the contention.

> Latin: 53.5. cum res diu ducta per altercationem esset, consulibus deos hominesque testantibus quidquid ab hostibus cladis ignominiaequeaut iam acceptum esset aut immineret culpam penes Menenium fore, qui dilectum impediret, Menenio contra vociferante, si iniusti domini possessione agri publici cederent, se moram dilectui non facere,

[¶33] 53.7. They proclaimed in the name of the college that they would support the consul Gaius Valerius if, in enforcing the levy, he resorted, despite the veto of their colleague, to fines and other forms of coercion against those who refused to serve.

> Latin: 53.7. decreto interposito novem tribuni sustulerunt certamen pronuntiaveruntque ex collegii sententia C. Valerio consuli se, damnum aliamque coercitionem adversus intercessionem collegae dilectus causa detractantibus militiam inhibenti, auxilio futuros esse.

[¶34] 53.8. Armed with this decree, the consul caused the few who appealed to the tribune to be haled before him; the rest were cowed into taking the oath.

> Latin: 53.8. decreto consul armatus cum paucis appellantibus tribunum collum torsisset, metu ceteri sacramento dixere.

[¶35] 53.9. The army marched to the citadel of Carventum; and although the soldiers were hated by the consul and returned his hostility, yet the moment they came to the place, they manfully drove out the garrison and recovered the stronghold, which had been laid open to attack by the negligence that had permitted men to slip away from the garrison in quest of booty.

> Latin: 53.9. exercitus ad Carventanam arcem, quamquam invisus infestusque consuli erat, impigre primo statim adventu deiectis qui in praesidio erant arcem recipit; praedatores ex praesidio per neglegentiam dilapsi occasionem aperuere ad invadendum.

[¶36] 53.10. There was a considerable accumulation of spoils from this constant raiding, because everything had been heaped up there for safety. All this the consul ordered the quaestors to sell at auction and place the proceeds in the public treasury, giving out word that the army should share in the plunder only when the men had not refused to serve.

> Latin: 53.10. ex adsiduis populationibus, quod omnia in locum tutum congesta erant, fuit aliquantum. sub hasta consul in aerarium redigere quaestores iussit, tum praedicans participem praedae fore exercitum, cum militiam non abnuisset.

[¶37] 53.11. This increased the enmity of plebs and soldiers towards the consul. And so when he entered the City in an ovation, as the senate had decreed, the soldiers, with military freedom, shouted out rude verses now abusing the consul and now praising Menenius, while at every mention of the tribune's name the enthusiasm of the attendant populace vied with the voices of the men in cheers and applause.

> Latin: 53.11. inde plebis ac militum in consulem irae. cum ex senatus consulto urbem ovans introiret, alternis inconditi versus militari licentia iactati, quibus consul increpitus, Meneni celebre nomen laudibus fuit, cum ad omnem mentionem tribuni favor circumstantis populi plausuque et adsensu cum vocibus militum certaret.

[¶38] 53.13. This circumstance caused the patricians more anxiety than the sauciness of the soldiers towards the consul, which was virtually an established custom; and as though they made no question that Menenius would be chosen for one of the military tribunes, if he were a candidate, they held a consular election and so excluded him.

> Latin: 53.13. ea res quam prope sollemnis militum lascivia in consulem curae patribus iniecit; et tamquam haud dubius inter tribunos militum honos Meneni, si peteret, consularibus comitiis est exclusus.

[¶39] 54.1. The consuls elected were Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus and (for the second time) Lucius Furius Medullinus.

> Latin: 54.1. consules sunt Cn. Cornelius Cossus L. Furius Medullinus iterum alias aegrius plebs tulit tribunicia comitia sibi non commissa.

[¶40] 54.2. Never before had the plebs felt so aggrieved that they were not allowed to choose military tribunes. They showed their disappointment, and likewise avenged it, at the election of quaestors, when plebeians were for the first time chosen to that office; though among the four to be elected room was made for one patrician, Caeso Fabius Ambustus.

> Latin: 54.2. dolorem quaestoriis comitiis simul ostendit et ulta est tunc tune primum plebeiis quaestoribus creatis, ita ut in quattuor creandis uni patricio K.

[¶41] 54.3. Three plebeians, Quintus Silius, Publius Aelius, and Publius Pupius, were preferred before young men of the most distinguished families. I find that those who encouraged the people to make so free with their votes were the Icilii.

> Latin: 54.3. Fabio Ambusto relinqueretur locus, tres plebei Q. Silius P. Aelius P. Pupius clarissimarum familiarum iuvenibus praeferrentur.

[¶42] 54.4. Three members of that family, a family most hostile to the patricians, had been made plebeian tribunes for that year, in consequence of the many great hopes they had held out to the populace, always more than eager to accept such promises. These men had declared that they would make no move in their behalf, if even in the election of quaestors —the only election which the senate had left open to both classes —the people could not find sufficient resolution to accomplish what they had so long wished to do and the laws permitted.

> Latin: 54.4. fuisse tam liberi populo suffragii Icilios accipio, ex familia infestissima patribus tres in eum annum tribunos plebis creatos, multarum magnarumque rerum molem avidissimo ad ea populo ostentantes, cum adfirmassent nihil se moturos si ne quaestoriis quidem comitiis, quae sola promiscua plebei patribusque reliquisset senatus, satis animi populo esset ad id quod tam diu vellent et per leges liceret.

[¶43] 54.6. And so the plebs felt that they had won a great victory, not estimating the significance of that quaestorship by the limits of the office itself, but feeling that the way to consulships and triumphs was thrown open to new men.

> Latin: 54.6. ingenti itaque victoria id fuit plebi, quaesturamque eam earn non honoris ipsius fine aestimabant, sed patefactus ad consulatum ac triumphos locus novis hominibus videbatur.

[¶44] 54.7. The patricians, on the other hand, were as angry as though they had not merely shared their offices with the plebs but had lost them. They said that if such things were to be, it was wrong for them to rear children, who after being driven out from the places of their forefathers would behold others in possession of their honours, and would be left, without power or authority, to serve no other purpose than to offer up sacrifices, as salii and flamens, for the people.

> Latin: 54.7. contra non pro communicatis sed pro amissis honoribus fremere; negare, si ea ita sint, liberos tollendos esse, qui pulsi maiorum loco cernentesque alios in possessione dignitatis suae, salii flaminesque nusquam alio quam ad sacrificandum pro populo sine imperiis imperils ac potestatibus relinquantur.

[¶45] 54.8. The feelings of both sides were overwrought. The plebs had plucked up courage and they had three very distinguished leaders for the popular cause. The patricians, perceiving that every election where the plebs were free to choose either sort of candidate would be like that of the quaestors, strove to bring about a consular election, which was not yet open to both orders.

> Latin: 54.8. utriusque partis animis cum et spiritus plebs sumpsisset et tres ad popularem causam celeberrimi nominis haberet duces, patres omnia quaestoriis comitiis ubi utrumque plebi liceret similia fore cernentes, tendere ad consulum comitia quae nondum promiscua essent:

[¶46] 54.9. The Icilii, on the contrary, maintained that military tribunes should be chosen; it was high time, they said, that the plebs were given their share of honours.

> Latin: 54.9. Icilii contra tribunos militum creandos dicere et tandem aliquando impertiendos plebi honores.

[¶47] 55.1. But the consuls had no measure on foot which the tribunes could oppose and so wring from them what they wanted, when, by a wonderful piece of luck, the Volsci and Aequi were reported to have crossed the border and raided the lands of the Latins and the Hernici.

> Latin: 55.1. nulla erat consularis actio quam impediendo id quod petebant exprimerent, cum mira opportunitate Volscos et Aequos praedatum extra fines exisse in agrum Latinum Hernicumque adfertur.

[¶48] 55.2. As the consuls, in order to meet this invasion, were commencing to raise an army, in pursuance of a resolution of the senate, the tribunes obstructed the levy with all their might, declaring that the incident had been a fortunate one for the plebeians and themselves.

> Latin: 55.2. quod bellum ubi ex senatus consulto consules dilectum habere occipiunt, obstare tunc tune enixe tribuni sibi plebique eam fortunam oblatam memorantes.

[¶49] 55.3. There were three of them, and they were all very active and belonged to a family which might now be called noble, considering that they were plebeians.

> Latin: 55.3. erant et omnes acerrimi viri generosique iam, ut inter plebeios. singuli singulos sibi consules adservandos adsidua opera desumunt; uni contionibus data nunc detinenda, nunc concienda plebs.

[¶50] 55.4. Two of them assumed the task of keeping constant watch on the consuls, each taking one of them; to the third was given the duty of haranguing the plebs, for the purpose, now of restraining, now of urging them on. The consuls could neither bring about the levy, nor the tribunes the election, they desired. Then, as fortune was inclining to the cause of the plebs, came couriers who reported that while the soldiers who were in garrison at the citadel of Carventum had dispersed to plunder, the Aequi had come, and killing the few guards, had rushed the place.

> Latin: 55.4. dilectum consules nec comitia quae petebant tribuni expediebant. deinde se fortuna ad causam plebis nuntii veniunt arcem Carventanam dilapsis ad praedam militibus qui in praesidio erant, Aequos interfectis paucis custodibus arcis invasisse; alios recurrentes in arcem, alios palantes in agris caesos.

[¶51] 55.5. Some of the soldiers had been cut down as they were hurrying back to the fortress, others as they roamed the fields. This national reverse added strength to the contention of the tribunes. It was in vain they were importuned to cease at last their opposition to the war. They yielded neither to the public need nor to men's hatred of themselves, and carried their point —that the senate should pass a decree for the election of military tribunes. It was, however, expressly provided that no one should be accepted as a candidate who had that year been tribune of the plebs, and that no tribune of the Plebs should be re-elected.

> Latin: 55.5. adversa civitati res vires tribuniciae actioni adiecit. enim temptati ut tum denique desisterent impediendo bello, postquam non cessere nec publicae tempestati nec suae invidiae, pervincunt ut senatus consultum fiat de tribunis militum creandis, certo tamen pacto ne cuius ratio haberetur qui eo anno tribunus plebis esset, neve quis reficeretur in annum tribunus plebis,

[¶52] 55.7. It is evident that the senate wished to stigmatize the Icilii, whom they charged with seeking the consulship as a reward for their seditious conduct while tribunes.

> Latin: 55.7. haud dubie Icilios denotante senatu, quos mercedem seditiosi tribunatus petere consulatum insimulabant. dilectus haberi bellumque omnium ordinum consensu apparari coeptum.

[¶53] 55.8. The levy was then begun and preparation made for war, with the consent of all the orders. Whether both consuls marched to the citadel of Carventum, or one stayed behind to hold an election, is uncertain in view of the contradictory accounts of the authorities. Thus much is clear (for in this they do not differ), that the Romans, after a long and futile siege, retired from the citadel of Carventum and recaptured Verrugo, in the Volscian country, with the same army, which spread great devastation both among the Aequi and in the territory of the Volsci, and gathered enormous spoils.

> Latin: 55.8. ambo profecti sint ad arcem Carventanam, an alter ad comitia habenda substiterit, incertum diversi auctores faciunt; illa pro certo habenda, in quibus non dissentiunt, ab arce Carventana, cum diu nequiquam oppugnata esset, recessum, Verruginem in Volscis eodem exercitu receptam, populationesque et praedas et in Aequis et in Volsco agro ingentes factas.

[¶54] 56.1. At Rome, though the plebeians were so far victorious as to have the election they preferred, yet in the outcome of the election the patricians won the day.

> Latin: 56.1. Romae sicut plebis victoria fuit in eo ut quae mallent comitia haberent, ita eventu comitiorum patres vicere;

[¶55] 56.2. For the military tribunes with consular authority were all three, contrary to the universal expectation, chosen from the patricians, viz., Gaius Julius Iulus, Publius Cornelius Cossus, and Gaius Servilius Ahala.

> Latin: 56.2. namque tribuni militum consulari potestate contra spem omnium tres patricii creati sunt, C. iulius lulius Iulus P. Cornelius Cossus C. Servilius Ahala.

[¶56] 56.3. The patricians are said to have employed a ruse (and the Icilii taxed them with it at the time), in that they mixed a rabble of unworthy competitors with the deserving, and the disgust which the notorious turpitude of certain of them provoked turned the people against the plebeian candidates.

> Latin: 56.3. adhibitam ferunt a patriciis, cuius eos Icilii tum quoque insimulabant, quod turbam indignorum candidatorum intermiscendo dignis taedio sordium in quibusdam insignium populum a plebeiis avertissent.

[¶57] 56.4. Then came a rumour that the Volsci and Aequi, whether encouraged by their defence of the citadel of Carventum or angered by the loss of the garrison at Verrugo, had risen in prodigious strength;

> Latin: 56.4. Volscos deinde et Aequos, seu Carventana arx retenta in spem seu Verrugine amissum praesidium ad iram cum impulisset, fama adfertur summa vi ad bellum coortos;

[¶58] 56.5. that the Antiates were the head and front of the war; that their envoys had gone about among the tribes of both races, upbraiding their cowardice in having hidden behind their walls the year before and allowed the Romans to pillage their lands and overwhelm the garrison at Verrugo.

> Latin: 56.5. caput rerum Antiates esse; eorum legatos utriusque gentis populos circumisse castigantes ignaviam, quod abditi intra muros populabundos in agris vagari Romanos priore anno et opprimi Verruginis praesidium passi essent.

[¶59] 56.6. They would presently be sending out, not merely armed expeditions across their borders, but colonies too; and not only, they said, had the Romans divided up their possessions amongst themselves, but they had even taken Ferentinum from them and bestowed it on the Hernici.

> Latin: 56.6. non exercitus modo armatos sed colonias etiam in suos finis mitti; nec ipsos modo Romanos sua divisa habere, sed Ferentinum etiam de se captum Hernicis donasse.

[¶60] 56.7. These words aroused indignation, and a number of young men were enlisted wherever the envoys went. So the forces of all the tribes drew together at Antium, where they encamped and waited for the enemy.

> Latin: 56.7. haec cum inflammarentur animi, ut ad quosque ventum erat, numerus numerous iuniorum conscribebatur. omnium populorum iuventus Antium contracta; ibi castris positis hostem opperiebantur.

[¶61] 56.8. When these things had been reported at Rome, amid excitement even greater than the situation warranted, the senate at once had recourse to its final counsel in emergencies, and ordered the appointment of a dictator.

> Latin: 56.8. ubi tumultu maiore etiam quam res erat nuntiantur Romam, senatus extemplo, quod in rebus trepidis ultimum consilium erat, dictatorem dici iussit.

[¶62] 56.9. It is said that Julius and Cornelius resented this, and that a very bitter discussion took place. In vain the leading senators complained that the military tribunes were not amenable to senatorial control, and eventually appealed to the tribunes of the plebs and reminded them that their authority had in a similar case operated to restrain the consuls. But the tribunes of the plebs were delighted with the want of harmony amongst the senators.

> Latin: 56.9. rem aegre passos Iulium Corneliumque ferunt magnoque certamine animorum rem actam, cum primores patrum nequiquam conquesti non esse in auctoritate senatus tribunos militum postremo etiam tribunos plebi appellarent et consulibus quoque ab ea potestate vim super tali re inhibitam referrent, tribuni plebi laeti discordia patrum nihil esse in se iis auxilii dicerent,

[¶63] 56.11. They could give no assistance, they said, to men who did not regard them as citizens, or even as human beings. If some day offices were thrown open to all, and they were given a share in the government, they would then see to it that no proud magistrate thwarted the decrees of the senate.

> Latin: 56.11. quibus non civium, non denique hominum numero essent: si quando promiscui honores, communicata res publica esset, tum se animadversuros ne qua superbia magistratuum inrita senatus consulta essent:

[¶64] 56.13. Meanwhile let the patricians live with no regard for laws and magistracies, and let the tribunes act as they saw fit.

> Latin: 56.13. interim patricii soluti legum magistratuumque viverent verecundia, per se quoque tribuni agerent.

[¶65] 57.1. This quarrel, so inopportune at a time when a great war was in hand, had quite taken possession of men's thoughts, and for a long time Julius and Cornelius —first one and then the other —had argued that, since they were themselves quite capable of directing that campaign, it was unfair that they should be summarily deprived of the office which the people had intrusted to them;

> Latin: 57.1. contentio minime idoneo tempore, cum tantum belli in manibus esset, occupaverat cogitationes hominum, donec ubi diu alternis iulius lulius Corneliusque cum ad id bellum ipsi satis idonei duces essent, non esse aequum mandatum sibi a populo eripi honorem disseruere,

[¶66] 57.3. when Servilius Ahala arose and said that he had been so long silent not because of any doubt as to his opinion —for what good citizen considered his own interests apart from those of the nation? —but because he had wished that his colleagues should of their own free will give in to the senators' authority, instead of suffering the power of the tribunes to be invoked against them.

> Latin: 57.3. tum Ahala Servilius tribunus militum tacuisse se tam diu ait, non quia incertus sententiae fuerit—quem enim bonum civem secernere sua a publicis consilia?—sed quia maluerit collegas sua sponte cedere auctoritati senatus quam tribuniciam potestatem adversus se implorari paterentur.

[¶67] 57.4. Even then, if the circumstances allowed of it, he would gladly, he said, have given them time to retreat from their too obstinate contention; but since war's necessity did not wait upon man's deliberations, he should place the public welfare above the favour of his colleagues; and if the senate held to its opinion, he should name a dictator that night, contenting himself, if any one vetoed the senate's resolution, with the expression of its wishes.

> Latin: 57.4. quoque si res sineret, libenter se daturum tempus iis fuisse ad receptum nimis pertinacis sententiae; sed cum belli necessitates non exspectent humana consilia, potiorem sibi collegarum gratia rem publicam fore, et si maneat in sententia senatus, dictatorem nocte proxima dicturum ac, si quis intercedat senatus consulto, auctoritate se fore contentum.

[¶68] 57.6. Having by this course gained the well-merited praise and friendly support of all, he named as dictator Publius Cornelius, by whom he was himself appointed master of the horse, thus showing such persons as considered the case of his colleagues and himself that favour and high office sometimes come more easily when men do not covet them.

> Latin: 57.6. facto cum haud immeritam laudem gratiamque apud omnis tulisset, dictatore P. Cornelio dicto ipse ab eo magister equitum creatus exemplo fuit collegas eumque intuentibus, quam gratia atque honos opportuniora interdum non cupientibus essent.

[¶69] 57.7. The war was no way noteworthy. In a single battle, and an easy one, they defeated the enemy at Antium. The victorious army laid waste the Volscian country and took by storm a fortress at Lake Fucinus, where three thousand men were taken prisoners, the rest being driven within their city-walls, leaving their fields defenceless.

> Latin: 57.7. haud memorabile fuit. atque eo facili proelio caesi ad Antium hostes; victor exercitus depopulatus Volscum agrum; castellum ad lacum Fucinum vi expugnatum, atque in eo tria milia hominum capta ceteris Volscis intra moenia compulsis nec defendentibus agros.

[¶70] 57.8. The dictator, after so conducting the campaign that he seemed barely to have taken advantage of his luck, returned to the City, with more good fortune than renown, and resigned his magistracy.

> Latin: 57.8. Dictator bello ita gesto ut tantum non defuisse fortunae videretur, felicitate quam gloria maior in urbem rediit magistratuque se abdicavit.

[¶71] 57.9. The tribunes of the soldiers, without saying a word about electing consuls, —I suppose because of their indignation at the appointment of a dictator, —proclaimed an election of military tribunes.

> Latin: 57.9. militum mentione nulla comitiorum consularium habita—credo ob iram dictatoris creati—tribunorum militum comitia edixerunt.

[¶72] 57.10. At that the patricians were more concerned than ever, as they might well be when they saw their cause betrayed by their own fellows.

> Latin: 57.10. vero gravior cura patribus incessit, quippe cum prodi causam ab suis cernerent.

[¶73] 57.11. Accordingly, just as in the preceding year they had used the least worthy of the plebeian competitors to arouse a dislike of them all, even the deserving, so at this time, by setting up as candidates the senators of the greatest splendour and popularity, they secured all the places, in order that no plebeian might be chosen.

> Latin: 57.11. sicut priore anno per indignissimos ex plebeiis candidatos omnium, etiam dignorum, taedium fecerant, sic tum primoribus patrum splendore gratiaque ad petendum praeparatis omnia loca obtinuere, ne cui plebeio aditus esset.

[¶74] 57.12. Four men were elected, all of whom had held that office before. They were Lucius Furius Medullinus, Gaius Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, and Gaius Servilius Ahala. This last was continued in office partly for his other good qualities, partly because of the approval he had just gained by his singular moderation.

> Latin: 57.12. creati sunt, omnes iam functi eo honore, L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Num. Fabius Vibulanus C. Servilius Ahala, hic hie re fectus continuato honore cum ob alias virtutes, tum ob recentem favorem unica moderatione partum.

[¶75] 58.1. In that year, since the term of the truce with Veii had run out, steps were taken to demand restitution, through ambassadors and fetials.

> Latin: 58.1. anno, quia tempus indutiarum cum Veienti populo exierat, per legatos fetialesque res repeti coeptae. venientibus ad finem legatio Veientium obvia fuit.

[¶76] 58.2. Arriving at the frontier, these men were met by an embassy of the Veientes, who asked them not to proceed to Veii until they themselves should have gone before the Roman senate. The senate, considering that the Veientes were in the throes of civil discord, agreed not to demand a settlement of them; so far were they from taking advantage of another people's difficulties.

> Latin: 58.2. ne priusquam ipsi senatum Romanum adissent Veios iretur. Ab senatu impetratum, quia discordia intestina laborarent Veientes, ne res ab iis repeterentur; tantum afuit ut ex incommodo alieno sua occasio peteretur.

[¶77] 58.3. And in the Volscian country the Romans suffered a disaster, in the loss of their garrison at Verrugo. On that occasion the element of time was of such moment that, although the troops who were being besieged there by the Volsci appealed for help and might have been relieved if their friends had made haste, yet the army dispatched for that purpose only arrived in season to surprise the enemy as they were dispersed in quest of booty, just after putting the garrison to the sword.

> Latin: 58.3. in Volscis accepta clades amisso Verrugine praesidio; ubi tantum in tempore fuit momenti ut cum precantibus opem militibus, qui ibi a Volscis obsidebantur, succurri si maturatum esset potuisset, ad id venerit exercitus subsidio missus ut ab recenti caede palati ad praedandum hostes opprimerentur.

[¶78] 58.4. The delay was due quite as much to the tribunes as to the senate, for they got reports that the garrison was making a strenuous resistance and failed to consider that no valour can transcend the limits of human endurance.

> Latin: 58.4. causa non in senatu magis fuit quam tribunis, qui, quia summa vi restari nuntiabatur, parum cogitaverunt nulla virtute superari humanarum virium modum.

[¶79] 58.5. But the heroic soldiers were not unavenged, living or dead.

> Latin: 58.5. milites non tamen nec vivi nec post mortem inulti fuere.

[¶80] 58.6. The following year, when Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Numerius Fabius Ambustus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus were consular tribunes, war broke out with Veii on account of the insolent reply of the Veientine senate, who, when envoys demanded restitution of them, bade them be answered that unless they got quickly out from their city and their borders, they would give them what Lars Tolumnius had given the others.

> Latin: 58.6. anno P. et Cn. Corneliis Cossis Num. Fabio Ambusto L. Valerio Potito tribunis militum consulari potestate Veiens bellum motum ob superbum responsum Veientis senatus, qui legatis repetentibus res, ni facesserent propere urbe finibusque, daturos quod Lars Tolumnius dedisset responderi iussit.

[¶81] 58.8. This angered the Fathers, and they decreed that the military tribunes should propose to the people a declaration of war on the Veientes at the earliest possible day.

> Latin: 58.8. patres aegre passi decrevere ut tribuni militum de bello indicendo Veientibus primo quoque die ad populum ferrent.

[¶82] 58.9. As soon as this was promulgated, the young men protested loudly that the Volscian war was not yet brought to a conclusion; two garrisons had just been destroyed, and the other outposts were being held at great risk; not a year went by without a pitched battle;

> Latin: 58.9. ubi primo promulgatum est, fremere iuventus nondum debellatum cum Volscis esse; modo duo praesidia occidione occisa, cetera cum periculo retineri; nullum annum esse quo non acie dimicetur;

[¶83] 58.10. and as though they had not troubles enough, a new war was being started with a neighbouring and very powerful people, who were sure to raise all Etruria against them. This smouldering discontent was fanned into a blaze by the plebeian tribunes.

> Latin: 58.10. et tamquam paeniteat laboris, novum bellum cum finitimo populo et potentissimo parari qui omnem Etruriam sit concitaturus.

[¶84] 58.11. They persistently declared that it was the plebs with whom the senators were chiefly at war;

> Latin: 58.11. sua sponte agitata insuper tribuni plebis accendunt.

[¶85] 58.12. them they deliberately plagued with campaigning and exposed to be slaughtered by the enemy; them they kept at a distance from the City, and assigned to foreign service, lest they might have thoughts, if they remained peaceably at home, of liberty and colonies, and might agitate for public lands or the free use of their votes.

> Latin: 58.12. bellum patribus cum plebe esse dictitant; eam de industria vexandam militia trucidandamque hostibus obici; eam earn procul urbe haberi atque ablegari, ne domi per otium memor libertatis coloniarumque aut agri publici public aut suffragii libere ferendi consilia agitet.

[¶86] 58.13. And laying hold of veteran soldiers, they enumerated the campaigns of each and his wounds and scars; asking where one could now find a whole place on their bodies to receive fresh wounds, or what blood they had left to shed for their country.

> Latin: 58.13. veteranos stipendia cuiusque et volnera ac cicatrices numerabant, quid iam integri esset in corpore loci ad nova volnera accipienda, quid super sanguinis, quod dari pro re publica posset rogitantes.

[¶87] 58.14. When the tribunes by repeating these arguments in their talk and in their speeches had produced in the plebs a reluctance to undertake the war, the authors of the bill put off the time for voting on it, since it was clear that if subjected to the storm of disapproval it would fail to pass.

> Latin: 58.14. cum in sermonibus contionibusque interdum agitantes avertissent plebem ab suscipiendo bello, profertur tempus ferundae legis quam si subiecta invidiae esset antiquari apparebat.

[¶88] 59.1. Meantime it was determined that the military tribunes should lead the army into the country of the Volsci; only Gnaeus Cornelius was left in Rome.

> Latin: 59.1. tribunos militum in Volscum agrum ducere exercitum placuit; Cn. Cornelius unus Romae relictus.

[¶89] 59.2. The three tribunes, on its appearing that the Volsci had no camp anywhere and did not propose to risk a battle, divided their army into three and advanced in different directions to lay waste the country.

> Latin: 59.2. tribuni, postquam nullo loco castra Volscorum esse nec commissuros se proelio apparuit, tripertito ad devastandos fines discessere.

[¶90] 59.3. Valerius marched upon Antium, Cornelius against Ecetrae, and wherever they went they plundered farms and buildings far and wide, to divide the forces of the Volsci; Fabius led his troops to Anxur, the principal object of their attack, and laid siege to it, without doing any pillaging.

> Latin: 59.3. Valerius Antium petit, Cornelius Ecetras; quacumque incessere, late populati sunt tecta agrosque, ut distinerent Volscos; Fabius, quod maxime petebatur, ad Anxur oppugnandum sine ulla populatione accessit.

[¶91] 59.4. Anxur, the Tarracinae of our day, was a city which sloped down towards the marshes.

> Latin: 59.4. Anxur fuit, quae nunc Tarracinae sunt, urbs prona in paludes.

[¶92] 59.5. On this side Fabius threatened an assault, while four cohorts marched round under Gaius Servilius Ahala, and seizing the hill which overhangs the city, assailed the walls from this superior position, where there was no force to oppose them, with great noise and confusion.

> Latin: 59.5. Ab ea parte Fabius oppugnationem ostendit. quattuor cohortes cum C. Servilio Ahala cum imminentem urbi collem cepissent, ex loco altiore, qua nullum erat praesidium, ingenti clamore ac tumultu moenia invasere.

[¶93] 59.6. Hearing the din, the soldiers who were defending the lowest part of the town against Fabius were bewildered, and permitted him to bring up scaling-ladders; and soon the whole place was alive with enemies, who for a long time gave no quarter, slaughtering without distinction those who fled and those who resisted, the armed and the unarmed. And so the vanquished, since they could hope for no mercy if they yielded, were compelled to fight; when suddenly the command was given that none should be hurt but those who carried weapons. Thereupon, all the survivors voluntarily laid down their arms, and about twenty-five hundred of them were taken alive.

> Latin: 59.6. quem tumultum obstupefacti qui adversus Fabium urbem infimam tuebantur locum dedere scalas admovendi; plenaque hostium cuncta erant, et immitis diu caedes pariter fugientium ac resistentium, armatorum atque inermium fuit. itaque victi, quia cedentibus spei nihil erat, pugnam inire, cum pronuntiatum repente, ne quis praeter armatos violaretur, reliquam omnem multitudinem voluntariam exuit armis;

[¶94] 59.8. Fabius made his soldiers leave the rest of the spoils until his colleagues could come up, saying that their armies had helped to capture Anxur by diverting the rest of the Volsci from the defence of that place.

> Latin: 59.8. quorum ad duo milia et quingenti vivi capiuntur. cetera praeda Fabius militem abstinuit, donec denec collegae venirent, ab illis quoque exercitibus captum Anxur dictitans esse, qui ceteros Volscos a praesidio eius loci avertissent.

[¶95] 59.10. When they arrived, the three armies sacked the town, which long years of prosperity had filled with riches. It was this generous treatment on the part of their commanders which first reconciled the plebs to the patricians.

> Latin: 59.10. ubi venerunt, oppidum vetere fortuna opulentum tres exercitus diripuere; eaque primum benignitas imperatorum plebem patribus conciliavit.

[¶96] 59.11. In addition to this the senate then granted the people the most seasonable boon which has ever been bestowed on them by the chiefs of the state, when they decreed, without waiting for any suggestion by the plebs or their tribunes, that the soldiers should be paid from the public treasury, whereas till then every man had served at his own costs.

> Latin: 59.11. deinde omnium maxime tempestivo principum in multitudinem munere, ut ante mentionem ullam plebis tribunorumve decerneret senatus ut stipendium miles de publico acciperet, cum ante id tempus de suo quisque functus eo munere esset.

[¶97] 60.1. Nothing, it is said, was ever welcomed by the plebs with such rejoicing. Crowds gathered at B.C. 406 the Curia and men grasped the hands of the senators as they came out, saying that they were rightly called Fathers, and confessing that they had brought it to pass that no one, so long as he retained a particle of strength, would grudge his life's blood to so generous a country.

> Latin: 60.1. acceptum unquam a plebe tanto gaudio traditur. itaque ad curiam esse prensatasque exeuntium manus et patres vere appellatos, effectum esse fatentibus ut nemo pro tam munifica patria, donec quicquam virium superesset, corpori aut sanguini suo parceret.

[¶98] 60.2. Not only were they pleased at the advantage that their property would at least not diminish while their bodies were impressed for the service of the state, but the voluntary character of the offer, which had never been mooted by plebeian tribunes nor extorted by any words of their own, multiplied their satisfaction and increased their gratitude.

> Latin: 60.2. commoditas iuvaret rem familiarem saltem adquiescere eo tempore quo corpus addictum atque operatum rei publicae esset, tum quod ultro sibi oblatum esset, non a tribunis plebis unquam agitatum, non suis sermonibus efflagitatum, id efficiebat multiplex gaudium cumulatioremque gratiam rei.

[¶99] 60.3. The tribunes of the plebs were the only persons who did not partake in the general joy and good feeling of both orders. They said that the measure would neither be so agreeable to the Fathers nor so favourable to the whole body of the citizens as the latter believed; it was a plan which at first sight had promised to be better than experience would prove it.

> Latin: 60.3. plebis, communis ordinum laetitiae concordiaeque soli expertes, negare tam id laetum patribus civibus universis nec prosperum fore quam ipsi crederent. specie prima melius fuisse quam usu appariturum.

[¶100] 60.4. For where, they asked, could the money be got together, save by imposing a tribute on the people? The senators had therefore been generous at other men's expense; and even though everyone else should submit to it, those who had already earned their discharge would not endure that others should serve on better terms than they had themselves enjoyed, and that the same men who had paid their own expenses should also contribute to the expenses of others.

> Latin: 60.4. enim eam pecuniam confici posse nisi tributo populo indicto? alieno igitur aliis largitos. id etiamsi ceteri ferant passuros eos, quibus iam emerita stipendia essent, meliore condicione alios militare quam ipsi militassent, et eosdem in sua stipendia impensas fecisse et in aliorum facere.

[¶101] 60.5. By these arguments they influenced a part of the plebs. Finally, when the assessment had already been proclaimed, the tribunes even announced that they would protect anybody who should refuse to contribute to a tax for paying the soldiers.

> Latin: 60.5. vocibus moverunt partem plebis. indicto iam tributo edixerunt etiam tribuni auxilio se futuros si quis in militare stipendium tributum non contulisset.

[¶102] 60.6. The Fathers had made a good beginning and persevered in supporting it. They were themselves the first to contribute, and since there was as yet no silver coinage, some of them brought uncoined bronze in waggons to the treasury, and even made a display of their contributing.

> Latin: 60.6. bene coeptam rem perseveranter tueri; conferre ipsi primi, et quia nondum argentum signatum erat, aes grave plaustris quidam ad aerarium convehentes speciosam etiam conlationem faciebant.

[¶103] 60.7. After the senators had paid most faithfully, according to their rating, the chief men of the plebs, friends of the nobles, began, as had been agreed, to bring in their quota.

> Latin: 60.7. senatus summa fide ex censu contulisset, primores plebis, nobilium amici, ex composito conferre incipiunt.

[¶104] 60.8. When the crowd saw that these men were applauded by the patricians and were looked upon as good citizens by those of military age, they quickly rejected the protection of the tribunes and vied with one another who should be the first to pay.

> Latin: 60.8. cum et a patribus conlaudari et a militari aetate tamquam bonos cives conspici volgus hominum vidit, repente spreto tribunicio auxilio certamen conferendi est ortum.

[¶105] 60.9. And on the law being passed declaring war on the Veientes, an army consisting in great part of volunteers marched, under command of the new military tribunes, upon that city.

> Latin: 60.9. lege perlata de indicendo Veientibus bello exercitum magna ex parte voluntarium novi tribuni militum consulari potestate Veios duxere.

[¶106] 61.1. Now the tribunes were Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, Quintus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Gaius Julius Iulus (for the second time), Aulus Manlius, Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the third time), and Manius Aemilius Mamercus.

> Latin: 61.1. autem tribuni T. Quinctius Capitolinus Q. Quinctius Cincinnatus C. Iulius Iulus iterum A. Manlius L. Furius Medullinus tertium M'. Aemilius Mamercus.

[¶107] 61.2. By them Veii was for the first time besieged. Shortly after this siege began, the Etruscans held a numerously attended council at the shrine of Voltumna, but could reach no decision as to whether the entire nation should go to war in defence of the Veientes.

> Latin: 61.2. Ab iis primum circumsessi Veii sunt. cuius initium obsidionis cum Etruscorum concilium ad fanum Voltumnae frequenter habitum esset, parum constitit bellone publico gentis universae tuendi Veientes essent.

[¶108] 61.3. The siege languished during the year that followed, for some of the tribunes and a part of the army were called away to fight the Volsci.

> Latin: 61.3. oppugnatio segnior insequenti anno fuit, parte tribunorum exercitusque ad Volscum avocata bellum.

[¶109] 61.4. The military tribunes with consular powers for this year were Gaius Valerius Potitus (for the third time), Manius Sergius Fidenas, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Gaius Fabius Ambustus, and (for the second time) Spurius Nautius Rutulus.

> Latin: 61.4. militum consulari potestate is annus habuit C. Valerium Potitum tertium M'. Sergium Fidenatem P. Cornelium Maluginensem Cn. Cornelium Cossum C. Fabium Ambustum Sp. Nautium Rutulum iterum.

[¶110] 61.5. A pitched battle was fought with the Volsci between Ferentinum and Ecetra, in which fortune favoured the Romans. The tribunes then laid siege to Artena, a Volscian town.

> Latin: 61.5. Volscis inter Ferentinum atque Ecetram signis conlatis dimicatum;

[¶111] 61.6. While attempting a sortie the enemy were driven back into the city and afforded the Romans an opportunity of forcing an entrance, so that the whole place, except the citadel, was captured; to this fortress, which was naturally strong, a band of armed men retired; below the citadel a large number were killed or taken prisoner.

> Latin: 61.6. Romanis secunda fortuna pugnae fuit. Artena inde, Volscorum oppidum, ab tribunis obsideri coepta. inter eruptionem temptatam compulso in urbem hoste occasio data est Romanis inrumpendi, praeterque arcem cetera capta; in arcem munitam natura globus armatorum concessit; infra arcem caesi captique multi mortales.

[¶112] 61.7. The citadel was then besieged, but could neither be taken by assault, having a sufficient garrison in proportion to its area, nor appeared likely to surrender, for the whole public store of grain had been conveyed into the fortress before the capture of the town. The Romans would have withdrawn, discouraged, had not a slave betrayed the place into their hands.

> Latin: 61.7. deinde obsidebatur; nec aut vi capi poterat, quia pro spatio loci satis praesidii habebat, aut spem dabat deditionis omni publico frumento priusquam urbs caperetur in arcem convecto;

[¶113] 61.8. This man admitted some soldiers by way of a steep approach, and they captured it and slew the sentries; whereupon the rest of the garrison was seized with a sudden panic and surrendered.

> Latin: 61.8. taedioque recessum inde foret, ni servus arcem Romanis prodidisset. Ab eo milites per locum arduum accepti cepere; a quibus cum custodes trucidarentur, cetera multitudo multitude repentino pavore oppressa in deditionem venit.

[¶114] 61.9. After demolishing the citadel and the town of Artena, the legions were withdrawn from the Volsci and all the might of Rome was brought to bear upon Veii.

> Latin: 61.9. et arce et urbe Artena, reductae legiones ex Volscis, omnisque vis Romana Veios conversa est.

[¶115] 61.10. The traitor was given the property of two families as a reward, besides his liberty, and was named Servius Romanus. There are those who think that Artena had belonged to the Veientes, not to the Volsci.

> Latin: 61.10. praeter libertatem duarum familiarum bona in praemium data; Servius Romanus vocitatus. qui Artenam Veientium, non Volscorum, fuisse credant.

[¶116] 61.11. Their mistake is due to the fact that there was a city of the same name between Caere and Veii; but this place was destroyed by the Roman kings, and it had been a dependency of Caere, not of Veii; the other town of the same name, whose overthrow I have just related, was in Volscian territory. Peace was now established elsewhere, but Romans and Veientes were at war, and their rage and animosity were such that the end was clearly at hand for those that should be vanquished. Each people held an election very different from that of the other.

> Latin: 61.11. errorem quod eiusdem nominis urbs inter Caere atque Veios fuit; sed eam earn reges Romani delevere, Caeretumque, non Veientium fuerat; altera haec nomine eodem in Volsco agro fuit, cuius excidium est dictum.

## 24. Book V · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/24/#p-N

[¶0] 1.2. The Romans enlarged the number of their military tribunes with consular authority, and elected eight, a greater number than ever before, to wit, Manius Aemilius Mamercus (for the second time), Lucius Valerius Potitus (for the third), Appius Claudius Crassus, Marcus Quinctilius Varus, Lucius Julius Iulus, Marcus Postumius, Marcus Furius Camillus, Marcus Postumius Albinus.

> Latin: 1.2. alibi parta Romani Veiique in armis erant tanta ira odioque, ut victis finem adesse appareret. utriusque populi longe diversa ratione facta sunt. Romani auxere tribunorum tribunoruin militum consulari potestate numerum; octo, quot nunquam antea, creati, M.' Aemilius Mamercus iterum L. Valerius Potitus tertium Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quinctilius Varus L. Iulius Iulus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus M.

[¶1] 1.3. But the Veientes, weary of annual canvassing, which was sometimes the cause of brawls, chose a king. This gave offence to the feelings of the Etruscan peoples, who loathed not more the institution of kings than the King himself.

> Latin: 1.3. Postumius Albinus. Veientes contra taedio annuae ambitionis, quae interdum discordiarum causa erat, regem creavere. ea res populorum Etruriae animos, non maiore odio regni quam ipsius regis.

[¶2] 1.4. He had for some time been hateful to the nation by reason of his wealth and arrogance, since he had violently broken up a solemn festival, which it is impious to interrupt, in his resentment of a political rebuff; and because the suffrages of the Twelve Peoples had returned another man as priest in preference to him, he had suddenly carried off the actors, most of whom were his own slaves, in the middle of the games.

> Latin: 1.4. iam is antea genti fuerat opibus superbiaque, quia sollemnia ludorum, quos intermitti nefas est, violenter diremisset, cum ob iram repulsae, quod suffragio duodecim populorum alius sacerdos ei praelatus esset, artifices, quorum magna pars ipsius servi erant, ex medio ludicro repente abduxit.

[¶3] 1.6. And so the nation which was devoted beyond all others to religious rites (and all the more because it excelled in the art of observing them) voted to refuse its help to the men of Veil, so long as they should obey a king.

> Latin: 1.6. itaque ante omnes alias eo magis dedita religionibus, quod excelleret arte colendi eas, auxilium Veientibus negandum donec done sub rege essent decrevit;

[¶4] 1.7. This vote the Veientes would not suffer to be mentioned, in their fear of the King, who had a way of treating the man by whom any such saying was reported as a leader in sedition, not as the bearer of an idle tale.

> Latin: 1.7. cuius decreti suppressa fama est Veiis propter metum regis, qui a quo tale quid dictum referretur, pro seditionis eum principe, non vani sermonis auctore habebat.

[¶5] 1.8. Although the Romans got word that things were quiet in Etruria, still, because they heard that this question came up at all their meetings, they so constructed their works as to have a double fortification, one facing Veii, to oppose the sallies of the townsfolk, the other confronting Etruria, to shut off any assistance that might come from thence. As the Roman generals hoped more from a siege than from an assault, they even began the erection of winter quarters —a new thing to the Roman soldier —and planned to carry the campaign on, straight through the winter.

> Latin: 1.8. Romanis etsi quietae res ex Etruria nuntiabantur, tamen quia omnibus conciliis eam rem agitari adferebatur, ita muniebant ut ancipitia munimenta essent: alia in urbem et contra oppidanorum eruptiones versa, aliis frons in Etruriam spectans, auxiliis si qua forte inde venirent obstruebatur.

[¶6] 2.2. When news of this came to Rome, to the plebeian tribunes, who had now for a long time been unable to hit upon any pretext for agitation, they hurried before the assembly and set to work upon the passions of the commons: So this was the reason that the soldiers had been granted pay! They had not been mistaken in thinking that this gift of their opponents would be smeared with poison. The liberty of the commons had been sold; the young men, having been permanently removed and banished from the City and from the state, were no longer free, even in winter and the stormy season, to see to their homes and their affairs.

> Latin: 2.2. spes maior imperatoribus Romanis in obsidione quam in oppugnatione esset, hibernacula etiam, res nova militi Romano, aedificari coepta, consiliumque erat hiemando continuare bellum. postquam tribunis plebis, iam diu nullam novandi res causam invenientibus, Romam est allatum, in contionem prosiliunt, sollicitant plebis animos, hoc illud esse dictitantes quod aera militibus sint constituta; nec se fefellisse id donum inimicorum veneno inlitum fore. libertatem plebis; remotam in perpetuum et ablegatam ab urbe et ab re publica iuventutem iam ne hiemi quidem aut tempori anni cedere ac domos ac res invisere suas.

[¶7] 2.5. What, they asked, did their hearers suppose to be the reason for making the service continuous? They would assuredly find no other motive than this:

> Latin: 2.5. putarent continuatae militiae causam esse? profecto aliam inventuros quam ne quid per frequentiam iuvenum eorum in quibus vires omnes plebis essent agi de commodis eorum posset.

[¶8] 2.6. lest, through the presence in large numbers of the young men in whom lay all the vigour of the commons, something might be accomplished for the people's good. Moreover, they were far more ruthlessly abused and trodden down than were the Veientes, who, for their part, spent the winter in their houses, safeguarding their city by means of strong walls and natural defences, whilst the Roman soldiers were enduring toil and danger, overwhelmed with snows and frosts, in tents, not even laying aside their weapons in the winter time, a season of respite from all wars both by land and by sea.

> Latin: 2.6. praeterea et subigi multo acrius quam Veientes; quippe illos hiemem sub tectis suis agere, egregiis muris situque naturali urbem tutantes, militem Romanum in opere ac labore nivibus pruinisque obrutum sub pellibus durare ne hiemis quidem spatio, quae omnium bellorum terra marique sit quies, arma deponentem.

[¶9] 2.8. Such slavery as this neither kings, nor the proud consuls who came before the establishment of the tribunician power, nor the stern authority of a dictator, nor harsh decemvirs, had laid upon them, — that they should wage perennial war. Pray what would those men do if they should become consuls or dictators, who had made the semblance of consular authority so savage and truculent? But the commons were only getting their deserts. There had been no room even amongst eight military tribunes for a single plebeian. Heretofore the patricians had been wont with the utmost exertion to fill three places in a year: now they were advancing eight abreast to make good their authority, and there was never a commoner hanging on to the crowd, were it only to remind his colleagues that their soldiers were not slaves but freemen and fellow citizens;

> Latin: 2.8. neque reges neque ante tribuniciam potestatem creatam superbos illos consules neque triste dictatoris imperium neque inportunos importunes decemviros iniunxisse servitutis, ut perennem militiam facerent. illi consules dictatoresve facturi essent, qui consularem imaginem tam saevam ac trucem fecerint? id accidere haud immerito. fuisse ne in octo quidem tribunis militum locum ulli plebeio. trina loca cum contentione summa patricios explere solitos: nunc iam octoiuges ad imperia obtinenda ire, et ne in turba quidem haerere plebeium quemquam qui, si nihil aliud, admoneat collegas liberos et cives eorum, non servos, militare, quos hieme saltem in domos ac tecta

[¶10] 2.11. whom, at least in winter, they were bound to bring back to the shelter of their houses, and to leave them some portion of the year to look after their parents, their children, and their wives, and to use their liberty and elect magistrates. As they shouted forth these and suchlike arguments, they found an opponent not unequal to them in Appius Claudius, whom his colleagues had left behind to repress sedition on the part of the tribunes. He was a man experienced from his youth up in contentions with the plebs, and I have related how, some years before, he had advised that the intervention of their colleagues be used to break the power of the tribunes. The man not only had a nimble wit but was already a practised orator, and he delivered on this occasion a speech to the following effect:

> Latin: 2.11. reduci oporteat et aliquo tempore anni parentes liberosque ac coniuges invisere et usurpare libertatem et creare magistratus. taliaque vociferantes adversarium haud imparem nacti sunt Ap. Claudium, relictum a collegis ad tribunicias seditiones comprimendas, virum inbutum irmbutum iam ab iuventa certaminibus plebeiis, quem auctorem aliquot annis ante fuisse memoratum est per collegarum intercessionem tribuniciae potestatis dissolvendae.

[¶11] 3.2. "If it has ever been a question, Quirites, whether it was for your sake or their own that the tribunes of the commons have always encouraged sedition, I am certain that the doubt has this year been resolved;

> Latin: 3.2. tum tur iam non promptus ingenio tantum sed usu etiam exercitatus, talem orationem habuit: " unquam dubitatum est, Quirites, utrum tribuni plebis vestra an sua causa seditionum semper auctores fuerint, id ego hoc anno desisse dubitari certum habeo;

[¶12] 3.3. and not only do I rejoice that you have at length cleared up a long misunderstanding, but I congratulate both you, - and on your account the state as well, that it has: happened at a time, of all others, when your affairs are prospering.

> Latin: 3.3. et cum laetor tandem longi erroris vobis finem factum esse, tum tur, quod secundis potissimum vestris rebus hic error est sublatus, et vobis et propter vos rei publicae gratulor.

[¶13] 3.4. Or is there anyone who doubts that no wrongs which you have suffered, if haply such there have sometimes been, have ever so offended and stirred up the plebeian tribunes as has the boon which the Fathers bestowed upon the commons, when they granted pay for military service?

> Latin: 3.4. An est quisquam qui dubitet nullis iniuriis vestris, si quae forte aliquando fuerunt, unquam aeque quam munere patrum in plebem, cum aera militantibus constituta sunt, tribunos plebis offensos ac concitatos esse?

[¶14] 3.5. What else do you believe they were afraid of then, or are seeking now to shatter, but the harmony of the orders, which they regard as very apt to overthrow the tribunician authority?

> Latin: 3.5. illos aliud aut tum timuisse creditis aut hodie turbare velle nisi concordiam ordinum, quam dissolvendae maxime tribuniciae potestatis rentur esse?

[¶15] 3.6. Indeed they are like quack-salvers seeking employment, since they desire that there should always be some disease in the body politic, that there may be something which you may call them in to cure.

> Latin: 3.6. hercule tamquam artifices improbi opus quaerunt; quippe semper aegri aliquid esse in re publica volunt, ut sit ad cuius curationem a vobis adhibeantur.

[¶16] 3.7. Pray, are you tribunes defending the commons, or attacking them? Are you adversaries of the soldiers, or their advocates? Or perhaps this is your plea: 'Whatever the Fathers do displeases us, be it in behalf of the commons or against them'; and just as masters forbid outsiders to have aught to do with their slaves, and think it right that they should abstain alike from benefiting and from harming them, so you deny the Fathers intercourse with the commons, lest we by our friendliness and liberality encourage them, or they become dutiful and obedient to us.

> Latin: 3.7. enim defenditis an impugnatis plebem? militantium adversarii estis an causam agitis? forte hoc dicitis: Quidquid patres faciunt displicet, sive illud pro plebe sive contra plebem est,' et quemadmodum servis suis vetant domini quicquam rei cum alienis hominibus esse pariterque in iis beneficio ac maleficio abstineri aequum censent, sic vos interdicitis patribus commercio plebis, ne nos comitate ac munificentia nostra provocemus plebem nec plebs nobis dicto audiens atque oboediens sit.

[¶17] 3.9. How much more, if you had in you the slightest —I say not patriotism, but —humanity, ought you rather to have favoured, and, so far as in you lay, to have encouraged the kindly spirit of the Fathers and the complaisance of the plebs?

> Latin: 3.9. tandem, si quicquam in vobis, non dico civilis, sed humani esset, favere vos magis et quantum in vobis esset indulgere potius comitati patrum atque obsequio plebis oportuit?

[¶18] 3.10. And if this harmony should last, who would not make bold to warrant that our empire would soon be the greatest among the neighbouring peoples? "I shall presently explain, in regard to this plan of my colleagues, who have not been willing to withdraw the army from Veii with its task unaccomplished, —how not merely profitable but even necessary it was. But first I wish to speak about the actual condition of the soldiers; and I think that if I should express my meaning not in your presence only but also in the camp, the army itself would judge it reasonable. Indeed, though I were unable to think of anything to urge myself, I could be quite content with the speeches of my opponents.

> Latin: 3.10. si perpetua concordia sit, quis non spondere ausit maximum hoc imperium inter finitimos brevi futurum esse? " ego, quam hoc consilium collegarum meorum, quo abducere infecta re a Veiis exercitum noluerunt, non utile solum sed etiam necessarium fuerit, postea disseram: nunc de ipsa condicione dicere militantium libet; quam orationem non apud vos solum sed etiam in castris si habeatur, ipso exercitu disceptante aequam arbitror videri posse. qua si mihi ipsi nihil quod dicerem in mentem venire posset, adversariorum certe orationibus contentus essem.

[¶19] 4.3. They were lately insisting that pay ought not to be given to the men, because it never had been given. How then can they object, if to those who have gained some new advantage be allotted new labour also, in proportion.

> Latin: 4.3. nuper danda esse aera militibus, quia nunquam data essent. modo igitur nunc indignari possunt, quibus aliquid novi adiectum commodi sit, eis laborem etiam novum pro portione iniungi?

[¶20] 4.4. Nowhere, as a rule, is service given without recompense, nor recompense except for service; toil and pleasure, most unlike in nature, have been linked together in a sort of natural bond.

> Latin: 4.4. nec nee opera sine: emolumento nec nee emolumentum ferme sine impensa opera est. voluptasque, dissimillima natura, societate quadam inter se naturali sunt iuncta.

[¶21] 4.5. Formerly the soldier was vexed that he must serve the state at his own cost; yet he was happy to be able, for a half of the year, to till his own field and gain the means of keeping himself and his family, whether he were at home or with the army.

> Latin: 4.5. antea ferebat miles se suo sumptu operam rei publicae praebere; gaudebat idem partem anni se agrum suum colere, quaerere unde domi militiaeque se ac suos tueri posset:

[¶22] 4.6. Now he is happy that the state affords him gain, and is glad to receive his pay. Let him therefore be resigned to remaining away a little longer from his home and his property, which is now under no heavy charges.

> Latin: 4.6. gaudet nunc fructui sibi rem publicam esse et laetus stipendium accipit; aequo igitur animo patiatur se ab domo ac re familiari, cui gravis impensa non est, paulo diutius abesse.

[¶23] 4.7. Why, if the commonwealth should call him to a reckoning, would it not justly say, 'You have a year's stipend, render a year's service; do you think it right that for a campaign of six months you should receive the pay of twelve?'

> Latin: 4.7. An si ad calculos eum res publica vocet, non merito dicat: 'annua aera habes, annuam operam ede; an tu aequum censes militia semestri solidum te stipendium accipere?'

[¶24] 4.8. I dislike to dwell upon this point, Quirites; for it is thus that men who employ mercenaries ought to argue; we would deal as though with fellow citizens, and we think it only right that you deal with us as with your native country.

> Latin: 4.8. in hac parte orationis, Quirites, moror; sic sie enim agere debent qui mercennario milite mnilite utuntur; nos tamquam cum civibus agere volumus agique tamquam cum patria nobiscum aequum censemus.

[¶25] 4.9. Either we ought not to have undertaken the war, or we ought to conduct it as befits the Roman People, and end it as quickly as possible.

> Latin: 4.9. non suscipi bellum oportuit aut geri pro dignitate populi Romani et perfici quam primum oportet.

[¶26] 4.10. And we shall end it, if we press our beleaguered foes, and quit them not till we have fulfilled our hopes and captured Veii. Truly, if there were no other reason, the very indignity of the thing should compel us to persist!

> Latin: 4.10. autem si urgemus obsessos, si non ante abscedimus abseedimus quam spei nostrae finem captis Veiis imposuerimus. hercules nulla alia causa, ipsa indignitas perseverantiam imponere debuit.

[¶27] 4.11. Did all Greece once, for one woman's sake, war ten years against a city so far from home, with all those lands and seas between?

> Latin: 4.11. quondam annos urbs oppugnata est ob unam mulierem ab universa Graecia, quam procul ab domo?

[¶28] 4.12. And does it irk us, being less than twenty miles away and almost within sight of Rome, to maintain a siege for a single year? Doubtless our reason for fighting is a trivial one, and we have no proper and sufficient grievance to incite us to persevere!

> Latin: 4.12. quot terras, quot maria distans? intra vicesimum lapidem in conspectu prope urbis nostrae annuam oppugnationem perferre piget? quia levis causa belli est nec satis quicquam iusti doloris est quod nos ad perseverandum stimulet. rebellarunt;

[¶29] 4.13. Seven times have they renewed the war; never have they kept faith in peace; our fields they have pillaged a thousand times; they forced the Fidenates to forsake us; our settlers there they put to death;

> Latin: 4.13. in pace nunquam fida fuerunt; agros nostros miliens depopulati sunt; Fidenates deficere a nobis coegerunt; colonos nostros ibi interfecerunt;

[¶30] 4.14. it was they who instigated, in violation of the law of nations, the impious murder of our envoys; they sought to raise up all Etruria against us, and they are striving to this end to-day; when our ambassadors sought redress they well-nigh did them bodily injury. "With such enemies ought we to wage a fainthearted and dilatory war? If so just grounds of resentment have no power to move us, pray have the following considerations none?

> Latin: 4.14. auctores fuere contra ius caedis impiae legatorum nostrorum; Etruriam omnem adversus nos concitare voluerunt voluerunlt hodieque id moliuntur; res repetentes legatos nostros haud procul afuit quin violarent.

[¶31] 5.2. The city is hemmed in with vast siege-works, which confine the enemy within his walls; he has not cultivated his land, and what was cultivated has been laid waste in the war;

> Latin: 5.2. " his molliter et per dilationes bellum geri oportet? nos tam iustum odium nihil movet, ne illa quidem, oro vos, movent? ingentibus saepta urbs est, quibus intra muros coercetur hostis; agrum non coluit, et culta evastata sunt bello;

[¶32] 5.3. if we bring our army back, who can doubt that not only a desire for revenge, but also necessity, constraining them to plunder others since they have lost their own possessions, will cause them to invade our territory? So we are not postponing the war, if we act on your advice, but are receiving it within our own borders.

> Latin: 5.3. si reducimus exercitum, quis est qui dubitet illos non a cupiditate solum ulciscendi, sed etiam necessitate imposita ex alieno praedandi, cum sua amiserint, agrum nostrum invasuros? differimus igitur bellum isto consilio, sed intra fines nostros accipimus.?

[¶33] 5.4. And what of that matter which specially concerns the soldiers, whom the worthy plebeian tribunes formerly wished to rob of their pay, but are now desirous of protecting? How does it stand with them?

> Latin: 5.4. quod proprie ad milites pertinet, quibus boni tribuni plebis tum stipendium extorquere voluerunt, nunc consultum repente volunt, quale est? fossamque, ingentis utrumque operis, per tantum spatii duxerunt: castella primo pauca, postea amp exercitu aucto creberrima fecerunt;

[¶34] 5.5. The rampart and the trench, each involving prodigious toil, they have carried all that distance; forts they erected only a few at first, but since then, with the growth of the army, they have built very many; they have thrown up earthworks, not only against the city, but also facing Etruria, if any aid should come from that side; what need to speak of towers, mantlets, penthouses, and the rest of the equipment for storming towns? When they have expended all this labour, and the end of their task is at last in sight, do you: vote for abandoning these things, that when summer comes they may sweat and toil again to produce them afresh?

> Latin: 5.5. munitiones non in urbem modo sed in Etruriam etiam spectantes, si qua inde auxilia veniant, opposuere; quid turres, quid vineas testudinesque et alium oppugnandarum urbium apparatum loquar? tantum laboris exhaustum sit et ad finem iam operis tandem perventum, relinquendane haec censetis, ut ad aestatem rursus novus de integro his instituendis exsudetur labor?

[¶35] 5.7. How much less effort it requires to guard what is already made, and to press on and persevere and put an end to our anxiety! For surely it is- a thing soon done, if we carry it through without stopping, and do not ourselves drag out our hopes with these interruptions and delays.

> Latin: 5.7. est minus operae tueri facta et instare ac perseverare defungique cura? enim. profecto res est, si uno tenore peragitur nec ipsi per intermissiones has intervallaque lentiorem spem nostram facimus.

[¶36] 5.8. I talk of the loss of time and labour; what of the danger that we run by putting off the war? Do -the frequent debates in Etruria about the dispatch of succours to Veii allow us to forget it?

> Latin: 5.8. de operae et de temporis iactura.? Periculi, quod differendo bello adimus, num oblivisci nos haec tam crebra Etruriae concilia de mittendis Veios auxiliis patiuntur?

[¶37] 5.9. Just now they are angry and resentful, and declare that they will send none; for all they care, we may capture Veii. But who is to guarantee that if we postpone the campaign they will hereafter feel the same: since if you slacken, a greater and more numerous embassy will set out, and since what now offends the Etruscans —the setting up of a king at Veii —may be altered with the lapse of time or by agreement of the citizens, to the end that thereby they may regain the goodwill of Etruria; or with the consent of the King himself, who would not wish his sovereignty to hurt the safety of his people?

> Latin: 5.9. nunc res se habet, irati sunt, oderunt, negant missuros; quantum in illis est, capere Veios licet. est qui spondeat eundem, si differtur bellum, animum postea fore, cum si laxamentum dederis, maior frequentiorque legatio itura sit, cum id quod nunc offendit Etruscos, rex creatus Veiis, mutari spatio interposito possit vel consensu civitatis, ut eo reconcilient Etruriae animos, vel ipsius voluntate regis, qui obstare regnum suum saluti civium nolit?

[¶38] 5.11. See how many undesirable consequences attend that line of policy: the loss of works constructed with such effort; the imminent devastation of our fields; the Etruscans, instead of the Veientes only, aroused to war with us.

> Latin: 5.11. quot res quam inutiles sequantur illam viam consilii, iactura operum tanto labore factorum, vastatio imminens finium nostrorum, Etruscum bellum pro Veiente concitatum.

[¶39] 5.12. It is thus, tribunes, that you would manage matters, much as though in dealing with a sick man, who if he would undergo a strict regimen might begin at once to recover, you should protract his illness and perhaps render it incurable, by.indulging his immediate desire for meat and drink. "If it were of no moment to this war, it was yet, I assure you, of the utmost importance for military discipline that our soldiers become accustomed not only to pluck a victory within their grasp, but if a campaign should be even more protracted, to put up with the tedium and await the outcome of their hopes, however long-deferred; and if a war be not finished in a summer, to stay for winter, nor, like birds of passage, cast about at once, on the approach of autumn, for shelter and covert.

> Latin: 5.12. sunt, tribuni, consilia vestra, non hercule dissimilia ac si quis aegro qui curari se fortiter passus extemplo convalescere possit, cibi gratia praesentis aut potionis longinquum et forsitan insanabilem morbum efficiat. " mediusfidius, ad hoc bellum nihil pertineret, ad disciplinam certe militiae plurimum intererat insuescere militem nostrum non solum parata victoria frui, sed, si etiam res lentior sit, pati taedium et quamvis serae spei exitum exspectare et si non sit aestate perfectum bellum, hiemem opperiri nec, sicut aestivas aves, statim autumno tecta ac recessus circumspicere.

[¶40] 6.3. Do the eagerness, pray, and delight that men have in hunting carry them through snow and frost into the mountains and the forests; and shall not we use in the stress of war the same resolution which even sport and pleasure are wont to call out?

> Latin: 6.3. vos, venandi studium ac voluptas homines per nives ac pruinas in montes silvasque rapit: belli necessitatibus eam patientiam non adhibebimus quam vel lusus ac voluptas elicere solet?

[¶41] 6.4. Do we think the bodies of our soldiers so effeminate, their hearts so faint, that they cannot endure to be one winter in camp, away from home; that like sailors they must wage war with an eye on the weather, observing the seasons, incapable of withstanding heat or cold?

> Latin: 6.4. effeminata corpora militum nostrorum esse putamus, adeo molles animos, ut hiemem unam durare in castris, abesse ab domo non possint? tamquam navale bellum tempestatibus captandis et observando tempore anni gerant, non aestus, non frigora pati possint?

[¶42] 6.5. They would certainly blush if anyone should charge them with this, and would maintain that manly endurance was in their souls and bodies, and that they could campaign as well in winter as in summer; that they had given the tribunes no commission to protect softness and idleness; and that they were mindful that their grandsires had not founded the tribunician power in the shade or under roofs.

> Latin: 6.5. profecto si quis eis haec obiciat, contendantque, et animis et corporibus suis virilem patientiam inesse, et se iuxta hieme atque aestate bella gerere posse nec se patrocinium mollitiae inertiaeque mandasse tribunis, et meminisse hanc ipsam potestatem non in umbra nec in tectis maiores suos creasse.

[¶43] 6.6. "It is due to the valour of your soldiers, it is due to the Roman name, that you should look not merely to Veii and this present war that is upon us, but should seek for the years to come a reputation that will serve you in other wars and amongst all other nations.

> Latin: 6.6. " virtute militum vestrorum, haec Romano nomine sunt digna, non Veios tantum nec hoc bellum intueri quod instat, sed famam et ad alia bella et ad ceteros populos in posterum quaerere.

[¶44] 6.7. Do you suppose there will be no great difference in men's opinion of us, whether our neighbours conclude the Roman People to be such, that if a city withstand the brunt of their first assault for a very brief time, it need thenceforward have no fears; or whether our name inspire such dread, that men believe that once a Roman army has sat down before a town, it will never budge, either from the weariness of a protracted siege or from the rigours of winter, that it knows no other end of war but victory, and relies in its campaigns not more on swiftness than on perseverance?

> Latin: 6.7. An mediocre discrimen opinionis secuturum ex hac re putatis, utrum tandem finitimi populum Romanum eum esse putent cuius si qua urbs primum illum brevissimi temporis sustinuerit impetum, nihil deinde timeat, an hic sit terror nominis nostri ut exercitum Romanum non taedium longinquae oppugnationis, non vis hiemis ab urbe circumsessa semel amovere possit, nec finem ullum alium belli quam victoriam noverit nec impetu potius bella quam perseverantia gerat?

[¶45] 6.9. For perseverance, needful in every kind of warfare, is especially so in besieging cities, since fortifications and natural advantages make most of them impregnable, and time itself subdues them, with hunger and thirst, and captures them, as it shall capture Veii, unless the plebeian tribunes help our enemies, and the Veientes find in Rome those succours which they are seeking to no purpose in Etruria.

> Latin: 6.9. in omni quidem genere militiae, maxime tamen in obsidendis urbibus necessaria est, quarum plerasque munitionibus ac naturali situ inexpugnabiles fame sitique tempus ipsum vincit atque expugnat, —sicut Veios expugnabit, nisi auxilio hostibus tribuni plebis fuerint, et Romae invenerint praesidia Veientes quae nequiquam in Etruria quaerunt.

[¶46] 6.11. “Could anything happen which would so please the Veientes as that factions should spring up, first in the City of Rome, and then, as though by contagion, in the camp?”

> Latin: 6.11. An est quicquam quicquain quod Veientibus optatum aeque contingere possit quam ut seditionibus primum urbs Romana, deinde velut ex contagione castra impleantur?

[¶47] 6.12. “But our enemies, by Heaven, are so well disciplined that no weariness of the blockade nor even of kingly rule has occasioned the smallest revolt among them; neither has the Etruscans' denial of help provoked their spirit; for whosoever prompts sedition shall forthwith die the death;”

> Latin: 6.12. hercule apud hostes tanta modestia est ut non obsidionis taedio, non denique regni quicquam apud eos novatum sit, non negata auxilia ab Etruscis inritaverint animos;

[¶48] 6.13. “nor shall any man there have licence to say what is said with impunity to you.”

> Latin: 6.13. morietur enim extemplo quicumque erit seditionis auctor, nec cuiquam dicere ea licebit, quae apud vos impune dicuntur.

[¶49] 6.14. “Death by cudgelling is the wage of him who forsakes the standards or quits his post; but those who advise the men to abandon their standards and desert the camp gain a hearing, not with one or two soldiers, but with whole armies, openly, in public meetings;”

> Latin: 6.14. meretur qui signa relinquit aut praesidio decedit: auctores signa relinquendi et deserendi castra non uni aut alteri militi, sed universis exercitibus palam in contione audiuntur;

[¶50] 6.15. “so accustomed are you to hear with complacency whatever a tribune says, even if it tends to betray the City and to undo the state; and captivated by the charm of that authority, you suffer any wickedness whatsoever to lurk beneath it.”

> Latin: 6.15. adeo quidquid tribunus plebi loquitur, etsi prodendae patriae dissolvendaeque rei publicae est, adsuestis aequi audire et dulcedine potestatis eius capti quaelibet sub ea scelera latere sinitis.

[¶51] 6.16. “It only remains for them to utter in camp and in the presence of the soldiers the view which they noisily publish here, and to corrupt the armies and not to suffer them to obey their leaders.” “For in the upshot liberty has come to mean at Rome, that a man respect neither senate nor magistrates, nor laws, nor ancestral customs, nor institutions of the fathers, nor military discipline.” Appius was already holding his own with the tribunes of the plebs, even in public meetings, when a sudden disaster, from a source which could least have been anticipated, befell the army before Veii, giving Appius the advantage in the argument, while it increased the mutual good-will of the orders and their ardour for a more vigorous prosecution of the siege.

> Latin: 6.16. est ut quae hic vociferantur, eadem in castris et apud milites agant et exercitus corrumpant ducibusque parere non patiantur, quoniam ea demum Romae libertas est, non senatum, non magistratus, non leges, non mores maiorum, non instituta patrum, non disciplinam vereri militiae.

[¶52] 7.2. For when they had pushed forward the terrace towards the town, and had all but brought the mantlets into contact with the walls, —more intent upon erecting their works by day than on guarding them by night, —the gate was suddenly flung open, and a vast horde, most of them armed with torches, hurled fire on the works, and in an hour's time terrace and mantlets, that had taken so long to make, were consumed in the flames; and many men perished by the sword or the fire, in vain efforts to save them.

> Latin: 7.2. iam etiam tiam in contionibus erat Appius tribunis plebis, cum subito, unde minime quis crederet, accepta calamitas apud Veios et superiorem Appium in causa et concordiam ordinum maiorem ardoremque ad obsidendos pertinacius Veios fecit. cum agger promotus ad urbem vineaeque tantum non iam iniunctae moenibus essent, dum opera interdiu fiunt intentius quam nocte custodiuntur, patefacta repente porta ingens multitudo multitude facibus maxime armata ignes coniecit, horaeque momento simul aggerem ac vineas, tam longi temporis opus, incendium hausit; multique ibi mortales nequiquam opem ferentes ferro ignique absumpti sunt.

[¶53] 7.4. When the news of this came to Rome, it filled the City with sadness, the senate with anxiety and apprehension, lest they might now indeed be unable to check the disaffection, either in the City or the camp, and the tribunes might crow over the commonwealth as though they had overthrown it; when lo! those who were of equestrian rating, but had not received horses from the state, having first taken counsel together, came to the senate, and being granted a hearing, volunteered to serve on their own horses.

> Latin: 7.4. ubi Romam est nuntiatum, maestitiam omnibus, senatui curam metumque iniecit, ne tum vero sustineri nec in urbe seditio nec in castris posset et tribuni plebis velut ab se victae rei publicae insultarent, cum repente quibus census equester erat, equi publici non erant adsignati, concilio prius prit:s inter sese habito senatum adeunt factaque dicendi potestate equis se suis stipendia facturos promittunt.

[¶54] 7.6. These men had no sooner received a vote of thanks from the senate, in the most honourable terms, and the report of it had spread to the Forum and the City, than the plebeians suddenly ran together to the Curia, and:

> Latin: 7.6. cum amplissimis verbis gratiae ab senatu actae essent famaque ea forum atque urbem pervasisset, subito ad curiam concursus fit plebis;

[¶55] 7.7. declared that it was now the turn of the foot-soldiers to proffer extraordinary service to the state, whether it would have them march to Veii, or anywhere else;

> Latin: 7.7. pedestris ordinis aiunt nunc esse operam rei publicae extra ordinem polliceri, seu Veios seu quo alio ducere velint; si Veios ducti sint, negant se inde prius quam capta urbe hostium redituros esse.

[¶56] 7.8. if they should be led to Veii, they promised that they would not quit their ground until they had taken the enemy's city. Then indeed the senate could scarce control its already overflowing joy; for they did not, as with the knights, issue an order to the magistrates to thank them, nor did they call them into the Curia to receive an answer, neither did the senate keep within the House; but each for himself cried out from above, to the multitude standing in the Comitium, and by speech and gesture signified the general joy. Rome was blest, they said, and invincible and eternal, by reason of this noble harmony; they praised the knights, they praised the plebeians, they extolled the very day itself, and confessed that the courtesy and good-will of the senate had been surpassed.

> Latin: 7.8. vero iam superfundenti se laetitiae vix temperatum est; non enim, sicut equites, dato magistratibus negotio laudari iussi, neque aut in curiam vocati quibus responsum daretur, aut limine curiae continebatur senatus; sed pro se quisque ex superiore loco ad multitudinem in comitio stantem voce manibusque significare publicam laetitiam, beatam urbem Romanam et invictam et aeternam illa concordia dicere, laudare equites, laudare plebem, diem ipsum laudibus ferre, victam esse fateri comitatem benignitatemque senatus.

[¶57] 7.11. Fathers and commoners mingled their tears of joy, till the Fathers were recalled into the senate-house, and decreed that the military tribunes should hold an assembly and thank the infantry and the knights, and say to them that the senate would remember their loyalty to their country, and that it was voted that all who had volunteered to serve out of their due order should receive pay.

> Latin: 7.11. patribus plebique manare gaudio lacrimae, donec revocatis in curiam patribus senatus consultum factum est ut tribuni militares contione advocata peditibus equitibusque gratias agerent, memorem pietatis eorum erga patriam dicerent senatum fore; placere autem auter omnibus his voluntariam extra ordinem professis militiam aera procedere; et equiti certus numerus numerous aeris est adsignatus.

[¶58] 7.13. The knights, too, were granted a definite money allowance. Then for the first time cavalry-men began to serve on their own horses. The volunteer army, having marched to Veii, not only replaced the works that had been lost, but added new ones. The city dispatched provisions with more than its former zeal, that nothing might be lacking to an army that had deserved so well. The ensuing year had for consular tribunes Gaius Servilius Ahala (for the third time), Quintus Servilius, Lucius Verginius, Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius (for the second time), and Manius Sergius (for the second time). In their term of office, while everyone was intent on the war with Veii, the garrison at Anxur was neglected;

> Latin: 7.13. primum equis suis merere equites coeperunt. ductus exercitus Veios non amissa modo restituit opera, sed nova etiam instituit. urbe commeatus intentiore quam antea subvehi cura, ne quid tam bene merito exercitui ad usum deesset.

[¶59] 8.2. soldiers were given furlough, Volscian traders were admitted without discrimination, and, the sentinels at the gates being suddenly overpowered, the town was taken. Not many soldiers perished, because they were all, except the sick, occupied, like sutlers, with trafficking in the country-side and the towns near by.

> Latin: 8.2. annus tribunos militum consulari potestate habuit C. Servilium Ahalam tertium Q. Servilium L. Verginium Q. Sulpicium A. Manlium iterum M. Sergium iterum. tribunis, dum cura omnium in Veiens bellum intenta est, neglectum Anxuri praesidium vacationibus militum et Volscos mercatores volgo receptando proditis repente portarum custodibus oppressum est. militum periit, quia praeter aegros lixarum in modum omnes per agros vicinasque urbes negotiabantur.

[¶60] 8.4. Nor were things any better at Veii, which was at that time the nation's chief concern; for the Roman commanders showed more jealousy of one another than spirit in dealing with the enemy, whose forces moreover were enlarged by the unexpected accession of the Capenates and the Faliscans.

> Latin: 8.4. Veiis melius gesta res, quod tum caput omnium curarum publicarum erat; nam et duces Romani plus inter se irarum quam adversus hostes animi habuerunt, et auctum est bellum adventu repentino Capenatium atque Faliscorum.

[¶61] 8.5. These two Etruscan peoples, being nearest in situation, believed that if the Veientes were conquered it would be their turn next to face a Roman invasion. The Faliscans, besides, had incurred hostility on their own account, because they had been mixed up before in the war with Fidenae. So they exchanged embassies, bound themselves by an oath, and their armies suddenly appeared before Veii. It happened that they attacked the camp at that point where the tribune Manius Sergius was in command, and great was the terror they inspired, since the Romans thought that all Etruria had risen and was come with a mighty array against them.

> Latin: 8.5. duo Etruriae populi, quia proximi regione erant, devictis Veiis bello quoque Romano se proximos fore credentes, Falisci propria etiam causa infesti, quod Fidenati bello se iam antea immiscuerant, per legatos ultro citroque missos iure iurando inter se obligati, cum exercitibus necopinato ad Veios accessere.

[¶62] 8.7. The same belief roused up the Veientes in the town. Thus a two-fold attack was directed against the camp. The soldiers rallied into groups, facing now this way and now that, yet were unable either quite to confine the Veientes within the siege-lines, or to ward off the attack upon their own defences and protect themselves from the enemy outside. Their only hope was if help should come from the larger camp, so that the legions might face different ways, some of them confronting the Capenates and Faliscans, and others the sortie of the townsfolk.

> Latin: 8.7. ea regione qua M.' Sergius tribunus militum praeerat castra adorti sunt ingentemque terrorem intulere, quia Etruriam Etruriamn omnem excitam sedibus magna mole adesse Romani Rotnani crediderant. opinio Veientes in urbe concitavit. ancipiti proelio castra Romana oppugnabantur; concursantesque cum huc hue atque illuc signa transferrent, nec Veientem satis cohibere intra munitiones nec suis munimentis arcere vim ac tueri se ab exteriore poterant hoste.

[¶63] 8.9. But that camp was under the command of Verginius, who was privately hated by Sergius and returned his enmity. This man, though word was brought that many bastions had been stormed and the ramparts scaled, and that the enemy were attacking on both sides, held his troops under arms, saying that if his colleague needed help he would let him know.

> Latin: 8.9. spes erat si ex maioribus castris subveniretur, ut diversae legiones aliae adversus Capenatem ac Faliscum, aliae contra eruptionem oppidanorum pugnarent; sed castris praeerat Verginius, privatim Sergio invisus infestusque. , cum pleraque castella oppugnata, superatas munitiones, utrimque invehi hostem nuntiaretur, in armis milites tenuit, si opus foret auxilio collegam dictitans ad se missurum.

[¶64] 8.11. His pride found a match in the other's obstinacy, and Sergius, lest he should seem to have required any aid of his rival, preferred defeat at the hands of the enemy to victory gained through a fellow citizen.

> Latin: 8.11. adrogantiam pertinacia alterius aequabat, qui, ne quam opem ab inimico videretur petisse, vinci ab hoste quam vincere per civem maluit.

[¶65] 8.12. For a long time the Romans were slaughtered between the two attacking armies; finally they abandoned their works, and a very few escaped into the larger camp, while Sergius himself, with the chief part of his men, kept on to Rome. It was there decided, on his throwing all the blame upon his colleague, to summon Verginius from camp, and in the meanwhile put lieutenants in command of it.

> Latin: 8.12. in medio caesi milites; postremo desertis munitionibus perpauci in maiora castra, pars maxima atque ipse Sergius Romam pertenderunt. cum omnem culpam in collegam inclinaret, acciri Verginium ex castris, interea praeesse legatos placuit.

[¶66] 8.13. The affair was then debated in the senate and the colleagues heaped abuse on one another. There were but few who spoke for the commonwealth: most of them argued for one or the other disputant, according as each was swayed by private interest or favour. The leading senators held, that whether the: fault or the misfortune of the commanders were the cause of this shameful disaster, they ought not to await the regular time for elections, but proceed at once to choose new military tribunes, to begin their magistracy on the first of October. While the members were voting for this proposal, the other military tribunes raised no objection;

> Latin: 8.13. deinde in senatu res est certatumque inter collegas maledictis. rei publicae, plerique huic atque illi, ut quosque studium privatim aut gratia occupaverat, adsunt. patrum, sive culpa sive infelicitate imperatorum tam ignominiosa clades accepta esset, censuere non exspectandum iustum tempus comitiorum, sed extemplo novos tribunos militum creandos esse, qui kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent. quam sententiam cum pedibus iretur, ceteri tribuni militum nihil contradicere;

[¶67] 9.3. but of all people Sergius and Verginius, the very men on account of whom it was evident that the senate was disgusted with the magistrates of that year, first begged to be spared the humiliation, then vetoed the senate's decree, declaring that they would not resign their authority before the thirteenth of December, the accustomed day for entering upon office.

> Latin: 9.3. at enimvero Sergius Verginiusque, propter quos paenitere magistratuum eius anni senatum apparebat, primo deprecari ignominiam, deinde intercedere senatus consulto, negare se ante idus Decembres, sollemnem ineundis magistratibus diem, honore abituros esse.

[¶68] 9.4. Whereupon the tribunes of the plebs, who so long as harmony prevailed and the affairs of the City prospered, had reluctantly held their tongues, suddenly broke out and threatened the tribunes of the soldiers, that unless they submitted to the senate they would send them to prison.

> Latin: 9.4. haec tribuni plebis, cum in concordia hominum secundisque rebus civitatis inviti silentium tenuissent, feroces repente minari tribunis militum, nisi in auctoritate senatus essent, se in vincla eos duci iussuros esse. C. Servilius Ahala tribunus militum:

[¶69] 9.5. Then Gaius Servilius Ahala, a military tribune, said: “So far as concerns you, tribunes of the commons, and your menaces, I should indeed willingly put it to the proof how you have in your threats as little legality as courage; but it is impious to oppose the authority of the senate.”

> Latin: 9.5. ad vos attinet, tribuni plebis, minasque vestras, ne ego libenter experirer quam—non plus in iis iuris quam in vobis animi esset;

[¶70] 9.6. “Accordingly do you give over seeking in our quarrels occasion for working mischief, and my colleagues shall either do as the senate decrees, or if they persist in stubborn opposition, I will forthwith name a dictator, to compel them to lay down their authority.”

> Latin: 9.6. sed nefas est tendere adversus auctoritatem senatus. et vos desinite inter nostra certamina locum iniuriae quaerere, et collegae aut facient quod censet senatus, aut, si pertinacius tendent, dictatorem extemplo dicam qui eos abire magistratu cogat.

[¶71] 9.7. This speech was universally approved, and the Fathers rejoiced that they needed not the trumpery threats of the tribunician power, but had found another and a greater force to coerce the magistrates; and the latter, overborne by the unanimity of feeling, held an election of military tribunes, to begin service on October the first, and before that date resigned their office. The consular tribuneship of Lucius Valerius Potitus (for the fourth term), Marcus Furius Camillus (for the second ), Manius Aemilius Mamercus (for the third), Gnaeus Cornelius Cossus (for the second), Caeso Fabius Ambustus, and Lucius Julius Iulus, was a time of great activity both at home and in the field.

> Latin: 9.7. omnium adsensu comprobata oratio esset gauderentque patres sine tribuniciae potestatis terriculis inventam esse aliam vim maiorem ad coercendos magistratus, victi consensu omnium comitia tribunorum militum habuere qui kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent, seque ante eam earn diem magistratu abdicavere.

[¶72] 10.2. For they made war at many points simultaneously, before Veii, at Capena, at Falerii, and in the Volscian country —to recover Anxur from the enemy; —and in Rome both the levy and the payment of the war-tax occasioned difficulties, a quarrel sprang up over the co-optation of plebeian tribunes, and the trials: of the two who had lately exercised consular powers aroused no small commotion.

> Latin: 10.2. L. Valerio Potito quartum M. Furio Camillo iterum M.' Aemilio Aemillo Mamerco tertium Cn. Cornelio Cosso iterum K. Fabio Ambusto L. Iulio Iulo tribunis militum consulari potestate multa domi militiaeque gesta. et bellum multiplex fuit eodem tempore, ad Veios et ad Capenam et ad Falerios et in Volscis, ut Anxur ab hostibus reciperaretur, et. Romae simul dilectu simul tributo conferendo laboratum est, et de tribunis plebi cooptandis contentio fuit, et haud parvum motum duo iudicia eorum qui- paulo ante consulari potestate fuerant excivere.

[¶73] 10.4. The first concern of the military tribunes was to levy troops, and they not only enrolled the younger men, but also compelled the seniors to enlist for service in guarding the City. But the more they increased the number of the soldiers, the more money they required for pay.

> Latin: 10.4. primum tribunis militum fuit dilectum habere, nec iuniores modo conscripti sed seniores etiam coacti nomina dare ut urbis custodiam agerent.

[¶74] 10.5. This they tried to collect by taxation; but those who remained at home contributed with reluctance, because they had also in defence of the City to perform the labour of soldiers and serve the commonwealth.

> Latin: 10.5. autem augebatur militum numerus tanto maiore pecunia in stipendium opus erat, eaque tributo conficiebatur invitis conferentibus qui domi remanebant, quia tuentibus urbem opera quoque militari laborandum serviendumque rei publicae erat.

[¶75] 10.6. To make this obligation, heavy in itself, seem yet more grievous, the tribunes of the plebs delivered seditious speeches, in which they alleged that the senators had established pay for the troops for this reason, that they might ruin one half of the plebs with fighting and the other half with taxation.

> Latin: 10.6. , per se gravia, indigniora ut viderentur tribuni plebis seditiosis contionibus faciebant, ideo aera militibus constituta esse arguendo, ut plebis partem militia, partem tributo conficerent.

[¶76] 10.7. They were now drawing out a single war into its third year, and were purposely misconducting it, that they might conduct it the longer. Again, with one levy they had enrolled armies for four wars, and had haled away even boys and old men.

> Latin: 10.7. bellum annum iam tertium trahi et consulto male geri ut diutius gerant. quattuor deinde bella uno dilectu exercitus scriptos et pueros quoque ac senes extractos.

[¶77] 10.8. Now they were confounding winter with summer, to allow no rest ever to the unhappy commons, on whom finally they had even imposed a tax; that when they should drag home their bodies spent with toil, with wounds, and at last with old age, and should then find all things gone to waste in the long absence of the owners, they might pay tribute out of their diminished property, and return to the state many times, as it were with usury, the wages they had received as soldiers.

> Latin: 10.8. iam lam non aestatis nec hiemis discrimen esse, ne ulla quies unquam miserae plebi sit, quae nunc etiam vectigalis ad ultimum facta sit, ut cum confecta labore volneribus postremo aetate corpora rettulerint incultaque omnia diutino dominorum desiderio domi invenerint, tributum ex adfecta re familiari pendant aeraque militaria, velut fenore accepta, multiplicia rei publicae reddant.

[¶78] 10.10. What with the levy and the tax and the weightier cares that preoccupied men's minds, they were unable on the day of election to return the full number of plebeian tribunes.

> Latin: 10.10. dilectum tributumque et occupatos animos maiorum rerum curis comitiis tribunorum plebis numerus expleri nequiit.

[¶79] 10.11. An effort was then made to obtain the co-optation of patricians for the vacant places. When this failed, nevertheless, in order to invalidate the law, it was brought about that Gaius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius should be chosen tribunes, without doubt through patrician influence. It so happened that in that year one of the tribunes was Gnaeus Trebonius, whose name and family seemed to make it his duty to defend the Trebonian law.

> Latin: 10.11. inde in loca vacua ut patricii cooptarentur. obtineri non poterat, tamen labefactandae legis causa effectum est ut cooptarentur tribuni plebis C. Lacerius et M. Acutius, haud dubie patriciorum opibus.

[¶80] 11.2. This man said that what the Fathers had formerly aimed at (and had been foiled on their first attempting), the tribunes of the soldiers had finally extorted; he asseverated that the Trebonian law had been done away with, and that the tribunes of the plebs had been appointed not by the votes of the people but at the dictation of the nobles;

> Latin: 11.2. ita tulit ut eo anno tribunus plebis Cn. Trebonius esset, qui nomini ac familiae debitum praestare videretur Treboniae legis patrocinium. quod petissent patres quondam primo incepto repulsi, tandem tribunos militum expugnasse ait vociferans legem Treboniam sublatam et cooptatos tribunos plebis non suffragiis populi sed imperio patriciorum; eo revolvi rem ut aut patricii aut patriciorum adseculae habendi tribuni plebis sint; eripi sacratas leges, extorqueri tribuniciam potestatem;

## 25. Book V · chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/25/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/25/#p-N

[¶0] 11.3. that things had come to such a pass, that they must perforce have either patricians or the satellites of patricians for tribunes of the plebs; their sacred laws were being taken away, the tribunician power wrested from them.

> Latin: 11.3. id fraude patriciorum, scelere ac proditione collegarum factum factumn arguere.

[¶1] 11.4. This was done, he declared, by the knavery of the patricians, the rascality and the treason of his colleagues. Men were burning with resentment, not only against the patricians, but also against the tribunes of the plebs, both those who had been co-opted and those who had co-opted them, when three of the college, Publius Curatius, Marcus Metilius, and Marcus Minucius, being alarmed at their own situation, I fell violently upon Sergius and Verginius, the military tribunes of the previous year, and by appointing them a day for trial turned against them the anger and displeasure which the plebs had evinced towards themselves.

> Latin: 11.4. arderent invidia non patres modo sed etiam tribuni plebis, cooptati pariter et qui cooptaverant, tum ex collegio tres, P. Curatius M. Metilius M. Minucius, trepidi rerum suarum, in Sergium Verginiumque, prioris anni tribunos tribunes militares, incurrunt; in eos ab se iram plebis invidiamque die dicta avertunt.

[¶2] 11.5. They reminded their hearers, that those who were aggrieved by the levy, or the tax, or the protracted service and the long duration of the war, those who sorrowed for the calamity that befell at Veii, those whose houses were in mourning for the loss of sons, brothers, kinsmen or connexions, —that all those now had the right and the power, thanks to the speakers, of avenging the nation's grief and their own private sorrow on the two culprits; for of all their sufferings Sergius and Verginius were the cause;

> Latin: 11.5. dilectus, quibus tributum, quibus diutina militia longinquitasque belli sit gravis, qui clade accepta ad Veios doleant, qui amissis liberis fratribus, propinquis adfinibus, lugubres domos habeant, his publici privatique doloris exsequendi ius potestatemque ex duobus noxiis capitibus datam ab se memorant. namque malorum in Sergio Verginioque causas esse; nec id accusatores magis arguere quam fateri reos, qui noxii ambo alter in alterum alterumn causam conferant, fugam Sergi Verginius, Sergius proditionem increpans Vergini.

[¶3] 11.7. and this their accusers were not more forward to maintain than the defendants to confess, who, equally guilty, threw the blame on one another, Verginius taxing Sergius with his flight, while Sergius complained of Verginius's treachery.

> Latin: 11.7. adeo incredibilem amentiam fuisse ut multo veri similius sit compecto eam ear rem et communi fraude patriciorum actam.

[¶4] 11.8. Their madness had been so incredible, that it was much more probable that they had done the thing upon agreement, with the collusion of the senators;

> Latin: 11.8. his et prius datum locum Veientibus ad incendenda opera belli trahendi causa, et nunc proditum exercitum, tradita Faliscis Romana castra.

[¶5] 11.9. who having before given opportunity to the Veientes to set fire to their works, in order to prolong the war, had now betrayed the army and delivered up a Roman camp to the Faliscans.

> Latin: 11.9. fieri ut consenescat ad Veios iuventus nec de agris nec de aliis commodis plebis ferre ad populum tribuni frequentiaque urbana celebrare actiones et resistere conspirationi patriciorum possint.

[¶6] 11.10. They were doing everything to wear out the young men before Veii, and prevent the tribunes from bringing before the people the question of land and other advantages to the plebs, and from pushing their measures in well-attended assemblies and thwarting the conspiracy of the patricians. Judgment was already given against the accused both by the senate and by the Roman People, and also by their own college; for the senate had by its decree removed them from authority, and when they refused to abdicate their office, their colleagues had coerced them by threatening to appoint a dictator, and the Roman People had elected tribunes to assume their duties, not on the thirteenth of December, the usual date, but immediately, on October the first, believing that the state could endure no longer if the incumbents should remain in place;

> Latin: 11.10. iam de reis et ab senatu et ab populo Romano et ab ipsorum collegio factum esse; nam —et senatus consulto eos ab re publica remotos esse, et recusantes abdicare se magistratu dictatoris—metu ab collegis coercitos esse, et populum Romanum tribunos creasse qui non idibus Decembribus, die sollemni, sed extemplo kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent, quia stare diutius res publica his manentibus in magistratu non posset;

[¶7] 11.12. yet, in spite of all, these men, stigmatized and fore-judged by so many adverse verdicts, presented themselves for trial by the people, and fancied that they were quit and sufficiently mulcted because they were made private citizens two months before their time;

> Latin: 11.12. et tamen eos, tot iudiciis confossos praedamnatosque venire ad populi iudicium et existimare defunctos se esse satisque poenarum dedisse quod duobus mensibus citius privati facti sint, neque intellegere nocendi sibi diutius tum potestatem ereptam esse, non poenam inrogatam;

[¶8] 11.13. not perceiving that they had then merely been deprived of the power to do further mischief, not punished, since their colleagues, too, were turned out of office, though they had certainly done no wrong.

> Latin: 11.13. quippe et collegis abrogatum imperium, qui certe nihil deliquissent.

[¶9] 11.14. Let the Quirites call back the spirit they had shown when the recent calamity had occurred, when they had beheld the flight and confusion of their troops, as they stumbled, wounded and dismayed, through the City gates, accusing neither fortune nor any of the gods, but these their leaders.

> Latin: 11.14. repeterent animos Quirites quos recenti clade accepta habuissent, cum fuga trepidum, plenum volnerum ac pavoris incidentem portis exercitum viderint non fortunam aut quemquam deorum, sed hos duces accusantem.

[¶10] 11.15. They were sure that there was not a man present in the assembly who had not on that day cursed and execrated the lives, the houses, and the fortunes of Lucius Verginius and Manius Sergius.

> Latin: 11.15. certo se habere neminem in contione stare qui illo die non caput domum fortunasque L. Vergini ac M.' Sergi sit exsecratus detestatusque.

[¶11] 11.16. It was not reasonable that their hearers, having a legal and moral right in the matter, should not use their power against those upon whom each one of them had invoked the wrath of Heaven. The gods themselves never laid hands upon the guilty; it was enough if they armed with an opportunity for vengeance those who had been wronged. Incited by these speeches, the plebs condemned the accused to pay each a fine of 10,000 pounds of bronze. It was in vain that Sergius blamed Fortune and the common chance of war, while Verginius begged that he might not be more unlucky at home than he had been in the campaign.

> Latin: 11.16. convenire quibus iratos quisque deos precatus sit in iis sua potestate, cum liceat et oporteat, non uti. deos ipsos admovere nocentibus manus; satis esse si occasione ulciscendi laesos arment. orationibus incitata plebs denis milibus aeris gravis reos condemnat, nequiquam Sergio Martem communem belli fortunamque accusante, Verginio deprecante ne infelicior domi quam militiae esset. hos versa ira populi cooptationis tribunorum fraudisque contra legem Treboniam factae memoriam obscuram fecit.

[¶12] 12.3. On them the wrath of the people was poured out, and the co-optation of the tribunes and the evasion of the Trebonian law were almost forgotten. The victorious tribunes, that the plebs might have an immediate reward for its judgment, proposed a land-law and forbade the gathering of the war-tax, notwithstanding that pay was needed for so many armies, whose campaigning, though successful, yet failed to realize the desired end in any war.

> Latin: 12.3. tribuni, ut praesentem mercedem iudicii plebes haberet, legem agrariam promulgant tributumque conferri prohibent, cum tot exercitibus stipendio opus esset resque militiae ita prospere gererentur ut nullo bello veniretur ad exitum spei. Veiis castra quae amissa erant reciperata castellis praesidiisque firmantur; praeerant tribuni militum M.' Aemilius et K. Fabius.

[¶13] 12.5. Thus, at Veii, they recovered the lost camp and strengthened it with fortresses and garrisons, led by the military tribunes Manius Aemilius and Caeso Fabius; Marcus Furius in the Faliscan country, and Gnaeus Cornelius in the territory of Capena, meeting no enemies afield, drove off booty, and burning farmhouses and crops, laid waste the land, but the towns they neither assaulted nor besieged;

> Latin: 12.5. M. Furio in Faliscis, a Cn. Cornelio in Capenate agro hostes nulli extra moenia inventi; praedae actae incendiisque villarum ac frugum vastati fines; oppida nec oppugnata nec obsessa sunt.

[¶14] 12.6. in the Volscian country, however, after ravaging the fields, they made a futile attack on Anxur, which was seated on an eminence, and finding force to be unavailing, began to invest it with a stockade and trench, under Valerius Potitus, who had got the command against the Volsci.

> Latin: 12.6. in Volscis depopulato agro Anxur nequiquam oppugnatum loco alto situm et, postquam vis inrita erat, vallo fossaque obsideri coeptum. Valerio Potito Volsci provincia evenerat.

[¶15] 12.7. While military affairs were in this posture, a quarrel that broke out at home aroused more energy than went to their making of wars; and since the tax could not be taken up, on account of the tribunes, and the generals were sent no money, while the soldiers were clamouring for their pay, the camp, too, was like to have been disrupted by the contagion of mutiny in the City.

> Latin: 12.7. statu militarium rerum seditio intestina maiore mole coorta quam bella tractabantur; et cum tributum conferri per tribunos tribunes non posset nec stipendium imperatoribus mitteretur aeraque militaria flagitaret miles, haud procul erat quin castra quoque urbanae seditionis contagione turbarentur.

[¶16] 12.8. In the midst of this hostility which the plebs felt towards the patricians, though the plebeian tribunes said that the time was now come to establish liberty, and to transfer the highest office from such as Sergius and Verginius to stout and courageous commoners, yet they got no further than the election of one plebeian (by way of asserting their right), namely, Publius Licinius Calvus, to be military tribune with consular powers;

> Latin: 12.8. has iras plebis in patres cum tribuni plebi nunc illud tempus esse dicerent stabiliendae libertatis et ab Sergiis Verginiisque ad plebeios viros fortes ac strenuos transferendi summi honoris, non tamen ultra processum est quam ut unus ex plebe, usurpandi iuris causa, P. Licinius Calvus tribunus militum consulari potestate crearetur;

[¶17] 12.10. the others chosen were patricians: Publius Manlius, Lucius Titinius, Publius Maelius, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Lucius Publilius Volscus.

> Latin: 12.10. ceteri patricii creati, P. Manlius L. Titinius P. Maelius L. Furius Medullinus L. Publilius Volscus.

[¶18] 12.11. The plebeians themselves were amazed that they had gained so important a point, and not alone the man who had been chosen, one that had held no offices before, but was only a senator of long standing, now well on in years.

> Latin: 12.11. plebes mirabatur se tantam rem obtinuisse, non is modo qui creatus erat, vir nullis ante honoribus usus, vetus tantum senator et aetate iam gravis;

[¶19] 12.12. There is no unanimity of opinion why he was selected as the first and fittest to taste of the new honours. Some think it was the favour of his cousin Gnaeus Cornelius, who as tribune of the soldiers the year before had granted triple pay to the cavalrymen, ' that got him his promotion to so great an office; others, that he himself made a timely speech on the harmony of the orders, which pleased both patricians and plebeians.

> Latin: 12.12. nec satis constat cur primus ac potissimus ad novum delibandum honorem sit habitus. Cn. Corneli fratris, qui tribunus militum priore anno fuerat triplexque stipendium equitibus dederat, gratia extractum ad tantum honorem credunt, alii orationem ipsum tempestivam de concordia ordinum patribus plebique gratam habuisse.

[¶20] 12.13. Overjoyed at their victory in this election, the tribunes of the plebs withdrew that opposition to the tax which was the greatest obstacle to the business of the state, and it was obediently paid in and dispatched to the army. Anxur of the Volsci was speedily recaptured, a holiday having relaxed the vigilance of their guard. This year was remarkable for so cold and snowy a winter, that the roads were blocked and the Tiber became unnavigable. The price of corn, owing to the supply which they had brought in before, did not go up. Publius Licinius had obtained his magistracy without any disorders, rejoicing the commons more than he offended the patricians, and in the same spirit he conducted it; the people therefore became desirous of returning plebeians at the next election of consular tribunes.

> Latin: 12.13. victoria comitiorum exsultantes tribuni plebis, quod maxime rem publicam impediebat de tributo remiserunt. oboedienter missumque ad exercitum est. Anxur in Volscis brevi receptum est neglectis die festo custodiis urbis. annus hieme gelida ac nivosa fuit, adeo ut viae clausae, Tiberis innavigabilis fuerit. ex ante convecta copia nihil mutavit. quia P. Licinius, ut ceperat haud tumultuose magistratum maiore gaudio plebis quam indignatione patrum, ita etiam gessit, dulcedo invasit proximis comitiis tribunorum militum plebeios creandi.

[¶21] 13.3. Marcus Veturius was the sole patrician candidate to get in; all the other military tribunes with consular authority were commoners, as the result of an all but unanimous vote of the centuries. Their names were Marcus Pomponius, Gnaeus Duillius, Volero Publilius, Gnaeus Genucius, Lucius Atilius The severe winter was succeeded, whether in consequence of the sudden change from such inclement weather to the opposite extreme, or for some other reason, by a summer that was noxious and baleful to all living creatures.

> Latin: 13.3. M. Veturius ex patriciis candidatis locum tenuit: plebeios alios tribunos militum consulari potestate omnes fere centuriae dixere, M. Pomponium Cn. Duillium Voleronem Publilium Cn. Genucium L. Atilium. hiemem, sive ex intemperie caeli raptim mutatione in contrarium facta sive alia qua de causa, gravis pestilensque omnibus animalibus aestas excepit.

[¶22] 13.5. Unable to discover what caused the incurable ravages of this distemper, or would put an end to them, the senate voted to consult the Sibylline Books.

> Latin: 13.5. insanabili pernicie quando nec causa nec finis inveniebatur, libri Sibyllini ex senatus consulto aditi sunt.

[¶23] 13.6. The duumvirs in charge of the sacred rites then celebrated the first lectisternium ever held in Rome, and for the space of eight days sacrificed to Apollo, to Latona and Diana, to Hercules, to Mercury and to Neptune, spreading three couches for them with all the splendour then attainable.

> Latin: 13.6. sacris faciundis lectisternio tunc primum in urbe Romana facto per dies octo Apollinem Latonamque et Dianam, Herculem Mercurium atque Neptunum tribus quam amplissime tum tur apparari poterat stratis lectis placavere.

[¶24] 13.7. They also observed the rite in their homes. All through the City, they say, doors stood wide open, all kinds of viands were set out for general consumption, all comers were welcomed, whether known or not, and men even exchanged kind and courteous words with personal enemies; there was a truce to quarrelling and litigation;

> Latin: 13.7. quoque id sacrum celebratum est. urbe patentibus ianuis promiscuoque usu rerum omnium in propatulo posito, notos ignotosque passim advenas in hospitium ductos ferunt et cum inimicis quoque benigne ac comiter sermones habitos, iurgiis ac litibus temperatum;

[¶25] 13.8. even prisoners were loosed from their chains for those days, and they scrupled thenceforth to imprison men whom the gods had thus befriended. Meantime alarms were multiplied at Veii, where three wars were rolled into one.

> Latin: 13.8. vinctis quoque dempta in eos dies vincula; religioni deinde fuisse quibus eam earn opem di tulissent vinciri.

[¶26] 13.9. For, precisely as before, the Capenates and the Faliscans came suddenly to raise the siege, and the Romans fought about their works against three armies, which attacked them on both sides. What helped them most, was the recollection how Sergius and Verginius had been condemned.

> Latin: 13.9. ad Veios terror multiplex fuit tribus in unum bellis conlatis. eodem quo antea modo circa munimenta cum repente Capenates Faliscique subsidio venissent, adversus tres exercitus ancipiti proelio pugnatum est.

[¶27] 13.10. And so from the principal camp, where the delay had occurred on the former occasion, troops were dispatched by a short circuit and fell upon the Capenates in the rear, as they faced the rampart of the Romans.

> Latin: 13.10. omnia adiuvit memoria damnationis Sergi ac Vergini. e maioribus castris, unde antea cessatum fuerat, brevi spatio circumductae copiae Capenates in vallum Romanum versos ab tergo adgrediuntur; inde pugna coepta et Faliscis intulit terrorem, trepidantesque eruptio ex castris opportune facta avertit.

[¶28] 13.11. Beginning there, the battle carried terror even among the Faliscans, who were wavering, when a timely sally from the camp put them to flight. Then, as they retreated, the victors pursued them with great slaughter; and not long after a party that was raiding the territory of the Capenates happened to fall in with them and destroyed such as had survived the battle.

> Latin: 13.11. deinde insecuti victores ingentem ediderunt caedem. ita multo post iam forte oblati populatores Capenatis agri reliquias pugnae absumpsere.

[¶29] 13.13. Of the Veientes likewise, many, as they fled back to the town, were slain before the gates, when their friends, fearing lest the Romans should burst in along with them, had closed the portals, and barred out the hindmost of their own people. Such were the events of this year. And now the time drew near for choosing military tribunes and the Fathers were almost more concerned about the election than about the war, perceiving that the highest authority had been not merely shared with the plebs, but well-nigh lost to themselves. They therefore arranged that their most distinguished members should stand, —men whom they believed the electors would be ashamed to pass over, —and at the same time they themselves, as if they had all been candidates, left no stone unturned, and called to their aid not only men, but the gods as well, by raising a religious scruple anent the election held two -years before.

> Latin: 13.13. Veientium refugientes in urbem multi ante portas caesi, dum prae metu, ne simul Romanus inrumperet, obiectis foribus extremos suorum exclusere. eo anno acta. iam comitia tribunorum militum aderant, quorum prope maior patribus quam belli cura erat, quippe non communicatum modo cum plebe sed prope amissum cernentibus summum imperium. clarissimis viris ex composito praeparatis ad petendum quos praetereundi verecundiam crederent fore, nihilo minus ipsi, perinde ac si omnes candidati essent, cuncta experientes non homines modo sed deos etiam exciebant, in religionem vertentes comitia biennio habita:

[¶30] 14.3. In the year before the last, they said, there had been an intolerable winter, like a warning from Heaven. Last year had come not prodigies but actual realities: a pestilence had descended upon the fields and the City, clearly proceeding from the anger of the gods, whom they must propitiate in order to avert the plague, as the fateful Books had indicated; it had seemed to the gods an affront that an election held under their auspices should prostitute honours and confound family distinctions.

> Latin: 14.3. priore anno intolerandam hiemem prodigiisque divinis similem coortam, proximo non prodigia, sed iam eventus: pestilentiam agris urbique inlatam haud dubia ira deum, quos pestis eius arcendae causa placandos esse in libris fatalibus inventum sit; comitiis auspicato quae fierent indignum dis visum honores volgari discriminaque gentium confundi. maiestate petentium, religione etiam attoniti homines patricios omnes, partem magnam honoratissimum quemque, tribunos militum consulari potestate creavere, L. Valerium Potitum quintum M. Valerium Maximum M. Furium Camillum iterum L. Furium Medullinum Medullinuim tertium Q. Servilium Fidenatem iterum Q. Sulpicium Camerinum iterum.

[¶31] 14.5. The people were awed not only by the dignity of the candidates, but by the fear of Heaven, and to be military tribunes with consular powers chose all patricians, and chiefly the most illustrious among them, as follows: Lucius Valerius Potitus (for the fifth time), Marcus Valerius Maximus, Marcus Furius Camillus (for the second time), Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the third), Q. Servilius Fidenas (for the second), Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus (for the second). These tribunes achieved absolutely nothing noteworthy at Veii, but employed all their strength in pillaging. The two chief commanders, Potitus and Camillus, —one at Falerii, the other at Capena, —carried off huge spoils and left nothing untouched that iron or fire could destroy. Meanwhile many portents were reported, most of which, because they had only one witness each to vouch for them, obtained no credence and were slighted; and, besides, when the Etruscans, whose services they employed to avert evil omens, were at war with them, they had no soothsayers. One thing occasioned universal anxiety, namely that the lake in the Alban Wood, without any rains or other cause to make it less than a miracle, rose to an unwonted height.

> Latin: 14.5. tribunis ad Veios nihil admodum memorabile actum est; tota vis in populationibus fuit. summi imperatores, Potitus a Faleriis, Camillus a Capena praedas ingentes egere nulla incolumi relicta re cui ferro aut igni noceri posset. interim multa nuntiari, quorum pleraque, et quia singuli auctores erant, parum credita spretaque, et quia hostibus Etruscis, per quos ea procurarent, haruspices non erant: in unum omnium curae versae sunt, quod lacus in Albano nemore sine ullis caelestibus aquis causave qua alia quae rem miraculo eximeret, in altitudinem insolitam crevit.

[¶32] 15.3. To inquire what the gods could possibly foretell by that prodigy, envoys were sent to the Delphic oracle.

> Latin: 15.3. eo di portenderent prodigio missi sciscitatum oratores ad Delphicum oraculum.

[¶33] 15.4. But a nearer interpreter of the fates presented himself, an old man of Veii, who, while the Roman and Etruscan soldiers were scoffing at one another as they stood guard at the outposts, declared in a prophetic strain that until the water should be drawn off from the Alban Lake the Romans never could take Veii.

> Latin: 15.4. propior interpres fatis oblatus senior quidam Veiens, qui inter cavillantes in stationibus ac custodiis milites Romanos Etruscosque vaticinantis in modum cecinit priusquam ex lacu Albano aqua emissa foret nunquam potiturum Veiis Romanum.

[¶34] 15.5. At first they made light of this as an idle taunt; then they began to talk it over; presently one of the Roman outpost inquired of the townsman nearest him (for owing to the long continuance of the war they had now got into the way of conversing together) who that man was who threw out mysterious hints regarding the Alban Lake. When he heard that he was a soothsayer, being himself not without a touch of superstition, he alleged a desire to consult him about the averting of a domestic portent, if he could spare the time, and so enticed the seer to a conference.

> Latin: 15.5. primo velut temere iactum sperni, agitari deinde sermonibus coeptum est, donec done unus ex statione Romana percontatus proximum oppidanorum iam per longinquitatem belli commercio sermonum facto, quisnam is esset qui per ambages de lacn Albano iaceret, postquam audivit haruspicem esse, vir haud intacti religione animi, causatus de privati portenti procuratione si operae illi esset consulere velle, ad conloquium vatem elicuit.

[¶35] 15.7. And when they had walked a little way apart from the friends of both, unarmed and fearing nothing, the stalwart young Roman laid hold of the feeble old man in the sight of them all, and despite an unavailing hubbub raised by the Etruscans, bore him off to his own fellows.

> Latin: 15.7. progressi ambo a suis longius essent inermes sine ullo metu, praevalens iuvenis Romanus senem infirmum in conspectu omnium raptum nequiquam tumultuantibus Etruscis ad suos transtulit.

[¶36] 15.8. There they had him before the general, who sent him on to Rome, to the senate. When the Fathers questioned him what it was he had meant about the Alban Lake, he answered that the gods must surely have been incensed at the people of Veii on the day when they put it into his:

> Latin: 15.8. cum perductus ad imperatorem, inde Romam ad senatum missus esset, sciscitantibus quidnam id esset quod de lacu Albano docuisset, respondit profecto iratos deos Veienti populo illo fuisse die quo sibi eam mentem obiecissent ut excidium patriae fatale proderet.

[¶37] 15.10. mind to reveal the destruction destined to befall his native city; and so what he had then uttered under divine inspiration, he could not now unsay and recall; and perhaps in concealing what the immortal gods wished to be published guilt was incurred no less than by disclosing what should be hid.

> Latin: 15.10. quae tum tun cecinerit divino spiritu instinctus, ea se nec ut indicta sint revocare posse et tacendo forsitan quae di immortales volgari velint haud minus quam celanda effando nefas contrahi.

[¶38] 15.11. Thus then it was written in the books of fate, thus handed down in the lore of the Etruscans, that when the Alban water should overflow, if then the Romans should duly draw it off, they would be given the victory over the Veientes; until that should come, to pass, the gods would not abandon the walls of Veii.

> Latin: 15.11. igitur libris fatalibus, sic disciplina Etrusca traditum esse, quando aqua Albana abundasset, tum si eam ear Romanus rite emisisset victoriam de Veientibus dari; antequam id fiat deos moenia Veientium deserturos non esse.

[¶39] 15.12. He then went on to explain the appointed method of draining it. But the senators, making slight account of his authority, as not sufficiently trustworthy in so grave a matter, determined to wait for their deputies with the response of the Pythian oracle. But before these envoys could return from Delphi or an expiation be devised for the Alban portent, new military tribunes with consular authority came in; these were Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the fourth time), Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Aulus Postumius Regillensis, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, and Aulus Manlius. In that year a new enemy arose in the Tarquinienses, who seeing the Romans beset with many wars at once, —against the Volsci, who were laying siege to the garrison at Anxur, against the Aequi, who were attacking the Roman colony at Labici, and also against the men of Veii, of Falerii, and of Capena, — and perceiving that affairs within the City were no less troubled, owing to contentions betwixt the patricians and the plebs, believed that in these circumstances they had an opportunity to do the Romans a hurt, and sent out light-armed detachments to raid their territory; for they thought that either the Romans would put up with the wrong, to avoid the burden of another war, or would take the field with a small and therefore inadequate army.

> Latin: 15.12. inde quae sollemnis derivatio esset. auctorem levem nec satis fidum super tanta re patres rati decrevere legatos sortesque oraculi Pythici exspectandas. a Delphis oratores redirent Albanive prodigii piacula invenirentur, novi tribuni militum consulari potestate L. Iulius Iulus L. Furius Medullinus quartum L. Sergius Fidenas A. Postumius Regillensis P. Cornelius Maluginensis A. Manlius magistratum inierunt. anno Tarquinienses novi hostes exorti. quia multis simul bellis, Volscorum Volscorurn ad Anxur, ubi praesidium obsidebatur, Aequorum ad Labicos, qui Romanam ibi coloniam oppugnabant, ad hoc Veientique et Falisco et Capenati bello occupatos videbant Romanos, nec intra muros quietiora negotia esse certaminibus patrum ac plebis, inter haec locum iniuriae rati esse praedatum in agrum agrurn Romanum cohortes expeditas mittunt: aut enim passuros inultam eam ear iniuriam Romanos, ne novo bello se onerarent, aut exiguo eoque parum valido exercitu persecuturos.

[¶40] 16.4. The indignation of the Romans was greater than their concern for the damage wrought by the Tarquinienses; so they neither made strenuous efforts to prepare, nor deferred taking action to a distant date.

> Latin: 16.4. Romanis indignitas maior quam cura populationis Tarquiniensium fuit; eo nec magno conatu suscepta nec in longum dilata res est.

[¶41] 16.5. Aulus Postumius and Lucius Iulus, without holding a regular levy —for this the plebeian tribunes hindered —but with a company consisting almost solely of volunteers whom they had induced to join by their exhortations, marched out by cross-country ways through the territory of Caere, and surprised the Tarquinienses as they were returning from their depradations laden with booty.

> Latin: 16.5. A. Postumius et L. Iulius non iusto dilectu—etenim ab tribunis plebis impediebantur—sed prope voluntariorum quos adhortando incitaverant coacta manu per agrum Caeretem obliquis tramitibus egressi redeuntes a populationibus gravesque praeda Tarquinienses oppressere.

[¶42] 16.6. Many men they slew, all they stripped of their baggage; and having recovered the spoils of their own fields, returned to Rome.

> Latin: 16.6. mortales obtruncant, omnes exuunt impedimentis, et receptis agrorum suorum spoliis Romam revertuntur.

[¶43] 16.7. Two days were allowed the owners to identify their property; on the third all that had not been recognized —chiefly things belonging to the enemy themselves —was sold under the spear and the proceeds divided amongst the soldiers.

> Latin: 16.7. ad recognoscendas res datum dominis; tertio incognita —erant autem ea pleraque hostium ipsorum—sub hasta veniere, quodque inde redactum militibus est divisum.

[¶44] 16.8. The other campaigns, especially the one at Veii, were indecisive. And now the Romans, despairing of human aid, were looking to destiny and the gods, when the deputies returned from Delphi, bringing the oracle's response, which corresponded with the utterance of the captive seer:

> Latin: 16.8. bella maximeque Veiens incerti exitus erant. Romani desperata ope humana fata et deos spectabant, cum legati ab Delphis venerunt sortem oraculi adferentes congruentem response captivi vatis:

[¶45] 16.9. “Roman, see that thou suffer not the Alban water to be confined within the lake, nor to fret its own channel to the sea; thou shalt draw it forth and water the fields withal, and spread it abroad till it be lost in rivulets;”

> Latin: 16.9. , aquam Albanam cave lacu contineri, cave in mare manare suo flumine sinas; emissam per agros rigabis dissipatamque rivis exstingues;

[¶46] 16.10. “after that press boldly on against the walls of the foe, and know that over that city which thou dost beleaguer for so many years, the fates now disclosed have given thee the victory.”

> Latin: 16.10. tum tu insiste audax hostium muris, memor quam per tot annos obsides urbem ex ea tibi his quae nunc panduntur fatis victoriam datam.

[¶47] 16.11. “When thou hast ended the war with conquest, bring to my temple an ample gift, and repeat and accomplish in customary wise the ancestral rites thou hast neglected.” The captive soothsayer began from that moment to be held in great repute, and the military tribunes, Cornelius and Postumius, set out to employ him about the expiation of the Alban prodigy and the due appeasement of the gods. At length it was discovered wherein the gods taxed them with neglecting ceremonies or omitting a festival: it was assuredly nothing else than that magistrates in whose election there had been a flaw had improperly proclaimed the Latin games and the sacrifice on the Alban Mount; only one atonement for these errors was open to them, to make the tribunes of the soldiers resign their office, to take the auspices afresh, and to begin an interregnum.

> Latin: 16.11. perfecto donum amplum victor ad mea templa portato, sacraque patria, quorum omissa cura est, instaurata ut adsolet facito. inde haberi captivus vates coeptus, eumque adhibere tribuni militum Cornelius Postumiusque ad prodigii Albani procurationem ac deos rite placandos coepere; inventumque tandem est ubi neglectas caerimonias intermissumve sollemne di arguerent: nihil profecto aliud esse quam magistratus vitio creatos Latinas sacrumque in Albano monte non rite concepisse; unam expiationem eorum esse ut tribuni militum abdicarent se magistratu, auspicia de integro repeterentur, et interregnum iniretur.

[¶48] 17.4. By decree of the senate these things were done. There were three successive interreges, Lucius Valerius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, Marcus Furius Camillus, In the meantime there were continuous disturbances, and the plebeian tribunes blocked the election, until it had first been agreed that the majority of the military tribunes should be chosen out of the commons.

> Latin: 17.4. ita facta sunt ex senatus consulto. tres deinceps fuere, L. Valerius Q. Servilius Fidenas M. Furius Camillus. desitum interim turbari, comitia interpellantibus tribunis plebis donec convenisset prius ut maior pars tribunorum militum ex plebe crearetur.

[¶49] 17.6. While this was going on, the Etruscans met in council at the Fane of Voltumna; where the Capenates and Faliscans proposed that all the nations of Etruria should unite in a common resolution 'and design to raise the siege of Veii. The council made answer that they had before refused the Veientes this request, on the ground that they had no right to ask help from those whom they had not cared to look to for advice in so weighty a matter.

> Latin: 17.6. dum aguntur, concilia Etruriae ad fanum Voltumnae habita, postulantibusque Capenatibus ac Faliscis ut Veios communi animo consilioque omnes Etruriae populi ex obsidione eriperent, responsum est antea se id Veientibus negasse quia unde consilium non petissent super tanta re auxilium petere non deberent;

[¶50] 17.8. Just then, however, the plight of their country itself denied the petition. There was now in the greatest part of Etruria a strange race, new settlers, with whom they were neither securely at peace nor yet certain to have war.

> Latin: 17.8. nunc iam pro se fortunam suam illis negare. iam in parte Etruriae gentem invisitatam, novos accolas esse, cum quibus nec pax satis fida nec bellum pro certo sit.

[¶51] 17.9. Nevertheless, out of regard for the blood and the name and the present perils of their kinsmen, they would grant that if any of their young men wished to serve in that war, they might do so without let or hindrance.

> Latin: 17.9. tamen nominique et praesentibus periculis consanguineorum id dari ut si qui iuventutis suae voluntate ad id bellum eant non impediant.

[¶52] 17.10. Of such recruits it was said at Rome that a great number had come in; and so domestic differences began to subside, as generally happens, in the face of a common danger. It occasioned the Fathers no displeasure when the prerogative centuries chose Publius Licinius Calvus tribune of the soldiers, without his seeking office; he was a man whose moderation had been proven in his former term, but was now become superannuated. It was clear that all who had been his colleagues in that same year would also be returned, one after the other, to wit: Lucius Titinius, Publius Maenius, Gnaeus Genucius, Lucius Atilius.

> Latin: 17.10. magnum advenisse hostium numerum fama Romae erat; eoque mitescere discordiae intestinae metu communi, ut fit, coepere. invitis patribus P. Licinium Calvum praerogativae tribunum militum non petentem creant, moderationis expertae in priore magistratu virum, ceterum iam tum exactae aetatis; omnesque deinceps ex collegio eiusdem anni refici apparebat, L. Titinium P. Maenium Cn. Genucium L. Atilium. priusquam renuntiarentur iure vocatis tribubus, permissu interregis P. Licinius Calvus ita verba fecit:

[¶53] 18.3. But before they were declared to the duly assembled tribes, Licinius spoke as follows, having obtained permission of the interrex: “It is an omen of harmony, as I perceive, Quirites, a thing most needful at this juncture, that you seek for the ensuing year, when in your voting you remember our former magistracy;”

> Latin: 18.3. concordiae, Quirites, rei maxime in hoc tempus utili, memoria nostri magistratus vos his comitiis petere in insequentem annum video;

[¶54] 18.4. “but whereas in my colleagues you are choosing again the same men, and all the better for experience, in me you see no longer the same Publius Licinius, of whom but the shadow and the name are left.”

> Latin: 18.4. sed collegas eosdem reficitis, etiam usu meliores factos, me iam non eundem sed umbram nomenque P. Licini relictum videtis. corporis adfectae, sensus oculorum atque aurium hebetes, memoria labat, vigor animi obtunsus.

[¶55] 18.5. “My strength of body is decayed, my sight and hearing dulled, memory fails me, and the vigour of my mind is impaired. Here,” he cried, laying hold of his son, “here is a young man, the effigy and likeness of him you formerly chose for military tribune first of all plebeians.”

> Latin: 18.5. vobis inquit iuvenem, filium tenens, effigiem atque imaginem eius quem vos antea tribunum militum ex plebe primum fecistis. ego institutum disciplina mea vicarium pro me rei publicae do dicoque vosque quaeso, Quirites, delatum mihi ultro honorem huic petenti meisque pro eo adiectis precibus mandetis.

[¶56] 18.6. “Him have I bred up in my own principles, and in my stead I give and dedicate him to the state, and I pray you, Quirites, who without my seeking have offered me the office, that you grant it to him, who seeks it, and to the prayers I have added in his behalf.” The father was granted his request, and the son, Publius Licinius, was declared military tribune with consular powers, together with those I have named above. Titinius and Genucius, tribunes of the soldiers, having marched against the Faliscans and Capenates, brought more spirit than generalship to their conduct of the war, and plunged into an ambush.

> Latin: 18.6. id petenti patri, filiusque eius P. Licinius tribunus militum consulari potestate cum iis quos supra scripsimus declaratus. Titinius Genuciusque tribuni militum profecti adversus Faliscos Capenatesque, dum bellum maiore animo gerunt quam consilio, praecipitavere se in insidias.

[¶57] 18.8. Genucius, atoning for his rashness by an honourable death, fell fighting among the foremost, in front of the standards; Titinius rallied his men, who had been thrown into great confusion, on a little eminence, and made a stand, yet he would not risk an engagement on level ground.

> Latin: 18.8. Genucius morte honesta temeritatem luens ante signa inter primores cecidit; Titinius in editum tumulum ex multa trepidatione militibus collectis aciem restituit, nec se tamen aequo loco hosti commisit.

[¶58] 18.9. The disgrace outweighed the defeat, which had almost proved disastrous, so great was the panic which it caused, not only in Rome, where a greatly exaggerated report of the affair had been received, but also in the camp before Veii.

> Latin: 18.9. ignominiae erat quam cladis acceptum, quae prope in cladem ingentem vertit; tantum inde terroris non Romae modo, quo multiplex fama pervenerat, sed in castris quoque fuit ad Veios.

[¶59] 18.10. There the soldiers could hardly be restrained from flight, for a rumour had run through the camp that the victorious Capenates and Faliscans, having slaughtered the Roman commanders and their army, were close at hand, with all the manhood of Etruria.

> Latin: 18.10. ibi miles retentus a fuga est cum pervasisset castra rumor ducibus exercituque caeso victorem Capenatem ac Faliscum Etruriaeque omnem iuventutem haud procul inde abesse.

[¶60] 18.11. Accounts even more alarming had been credited at Rome: that the camp at Veii was already under attack; that already a division of the enemy was marching to assail the City. There was a rush to the walls, and the women, drawn from their houses by the general consternation, betook themselves to prayer in the temples, and besought the gods to ward off destruction from the houses and shrines of the City and from the walls of Rome, and to turn that panic against Veii, if the sacred rites had been duly renewed and the portents expiated. And now the games and the Latin Festival had been repeated, now the water had been let out from the Alban Lake upon the fields, and the doom of Veii drew on apace.

> Latin: 18.11. tumultuosiora Romae, iam castra ad Veios oppugnari, iam partem hostium tendere ad urbem agmine infesto, crediderant; concursumque in muros est et matronarum, quas ex domo conciverat publicus pavor, obsecrationes in templis factae, precibusque ab dis petitum, ut exitium ab urbis tectis templisque ac moenibus Romanis arcerent Veiosque eum averterent terrorem, si sacra renovata rite, si procurata prodigia essent.

[¶61] 19.2. Accordingly the commander destined to destroy that city and to save his country, Marcus Furius Camillus, was appointed dictator, and named Publius Cornelius Scipio as his master of the horse.

> Latin: 19.2. ludi Latinaeque instaurata erant, iam ex lacu Albano aqua emissa in agros, Veiosque fata adpetebant. fatalis dux ad excidium illius urbis servandaeque patriae, M. Furius Camillus, dictator dictus magistrum equitum P. Cornelium Scipionem dixit.

[¶62] 19.3. The change in the command at once made a change in all things else; there was new hope and a new spirit, and even the fortune of the City seemed to be renewed.

> Latin: 19.3. repente mutaverat imperator mutatus; alia spes, alius animus hominum, fortuna quoque alia urbis videri.

[¶63] 19.4. The dictator's first act was to visit military punishment upon those who had fled from Veil in the panic there, and to teach his men that the enemy was not the worst thing they had to fear.

> Latin: 19.4. primum in eos qui a Veiis in illo pavore fugerant more militari animadvertit, effecitque ne hostis maxime timendus militi esset. indicto dilectu in diem certam ipse interim Veios ad confirmandos militum animos intercurrit;

[¶64] 19.5. He then fixed the levy for a certain day, and in the interval hastened to Veii to encourage his soldiers; thence he returned to Rome to enroll the new army, and found no one who refused to serve.

> Latin: 19.5. inde Romam ad scribendum novum exercitum redit nullo detractante militiam. etiam iuventus, Latini Hernicique, operam suam pollicentes ad id bellum venere;

[¶65] 19.6. Even foreign troops, Latins and Hernicans, came with promises to help in this war, and the dictator thanked them in the senate. All things being now in readiness for the campaign, Camillus vowed, in pursuance of a senatorial decree, to celebrate the great games, if he should capture Veii, and to restore and dedicate anew the temple of Mater Matuta, which in time gone by had been consecrated by King Servius Tullius.

> Latin: 19.6. quibus cum gratias in senatu egisset dictator, satis iam omnibus ad id bellum paratis ludos magnos ex senatus consulto vovit Veiis captis se facturum aedemque Matutae Matris refectam dedicaturum, iam ante ab rege Ser. dedicatam.

[¶66] 19.7. Marching out from the City, where he left a greater feeling of suspense than of confidence, he first engaged the Faliscans and Capenates, in the Nepesine country.

> Latin: 19.7. cum exercitu ab urbe exspectatione hominum maiore quam spe in agro primum Nepesino cum Faliscis et Capenatibus signa confert.

[¶67] 19.8. There all his measures, being executed with consummate skill and prudence, were attended, as generally happens, with good fortune. Not only did he rout the enemy in battle, but he also deprived them of their camp and got possession of enormous booty, the chief part of which was made over to the quaestor, and no great quantity given to the soldiers.

> Latin: 19.8. ibi summa ratione consilioque acta fortuna etiam, ut fit, secuta est. proelio tantum fudit hostes, sed castris quoque exuit ingentique praeda est potitus; cuius pars maxima ad quaestorem redacta est, haud baud ita multum militi datum.

[¶68] 19.9. He then led his army to Veii, where he increased the number of redoubts, and withdrawing the troops from the skirmishes which frequently took place, on the spur of the moment, in the space between the town wall and the stockade, by an edict forbidding any man to fight without orders, he employed them in digging.

> Latin: 19.9. ad Veios exercitus ductus, densioraque castella facta et a procursationibus, quae multae temere inter murum ac vallum fiebant, edicto ne quis iniussu pugnaret, ad opus milites traducti.

[¶69] 19.10. Of all the works, much the greatest and most laborious was a mine they began to drive into the enemy's citadel. That this work might not be interrupted nor the same men become exhausted by perpetually toiling under ground, he divided the workers into six parties and assigned them six-hour shifts in rotation; night and day the work went on unceasingly, till they had made a way into the citadel. The dictator saw that victory was at last within his grasp, and that a city of great wealth was on the point of being taken, with booty more than if all previous wars had been put together.

> Latin: 19.10. fuit omnium longe maximum ac laboriosissimum cuniculus in arcem hostium agi coeptus. ne intermitteretur opus neu sub terra continuus labor eosdem conficeret, in partes sex munitorum numerum divisit; senae horae in orbem operi attributae sunt; nocte ac die nunquam ante omissum quam in arcem viam facerent.

[¶70] 20.2. Lest, therefore, he might incur either the resentment of the soldiers, in consequence of a niggardly division of the spoils, or the ill-will of the Fathers, if he were lavish in sharing them out, he wrote to the senate, that thanks to the favour of the immortal gods, his own direction, and the patient efforts of his troops, Veii would presently be in the power of the Roman People, and asked what disposition they proposed making of the plunder.

> Latin: 20.2. cum iam in manibus videret victoriam esse, urbem opulentissimam capi, tantumque praedae fore quantum non omnibus in unum conlatis ante bellis fuisset, ne quam inde aut militum iram ex malignitate praedae partitae aut invidiam apud patres ex prodiga largitione caperet, litteras ad senatum misit, deum immortalium benignitate suis consiliis patientia militum Veios iam fore in potestate populi Romani;

[¶71] 20.4. The senate was divided between two opinions; the aged Publius Licinius, who was the first, they say, that his son called upon to speak, advised making public proclamation that the people decreed that whoso desired a share in the spoils should proceed to the camp at Veii;

> Latin: 20.4. quid de praeda faciendum censerent? senatum distinebant sententiae, senis P. Licini, quem primum dixisse a filio interrogatum ferunt, edici palam placere populo ut qui particeps esse praedae vellet in castra Veios iret, altera Ap.

[¶72] 20.5. the other plan was that of Appius Claudius, who declared that such largess was without example, reckless, unfair, and ill-advised; if they were persuaded once for all that it was wicked that money captured from the enemy should lie in the treasury, which had been exhausted by the wars, he urged them to pay the soldiers out of it, that the plebs might have so much the less war-tax to contribute; this was a boon of which all families alike would feel the benefit, nor would the hands of idle city-folk, greedy of pillage, pluck away the rewards of valiant fighting men —since it commonly turned out that in proportion as a man was prone to seek a leading share of toil and danger, he was slow in plundering.

> Latin: 20.5. Claudi, qui largitionem novam prodigam inaequalem inconsultam arguens, si semel nefas ducerent captam ex hostibus in aerario exhausto bellis pecuniam esse, auctor erat stipendii ex ea pecunia militi numerandi ut eo minus tributi plebes conferret; eius enim doni societatem sensuras aequaliter omnium domos, non avidas in direptiones manus otiosorum urbanorum praerepturas fortium bellatorum praemia esse, cum ita ferme eveniat ut segnior sit praedator, ut quisque laboris periculique praecipuam petere partem soleat.

[¶73] 20.7. Licinius argued, on the other hand, that this money would breed endless suspicion and hate, and would furnish grounds for accusations before the plebs, and so for agitation and revolutionary laws;

> Latin: 20.7. Licinius contra suspectam et invisam semper eam pecuniam fore aiebat causasque criminum ad plebem, seditionum inde ac legum novarum praebituram;

[¶74] 20.8. it was better, therefore, to win over by this gift the sympathies of the commons, to succour them, exhausted and impoverished as they were by so' many years' taxation, and to let them enjoy the spoils and fruits of that war in which they had well-nigh grown old men; there would in every instance be more satisfaction and pleasure in what a man took with his own hand from the enemy and brought home, than if he received many times its value at the discretion of another;

> Latin: 20.8. satius igitur esse reconciliari eo dono plebis animos, exhaustis atque exinanitis tributo tot annorum succurri, et sentire praedae fructum ex eo bello in quo prope consenuerint. id fore laetiusque quod quisque sua manu ex hoste captum domum rettulerit quam si multiplex alterius arbitrio accipiat. dictatorem fugere invidiam ex eo criminaque;

[¶75] 20.9. the dictator himself would fain avoid the enmity and charges arising from this business, and therefore had handed it over to the senate; the senate, likewise, in its turn, should refer the question to the plebs, and let every man keep what the fortune of war might give him.

> Latin: 20.9. eo delegasse ad senatum; senatum quoque debere reiectam rem ad se permittere plebi ac pati habere quod cuique fors belli dederit.

[¶76] 20.10. This policy seemed the safer, since it would make the senate popular. Accordingly, proclamation was made that all who liked might go to the dictator in camp, to share in the plunder of Veii. A vast throng went out, and filled the camp. Then the dictator, after taking the auspices, came forth and commanded the troops to arm.

> Latin: 20.10. tutior visa sententia est quae popularem senatum faceret. itaque est ad praedam Veientem quibus videretur in castra ad dictatorem proficiscerentur.

[¶77] 21.2. “Under thy leadership,” he cried, “Pythian Apollo, and inspired by thy will, I advance to destroy the city of Veii, and to thee I promise a tithe of its spoils.”

> Latin: 21.2. profecta multitudo replevit castra. dictator auspicato egressus cum edixisset ut arma milites caperent, ductu inquit, Pythice Apollo, tuoque numine instinctus pergo ad delendam urbem Veios tibique hinc decimam partem praedae voveo.

[¶78] 21.3. “At the same time I beseech thee, Queen Juno, that dwellest now in Veii, to come with us, when we have gotten the victory, to our City —soon to be thine, too —that a temple meet for thy majesty may there receive thee.”

> Latin: 21.3. simul, Iuno regina, quae nunc Veios colis, precor, ut nos victores in nostram tuamque mox futuram urbem sequare, ubi te dignum amplitudine tua templum accipiat.

[¶79] 21.4. These prayers uttered, he set forward with overwhelming numbers to assault the town on every side, that the inhabitants might not perceive the danger pressing upon them from the mine.

> Latin: 21.4. precatus superante multitudine ab omnibus locis urbem adgreditur, quo minor ab cuniculo ingruentis periculi sensus esset.

[¶80] 21.5. The Veientes, unconscious that they were already given up by their own soothsayers, and by foreign oracles, that some of the gods had already been invited to share in their despoiling, while others having been entreated to quit their city were beginning to look to new homes in the temples of their enemies, and that this was the last day they were themselves to live, feared nothing less than that their defences were undermined and their citadel already filled with foemen, and, each for himself, took up arms and ran out to the ramparts;

> Latin: 21.5. Veientes ignari se iam a suis vatibus, iam ab externis oraculis proditos, iam in partem praedae suae vocatos deos, alios votis ex urbe sua evocatos hostium templa novasque sedes spectare, seque ultimum illum diem agere, nihil minus timentes quam subrutis cuniculo moenibus arcem iam plenam hostium esse, in muros pro se quisque armati discurrunt,

[¶81] 21.7. marvelling what it meant that whereas for so many days not a Roman had stirred from his post, they should now, as though they had suddenly gone mad, be rushing blindly against the walls.

> Latin: 21.7. mirantes quidnam id esset quod, cum tot per dies nemo se ab stationibus Romanus movisset, tum velut repentino icti furore improvidi currerent ad muros.

[¶82] 21.8. At this point men introduce a tale, how, as the King of the Veientes was sacrificing, the Roman soldiers in the mine overheard the soothsayer declare that to him who should cut up the inwards of that victim would be given the victory, and were moved to open the mine and seize the entrails, which they bore off to the dictator.

> Latin: 21.8. huic loco fabula: immolante rege Veientium vocem haruspicis, dicentis qui eius hostiae exta prosecuisset ei victoriam dari, exauditam in cuniculo movisse Romanos milites ut adaperto cuniculo exta raperent et ad dictatorem ferrent.

[¶83] 21.9. But in matters of so great antiquity I should be content if things probable were to be received as true: this story, more fit to be displayed on the stage, that delights in wonders, than to be believed, it is worth while neither to affirm nor to refute.

> Latin: 21.9. in rebus tam antiquis si quae similia veri sint pro veris accipiantur, satis habeam: haec ad ostentationem scaenae gaudentis miraculis aptiora quam ad fidem neque adfirmare neque refellere est operae pretium.

[¶84] 21.10. The mine, which was then filled with picked troops, suddenly discharged its armed men into the temple of Juno, on the Veientine citadel; some of them assailed the backs of their enemies, who were on the walls; others wrenched off the bars that made fast the gates; others, when the women and slaves cast down stones and tiles from roofs, fetched fire against them.

> Latin: 21.10. delectis militibus eo tempore plenus in aedem Iunonis, quae in Veientana arce erat, armatos repente edidit, et pars aversos in muris invadunt hostes, pars claustra portarum revellunt, pars cum ex tectis saxa tegulaeque a mulieribus ac servitiis iacerentur, inferunt ignes.

## 26. Book V · chapters 21–32

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/26/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/26/#p-N

[¶0] 21.11. The air resounded with shouts; discordant threats of the attackers and despairing shrieks of the defenders were blended with the wailing of women and children.

> Latin: 21.11. omnia variis terrentium ac paventium vocibus mixto mulierum ac puerorum ploratu complet.

[¶1] 21.12. In a moment the armed soldiers were everywhere hurled from the walls, and the gates thrown open. A part of the Romans poured through them in a body, others scaled the deserted walls; the city was overrun with enemies; the battle raged in every quarter;

> Latin: 21.12. temporis deiectis ex muro undique armatis patefactisque portis cum alii agmine inruerent, alii desertos scanderent muros, urbs hostibus impletur; omnibus locis pugnatur;

[¶2] 21.13. then, when there had already been great carnage, the fighting began to flag, and the dictator bade the heralds proclaim that those without arms should be spared. This ended the slaughter.

> Latin: 21.13. deinde multa iam edita caede senescit pugna, et dictator praecones edicere iubet ut ab inermi abstineatur.

[¶3] 21.14. The unarmed began to give themselves up, and the Romans scattered, with the dictator's permission, in quest of booty. When this was brought before him, and he saw that it was considerably larger and comprised effects of greater value than he had hoped or thought, it is said that he raised his hands to heaven and prayed that if any god or man deemed his good fortune and that of the Roman People to be excessive, it might be granted him to appease that envy with the least harm to his own private interests and to the public welfare of the Roman People.

> Latin: 21.14. finis sanguinis fuit. inde inermes coepti, et ad praedam miles permissu dictatoris discurrit. cum ante oculos eius aliquantum spe atque opinione maior maiorisque pretii rerum ferretur, dicitur manus ad caelum tollens precatus esse ut si cui deorum hominumque nimia sua fortuna populique Romani videretur, ut eam invidiam lenire quam minimo suo privato incommodo publicoque populi Romani liceret.

[¶4] 21.16. As he turned, while making this prayer, tradition states that he slipped and fell, and that this omen was seen (when men came later to gather its meaning from the event) to point to the condemnation of Camillus himself, and in the second place, to the capture of Rome, a disaster which befell a few years afterwards.

> Latin: 21.16. se inter hanc venerationem traditur memoriae prolapsum cecidisse; idque omen pertinuisse postea eventu rem coniectantibus visum ad damnationem ipsius Camilli, captae deinde urbis Romanae, quod post paucos accidit annos, cladem.

[¶5] 21.17. So that day was spent in the slaughter of enemies and the sack of a most opulent city. On the following day the dictator sold the free-born inhabitants into slavery. This was the only money that went into the state treasury, but the commons were angry about it; as for the booty they brought back themselves, they gave the credit not to their commander, who had referred to the Fathers, that they might support his niggardliness, a matter which had lain within his own discretion, nor yet to the senators, but- to the house of the Licinii, whose son had brought to a vote in the senate that popular measure which his father had proposed.

> Latin: 21.17. ille dies caede hostium ac direptione urbis opulentissimae est consumptus. die libera corpora dictator sub corona vendidit. sola pecunia in publicum redigitur, haud sine ira plebis; et quod rettulere secum praedae, nec duci, qui ad senatum, malignitatis auctores quaerendo, rem arbitrii sui reiecisset, nec senatui, sed Liciniae familiae, ex qua filius ad senatum rettulisset, pater tam popularis sententiae auctor fuisset, acceptum referebant.

[¶6] 22.3. When the wealth that belonged to men had now been carried away out of Veii, they began to remove the possessions of the gods and the gods themselves, but more in the manner of worshippers than of pillagers.

> Latin: 22.3. iam humanae opes egestae a Veiis essent, amoliri tum deum dona ipsosque deos, sed colentium magis quam rapientium modo, coepere.

[¶7] 22.4. For out of all the army youths were chosen, and made to cleanse their bodies and to put on white garments, and to them the duty was assigned of conveying Queen Juno to Rome. Reverently entering her temple, they scrupled at first to approach her with their hands, because this image was one that according to Etruscan practice none but a priest of a certain family was wont to touch; when one of them, whether divinely inspired or out of youthful jocularity, asked, “Wilt thou go, Juno, to Rome?” —whereat the others all cried out that the goddess had nodded assent.

> Latin: 22.4. delecti ex omni exercitu iuvenes pure lautis corporibus, candida veste, quibus deportanda Romam regina Iuno adsignata erat, venerabundi templum iniere primo religiose admoventes manus, quod id signum more Etrusco nisi certae gentis sacerdos attractare non esset solitus. cum quidam seu spiritu divino tactus seu iuvenali ioco, Romam ire, Iuno? dixisset, adnuisse ceteri deam conclamaverunt.

[¶8] 22.6. It was afterwards added to the story that she had also been heard to say that she was willing. At all events we are told that she was moved from her place with contrivances of little power, as though she accompanied them voluntarily, and was lightly and easily transferred and carried safe and sound to the Aventine, the eternal home to which the prayers of the Roman dictator had called her; and there Camillus afterwards dedicated to her the temple which he himself had vowed.

> Latin: 22.6. fabulae adiectum est vocem quoque dicentis velle auditam; motam certe sede sua parvi molimenti adminiculis sequentis modo accepimus levem ac facilem tralatu fuisse, integramque in Aventinum, aeternam sedem suam quo vota Romani dictatoris vocaverant, perlatam, ubi templum ei postea idem qui voverat Camillus dedicavit.

[¶9] 22.8. Such was the fall of Veii, the wealthiest city of the Etruscan race, which gave evidence of its greatness even in its final overthrow; since after a blockade of ten continuous summers and winters, during which time it had inflicted considerably heavier losses than it had sustained, it yet was ultimately taken, when at last even destiny fought against it, by siege-works and not by force. When word came to Rome that Veii was taken, although the portents had been averted and the answers of the soothsayers and the Pythian oracle were known; and though they had done all that human wisdom could do to help, in choosing Marcus Furius Camillus, greatest of all generals, to lead them;

> Latin: 22.8. Veiorum occasus fuit, urbis opulentissimae Etrusci nominis, magnitudinem suam vel ultima clade indicantis, quod decem aestates hiemesque continuas circumsessa cum plus aliquanto cladium intulisset quam accepisset, postremo iam fato quoque urgente, operibus tamen, non vi expugnata est.

[¶10] 23.2. nevertheless, because they had warred there so many years with varying fortune and had suffered many a reverse, their joy, as though unexpected, knew no bounds; and ere the senate could act, the temples were all thronged with Roman matrons giving thanks to the gods. The senate decreed supplications for four days, a longer period than in any former war.

> Latin: 23.2. Romam ut nuntiatum est Veios captos, quamquam et prodigia procurata fuerant et vatum responsa et Pythicae sortes notae, et quantum humanis adiuvari consiliis potuerat res ducem M. Furium maximum imperatorum omnium legerant, tamen, quia tot annis varie ibi bellatum erat multaeque clades acceptae, velut ex insperato immensum gaudium fuit, et priusquam senatus decerneret plena omnia templa Romanarum matrum grates dis agentium erant. in quadriduum, quot dierum nullo ante bello, supplicationes decernit.

[¶11] 23.4. Moreover, as the dictator drew near, all sorts and conditions of men ran forth to meet him in such numbers as had never welcomed a general before, and the triumph far exceeded the measure of honour usual on that day.

> Latin: 23.4. quoque dictatoris omnibus ordinibus obviam effusis celebratior quam ullius unquam antea fuit, triumphusque omnem consuetum honorandi diei illius, modum aliquantum excessit.

[¶12] 23.5. He was himself the most conspicuous object in it, as he rode into the City on a chariot drawn by white horses; an act which struck men as being not only undemocratic, but irreverent, for they were troubled at the thought that in respect to his steeds the dictator was made equal to Jupiter and the sun-god;

> Latin: 23.5. conspectus ipse est curru equis albis iuncto urbem invectus; parumque id non civile modo sed humanum etiam visum.

[¶13] 23.6. and the triumph, chiefly for this one reason, was more brilliant than popular. He then let the contract for the temple of Queen Juno on the Aventine, and dedicated one to Mater Matuta; and having fulfilled these obligations to gods and men, laid down the dictatorship.

> Latin: 23.6. Iovis Solisque equis aequiperatum dictatorem in religionem etiam trahebant, triumphusque ob eam unam maxime rem clarior quam gratior fuit. Iunoni reginae templum in Aventino locavit dedicavitque Matutae Matris; atque his divinis humanisque rebus gestis dictatura se abdicavit.

[¶14] 23.8. The next thing to be discussed was the gift to Apollo, to whom Camillus said that he had solemnly promised a tenth part of the spoils. The pontiffs ruled that the people must discharge this obligation, but it was not easy to devise a method for compelling them to return the booty, that out of it the due proportion might be set apart for the sacred object.

> Latin: 23.8. deinde de Apollinis dono coeptum. se decimam vovisse praedae partem cum diceret Camillus, pontifices solvendum religione populum censerent, haud facile inibatur ratio iubendi referre praedam populum, ut ex ea pars debita in sacrum secerneretur.

[¶15] 23.10. They finally resorted to what seemed the least oppressive plan, namely, that whosoever wished to acquit himself and his household of obligation on the score of the vow, should appraise his own share of the spoils, and pay in a tenth part of its value to the public treasury, to the end that it might be converted into an offering of gold befitting the grandeur of the temple and the power of the god and corresponding to the majesty of the Roman People.

> Latin: 23.10. eo quod lenissimum videbatur decursum est, ut qui se domumque religione exsolvere vellet, cum sibimet ipse praedam aestimasset suam, decimae pretium partis in publicum deferret, ut ex eo donum aureum, dignum amplitudine templi ac numine dei, ex dignitate populi Romani fieret.

[¶16] 23.11. This contribution still further alienated the affections of the commons from Camillus.

> Latin: 23.11. quoque conlatio plebis animos a Camillo alienavit.

[¶17] 23.12. In the midst of these affairs came envoys from the Volsci and the Aequi seeking peace, and their suit was granted, more that the state, worn out with so long a war, might be at rest, than because the petitioners deserved it. The year which followed the capture of Veii had six consular tribunes, to wit, the two Publii Cornelii, Cossus and Scipio, Marcus Valerius Maximus (for the second time), Caeso Fabius Ambustus (for the third), Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the fifth), Quintus Servilius (for the third). To the Cornelii was allotted the Faliscan war, to Valerius and Servilius the war with Capena. They attempted no cities, either by assault or by siege, but wasted the countryside and despoiled the farmers of their possessions, leaving not one fruit-tree in the land nor any productive plant. This devastation overcame the resistance of the Capenates; they begged for peace and it was granted.

> Latin: 23.12. haec pacificatum legati a Volscis et Aequis venerunt, impetrataque pax, magis ut fessa tam diutino bello adquiesceret civitas quam quod digni peterent. Veiis captis sex tribunos militum consulari potestate insequens annus habuit, duos P. Cornelios, Cossum et Scipionem, M. Valerium Maximum iterum K. Fabium Ambustum tertium L. Furium Medullinum quintum Q. Servilium tertium. Faliscum bellum, Valerio ac Servilio Capenas sorte evenit. iis non urbes vi aut operibus temptatae, sed ager est depopulatus praedaeque rerum agrestium actae; nulla felix arbor, nihil frugiferum in agro relictum.

[¶18] 24.3. In the Faliscan country the war went on. At Rome, meanwhile, there were disturbances of many sorts, to quiet which the senate had voted to plant a colony on the Volscian frontier, and to enroll for that destination three thousand Roman citizens, to each of whom a board of three, appointed for the purpose, had proposed to assign three iugera and seven-twelfths.

> Latin: 24.3. clades Capenatem populum subegit; pax petentibus data; in Faliscis bellum restabat. Romae interim multiplex seditio erat, cuius leniendae causa coloniam in Volscos, quo tria milia civium Romanorum scriberentur, deducendam censuerant, triumvirique ad id creati terna iugera et septunces viritim diviserant.

[¶19] 24.5. This donation men were disposed to spurn, regarding it as a sop intended to divert their hopes from greater things: for why should the plebs be banished to the Volscian country, when the fair city of Veii and the Veientine lands (more fertile and extensive than those of Rome) were there in plain sight?

> Latin: 24.5. largitio sperni coepta, quia spei maioris avertendae solacium obiectum censebant: cur enim relegari plebem in Volscos, cum pulcherrima urbs Veii agerque Veientanus in conspectu sit, uberior ampliorque Romano agro?

[¶20] 24.6. The city, too, they preferred to the City of Rome, whether for situation, or for the splendour of its public and private buildings and its places.

> Latin: 24.6. quoque urbi Romae vel situ vel magnificentia publicorum privatorumque tectorum ac locorum praeponebant.

[¶21] 24.7. Nay, they even mooted the plan which certainly had a great following later, when the Gauls had captured Rome, of migrating to Veii.

> Latin: 24.7. illa quoque actio movebatur, quae post captam utique Romam a Gallis celebratior fuit, transmigrandi Veios.

[¶22] 24.8. For the rest, they intended that half of the plebs and half of the senate should dwell in Veii, regarding it as possible for the Roman people to inhabit two cities with a common polity.

> Latin: 24.8. partem plebis, partem senatus destinabant ad habitandos Veios, duasque urbes communi rei re publica incoli a populo Romano posse.

[¶23] 24.9. This proposal the patricians opposed with such vehemence as to declare that they would sooner die in the sight of the Roman People than suffer anything of the sort to come to a vote; for when there was already so much dissension in a single city, what would it be in two?

> Latin: 24.9. quae cum optimates ita tenderent ut morituros se citius dicerent in conspectu populi Romani quam quicquam earum rerum rogaretur; quippe nunc in una urbe tantum dissensionum esse:

[¶24] 24.10. Was it possible that any man should prefer a vanquished to a victorious city, and suffer Veii captured to enjoy a greater fortune than Veii free?

> Latin: 24.10. quid in duabus fore? victamne ut quisquam victrici patriae praeferret sineretque maiorem fortunam captis esse Veiis, quam incolumibus fuerit? se relinqui a civibus in patria posse:

[¶25] 24.11. In fine, it was conceivable that they should be left behind in their native city by their fellow Romans; but to forsake their country and their fellow-citizens no violence should ever force them; they had no mind to follow Titus Sicinius —the tribune of the plebs who had proposed the bill —to Veii, as their founder, abandoning the god Romulus, the son of a god, the Father and Author of the Roman City. These differences gave rise to disgraceful contentions —for the Fathers had won over some of the plebeian tribunes to their opinion —and the only thing that compelled the plebs to stay their hands was this, that as often as they raised a shout, in order to begin a riot, the leaders of the senate were the first to confront the mob, bidding them visit blows, wounds, and death on them.

> Latin: 24.11. ut relinquant patriam atque cives nullam vim unquam subacturam, et T. Sicinium—is enim ex tribunis plebis rogationis eius lator erat—conditorem Veios sequantur relicto deo Romulo, dei filio, parente et auctore urbis Romae. cum foedis certaminibus agerentur— nam partem tribunorum plebi patres in suam sententiam traxerant, —nulla res alia manibus temperare plebem cogebat quam quod, ubi rixae committendae causa clamor ortus esset, principes senatus primi turbae offerentes se peti feririque atque occidi iubebant.

[¶26] 25.3. The grey hairs of these men, their distinctions, and their honours, they shrank from outraging, and shame thwarted their rage in all similar attempts. Camillus harangued the people constantly, and in all places.

> Latin: 25.3. horum aetatibus dignitatibusque et honoribus violandis dum abstinebatur, et ad reliquos similes conatus verecundia irae obstabat.

[¶27] 25.4. It was no wonder, he said, that the citizens had gone mad, since, bound though they were to carry out their vow, they were more concerned about everything else than about the discharge of their obligation.

> Latin: 25.4. Camillus identidem omnibus locis contionabatur: haud mirum id quidem esse, furere civitatem, quae damnata voti omnium rerum potiorem curam quam religione se exsolvendi habeat.

[¶28] 25.5. He would say nothing of their penny contribution —a truer name for it than tithe —since in this regard each man had bound himself as an individual, and the state was freed;

> Latin: 25.5. de conlatione dicere, stipis verius quam decumae, quando ea se quisque privatim obligaverit, liberatus sit populus.

[¶29] 25.6. but there was one thing his conscience would not suffer him to pass over in silence; to wit, that the tithe should be defined as consisting of that part only of the booty which was movable; and that nothing should be said of the captured city and its territory, which were likewise included in the vow.

> Latin: 25.6. illud se tacere suam conscientiam non pati quod ex ea tantum praeda quae rerum moventium sit decuma designetur: urbis atque agri capti, quae et ipsa voto contineatur, mentionem nullam fieri.

[¶30] 25.7. Unable to agree on this point, the senate referred it to the pontiffs, who decided, after consulting with Camillus, that so far as these things had belonged to the Veientes before the vow was made, and had subsequently come into the possession of the Roman People, a tithe thereof was sacred to Apollo. Thus the city and the land came into the estimate.

> Latin: 25.7. ea disceptatio, anceps senatui visa, delegata ad pontifices esset, adhibito Camillo visum collegio, quod eius ante conceptum votum Veientium fuisset et post votum in potestatem populi Romani venisset, eius partem decimam Apollini sacram esse. in aestimationem urbs agerque venit.

[¶31] 25.8. Money was drawn from the treasury, and the tribunes of the soldiers with consular rank were directed to purchase gold with it; and there being not enough of this metal, the matrons held meetings to consider the need, and binding themselves by a common resolution to supply the tribunes with gold, brought in all their ornaments to the treasury.

> Latin: 25.8. ex aerario prompta, et tribunis militum consularibus ut aurum ex ea coemerent negotium datum. cum copia non esset, matronae coetibus ad eam rem consultandam habitis communi decreto pollicitae tribunis militum aurum, et omnia ornamenta sua in aerarium detulerunt.

[¶32] 25.9. No act was ever more acceptable to the senate, and to honour the matrons for their generosity, it is said to have voted that they might drive in four-wheeled carriages to festivals and games, and in two-wheeled cars on holy and working days.

> Latin: 25.9. ea res ut quae maxime senatui unquam fuit; honoremque ob eam munificentiam ferunt matronis habitum ut pilento ad sacra ludosque, carpentis festo profestoque uterentur.

[¶33] 25.10. When the gold received from each had been appraised, in order that the moneys might be repaid, it was determined to make a golden bowl and carry it to Delphi as an offering to Apollo.

> Latin: 25.10. ab singulis auri accepto aestimatoque ut pecuniae solverentur, crateram auream fieri placuit quae donum Apollini Delphos portaretur.

[¶34] 25.11. No sooner had they eased their minds of the vow, than the tribunes of the commons began again their agitation, inflaming the populace against all the nobles, but especially against Camillus, whom they charged with having reduced to naught the spoils of Veii, by devoting them to the state and to religion.

> Latin: 25.11. ab religione animos remiserunt, integrant seditionem tribuni plebis; incitatur multitudo multitude in omnes principes, ante alios in Camillum;

[¶35] 25.12. If any of the leaders were absent, they were fiercely denounced; being present they outfaced their angry critics and shamed them into silence.

> Latin: 25.12. eum praedam Veientanam publicando sacrandoque ad nihilum redegisse. ferociter increpant; praesentium, cum se ultro iratis offerrent, verecundiam habent.

[¶36] 25.13. As soon as the people saw that the question would be carried over from that year, they worked for the re-election of the tribunes of the plebs who were backing the measure; and the patricians exerted themselves to do the same for its opponents. So, for the most part, the same tribunes were returned to office. At the voting for military tribunes, the senators with much ado obtained the election of Marcus Furius Camillus. The need of a commander for the wars was their pretext, but what they really wanted was a man who would combat the lavishness of the tribunes.

> Latin: 25.13. extrahi rem ex eo anno viderunt, tribunos plebis latores legis in annum eosdem reficiunt; et patres hoc idem de intercessoribus legis adnisi. tribuni plebis magna ex parte iidem refecti.

[¶37] 26.2. With Camillus were elected to that office, Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the sixth time), Gaius Aemilius, Lucius Valerius Publicola, Spurius Postumius, and (for the second time) Publius Cornelius. At the outset of the year the tribunes of the commons made no move, until Marcus Furius Camillus should march against the Faliscans, for to him this war had been committed. Then came delays, and men's enthusiasm waned, while Camillus, the opponent whom they chiefly feared, won fresh renown in the Faliscan country.

> Latin: 26.2. tribunorum militum patres summa ope evicerunt ut M. Furius Camillus crearetur. bella simulabant parari ducem; sed largitioni tribuniciae adversarius quaerebatur. Camillo creati tribuni militum consulari potestate L. Furius Medullinus sextum C. Aemilius L. Valerius Publicola Sp. Postumius P. Cornelius iterum. anni tribuni plebis nihil moverunt, donec M. Furius Camillus in Faliscos, cui id bellum mandatum erat proficisceretur. deinde elanguit res, et Camillo, quem adversarium maxime metuebant, gloria in Faliscis crevit.

[¶38] 26.4. For though at first the enemy kept within their walls, deeming this their safest course, he compelled them, by ravaging their fields and burning their farm-houses, to come out of their city.

> Latin: 26.4. cum primo moenibus se hostes tenerent tutissimum id rati, populatione agrorum atque incendiis villarum coegit eos egredi urbe.

[¶39] 26.5. Still, they were afraid to advance very far, and pitched their camp about a mile from the town, trusting that it was quite safe, without other reason than the difficulty of approaching it; for the ground about it was rough and broken, and the roads were either narrow or steep.

> Latin: 26.5. timor longius progredi prohibuit; mille fere passuum ab oppido castra locant nulla re alia fidentes ea satis tuta esse quam difficultate aditus, asperis confragosisque circa et partim artis partim arduis viis.

[¶40] 26.6. But Camillus, employing a prisoner taken in that very region for his guide, broke camp in the dead of night, and showed himself at earliest dawn in a considerably superior position. The Romans, divided into three shifts, began to build a rampart, the soldiers who were not working standing by in readiness to fight.

> Latin: 26.6. Camillus captivum indidem ex agris secutus ducem castris multa nocte motis prima luce aliquanto superioribus locis se ostendit.

[¶41] 26.7. There, when the enemy sought to hinder the work, he defeated and routed them; and so great was the panic that came over the Faliscans, that they fled in disorder past their camp, which was the nearer refuge, and made for the town; and many were slain or wounded, before, in their terror, they could rush in through the gates.

> Latin: 26.7. Romani muniebant, alius exercitus proelio intentus stabat. impedire opus conatos hostes fundit fugatque; tantumque inde pavoris Faliscis iniectum est ut effusa fuga castra sua quae propiora erant praelati urbem peterent.

[¶42] 26.8. The camp was taken, and the booty was paid over to the quaestors. This incensed the troops, but they were overborne by the strictness of the discipline, and admired, while they detested, their general's probity.

> Latin: 26.8. caesi volneratique priusquam paventes portis inciderent. capta; praeda ad quaestores redacta cum magna militum ira; sed severitate imperii victi eandem virtutem et oderant et mirabantur.

[¶43] 26.9. Then came a blockade of the town, and the construction of siege works; and sometimes, when opportunity offered, the townsfolk would raid the Roman outposts and skirmishes would ensue.

> Latin: 26.9. inde urbis et munitiones, et interdum per occasionem impetus oppidanorum in Romanas stationes proeliaque parva fieri, et teri tempus neutro inclinata spe, cum frumentum copiaeque aliae ex ante convecto largius obsessis quam obsidentibus suppeterent.

[¶44] 26.10. Time wore on, without bringing hope to either side; the besieged had corn and other supplies, which they had laid up beforehand in greater abundance than the besiegers; and it began to seem as though the struggle would be as long drawn out as at Veii, had not Fortune, at one stroke, given the Roman general an opportunity to display the magnanimity already familiar from his exploits in war, and an early victory. It was customary amongst the Faliscans to employ the same person as teacher and attendant of their children, and they used to intrust a number of lads at the same time to the care of one man, a practice which still obtains in Greece. The children of the chief men, as is commonly the case, were under the tuition of one who was regarded as their foremost scholar. This man had in time of peace got into the way of leading the boys out in front of the city for play and exercise, and during the war made no change in his routine, but would draw them sometimes a shorter, sometimes a longer distance from the gate, with this and that game and story, until being farther away one day than usual, he seized the opportunity to bring them amongst the enemy's outposts, and then into the Roman camp, to the headquarters of Camillus. He then followed up his villainous act with an even more villainous speech, saying that he had given Falerii into the hands of the Romans, having delivered up to them the children of those whose fathers were in power there.

> Latin: 26.10. aeque diuturnus futurus labor ac Veiis fuisset, ni fortuna imperatori Romano simul et cognitae rebus bellicis virtutis specimen et maturam victoriam dedisset. erat Faliscis eodem magistro liberorum et comite uti, simulque plures pueri, quod hodie quoque in Graecia manet, unius curae demandabantur. liberos, sicut fere fit, qui scientia videbatur praecellere erudiebat. cum in pace instituisset pueros ante urbem lusus exercendique causa producere, nihil eo more per belli tempus intermisso, modo brevioribus modo longioribus spatiis trahendo eos a porta lusu sermonibusque variatis, longius solito ubi res dedit progressus inter stationes eos hostium castraque inde Romana in praetorium ad Camillum perduxit. scelesto facinori scelestiorem sermonem addit, Falerios se in manus Romanis tradidisse, quando eos pueros quorum parentes capita ibi rerum sint in potestatem dediderit. ubi Camillus audivit, ad similem inquit tui nec populum nec imperatorem scelestus ipse cum scelesto munere venisti.

[¶45] 27.6. On hearing this Camillus answered: “Neither the people nor the captain to whom you are come, you scoundrel, with your scoundrel's gift, is like yourself. Between us and the Faliscans is no fellowship founded on men's covenants; but the fellowship which nature has implanted in both sides is there and will abide.”

> Latin: 27.6. cum Faliscis quae pacto fit humano societas non est: quam ingeneravit natura utrisque est eritque. et belli sicut pacis iura, iusteque ea non minus quam fortiter didicimus gerere.

[¶46] 27.7. “There are rights of war as well as of peace, and we have learnt to use them justly no less than bravely. We bear no weapons against those tender years which find mercy even in the storming of a city, but against those who are armed themselves, who, without wrong or provocation at our hands, attacked the Roman camp at Veii.”

> Latin: 27.7. habemus non adversus eam aetatem cui etiam captis urbibus parcitur, sed adversus armatos et ipsos, qui nec laesi nec lacessiti a nobis castra Romana ad Veios oppugnarunt.

[¶47] 27.8. “Those people you have done your best to conquer by an unheard-of crime. I shall conquer them, as I conquered Veii, in the Roman way, by dint of courage, toil, and arms.”

> Latin: 27.8. tu quantum in te fuit novo scelere vicisti: ego Romanis artibus, virtute opere armis, sicut Veios vincam.

[¶48] 27.9. He then had the fellow stripped, his hands bound behind his back, and gave him up to the boys to lead back to Falerii, providing them with rods to scourge the traitor as they drove him into town.

> Latin: 27.9. deinde eum manibus post tergum inligatis reducendum Falerios pueris tradidit, virgasque eis quibus proditorem agerent in urbem verberantes dedit.

[¶49] 27.10. To behold this spectacle, there was at first a great gathering together of the people, and presently the magistrates called a meeting of the senate about the strange affair, and men underwent such a revulsion of feeling, that those who a short time before, in the fury of their hate and resentment would almost have preferred the doom of Veii to the peace of Capena, were now calling for peace, with the voice of an entire city.

> Latin: 27.10. quod spectaculum concursu populi primum facto, deinde a magistratibus de re nova vocato senatu tanta mutatio animis est iniecta ut qui modo efferati odio iraque Veientium exitum paene quam Capenatium pacem mallent, apud eos pacem universa posceret civitas.

[¶50] 27.11. The honesty of the Romans, and the justice of their general, were praised in market-place and senate-house, and, with the consent of all, envoys proceeded to Camillus in his camp, and thence, by his permission, to the Roman senate, to surrender Falerii.

> Latin: 27.11. Romana, iustitia imperatoris in foro et curia celebrantur; consensuque omnium legati ad Camillum in castra, atque inde permissu Camilli Romam ad senatum, qui dederent Falerios proficiscuntur.

[¶51] 27.12. Being introduced into the Curia they are said to have spoken as follows: “Conscript Fathers, you and your general have won a victory over us which no one, whether God or man, could begrudge you, and we give ourselves into your hands, believing (than which nothing can be more honourable to a victor) that we shall be better off under your government than under our own laws.”

> Latin: 27.12. ad senatum ita locuti traduntur: conscripti, victoria cui nec deus nec homo quisquam invideat victi a vobis et imperatore vestro dedimus nos vobis, rati, quo nihil victori pulchrius est, melius nos sub imperio vestro quam legibus nostris victuros.

[¶52] 27.13. “The outcome of this war has afforded the human race two wholesome precedents: you have set fair-dealing in war above immediate victory; and we, challenged by your fair-dealing, have freely granted you that victory.”

> Latin: 27.13. huius belli duo salutaria exempla prodita humano generi sunt: vos fidem in bello quam praesentem victoriam maluistis; nos fide provocati victoriam ultro detulimus.

[¶53] 27.14. “We are under your sway; send men to receive our arms and hostages, and our city, the gates of which stand open.”

> Latin: 27.14. dicione vestra sumus; mittite qui arma, qui obsides, qui urbem patentibus portis accipiant.

[¶54] 27.15. “Neither shall you be disappointed in our fidelity nor we in your rule.” Camillus was thanked both by his enemies and by his fellow citizens. The Faliscans were commanded to pay the soldiers for that year, that the Roman People might be exempted from the war tax. Peace being granted, the Roman army was led home. Camillus, having returned to the City distinguished by a far better kind of glory than when he had entered it in triumph drawn by white horses —for he had conquered his enemies by justice and fair-dealing —uttered no reproaches, but the senators were ill-at-ease till they should free him, without delay, from the obligation of his vow.

> Latin: 27.15. vos fidei nostrae nec nos imperii vestri paenitebit. Camillo et ab hostibus et a civibus gratiae actae. Faliscis in stipendium militum eius anni, ut populus Romanus tributo vacaret, pecunia imperata. data exercitus Romam reductus.

[¶55] 28.2. And so, to carry the golden bowl as a gift to Apollo at Delphi, they appointed Lucius Valerius, Lucius Sergius, and Aulus Manlius, who, being dispatched in a single warship, were captured by Liparaean pirates not far from the Sicilian Straits and carried to Liparae. It was the manner of that people to divide up the booty which they had obtained by a kind of public piracy, but it chanced that year that one Timasitheus was chief magistrate, a man more resembling the Romans than his own countrymen;

> Latin: 28.2. Camillus, meliore multo laude quam cum triumphantem albi per urbem vexerant equi insignis, iustitia fideque hostibus victis cum in urbem redisset, taciti eius verecundiam non tulit senatus quin sine mora voti liberaretur; crateramque auream donum Apollini Delphos legati qui ferrent, L. Valerius L. Sergius A. Manlius, missi longa una nave haud baud procul freto Siculo a piratis Liparensium excepti devehuntur Liparas. erat civitatis velut publico latrocinio partam praedam dividere. eo anno in summo magistratu erat Timasitheus quidam, Romanis vir similior quam suis;

[¶56] 28.4. who, himself revering the title of the envoys and their gift, as well as the god to whom it was being sent and the cause of the oblation, imbued also the people, who are almost always like their ruler, with a due sense of religious awe; and after entertaining the ambassadors in the guest-house of the state, even sent ships to convoy them to Delphi, and thence brought them safely back to Rome.

> Latin: 28.4. qui legatorum nomen donumque et deum cui mitteretur et doni causam veritus ipse multitudinem quoque, quae semper ferme regenti est similis, religionis iustae implevit adductosque in publicum hospitium legatos cum praesidio etiam navium Delphos prosecutus, Romam inde sospites restituit.

[¶57] 28.5. A covenant of hospitality was made with him by decree of the senate, and gifts were presented him in the name of the state. The same year there was a war with the Aequi, of so varied fortune that it was not clear, either at the front itself or in Rome, whether the upshot had been victory or defeat.

> Latin: 28.5. cum eo senatus consulto est factum donaque publice data. anno in Aequis varie bellatum, adeo ut in incerto fuerit et apud ipsos exercitus et Romae vicissent victine essent.

[¶58] 28.6. The Roman generals were two of the military tribunes, Gaius Aemilius and Spurius Postumius. At first they exercised the command conjointly; afterwards, when they had routed the enemy in battle, they arranged that Aemilius should hold Verrugo with a garrison, while Postumius should lay waste the country.

> Latin: 28.6. Romani fuere ex tribunis militum C. Aemilius Sp. Postumius. rem communiter gesserunt; fusis inde acie hostibus Aemilium praesidio Verruginem obtinere placuit, Postumium fines vastare.

[¶59] 28.7. As he was leading his troops in irregular formation, somewhat carelessly in consequence of his success, the Aequi fell upon them and throwing them into confusion drove them to the nearest hills, whence the panic spread even to Verrugo, to the other army.

> Latin: 28.7. eum incomposito agmine neglegentius ab re bene gesta euntem adorti Aequi terrore iniecto in proximos compulere tumulos; pavorque inde Verruginem etiam ad praesidium alterum est perlatus.

[¶60] 28.8. Postumius having rallied his men in a position of safety, called them together and chid them for their alarm and flight, telling them they had been discomfited by the most craven and fugitive of foes. Whereat the army cried out as one man, that they deserved his reproaches, and confessed the enormity of their misconduct, but promised that they would themselves mend it, and that their enemies' joy should be short-lived.

> Latin: 28.8. Postumius suis in tutum receptis cum contione advocata terrorem increparet ac fugam, fusos esse ab ignavissimo ac fugacissimo hoste, conclamat universus exercitus merito se ea audire et fateri admissum flagitium, sed eosdem correcturos esse neque diuturnum id gaudium hostibus fore.

[¶61] 28.9. Demanding to be led forthwith against the camp of the Aequi — which was in full sight in the plain where they had pitched it —they professed themselves willing to undergo any punishment if they should not have stormed it before nightfall.

> Latin: 28.9. ut confestim inde ad castra hostium duceret—et in conspectu erant posita in plano— nihil poenae recusabant ni ea ante noctem expugnassent.

[¶62] 28.10. Postumius commended them and bade them sup and be ready at the fourth watch. The enemy, too, that they might cut off any retreat by night along the road to Verrugo, from the hill where the Romans lay, were afield and met them, and the battle began before daylight, but there was a moon all night.

> Latin: 28.10. corpora curare paratosque esse quarta vigilia iubet. hostes nocturnam fugam ex tumulo Romanorum ut ab ea via quae ferebat Verruginem excluderent, fuere obvii, proeliumque ante lucem—sed luna pernox erat—commissum est. incertius diurno proelium fuit;

[¶63] 28.11. They could see to fight as well as in the daytime; but the shouts were heard in Verrugo, the soldiers believed the Roman camp was being attacked, and so great was their consternation that, despite the efforts of Aemilius to check them and despite his appeals, they fled in a scattered rout to Tusculum.

> Latin: 28.11. sed clamor Verruginem perlatus, cum castra Romana crederent oppugnari, tantum iniecit pavoris ut nequiquam retinente atque obsecrante Aemilio Tusculum palati fugerent.

[¶64] 28.12. From thence a rumour was carried to Rome that Postumius and the army were destroyed. But Postumius, as soon as the first rays of light had removed all fear of ambuscades in case of a wide-spread pursuit, rode down the line, reminding his men of the promises they had given him, and inspired such ardour that the Aequi could no longer withstand their charge, and were slaughtered while they fled (as happens when rage is more concerned than valour), till their army was clean destroyed;

> Latin: 28.12. fama Romam perlata est Postumium exercitumque occisum., ubi prima lux metum insidiarum effuse sequentibus sustulit, cum perequitasset aciem promissa repetens, tantum iniecit ardoris ut non ultra sustinuerint impetum Aequi.

[¶65] 28.13. and the gloomy tidings from Tusculum which had thrown the City into a needless fright, were succeeded by a laurel-wreathed letter from Postumius, announcing the victory of the Roman People and the annihilation of the Aequian army. The measures introduced by the tribunes of the plebs being still undecided, the commons strove to prolong the tenure of the supporters of the bill, and the patricians to re-elect the tribunes who had vetoed it;

> Latin: 28.13. inde fugientium, qualis ubi ira magis quam virtute res geritur, ad perniciem hostium facta est; tristemque ab Tusculo nuntium nequiquam exterrita civitate litterae a Postumio laureatae sequuntur, victoriam populi Romani esse, Aequorum exercitum deletum.

[¶66] 29.2. but in the election of their own magistrates the plebeians proved the stronger, a disappointment which the Fathers avenged by passing a resolution in the senate providing for the election of consuls —a magistracy odious to the plebs. There had been no consuls for fifteen years, when they elected Lucius Lucretius Flavus, and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus.

> Latin: 29.2. plebis actiones quia nondum invenerant finem, et plebs continuare latoribus legis tribunatum et patres reficere intercessores legis adnisi sunt; sed plus suis comitiis plebs valuit. dolorem ulti patres sunt senatus consulto facto ut consules, invisus plebi magistratus, crearentur. post quintum decimum creati consules L. Lucretius Flavus Ser.

[¶67] 29.3. In the beginning of this year, the tribunes united in a spirited attempt —for none of the college was disposed to object —to carry the bill; and the consuls, for that very reason, were quite as active in opposing them. While the whole body politic was absorbed in this one concern, Vitellia, a Roman colony, was captured by the Aequi, in whose territory it was situated.

> Latin: 29.3. Sulpicius Camerinus. huius anni ferociter, quia nemo ex collegio intercessurus erat, coortis ad perferendam legem tribunis plebis nec segnius ob id ipsum consulibus resistentibus omnique civitate in unam eam curam conversa Vitelliam coloniam Romanam in suo agro Aequi expugnant.

[¶68] 29.4. The greatest part of the settlers escaped, for the place was taken by treachery at night and their flight through the opposite quarter of the town was unopposed, and made their way to Rome in safety.

> Latin: 29.4. pars maxima incolumis, quia nocte proditione oppidum captum liberam per aversa urbis fugam dederat, Romam perfugere.

[¶69] 29.5. To Lucius Lucretius the consul fell the command in this affair. Marching out with his army, he defeated the enemy in a battle and returned victorious to the City, where he found a far more serious struggle impending.

> Latin: 29.5. L. Lucretio consuli ea provincia evenit. cum exercitu profectus acie hostes vicit, victorque Romam ad maius aliquanto certamen redit.

[¶70] 29.6. A day of trial had been appointed for the plebeian tribunes of two years before, namely Aulus Verginius and Quintus Pomponius, to defend whom the senate, as the patricians all agreed, was in honour bound; for no man brought any charge against their lives or the conduct of their office, except their having, out of complaisance to the Fathers, opposed the tribunician law.

> Latin: 29.6. dicta erat tribunis plebis biennii superioris A. Verginio et Q. Pomponio, quos defendi patrum consensu ad fidem senatus pertinebat; neque enim eos aut vitae ullo crimine alio aut gesti magistratus quisquam arguebat praeterquam quod gratificantes patribus rogationi tribuniciae intercessissent.

[¶71] 29.7. But the influence of the senators was out-weighed by the resentment of the plebs, and a shameful precedent was set, when the innocent men were condemned each to pay a fine of 10,000 asses.

> Latin: 29.7. tamen gratiam senatus plebis ira, et pessimo exemplo innoxii denis milibus gravis aeris condemnati sunt.

[¶72] 29.8. This roused the indignation of the senate. Camillus frankly denounced the depravity of the commons, who having turned against their own representatives, failed to perceive that they had by their wicked judgment of the tribunes done away with the veto, and that in doing away with the veto they had overthrown the tribunician power.

> Latin: 29.8. aegre passi patres. Camillus palam sceleris plebem arguere, quae iam in suos versa non intellegeret se pravo iudicio de tribunis intercessionem sustulisse, intercessione sublata tribuniciam potestatem evertisse;

[¶73] 29.9. For if they supposed that the unbridled licence of that office would be tolerated by the Fathers, they were mistaken; if tribunician violence could not be resisted by the help of tribunes, the senators must find some other weapon.

> Latin: 29.9. nam quod illi sperarent effrenatam licentiam eius magistratus patres laturos, falli eos. tribunicia vis tribunicio auxilio repelli nequeat, aliud telum patres inventuros esse.

[¶74] 29.10. He rebuked the consuls also, because they had, without protesting, allowed those tribunes who had followed the guidance of the senate to suffer for their reliance on the guarantee of state protection. By such sentiments, publicly expressed in speeches, he angered the people more and more from day to day. As to the senate, he ceased not to encourage it in opposing the law: they must go down into the Forum, when the day should arrive for voting on it, in no other spirit than that of men who realized that they had to fight for hearth and home, for the temples of their gods, and for the soil of their birth. So far, indeed, as the question touched his private interest, it would actually be an honour to him, if it were not sinful to be thinking of his own renown while his country was struggling for life, that the city he had, won should be thronged with people; that he should daily be reminded of his glory, and have before his eyes the town which had figured in his triumph; that all men should tread in the footsteps of his fame.

> Latin: 29.10. increpabat quod fide publica decipi tribunos eos taciti tulissent qui senatus auctoritatem secuti essent. propalam contionabundus in dies magis augebat iras hominum. vero incitare adversus legem haud baud desistebat: ne aliter descenderent in forum, cum dies ferendae legis venisset, quam ut qui meminissent sibi pro aris focisque et deum templis ac solo in quo nati essent dimicandum fore. quod ad se privatim attineat, si suae gloriae sibi inter dimicationem patriae meminisse sit fas, sibi amplum quoque esse urbem ab se captam frequentari, cottidie se frui monumento gloriae suae et ante oculos habere urbem latam in triumpho suo, insistere omnes vestigiis laudum suarum;

[¶75] 30.3. But he thought it an offence against Heaven that a city deserted and forsaken by the immortal gods should be inhabited, and that the Roman People should dwell on conquered soil, exchanging their victorious City for a vanquished one.

> Latin: 30.3. sed nefas ducere desertam ac relictam ab dis immortalibus incoli urbem, et in captivo solo habitare populum Romanum et victrice patria victam mutari.

[¶76] 30.4. These earnest words of their leading member so stirred the senators, old men as well as young, that on the day the law was proposed they formed in a body and came into the Forum, where they dispersed among the tribes, and canvassing every man his own tribesmen, began with tears to beseech them, that they would not forsake that City for which both they and their fathers had fought with the greatest courage and good fortune.

> Latin: 30.4. adhortationibus principis concitati patres, senes iuvenesque, cum ferretur lex agmine facto in forum venerunt, dissipatique per tribus suos quisque tribules prensantes orare cum lacrimis coepere ne eam earn patriam pro qua fortissime felicissimeque ipsi ac patres eorum dimicassent desererent, Capitolium, aedem Vestae, cetera circa templa deorum ostentantes;

[¶77] 30.6. They pointed to the Capitol, to the shrine of Vesta, and to the other temples standing all about them; they begged them not to drive the Roman People, an exile, and a wanderer from its native land and its household gods, to the city of its enemies, nor to carry things so far that it would be better that Veii had not been taken, so that Rome might not be deserted.

> Latin: 30.6. ne exsulem, extorrem populum Romanum ab solo patrio ac dis penatibus in hostium urbem agerent, eoque rem adducerent ut melius fuerit non capi Veios, ne Roma desereretur.

[¶78] 30.7. Since the patricians used not force but entreaties, and in their entreaties made many a reference to the gods, the greater part felt the prick of conscience, and the law was rejected by one more tribe than voted in its favour.

> Latin: 30.7. non vi agebant sed precibus et inter preces multa deorum mentio erat, religiosum parti maximae fuit, et legem una plures tribus antiquarunt quam iusserunt.

[¶79] 30.8. And so greatly did this victory rejoice the Fathers, that next day, at the instance of the consuls, a decree was passed by the senate, that seven iugera of the Veientine land should be apportioned to every plebeian, and not alone to the heads of families, but so as to reckon in all the free-born members of the household, that with such a prospect before them men might be willing to rear children. Appeased by this largess, the plebs made no objection to an assembly for the election of consuls, and the choice fell on Lucius Valerius Potitus and Marcus Manlius, afterwards surnamed Capitolinus.

> Latin: 30.8. ea victoria laeta patribus fuit ut postero die referentibus consulibus senatus consultum fieret ut agri Veientani septena iugera plebi dividerentur, nec patribus familiae tantum, sed ut omnium in domo liberorum capitum ratio haberetur, vellentque in eam earn spem liberos tollere.

[¶80] 31.2. These consuls celebrated the Great Games, which Marcus Furius the dictator had vowed in the war with Veii. This year saw also the dedication of a temple to Queen Juno, vowed by the same dictator in the same war; and tradition relates that the ceremony was attended by throngs of enthusiastic matrons.

> Latin: 31.2. munere delenita plebe nihil certatum est quo minus consularia comitia haberentur. consules L. Valerius Potitus M. Manlius, cui Capitolino postea fuit cognomen. consules magnos ludos fecere, quos M. Furius dictator voverat Veienti bello. anno aedes Iunonis reginae ab eodem dictatore eodemque bello vota dedicatur, celebratamque dedicationem ingenti matronarum studio tradunt.

[¶81] 31.4. A campaign in no way memorable was fought with the Aequi on Mount Algidus, the enemy being routed before they had well begun to fight. Valerius was the more persistent in cutting them down as they fled, and to him was decreed a triumph; Manlius was allowed to enter the City in an ovation.

> Latin: 31.4. haud baud memorabile in Algido cum Aequis gestum est, fusis hostibus prius paene quam manus consererent. Valerio, quod perseverantior iis caedendis in fuga fuit, triumphus, Manlio ut ovans ingrederetur urbem, decretum est.

[¶82] 31.5. In this year also a new war broke out, namely with the people of Volsinii. Owing to a famine and pestilence which arose in the Roman territories on account of drought and excessive heat, it was impossible to send an army against them; and in consequence of this the Volsinienses, having added the Sappinates to their forces, were puffed up with pride and made an incursion themselves into the fields of the Romans.

> Latin: 31.5. anno novum bellum cum Volsiniensibus exortum; quo propter famem pestilentiamque in agro Romano ex siccitate caloribusque nimiis ortam exercitus duci nequivit. quae Volsinienses Sappinatibus adiunctis superbia inflati ultro agros Romanos incursavere;

[¶83] 31.6. War was then declared against both nations. Gaius Julius, the censor, died, and Marcus Cornelius was substituted in his place, a circumstance which was afterwards thought to have offended the gods, because in this lustrum Rome was captured;

> Latin: 31.6. bellum inde duobus populis indictum. C. Iulius censor decessit; in eius locum M. Cornelius suffectus, quae res postea religioni fuit quia eo lustro Roma est capta; nec deinde unquam in demortui deortui locum censor sufficitur.

[¶84] 31.7. nor from that day has a censor ever been appointed in the room of one who has died.

> Latin: 31.7. morbo implicitis placuit per interregnum renovari auspicia.

[¶85] 31.8. The consuls, too, caught the plague, and it was voted that fresh auspices should be obtained by means of an interregnum. Accordingly, when the consuls, in obedience to the senate's decree, had abdicated, Marcus Furius Camillus was appointed interrex, and named as his successor Publius Cornelius Scipio, who, in turn, named Lucius Valerius Potitus interrex;

> Latin: 31.8. cum ex senatus consulto consules magistratu se abdicassent, interrex creatur M. Furius Camillus, qui P. Cornelium Scipionem, is deinde L. Valerium Potitum interregem prodidit.

[¶86] 31.9. under whom they elected six military tribunes of consular rank, so that even if any of them should fall ill the state might still have magistrates. On the first day of July they entered office, to wit, Lucius Lucretius, Servius Sulpicius, Marcus Aemilius, Lucius Furius Medullinus (for the seventh time), Furius Agrippa, and (for the second time) Gaius Aemilius.

> Latin: 31.9. eo creati sex tribuni militum consulari potestate ut, etiam si cui eorum incommoda valetudo fuisset, copia magistra tuum rei publicae esset.

[¶87] 32.2. Of these, Lucius Lucretius and Gaius Aemilius were assigned the war with Volsinii as their province, while the Sappinates fell to Agrippa Furius and Servius Sulpicius. The Volsinienses were encountered first, in a campaign of great magnitude in respect to the enemy's numbers, though the engagement with them was no very sharp affair. Their line broke at the first assault, and in the rout eight thousand soldiers were cut off by the cavalry, and laying down their arms, surrendered.

> Latin: 32.2. Quinctilibus magistratum occepere L. Lucretius Ser. Sulpicius M. Aemilius L. Furius Medullinus septimum Agrippa Furius C. Aemilius iterum. his L. Lucretio et C. Aemilio Volsinienses provincia evenit, Sappinates Agrippae Furio et Ser. Sulpicio. Prius cum Volsiniensibus pugnatum est. numero hostium ingens, certamine haud sane asperum fuit. primo prinmo concursu acies; in fugam versa milia octo armatorum ab equitibus interclusa positis armis in deditionem venerunt.

[¶88] 32.4. When the Sappinates heard of this campaign, they refused to risk a battle, but retired within their walls and prepared to defend themselves.

> Latin: 32.4. belli fama effecit, ne se pugnae committerent Sappinates; moenibus armati se tutabantur. Romani praedas passim et ex Sappinati agro et ex Volsiniensi nullo eam ear vim arcente egerunt;

[¶89] 32.5. The Romans plundered right and left, both the lands of Sappinum and those of Volsinii, without finding any to resist their force, until the Volsinienses wearied of the war; and upon their agreeing to restore the goods of the Roman People and furnish pay for the army for that campaign, they were granted a truce of twenty years.

> Latin: 32.5. donec Volsiniensibus fessis bello ea condicione ut res populo Romano redderent stipendiumque eius anni exercitui praestarent, in viginti annos indutiae datae.

[¶90] 32.6. The same year Marcus Caedicius, a plebeian, reported to the tribunes, that in the Nova Via, where the chapel now stands above the temple of Vesta, he had heard in the silence of the night a voice more distinct than a man's, which bade him tell the magistrates that the Gauls were approaching.

> Latin: 32.6. anno M. Caedicius de plebe nuntiavit tribunis se in Nova via, ubi nunc sacellum est supra aedem Vestae, vocem noctis silentio audisse clariorem humana, quae magistratibus dici iuberet Gallos adventare.

[¶91] 32.7. This portent was neglected, as often happens, because of the informant's humble station, and because that race was remote and therefore not well known. And not only did they reject the warnings of Heaven, as their doom drew nearer, but they even sent away from the City the only human assistance present with them, in the person of Marcus Furius.

> Latin: 32.7. , ut fit, propter auctoris humilitatem spretum et quod longinqua eoque ignotior gens erat. deorum modo monita ingruente fato spreta, sed humanam quoque opem, quae una erat, M. Furium ab urbe amovere.

[¶92] 32.8. He had been indicted by Lucius Apuleius, tribune of the plebs, on account of the spoils of Veii, just at the time of losing his youthful son. Summoning to his house his fellow tribesmen and his clients (who formed a good part of the plebs), he sounded their feelings, and having been answered that they would make up such an amount as he might be fined, but that they could not acquit him, he departed into exile, beseeching the immortal gods that if he were an innocent man to whom that wrong was done they would speedily make his thankless fellow citizens wish to have him back.

> Latin: 32.8. die dicta ab L. Apuleio tribuno plebis propter praedam Veientanam, filio quoque adulescente per idem tempus orbatus cum accitis domum tribulibus clientibusque, quae magna pars plebis erat, percontatus animos eorum responsum tulisset se conlaturos quanti damnatus esset, absolvere eum non posse, in exsilium abiit, precatus ab dis immortalibus si innoxio sibi ea iniuria fieret, primo quoque tempore desiderium sui civitati ingratae facerent.

## 27. Book V · chapters 32–44

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/27/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/27/#p-N

[¶0] 32.9. He was fined in his absence in the sum of 15,000 asses. After the expulsion of that citizen whose presence, if anything in this life is certain, would have made the capture of Rome impossible, disaster approached the ill-fated City with the arrival of envoys from the men of Clusium seeking help against the Gauls. The story runs that this race, allured by the delicious fruits and especially the wine —then a novel luxury —had crossed the Alps and possessed themselves of lands that had before been tilled by the Etruscans;

> Latin: 32.9. quindecim milibus gravis aeris damnatur. cive quo manente, si quicquam humanorum certi est, capi Roma non potuerat, adventante fatali urbi clade legati ab Clusinis veniunt auxilium adversus Gallos petentes. gentem traditur fama dulcedine frugum maximeque vini, nova tum tur voluptate, captam Alpes transisse agrosque ab Etruscis ante cultos possedisse;

[¶1] 33.3. and that wine had been imported into Gaul expressly to entice them, by Arruns of Clusium, in his anger at the seduction of his wife by Lucumo. This youth, whose guardian he had been, was so powerful that he could not have chastised him without calling in a foreign force.

> Latin: 33.3. et invexisse in Galliam vinum inliciendae gentis causa Arruntem Clusinum ira corruptae uxoris ab Lucumone, cui tutor is fuerat, praepotente iuvene et a quo expeti poenae, nisi externa vis quaesita esset, nequirent;

[¶2] 33.4. He it was who is said to have guided the Gauls across the Alps, and to have suggested the attack on Clusium. Now I would not deny that Arruns or some other citizen brought the Gauls to Clusium, but that those who besieged Clusium were not the first who had passed the Alps is generally agreed.

> Latin: 33.4. hunc transeuntibus Alpes ducem auctoremque Clusium oppugnandi fuisse. haud abnuerim Clusium Gallos ab Arrunte seu quo alio Clusino adductos;

[¶3] 33.5. Indeed it was two hundred years before the attack on Clusium and the capture of Rome, that the Gauls first crossed over into Italy; neither were the Clusini the first of the Etruscans with whom they fought;

> Latin: 33.5. sed eos qui oppugnaverint Clusium non fuisse qui primi Alpes transierint satis constat. quippe annis ante quam Clusium oppugnarent urbemque Romam caperent, in Italiam Galli transcenderunt;

[¶4] 33.6. but long before that the Gallic armies had often given battle to those who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps.

> Latin: 33.6. nec cum his primum Etruscorum sed multo ante cum iis qui inter Appenninum Alpesque incolebant saepe exercitus Gallici pugnavere.

[¶5] 33.7. The Tuscan sway, down to the rise of the Roman domination, stretched over a wide expanse of land and sea. How great their power was on the upper and the lower seas, by which Italy is surrounded like an island, is apparent from the names, since the Italian races have called one of them Tuscan, the general designation of the race, and the other Hadriatic, from Hatria, an Etruscan colony; and the Greeks know the same seas as Tyrrhenian and Adriatic.

> Latin: 33.7. Tuscorum ante Romanum imperium late terra marique opes patuere. supero inferoque, quibus Italia insulae modo cingitur, quantum potuerint nomina sunt argumento, quod alterum Tuscum communi vocabulo gentis, alterum Hadriaticum ab Hatria, Tuscorum colonia, vocavere Italicae gentes; Graeci eadem Tyrrhenum atque Adriaticum vocant.

[¶6] 33.9. In the lands which slope on either side towards one of these seas, they had twice twelve cities; first the twelve on this side the Apennines, towards the lower sea; to which afterwards they added the same number beyond the Apennines, sending over as many colonies as there were original cities, and taking possession of all the transpadane region (except the angle belonging to the Veneti who dwell about the gulf) as far as the Alps.

> Latin: 33.9. in utrumque mare vergentes incoluere urbibus duodenis terras, prius cis Appenninum ad inferum mare, postea trans Appenninum totidem, quot capita originis erant, coloniis missis, quae trans Padum omnia loca, excepto Venetorum angulo qui sinum circumcolunt maris, usque ad Alpes tenuere.

[¶7] 33.11. The Alpine tribes have also, no doubt, the same origin, especially the Raetians; who have been rendered so savage by the very nature of the country as to retain nothing of their ancient character save the sound of their speech, and even that is corrupted. Concerning the migration of the Gauls into Italy we are told as follows: While Tarquinius Priscus reigned at Rome, the Celts, who make up one of the three divisions of Gaul, were under the domination of the Bituriges, and this tribe supplied the Celtic nation with a king. Ambigatus was then the man, and his talents, together with his own and the general good fortune, had brought him great distinction; for Gaul under his sway grew so rich in corn and so populous, that it seemed hardly possible to govern so great a multitude.

> Latin: 33.11. quoque ea gentibus haud dubie origo est, maxime Raetis, quos loca ipsa efferarunt ne quid ex antique praeter sonum linguae, nec eum incorruptum, retinerent. transitu in Italiam Gallorum haec accepimus: Prisco Tarquinio Romae regnante Celtarum, quae pars Galliae tertia est, penes Bituriges summa imperii fuit; ii regem Celtico dabant. is fuit, virtute fortunaque cum sua tum tur publica praepollens, quod in imperio eius Gallia adeo frugum hominumque fertilis fuit ut abundans multitudo vix regi videretur posse.

[¶8] 34.3. The king, who was now an old man and wished to relieve his kingdom of a burdensome throng, announced that he meant to send Bellovesus and Segovesus, his sister's sons, two enterprising young men, to find such homes as the gods might assign to them by augury;

> Latin: 34.3. magno natu ipse iam exonerare praegravante turba regnum cupiens, Bellovesum ac Segovesum, sororis filios, impigros iuvenes, missurum se esse in quas di dedissent auguriis sedes ostendit: quantum ipsi vellent numerum hominum excirent, ne qua gens arcere advenientes posset.

[¶9] 34.4. and promised them that they should head as large a number of emigrants as they themselves desired, so that no tribe might be able to prevent their settlement. Whereupon to Segovesus were by lot assigned the Hercynian highlands; but to Bellovesus the gods proposed a far pleasanter road, into Italy.

> Latin: 34.4. Segoveso sortibus dati Hercynei saltus; Belloveso haud paulo laetiorem in Italiam viam di dabant.

[¶10] 34.5. Taking out with him the surplus population of his tribes, the Bituriges, Arverni, Senones, Haedui, Ambarri, Carnutes, and Aulerci, he marched with vast numbers of infantry and cavalry into the country of the Tricastini.

> Latin: 34.5. quod eius ex populis abundabat, Bituriges Arvernos Senones Haeduos Ambarros Carnutes Aulercos excivit. ingentibus peditum equitumque copiis in Tricastinos venit. Alpes inde oppositae erant;

[¶11] 34.6. There the Alps stood over against them; and I for one do not wonder that they seemed insuperable, for as yet no road had led across them —as far back at all events as tradition reaches —unless one chooses to believe the stories about Hercules.

> Latin: 34.6. quas inexsuperabiles visas haud equidem miror nulladum via, quod quidem continens memoria sit, nisi de Hercule fabulis credere libet, superatas.

[¶12] 34.7. While they were there fenced in as it were by the lofty mountains, and were looking about to discover where they might cross, over heights that reached the sky, into another world, superstition also held them back, because it had been reported to them that some strangers seeking lands were beset by the Salui.

> Latin: 34.7. cum velut saeptos montium altitudo teneret Gallos circumspectarentque quanam per iuncta caelo iuga in alium orbem terrarum transirent, religio etiam tenuit quod allatum est advenas quaerentes agrum ab Saluum gente oppugnari.

[¶13] 34.8. These were the Massilians, who had come in ships from Phocaea. The Gauls, regarding this as a good omen of their own success, lent them assistance, so that they fortified, without opposition from the Salui, the spot which they had first seized after landing.

> Latin: 34.8. erant ii, navibus a Phocaea profecti. Galli fortunae suae omen rati adiuvere ut quem primum in terram egressi occupaverant locum patientibus Saluis communirent. per Taurinos saltus saltumque Duriae Alpes transcenderunt;

[¶14] 34.9. They themselves crossed the Alps through the Taurine passes and the pass of the Duria; routed the Etruscans in battle not far from the river Ticinus, and learning that they were encamped in what was called the country of the Insubres, who bore the same name as an Haeduan canton, they regarded it as a place of good omen, and founded a city there which they called Mediolanium. Presently another band, consisting of Cenomani led by Etitovius, followed in the tracks of the earlier emigrants; and having, with the approval of Bellovesus, crossed the Alps by the same pass, established themselves where the cities of Brixia and Verona are-now.

> Latin: 34.9. fusisque acie Tuscis haud procul Ticino flumine, cum in quo consederant agrum Insubrium appellari audissent, cognominem Insubribus, pago Haeduorum, ibi omen sequentes loci condidere urbem; Mediolanium appellarunt.

[¶15] 35.2. After these the Libui came and settled, and the Salluvii —taking up their abode hard by the ancient tribe of the Laevi Ligures, about the river Ticinus. Then, over the Poenine Pass, came the Boii and Lingones, who finding everything taken up between the Po and the Alps, crossed the Po on rafts, and drove out not only the Etruscans, but also the Umbrians from their lands; nevertheless, they kept on the further side of the Apennines.

> Latin: 35.2. subinde manus Cenomanorum Etitovio duce vestigia priorum secuta eodem saltu favente Belloveso cum transcendisset Alpes, ubi nunc Brixia ac Verona urbes sunt locos tenuere. Libui considunt post hos Salluviique prope antiquam gentem Laevos Ligures incolentes circa Ticinum amnem. deinde Boii Lingonesque transgressi cum iam inter Padum Padurn atque Alpes omnia tenerentur, Pado ratibus traiecto non Etruscos modo niodo sed etiam Umbros agro pellunt; intra Appenninum tamen sese tenuere.

[¶16] 35.3. Then the Senones, the latest to come, had their holdings from the river Utens all the way to the Aesis. This was the tribe, I find, which came to Clusium and from thence to Rome, but whether alone or assisted by all the peoples of Cisalpine Gaul, is uncertain.

> Latin: 35.3. Senones, recentissimi advenarum, ab Utente flumine usque ad Aesim fines habuere. gentem Clusium Romamque inde venisse comperio: id parum certum certunm est, solamne an ab omnibus Cisalpinorum Gallorum populis adiutam.

[¶17] 35.4. The men of Clusium, alarmed by this strange invasion, when they beheld the numbers and the unfamiliar figures of the men and their novel weapons, and heard that on many afield, this side the Po and beyond it, they had put to flight the levies of Etruria; though they had no rights of alliance or of friendship with the Romans, except that they had refused to defend their kinsmen the Veientes against the Roman People; did yet dispatch envoys to Rome to ask help of the senate.

> Latin: 35.4. Clusini novo bello exterriti cum multitudinem, cum formas hominum invisitatas cernerent et genus armorum, audirentque saepe ab iis cis Padum ultraque legiones Etruscorum Etruseorum fusas, quamquam adversus Romanos nullum eis ius societatis amicitiaeve erat, nisi quod Veientes consanguineos adversus populum Romanum non defendissent, legatos Romam Romaim qui auxilium ab senatu peterent, misere.

[¶18] 35.5. As for the help, they were unsuccessful; but the three sons of Marcus Fabius Ambustus were sent as ambassadors to remonstrate with the Gauls, in the name of the senate and the Roman People, against their attack on those who had done them no wrong, and were the Roman People's allies and friends.

> Latin: 35.5. auxilio nihil impetratum; legati tres M. Fabi Ambusti filii missi, qui senatus populique Romani nomine agerent cum Gallis -ne a quibus nullam iniuriam accepissent socios populi Romani atque amicos oppugnarent.

[¶19] 35.6. The Romans, they said, would be obliged to defend them, even going to war, if circumstances should make it necessary; but it had seemed preferable that the war itself should, if possible, be avoided, and that they should make the acquaintance of the Gauls — a new race to them —in a friendly rather than in a hostile manner. It was a peaceful embassy, had it not been for the violence of the ambassadors, who were more like Gauls than Romans.

> Latin: 35.6. Romanis eos bello quoque, si res cogat, tuendos esse; sed melius visum bellum bellurn ipsum amoveri, si posset, et Gallos, novam gentem, pace potius cognosci quam armis.

[¶20] 36.2. To them, when they had made known their mission in the council, the Gauls replied, that although they then heard for the first time the name of Roman, they could yet believe them to be stout-hearted men, since the Clusini had sought their aid in time of danger;

> Latin: 36.2. legatio, ni praeferoces legatos Gallisque magis quam Romanis similes habuisset. postquam mandata ediderunt in concilio Gallorum datur responsum: etsi novum nomen audiant Romanorum, tamen credere viros fortes esse, quorum auxilium a Clusinis in re trepida sit inploratum imploraturn;

[¶21] 36.3. and inasmuch as they had chosen to defend their allies by negotiation rather than by the sword, they would not, for their own part, spurn the peace which the Romans proposed, if the men of Clusium, who possessed more land than they could till, would surrender to the Gauls, who needed land, a portion of their territory; on no other terms could they consider granting peace.

> Latin: 36.3. et quoniam legatione adversus se maluerint quam armis tueri socios, ne se quidem pacem quam illi adferant aspernari, si Gallis egentibus agro, quem latius possideant quam colant Clusini, partem finium concedant; aliter pacem impetrari non posse.

[¶22] 36.4. They added that they desired to be answered in the presence of the Romans, and that if land were refused them, it was under the eyes of these same Romans that they meant to fight, that they might be able to tell their friends how greatly the Gauls excelled all other men in prowess.

> Latin: 36.4. responsum coram Romanis accipere velle, et si negetur ager coram iisdem Romanis dimicaturos, ut nuntiare domum possent quantum Galli virtute ceteros mortales praestarent.

[¶23] 36.5. When the Romans asked what conceivable right they had to demand land of its occupants under threat of war, and what business Gauls had in Etruria, they were truculently informed, that the new-comers carried their right at the point of the sword and that all things belonged to the brave.

> Latin: 36.5. id ius esset agrum a possessoribus petere aut minari arma Romanis quaerentibus et quid in Etruria rei Gallis esset, cum illi se in armis ius ferre et omnia fortium virorum esse ferociter dicerent, accensis utrimque animis ad arma discurritur et proelium conseritur.

[¶24] 36.6. So, angry passions being kindled on both sides, they ran to their weapons and joined battle; and the envoys, impelled by the fate which was even then urging Rome to its doom, took up arms, in defiance of the law of nations. Nor could it pass unnoticed, when in the very fore-front of the Tuscan line there were fighting three of the noblest and most valiant of the Roman youth, so conspicuous was the strangers' bravery.

> Latin: 36.6. iam urgentibus Romanam urbem fatis legati contraius gentium arma capiunt. id clam esse potuit. cum ante signa Etruscorum tres nobilissimi fortissimique Romanae iuventutis pugnarent; tantum eminebat peregrina virtus.

[¶25] 36.7. Nay, Quintus Fabius even rode out in front of the line, and meeting the Gallic leader as he charged boldly at the very standards of the Etruscans, ran his spear through his side and killed him.

> Latin: 36.7. etiam Q. Fabius evectus extra aciem equo ducem Gallorum ferociter in ipsa signa Etruscorum incursantem per latus transfixum hasta occidit; spoliaque eius legentem Galli agnovere, perque totam aciem Romanum legatum esse signum datum est.

[¶26] 36.8. As he was engaged in despoiling his man, the Gauls recognized him, and the word passed through all the army that it was the Roman envoy. Thereupon, they gave over their anger at the Clusini and sounded the retreat, uttering threats against the Romans. Some were for marching at once on Rome; but the older men brought them over to send envoys first to complain of their wrongs, and to demand the surrender of the Fabii, in satisfaction for their violation of the law of nations.

> Latin: 36.8. inde in Clusinos ira receptui canunt minantes Romanis. qui extemplo Romam eundum censerent; vicere seniores ut legati prius mitterentur questum iniurias postulatumque ut pro iure gentium violato Fabii dederentur.

[¶27] 36.9. When the Gallic emissaries had stated their mission according to instructions, the senate disapproved of the conduct of the Fabii and felt the demands of the barbarians to be just; but private interest could not suffer them, in the case of men of such exalted station, to decree what they approved.

> Latin: 36.9. Gallorum cum ea, sicut erant mandata, exposuissent, senatui nec factum placebat Fabiorum et ius postulare barbari videbantur; sed ne id quod placebat decerneretur in tantae nobilitatis viris ambitio obstabat.

[¶28] 36.10. And so, that the blame might not rest with the senate, if a Gallic war should chance to bring disaster, they referred the demands of the Gauls to the people for consideration; and with them wealth and influence carried so much more weight, that the men whose punishment was under discussion were elected consular tribunes for the ensuing year.

> Latin: 36.10. ne penes ipsos culpa esset cladis forte Gallico bello acceptae, cognitionem de postulatis Gallorum ad populum reiciunt; ubi tanto plus gratia atque opes valuere ut quorum de poena agebatur tribuni militum consulari potestate in insequentem annum crearentur.

[¶29] 36.11. At this the Gauls were enraged, as they had every right to be, and returned to their people with open threats of war. The tribunes of the soldiers chosen with the three Fabii were Quintus Sulpicius Longus, Quintus Servilius (for his fourth term), and Publius Cornelius Maluginensis. Now that so heavy a calamity drew towards,-such is the blindness Fortune visits on men's minds when she would have her gathering might meet with no check, —that state which against the Fidenates and Veientes and other neighbouring tribes had on many occasions resorted to the last expedient and named a dictator —that state, I say, though now an enemy never yet seen or heard of was rousing up war from the ocean and the remotest corners of the world, had recourse to no unusual authority or help.

> Latin: 36.11. facto haud secus quam dignum erat infensi Galli bellum propalam minantes ad suos redeunt. militum cum tribus Fabiis creati Q. Sulpicius Longus Q. Servilius quartum P. Cornelius Maluginensis. tanta moles mali instaret—adeo obcaecat animos fortuna ubi vim suam ingruentem refringi non volt—civitas quae adversus Fidenatem ac Veientem hostem aliosque finitimos populos ultima experiens auxilia dictatorem multis tempestatibus dixisset, ea tunc invisitato atque inaudito hoste ab Oceano terrarumque ultimis oris bellum ciente, nihil extraordinarii imperii aut auxilii quaesivit.

[¶30] 37.3. The tribunes whose rashness had brought on the war were in supreme command; they conducted the levy with no greater care than had usually been employed in preparing for ordinary campaigns, and even disparaged the rumoured seriousness of the danger.

> Latin: 37.3. quorum temeritate bellum contractum erat summae rerum praeerant, dilectumque nihilo accuratiorem quam ad media bella haberi solitus erat, extenuantes etiam famam belli, habebant.

[¶31] 37.4. The Gauls, meanwhile, on learning that honours had actually been conferred on men who had violated the rights of mankind and that their embassy had been made light of, were consumed with wrath (a passion which their race is powerless to control), an straightway catching up their standards, set their column in rapid motion.

> Latin: 37.4. Galli postquam accepere ultro honorem habitum violatoribus iuris humani elusamque legationem suam esse, flagrantes ira, cuius impotens est gens, confestim signis convolsis citato agmine iter ingrediuntur.

[¶32] 37.5. As they marched swiftly and noisily on, the terrified cities armed in haste, and the peasants fled; but they signified with loud cries, wherever they came, that Rome was their goal, and their horse and foot in an extended line covered a vast tract of ground.

> Latin: 37.5. quorum praetereuntium raptim tumultum cum exterritae urbes ad arma concurrerent fugaque agrestium fieret, Romam se ire magno clamore significabant quacumque ibant, equis virisque longe ac late fuso agmine immensum obtinentes loci.

[¶33] 37.6. Yet, though rumour and the report of the Clusini preceded them, and after that successive messages from other peoples, the utmost consternation was wrought in Rome by the enemy's swiftness, which was such that the army, albeit levied as it were en masse and hurriedly led out, barely covered eleven miles before confronting him, at the point where the river Allia descends in a very deep channel from the Crustuminian mountains, and mingles, not far south of the highway, with the waters of the Tiber.

> Latin: 37.6. antecedente fama nuntiisque Clusinorum, deinceps inde aliorum populorum, plurimum terroris Romam celeritas hostium tulit, quippe quibus velut tumultuario exercitu raptim ducto aegre ad undecimum lapidem occursum est, qua flumen Allia Crustuminis montibus praealto defluens alveo haud baud multum infra viam Tiberino amni armni miscetur.

[¶34] 37.8. The Gauls had already overrun all the ground in front and on both sides, and —the race being naturally given to vainglorious outbursts —their wild songs and discordant shouts filled all the air with a hideous noise. There the tribunes of the soldiers, without having selected a place for a camp or fortified a position to which they might retreat, and, forgetting even the gods, to say nothing of men, without auspices or sacrificial omens, drew up their line with the wings extended to prevent being outflanked by the numbers of the enemy; yet could not stretch their front as wide as his, though they thinned it till the centre was weak and scarce held together. There was a little eminence on the right which they decided to occupy with their reserves, a measure which, though it was the beginning of their panic and flight, was also the sole salvation of the fugitives.

> Latin: 37.8. iam lam omnia contra circaque hostium plena erant, et nata in vanos tumultus gens' truci cantu clamoribusque variis horrendo cuncta compleverant sono. tribuni militum non loco, castris ante capto, non praemunito vallo quo receptus esset, -non deorum saltem, si non hominum memores, nec auspicato nec litato, instruunt aciem diductam in cornua, ne circumveniri multitudine hostium possent; nec tamen aequari frontes poterant cum extenuando infirmam et vix cohaerentem mediam aciem haberent. erat ab dextera editi loci, quem subsidiariis' repleri placuit; eaque res ut initium pavoris ac fugae, sic una salus fugientibus fuit.

[¶35] 38.3. For Brennus, the Gallic chieftain, seeing the Romans to be so few, was especially apprehensive of a stratagem. He supposed that they had seized the higher ground' for this purpose, that when the Gauls had made a frontal attack on the battle-line of the legions, the reserves might assail them in the flank and rear.

> Latin: 38.3. Brennus regulus Gallorum in paucitate hostium artem maxime timens, ratus ad id captum superiorem locum ut ubi Galli cum acie legionum recta fronte concucurrissent subsidia in aversos transversosque impetum darent, ad subsidiarios signa convertit, si eos loco depulisset haud dubius facilem in aequo campi tantum superanti multitudini victoriam fore;

[¶36] 38.4. He therefore directed his assault against the reserves, not doubting that, if he could dislodge them, it would be easy for his greatly superior numbers to obtain a victory in the plain. Thus not only luck but generalship as well were on the side of the barbarians. In the other army there was no resemblance to Romans, either amongst officers or private soldiers. Terror and dismay had got hold of their spirits, and such complete forgetfulness of everything that a much greater number fled to Veii, a hostile city, though the Tiber was across their way, than by the straight road to Rome, to their wives and children. For a little while the reserves were protected by their position.

> Latin: 38.4. adeo non fortuna modo sed ratio etiam cum barbaris stabat. altera acie nihil simile Romanis, non apud duces, non apud milites erat. fugaque occupaverat animos et tanta omnium oblivio ut multo maior pars Veios in hostium urbem, cum Tiberis arceret, quam recto itinere Romam ad coniuges ac liberos fugerent.

[¶37] 38.6. In the rest of the field, no sooner had those who were nearest heard the shouting on their flank, and those who were farthest the outcry in their rear, than — fresh and unhurt —they ran away from their strange enemies, almost before they had caught sight of them; and so far were they from risking a combat, that they did not even return their battle-cry.

> Latin: 38.6. subsidiarios tutatus est locus; in reliqua acie simul est clamor proximis ab latere, ultimis ab tergo auditus, ignotum hostem prius paene quam viderent, non modo non temptato certamine sed ne clamore quidem reddito, integri intactique fugerunt;

[¶38] 38.7. None were slain in fight; but they were cut down from behind as they blocked their escape by their own struggles in the disordered rout.

> Latin: 38.7. nec ulla caedes pugnantium fuit; terga caesa suomet ipsorum certamine in turba impedientium fugam.

[¶39] 38.8. On the bank of the Tiber, whither the whole left wing had fled, after throwing away their arms, there was great slaughter, and many who could not swim, or lacked the strength, weighed down by their corslets and other armour, sank beneath the flood.

> Latin: 38.8. ripam Tiberis, quo armis abiectis totum sinistrum cornu defugit, magna strages facta est, multosque imperitos nandi aut invalidos, graves loricis aliisque tegminibus, hausere gurgites;

[¶40] 38.9. Nevertheless, the chief part got safely to Veii, whence they not only sent no succours to Rome, but dispatched not even a messenger to tell of the defeat.

> Latin: 38.9. maxima tamen pars incolumis Veios perfugit, unde non modo praesidii quicquam sed ne nuntius quidem cladis Romam est missus.

[¶41] 38.10. From the right wing, which had stood at a distance from the river and closer to the foot of the mountain, the fugitives all made for Rome, and without stopping even to shut the city gates, sought refuge in the Citadel. The very Gauls themselves, stunned by the marvellous victory they had so suddenly gained, at first stood rooted to the spot with amazement, like men that knew not what had happened; then they feared an ambush; after that they fell to collecting the spoils of the slain and erecting piles of arms, as their custom is; then at last having discovered no hostile movement anywhere, they began their march, and a little before sunset reached the environs of Rome. There, when the cavalry had reconnoitred and had reported that the gates were not closed, that no out-guards were watching before the gates, that no armed men were on the walls, astonishment held them spell-bound as before;

> Latin: 38.10. dextro cornu, quod procul a flumine et magis sub monte steterat, Romam omnes petiere et ne clausis quidem portis urbis in arcem confugerunt. Gallos quoque velut obstupefactos miraculum victoriae tam tar repentinae tenuit, et ipsi pavore defixi primum steterunt, velut ignari quid accidisset; deinde insidias vereri; postremo caesorum spolia legere armorumque cumulos, ut mos eis est, coacervare; tum tur demum postquam nihil usquam hostile cernebatur viam ingressi, haud multo ante solis occasum ad urbem Romam perveniunt. cum praegressi equites non portas clausas, non stationem stationed pro portis excubare, non armatos esse in muris rettulissent, aliud priori simile miraculum eos sustinuit;

[¶42] 39.3. and fearful of the night and the lie of the unknown: City, they went into camp between Rome and the Anio, after sending off patrols about the walls and the rest of the gates, to find out what the enemy in their desperate case could possibly be at.

> Latin: 39.3. noctemque veriti et ignotae situm urbis inter Romam atque Anienem consedere exploratoribus missis circa moenia aliasque portas quaenam hostibus in perdita re consilia essent.

[¶43] 39.4. As for the Romans, inasmuch as more, on escaping from the battle, had fled to Veii than to Rome, and no one supposed that any were left alive except those who had found refuge in the City, they mourned for all alike, both the living and the dead, and well nigh filled the City with lamentation.

> Latin: 39.4. Romani cum pars maior ex acie Veios petisset quam quan Romam, nemo superesse quemquam praeter plraeter eos qui Romam refugerant crederet, complorati omnes pariter vivi mortuique totam prope urbem lamentis impleverunt.

[¶44] 39.5. But presently their personal griefs were overwhelmed in a general panic, with the announcement that the enemy was at hand; and soon they could hear the dissonant howls and songs of the barbarians, as their squadrons roamed about the walls.

> Latin: 39.5. deinde luctus stupefecit publicus pavor, postquam hostes adesse nuntiatum est; mox ululatus cantusque dissonos vagantibus circa moenia turmatim barbaris audiebant.

[¶45] 39.6. During all the time that intervened before the following morning their hearts were. in, such. suspense, that each moment they anticipated an immediate attack:. on the first arrival of the enemy, because they had come close to the City —for they would have stopped at the Allia, had this not been their design; —again, towards sundown, because there was little daylight left, they thought that they would enter the City before nightfall; then they concluded that they had put it off till night, to strike more fear into them.

> Latin: 39.6. inde tempus suspensos ita tenuit animos usque—ad lucem alteram ut identidem iam in urbem futurus videretur impetus: primo adventu, quia accesserant ad urbem—mansuros enim ad Alliam fuisse nisi hoc consilii foret; —deinde sub occasum solis, quia haud multum diei supererat, ante noctem rati sunt invasuros; tum tur in noctem dilatum consilium esse, quo plus pavoris inferrent.

[¶46] 39.8. Finally the approach of dawn put them beside themselves, and close upon these restless apprehensions came the evil they were dreading, when the hostile forces entered the city gates. Yet neither that night nor the following day did the citizens at all resemble those who had fled in such consternation at the Allia.

> Latin: 39.8. lux appropinquans exanimare, timorique perpetuo ipsum malum continens fuit cum signa infesta portis sunt inlata. tamen ea nocte neque insequenti die similis illi quae ad Alliam tam pavide fugerat civitas fuit.

[¶47] 39.9. For having no hopes that they could protect the City with so small a force as remained to them, they resolved that the men of military age and the able-bodied senators should retire into the Citadel and the Capitol, with their wives and children; and, having laid in arms and provisions, should from that stronghold defend the gods, the men, and the name of Rome;

> Latin: 39.9. cum defendi urbem posse tam parva relicta manu spes nulla esset, placuit cum coniugibus ac liberis iuventutem militarem senatusque robur in arcem Capitoliumque concedere, armisque et frumento conlato inde ex loco munito deos hominesque hlominesque et Romanum nomen defendere;

[¶48] 39.11. that the flamen and the priestesses of Vesta should remove the sacred objects pertaining to the State far from the bloodshed and the flames, nor should their cult be abandoned till none should be left to cherish it.

> Latin: 39.11. flaminem sacerdotesque Vestales sacra publica a caede, ab incendiis procul auferre, nec ante deseri cultum eorum quam non superessent qui colerent.

[¶49] 39.12. If the Citadel and the Capitol, where dwelt the gods; if the senate, the source of public wisdom; if the young men capable of bearing arms survived the impending destruction of the City, they could easily bear to lose the crowd of old men left behind them, who were bound to die in any case.

> Latin: 39.12. arx Capitoliumque, sedes deorum, si senatus, caput publici consilii, si militaris iuventus superfuerit imminenti ruinae urbis, facilem iacturam esse seniorum relictae in urbe utique periturae turbae.

[¶50] 39.13. And in order that the multitude of commoners might endure it with the more composure, the old men who had triumphed and those who had been consuls declared publicly that they would perish with those others, nor burden with bodies incapable of bearing arms in defence of the country the scanty stores of the fighting men. Such were the consolations which the old men appointed to die exchanged among themselves; then, directing their encouragement to the band of youths whom they were escorting to the Capitol and the Citadel, they committed to their valour and their young strength whatever fortune might yet be in store for a City that for three hundred and sixty years had been victorious in every war. On the departure of those who carried with them all hope and help, from those who had resolved not to survive the capture and destruction of their City, though the separation was a pitiful thing to see, yet the tears of the women, as they, ran distractedly up and down, and following now these, -now those, demanded of husbands and sons to what fate they were consigning them, supplied the final touch of human wretchedness.

> Latin: 39.13. quo id aequiore animo de plebe multitudo ferret, senes triumphales consularesque simul se cum illis palam dicere obituros nec his corporibus quibus non arma ferre, non tueri patriam possent, oneraturos inopiam armatorum. inter seniores morti destinatos iactata solacia. inde adhortationes ad agmen iuvenum quos in Capitolium atque in arcem prosequebantur, commendantes virtuti eorum iuventaeque urbis per trecentos sexaginta annos omnibus bellis victricis quaecumque reliqua esset fortuna. qui spem omnem atque opem secum ferebant ab iis qui captae urbis non superesse statuerant exitio cum ipsa res speciesque miserabilis erat, tum muliebris fletus et concursatio incerta nunc hos nunc illos sequentium rogitantiumque viros natosque cui se fato darent, nihil quod humani superesset mali relinquebant.

[¶51] 40.4. Still, the greater part of them followed their sons into the Citadel, though none either forbade or encouraged it, since what would have helped the besieged to lessen the number of non-combatants would have been inhuman.

> Latin: 40.4. pars tamen taimen earum in arcem suos persecutae sunt nec prohibente ullo nec vocante, quia quod utile obsessis ad minuendam imbellem multitudinem id parum humanum erat.

[¶52] 40.5. Another host —consisting chiefly of plebeians —too large for so small a hill to receive, or to support with so meagre a supply of corn, streamed out of the City as though forming at last one continuous line, and took their way towards Janiculum.

> Latin: 40.5. maxime plebis turba, quam nec capere tam exiguus collis nec alere in tanta inopia frumenti poterat, ex urbe effusa velut agmine iam uno petiit Ianiculum.

[¶53] 40.6. Thence some of them scattered through the country-side, and others made for the towns near by. They had neither leader nor concerted plan; each followed the promptings of his own hopes and his own counsels, in despair of the: commonwealth.

> Latin: 40.6. pars per agros dilapsi, pars urbes petunt finitimas, sine ullo duce aut consensu suam quisque spem, sua consilia communibus deploratis sequentes.

[¶54] 40.7. Meanwhile the flamen of Quirinus and the Vestal virgins, with no thought for their own belongings, were consulting which of the sacred things they should carry with them, and which, because they were not strong enough to carry them all, they must leave behind, and, finally, where these objects would be safe.

> Latin: 40.7. Flamen interim Quirinalis virginesque Vestales omissa rerum suarum cura, quae sacrorum secum ferenda, quae quia vires ad omnia ferenda deerant relinquenda essent consultantes, quisve ea locus fideli adservaturus custodia esset, optimum ducunt condita in doliolis sacello proximo aedibus flaminis Quirinalis, ubi nunc despui religio est, defodere;

[¶55] 40.8. They judged it best to place them in jars and bury them in the shrine adjoining the flamen's house, where it is now forbidden to spit; the rest of the things they carried, sharing the burden amongst them, along the road which leads by the Sublician Bridge to Janiculum. As they mounted the hill they were perceived by a plebeian named Lucius Albinius, who had a waggon in which he was conveying his wife and children, amidst the throng of those who, unfit for war, were leaving the City. Preserving even then the distinction between divine and human, and holding it sacrilege that the priestesses of his country should go afoot, bearing the sacred objects of the Roman People, while his family were seen in a vehicle, he commanded his wife and children to get down, placed the virgins and their relics in the waggon, and brought them to Caere, whither the priestesses were bound. At Rome meantime such arrangements for defending the Citadel as the case admitted of were now fairly complete, and the old men returned to their homes to await the coming of their enemies with hearts that were steeled to die.

> Latin: 40.8. cetera inter se onere partito ferunt via quae sublicio ponte ducit ad Ianiculum. eo clivo eas cum L. Albinius de plebe homo conspexisset plaustro coniugem ac liberos avehens inter ceteram turbam quae inutilis bello urbe excedebat salvo etiam tum discrimine divinarum humanarumque rerum religiosum ratus sacerdotes publicas sacraque populi Romani pedibus ire ferrique ac suos in vehiculo conspici, descendere uxorem ac pueros iussit, virgines sacraque in plaustrum imposuit et Caere, quo iter sacerdotibus erat, pervexit.

[¶56] 41.2. Such of them as had held curule magistracies, that they might face death in the trappings of their ancient rank and office, as beseemed their worth, put on the stately robes which are worn by those who conduct the tensae or celebrate a triumph, and, thus habited, seated themselves on ivory chairs in the middle of their houses.

> Latin: 41.2. Romae interim satis iam omnibus, ut in tali re, ad tuendam arcem compositis turba seniorum domos regressi adventum hostium obstinato ad mortem animo exspectabant. eorum curules gesserant magistratus, ut in fortunae pristinae honorumque ac virtutis insignibus morerentur, quae augustissima vestis est tensas ducentibus triumphantibusve, ea vestiti medio aedium eburneis sellis sedere.

[¶57] 41.3. Some historians record that Marcus Folius, the pontifex maximus, led in the recitation of a solemn vow, by which they devoted themselves to death, in behalf of their country and the Roman Quirites.

> Latin: 41.3. qui M. Folio pontifice maximo praefante carmen devovisse eos se pro patria Quiritibusque Romanis tradant.

[¶58] 41.4. The Gauls found their lust for combat cooled by the night which had intervened. At no point in the battle had they been pushed to desperate exertions, nor had they now to carry the City by assault. It was therefore without rancour or excitement that they entered Rome, on the following day, by the Colline Gate (which lay wide open), and made their way to the Forum, gazing about them at the temples of the gods and at the Citadel, which alone presented some show of war.

> Latin: 41.4. Galli et quia interposita nocte a contentione pugnae remiserant animos et quod nec in acie ancipiti usquam certaverant proelio nec tum impetu aut vi capiebant urbem, sine ira, sine ardore animorum ingressi postero die urbem patente Collina porta in forum perveniunt, circumferentes oculos ad templa deum arcemque solam belli speciem tenentem.

[¶59] 41.5. Thence, after leaving a moderate guard to prevent any attack upon their scattered forces from Citadel or Capitol, they dispersed in quest of booty through streets where there was none to meet them, some rushing in a body into whatever houses were nearest, while others sought out the most remote, as though supposing that only such would be intact and full- of plunder.

> Latin: 41.5. modico relicto praesidio ne quis in dissipatos ex arce aut Capitolio impetus fieret, dilapsi ad praedam vacuis occursu hominum viis pars in proxima quaeque tectorum agmine ruunt, pars ultima, velut ea demum intacta et referta praeda, petunt.

[¶60] 41.6. But being frightened out of these by their very solitude, lest the enemy should by some ruse entrap them as they wandered apart, they came trooping back to the Forum and the places near it.

> Latin: 41.6. rursus ipsa solitudine absterriti, ne qua fraus hostilis vagos exciperet, in forum ac propinqua foro loca conglobati redibant;

[¶61] 41.7. There they found the dwellings of the plebeians fastened up, but the halls of the nobles open; and they hesitated almost more to enter the open houses than the shut, —so nearly akin to religious awe was their feeling as they beheld seated in the vestibules, beings who, besides that their ornaments and apparel were more splendid than belonged to man, seemed also, in their majesty of countenance and in the gravity of their expression, most like to gods.

> Latin: 41.7. ubi eos, plebis aedificiis obseratis, patentibus atriis principum, maior prope cunctatio tenebat aperta quam clausa invadendi; adeo haud secus quam venerabundi intuebantur in aedium vestibulis sedentes viros praeter ornatum habitumque humano augustiorem maiestate etiam quam voltus gravitasque oris prae se ferebat simillimos dis.

[¶62] 41.9. While they stood reverentially before them, as if they had been images, it is related that a Gaul stroked the beard of one of them, Marcus Papirius, — which he wore long, as they all did then, —whereat the Roman struck him over the head with his ivory mace, and, provoking his anger, was the first to be slain; after that the rest were massacred where they sat;

> Latin: 41.9. eos velut simulacra versi cum starent, M. Papirius, unus ex iis, dicitur Gallo barbam suam, ut tum omnibus promissa erat, permulcenti scipione eburneo in caput incusso iram movisse atque ab eo initium caedis ortum, ceteros in sedibus suis trucidatos;

[¶63] 41.10. and when the nobles had been murdered, there was no mercy then shown to anyone; the houses were ransacked, and after being emptied were given to the flames. But whether it was that not all the Gauls desired to destroy the City, or that their leaders had resolved to make a certain show of burning, to inspire alarm, in hopes that the besieged might be driven to capitulate by affection for their homes, but not to burn up all the houses, in order that they might hold whatever remained of the City as a pledge to work on the feelings of their enemies — however this may have been, the fire spread by no means so freely or extensively on the first day as is commonly the case in a captured town.

> Latin: 41.10. post principum caedem nulli deinde mortalium parci, diripi tecta, exhaustis inici ignes. , seu non omnibus delendi urbem libido erat, seu ita placuerat principibus Gallorum et ostentari quaedam incendia terroris causa, si compelli ad deditionem caritate sedum suarum obsessi possent, et non omnia concremari tecta ut quodcumque superesset urbis, id pignus ad flectendos hostium animos haberent, nequaquam perinde atque in capta urbe primo die aut passim aut late vagatus est ignis.

[¶64] 42.3. As the Romans looked down from their fastness and saw the City full of enemies running up and down in all the streets, while first in one quarter and then in another some new calamity would be occurring, they were unable, I do not say to keep their heads, but even to be sure of their ears and eyes.

> Latin: 42.3. Romani ex arce plenam hostium urbem cernentes vagosque per vias omnes cursus, cum alia atque alia parte nova aliqua clades oreretur, non mentibus solum consipere, sed ne auribus quidem atque oculis satis constare poterant.

[¶65] 42.4. Wherever the shouting of the invaders, the lamentations of the women and children, the crackling of the flames, and the crash of falling buildings drew their attention, trembling at each sound, they turned their thoughts and their gaze that way, as though Fortune had placed them there to witness the pageant of their dying country. Of all their possessions nothing was left them to defend save their persons alone; and so much more wretched was their plight than that of all others who have ever been beleaguered, that they were cut off from their native City and confined where they could see all that belonged to them in the power of their enemies.

> Latin: 42.4. clamor hostium, mulierum puerorumque ploratus, sonitus flammae et fragor ruentium tectorum avertisset, paventes ad omnia animos oraque et oculos flectebant velut ad spectaculum a fortuna positi occidentis patriae nec ullius rerum suarum relicti praeterquam corporum vindices, tanto ante alios miserandi magis qui unquam obsessi sunt quod interclusi a patria obsidebantur, omnia sua cernentes in hostium potestate.

[¶66] 42.6. Nor was the night more tranquil, after a day of such distress; and the night was followed by a restless day, with never a moment that had not still some fresh calamity to unfold.

> Latin: 42.6. tranquillior nox diem tam foede actum excepit; lux deinde noctem inquieta insecuta est, nec ullum erat tempus quod a novae semper cladis alicuius alieuius spectaculo cessaret.

[¶67] 42.7. Yet, oppressed as they were, or rather overwhelmed, by so many misfortunes, nothing could alter their resolve; though they should see everything laid low in flames and ruins, they would stoutly defend the hill they held, however small and naked, which was all that Liberty had left. And now that the same events were occurring every day, like men grown used to grief, they had ceased to feel their own misfortunes, looking solely to their shields and the swords in their right hands as their only remaining hope. The Gauls likewise, having vainly for some days waged war against only the buildings of Rome, when they saw that there was nothing left amidst the smouldering ruins of the captured City but armed enemies, who for all their disasters were not a jot appalled nor likely to yield to anything but force, took a desperate resolution to attack the Citadel.

> Latin: 42.7. tamen tot onerati atque obruti malis flexerunt animos quin, etsi omnia flammis ac ruinis aequata vidissent, quamvis inopem parvumque quem tenebant collem libertati relictum virtute defenderent; et iam cum eadem cottidie acciderent, velut adsueti malis abalienaverant ab sensu rerum suarum animos, arma tantum ferrumque in dextris velut solas reliquias spei suae intuentes.

[¶68] 43.2. At daybreak the signal was made; and the entire host, having formed up in the Forum, gave a cheer, and raising their shields above their heads and locking them, began the ascent. The defenders on the other hand did nothing rashly or in confusion. At all the approaches they had strengthened the guard-posts, and where they saw the enemy advancing they stationed their best soldiers, and suffered them to come up, persuaded that the higher they mounted up the steep the easier it would be to drive them down.

> Latin: 43.2. Galli quoque per aliquot dies in tecta modo urbis nequiquam bello gesto cum inter incendia ac ruinas captae urbis nihil superesse praeter armatos hostes viderent nec quicquam tot cladibus territos nec flexuros ad deditionem animos ni vis adhiberetur, experiri ultima et impetum facere in arcem statuunt. luce signo dato multitudo omnis in foro instruitur; inde clamore sublato ac testudine facta subeunt. quos Romani nihil temere nec nee trepide; ad omnis aditus stationibus firmatis, qua signa ferri videbant ea robore virorum opposito scandere hostem sinunt, quo successerit magis in arduum eo pelli posse per proclive facilius rati.

[¶69] 43.3. They made their stand about the middle of the declivity, and there, launching their attack from the higher ground, which seemed of itself to hurl them against the foe, dislodged the Gauls, with such havoc and destruction that they never attempted to attack in that manner again, with either a part or the whole of their strength. So, relinquishing all hope of getting up by force of arms, they prepared for a blockade.

> Latin: 43.3. fere clivo restitere, atque inde ex loco superiore, qui prope sua sponte in hostem inferebat impetu facto, strage ea ac ruina fudere Gallos ut nunquam postea nec pars nec universi temptaverint tale pugnae genus.

[¶70] 43.4. Having never till that moment considered such a thing, they had destroyed all the corn in the City with their conflagrations, and what was in the fields had all been hurriedly carried off, within the last few days, to Veil.

> Latin: 43.4. itaque spe per vim atque arma subeundi obsidionem parant, cuius ad id tempus immemores et quod in urbe fuerat frumentum incendiis urbis absumpserant, et ex agris per eos ipsos dies raptum omne Veios erat.

[¶71] 43.5. They therefore arranged to divide their army, and employ part of it to pillage the neighbouring nations and part to invest the Citadel, in order that those who held the lines might be provisioned by the foragers.

> Latin: 43.5. exercitu diviso partim per finitimos populos praedari placuit, partim obsideri arcem, ut obsidentibus frumentum populatores agrorum praeberent.

[¶72] 43.6. When the Gauls departed from the City, Fortune's own hand guided them to Ardea, that they might make trial of Roman manhood.

> Latin: 43.6. Gallos ab urbe ad Romanam experiendam virtutem fortuna ipsa Ardeam, ubi Camillus exsulabat, duxit;

[¶73] 43.7. Camillus was languishing there in exile, more grieved by the nation's calamity than by his own; and as he sorrowfully inveighed against gods and men, and asked, with wonder and humiliation, where those heroes were who had shared with him in the capture of Veii and Falerii, and whose gallantry in other wars had ever outrun their success, of a sudden he heard that the army of the Gauls was coming, and that the Ardeates in alarm were deliberating what to do about it.

> Latin: 43.7. qui maestior ibi fortuna publica quam sua cum dis hominibusque accusandis senesceret, indignando mirandoque ubi illi viri essent qui secum Veios Faleriosque cepissent, qui alia bella fortius semper quam felicius gessissent, repente audit Gallorum exercitum adventare atque de eo pavidos Ardeates consultare.

[¶74] 43.8. With an inspiration nothing less than divine, he pushed into the midst of their conference, —though before accustomed to avoid these councils —and there, “Men of Ardea,” he said, “my ancient friends, and of late my fellow citizens, —since your goodness would have it so and my own fortune has made it necessary, —let none of you suppose me to have come forward in forgetfulness of my condition; but circumstances and our common peril oblige every man at this crisis to contribute what he can to the general defence.”

> Latin: 43.8. secus quam divino spiritu tactus cum se in mediam contionem intulisset abstinere suetus ante talibus conciliis, Ardeates inquit, veteres amici, novi etiam cives mei, quando et vestrum beneficium ita tulit et fortuna hoc eguit mea, nemo vestrum condicionis meae oblitum me nme huc hue processisse putet;

[¶75] 44.2. “And when shall I show gratitude for your great kindnesses to me, if I am backward now? Or when shall you have need of me, if not in war? 'Twas by this art that I stood secure in my native City: unbeaten in war, I was driven out in time of peace by the thankless citizens.”

> Latin: 44.2. sed res ac periculum conrnune cogit quod quisque possit in re trepida praesidii in medium conferre. quando ego vobis pro tantis vestris in me meritis gratiam referam, si nunc cessavero? ubi usus erit mei vobis, si in bello non fuerit? arte in patria steti et invictus bello, in pace. ab ingratis civibus pulsus sum.

[¶76] 44.3. “But you, men of Ardea, have now an opportunity of requiting the Roman People for such great benefits as you yourselves are mindful of, —nor need I cast upto you things which you remember; —and your city has an opportunity to win from our common enemy great renown in war.”

> Latin: 44.3. autem, Ardeates, fortuna oblata est et pro tantis populi Romani beneficiis benefieiis, quanta ipsi meministis memiinistis —nec enim enirm exprobranda ea apud memores sunt— gratiae referendae et huic urbi decus ingens belli ex hoste communi pariendi.

[¶77] 44.4. “That people now drawing near in loose array has been endowed by nature with bodily size and courage, great indeed but vacillating; which is the reason that to every conflict they bring more terror than strength. This may be seen in their defeat of the Romans.”

> Latin: 44.4. effuso agmine adventat gens est cui natura corpora animosque magna magis quam firma dederit; eo in certamen omne plus terroris quam virium viriumr ferunt.

[¶78] 44.5. “They captured the City, which lay wide open; but a handful of men in the Citadel and the Capitol are holding them at bay; already, oppressed by the tedium of the siege, they are departing and roaming aimlessly through the country-side.”

> Latin: 44.5. sit clades Romana. cepere urbem: ex arce Capitolioque iis exigua resistitur manu: iam obsidionis taedio victi abscedunt vagique per agros palantur.

[¶79] 44.6. “They greedily gorge themselves with food and wine, and when night approaches they erect no rampart, and without pickets or sentries, throw themselves down anywhere beside a stream, in the manner of wild beasts. Just now success has rendered them even more careless than they are wont to be.”

> Latin: 44.6. vinoque raptim hausto repleti, ubi nox adpetit prope rivos aquarum sine munimento, sine stationibus ac custodiis passim ferarum ritu sternuntur, nunc ab secundis rebus magis etiam solito incauti.

[¶80] 44.7. “If you have a mind to protect your city and not to suffer all this country to become Gaul, arm yourselves in the first watch, and follow me in force, not to a battle but a massacre. If I do not deliver them up to you fast asleep, to be butchered like cattle, I am ready to submit at Ardea to the same fate that I endured at Rome.” Well-wishers and opponents were alike persuaded that there was no such warrior in those days anywhere. Breaking up the council, they supped, and waited intently for the signal. On its being given, in the silence of the early night, they presented themselves before Camillus at the gates.

> Latin: 44.7. vobis in animo est tueri moenia vestra nec pati haec omnia Galliam fieri, prima vigilia capite arma frequentesque me sequimini ad caedem, non ad pugnam. vinctos somno velut pecudes trucidandos tradidero, non recuso eundem Ardeae rerum mearum exitum, quem Romae habui.

## 28. Book V · chapters 45–55

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/28/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/28/#p-N

[¶0] 45.2. They had not left the city very far behind them, when they came to the camp of the Gauls, unguarded, just as he had prophesied, and open on every side, and, giving a loud cheer, rushed upon it. There was no resistance anywhere: the whole place was a shambles, where unarmed men, relaxed in sleep, were slaughtered. Those, however, who were farthest off were frightened from the places where they lay, and ignorant of the nature of the attack or its source, fled panic-stricken, and some ran unawares straight into the enemy. The most of them were carried into the territory of Antium, where they wandered about until the townspeople sallied out and cut them off.

> Latin: 45.2. Aequis iniquisque persuasum erat tantum bello virum neminem usquam ea tempestate esse. dimissa corpora curant intenti quam mox signum daretur. dato primae silentio noctis ad portas Camillo praesto fuere. haud procul urbe, sicut praedictum erat, castra Gallorum intuta neglectaque ab omni parte nacti cum ingenti clamore invadunt. proelium, omnibus locis caedes est; nuda corpora et soluta somno trucidantur. tamen pavor cubilibus suis excitos, quae aut unde vis esset ignaros, in fugam et quosdam in hostem ipsum improvidos tulit. pars in agrum Antiatem delati incursione ab oppidanis in palatos facta circumveniuntur.

[¶1] 45.4. A similar overthrow was experienced, in the region of Veii, by the Etruscans. So far were they from pitying a City that had been their neighbour for close upon four hundred years, and was now overwhelmed by an enemy never seen or heard of before, that they chose that time to make incursions into the lands of the Romans; and laden with spoils, even meditated an attack on Veii and its garrison, the last hope of the Roman name.

> Latin: 45.4. in agro Veienti Tuscorum facta strages est, qui urbis iam prope quadringentesimum annum vicinae, oppressae ab hoste invisitato, inaudito, adeo nihil miseriti sunt ut in agrum Romanum eo tempore incursiones facerent plenique praedae Veios etiam praesidiumque, spem ultimam Romani nominis, in animo habuerint oppugnare.

[¶2] 45.5. The Roman soldiers had seen them, as they ranged through the fields and afterwards, gathering in a body, drove the booty off before them, and could descry their camp, which was pitched not far from Veii.

> Latin: 45.5. eos milites Romani vagantes per agros et congregato agmine praedam prae se agentis, et castra cernebant haud procul Veiis posita.

[¶3] 45.6. This made them at first to compassionate themselves; then they were seized with resentment, which soon gave way to rage: were even the Etruscans, whom they had saved from the Gauls by incurring war themselves, to make sport of their calamities?

> Latin: 45.6. primum miseratio sui, deinde indignitas atque ex ea ira animos cepit: Etruscisne etiam, a quibus bellum Gallicum in se avertissent, ludibrio esse clades suas?

[¶4] 45.7. They could hardly curb an impulse to assail them on the instant; but being restrained by the centurion Quintus Caedicius, whom they had chosen to be their commander, they postponed the affair till dark.

> Latin: 45.7. temperavere animis quin extemplo impetum facerent; compressi a Q. Caedicio centurione, quem sibimet ipsi praefecerant, rem in noctem sustinuere.

[¶5] 45.8. The only thing wanting was a leader like Camillus; in all else the order followed was the same, and the same success was achieved. Indeed, under the guidance of captives who had survived the nocturnal massacre, they set out on the following night and came to another band of Etruscans, at the salt-works, whom they surprised and defeated with even greater carnage; and so, rejoicing in their double victory, returned to Veii. At Rome meanwhile the siege was for the most part languishing and all was quiet on both sides, the Gauls being solely concerned with preventing the escape of any enemy through their lines, when suddenly a young Roman attracted the wondering admiration of fellow citizens and foes.

> Latin: 45.8. par Camillo defuit auctor: cetera eodem ordine eodemque fortunae eventu gesta. etiam ducibus captivis, qui caedi nocturnae superfuerant, ad aliam manum Tuscorum ad salinas profecti nocte insequenti ex improviso maiorem caedem edidere, duplicique victoria ovantes Veios redeunt.

[¶6] 46.2. There was an annual sacrifice to be made on the Quirinal Hill by the family of the Fabii. To celebrate it Gaius Fabius Dorsuo, in the Gabinian cincture, with the sacred vessels in his hands, descended from the Capitol, passed out through the midst of the enemy's pickets, and regardless of any words or threats, proceeded to the Quirinal, where he duly accomplished all the rites.

> Latin: 46.2. Romae interim plerumque obsidio segnis et utrimque silentium esse ad id tantum intentis Gallis ne quis hostium evadere inter stationes posset, cum repente iuvenis Romanus admiratione in se cives hostesque convertit. erat statum in Quirinali colle genti Fabiae. id faciendum C. Fabius Dorsuo Gabino cinctu incinctus sacra manibus gerens cum de Capitolio descendisset, per medias hostium stationes egressus nihil ad vocem cuiusquam terroremve motus in Quirinalem collem pervenit;

[¶7] 46.3. He then returned by the same way, with the like resolute countenance and gait, in the full assurance of the favour of the gods whose service not even the fear of death could cause him to neglect, and rejoined his friends on the Capitol, leaving the Gauls dumbfounded by his astonishing audacity, or perhaps even moved by religious awe, a sentiment to which that race is far from indifferent.

> Latin: 46.3. ibique omnibus sollemniter peractis eadem revertens similiter constanti vultu graduque, satis sperans propitios esse deos quorum cultum ne mortis quidem metu prohibitus deseruisset, in Capitolium ad suos rediit seu attonitis Gallis miraculo audaciae seu religione etiam motis, cuius haudquaquam neglegens gens est.

[¶8] 46.4. At Veii, all this while, they were gathering from day to day, not courage merely, but strength as well. Not only were Romans coming in from the country-side, —men who had been wanderers since the defeat, or the capture of the City, —but volunteers were also pouring in from Latium, that they might share in the spoils.

> Latin: 46.4. Veiis interim non animi tantum in dies sed etiam vires crescebant. Romanis solum eo convenientibus ex agris qui aut proelio adverso aut clade captae urbis palati fuerant, sed etiam ex Latio voluntariis confluentibus ut in parte praedae essent, maturum iam videbatur repeti patriam eripique ex hostium manibus;

[¶9] 46.5. It seemed therefore that the time was now ripe to return to their native City and wrest it from the hands of the enemy; but their strong body lacked a head. The place itself reminded men of Camillus, and there were many of the soldiers who had fought successfully under his leadership and auspices. Moreover, Caedicius declared that he would suffer neither god nor man to put an end to his authority, but, remembering his station, would himself demand the appointment of a general.

> Latin: 46.5. sed corpori valido caput deerat. ipse admonebat Camilli, et magna pars militum erat qui ductu auspicioque eius res prospere gesserant; et Caedicius negare se commissurum cur sibi aut deorum aut hominum quisquam imperium finiret potius quam ipse memor ordinis sui posceret imperatorem.

[¶10] 46.7. With the consent of all they resolved to send for Camillus from Ardea, but not till the senate at Rome had been consulted; so modest were they in their conduct of everything, preserving the proper distinctions even in their well-nigh desperate case. It was necessary at enormous risk to pass the enemy's outposts.

> Latin: 46.7. omnium placuit ab Ardea Camillum acciri, sed antea consulto senatu, qui Romae esset: adeo regebat omnia pudor, discriminaque rerum prope perditis rebus servabant.

[¶11] 46.8. This an active youth named Pontius Cominus undertook to do, and supporting himself on a strip of cork, floated down the Tiber to the City.

> Latin: 46.8. periculo transeundum per hostium custodias erat. eam rem Pontius Cominus, impiger iuvenis, operam pollicitus incubans cortici secundo Tiberi ad urbem defertur.

[¶12] 46.9. Once there, he passed by the shortest way from the bank up a cliff so steep that the enemy had neglected to guard it, to the Capitol, and being brought before the magistrates delivered to them the message from the army.

> Latin: 46.9. qua proximum fuit a ripa, per praeruptum eoque neglectum hostium custodiae saxum in Capitolium evadit, et ad magistratus ductus mandata exercitus edit.

[¶13] 46.10. Then, on the senate's resolving that the curiate comitia should recall Camillus from exile, and that, even as the people commanded he should straightway be appointed dictator, and the soldiers have the general they desired, the messenger returned by the same route and came in haste to Veii;

> Latin: 46.10. inde senatus consulto uti comitiis curiatis revocatus de exsilio iussu populi Camillus dictator extemplo diceretur militesque haberent imperatorem quem vellent, eadem degressus nuntius Veios contendit;

[¶14] 46.11. whence envoys were despatched to Ardea for Camillus, and fetched him to Veii; or rather —as I prefer to believe that he did not quit Ardea until he had learnt that the law was passed, since he could not change his residence without the People's command, nor take the auspices in the army till he had been appointed dictator-the curiate law was passed and Camillus declared dictator, in his absence. While this was going on at Veii, the Citadel of Rome and the Capitol were in very great danger.

> Latin: 46.11. missique Ardeam legati ad Camillum Veios eum perduxere, seu— quod magis credere libet non prius profectum ab Ardea quam compererit legem latam, quod nec iniussu populi mutari finibus posset nec nisi dictator dictus auspicia in exercitu habere—lex curiata lata est dictatorque absens dictus.

[¶15] 47.2. For the Gauls had noticed the tracks of a man, where the messenger from Veii had got through, or perhaps had observed for themselves that the cliff near the shrine of Carmentis afforded an easy ascent. So on a starlit night they first sent forward an unarmed man to try the way; then handing up their weapons when there was a steep place, and supporting themselves by their fellows or affording support in their turn, they pulled one another up, as the ground required, and reached- the summit, in such silence that not only the sentries but even the dogs —creatures easily troubled by noises in the night —were not aroused.

> Latin: 47.2. haec Veiis agebantur, interim arx Romae Capitoliumque in ingenti periculo fuit. Galli seu vestigio notato humano, qua nuntius a Veiis pervenerat, seu sua sponte animadverso ad Carmentis saxo ascensu aequo, nocte sublustri cum primo inermem qui temptaret viam praemisissent, tradentes inde arma ubi quid iniqui esset, alterni innixi sublevantesque in vicem et trahentes alii alios, prout postularet locus, tanto silentio in summum evasere ut non custodes solum fallerent, sed ne canes quidem, sollicitum animal ad nocturnos strepitus, excitarent.

[¶16] 47.4. But they could not elude the vigilance of the geese, which, being sacred to Juno, had, notwithstanding the dearth of provisions, not been killed. This was the salvation of them all; for the geese with their gabbling and clapping of their wings woke Marcus Manlius, —consul of three years before and a distinguished soldier, —who, catching up his weapons and at the same time calling the rest to arms, strode past his bewildered comrades to a Gaul who had already got a foothold on the crest and dislodged him with a blow from the boss of his shield.

> Latin: 47.4. non fefellere quibus sacris Iunonis in summa inopia cibi tamen abstinebatur. res saluti fuit; namque clangore eorum alarumque crepitu excitus M. Manlius qui triennio ante consul fuerat, vir bello egregius, armis arreptis simul ad arma ceteros ciens vadit, et dum ceteri trepidant, Gallum qui iam in summos constiterat umbone ictum deturbat.

[¶17] 47.5. As he slipped and fell, he overturned those who were next to him, and the others in alarm let go their weapons and grasping the rocks to which they had been clinging, were slain by Manlius.

> Latin: 47.5. casus prolapsi cum proximos sterneret, trepidantes alios armisque omissis saxa quibus adhaerebant manibus amplexos trucidat. et alii congregati telis missilibusque saxis proturbare hostes, ruinaque tota prolapsa acies in praeceps deferri.

[¶18] 47.6. And by now the rest had come together and were assailing the invaders with javelins and stones, and presently the whole company lost their footing and were flung down headlong to destruction.

> Latin: 47.6. deinde tumultu reliquum noctis, quantum in turbatis mentibus poterat, cum praeteritum quoque periculum sollicitaret, quieti datum est.

[¶19] 47.7. Then after the din was hushed, the rest of the night —so far as their excitement would permit, when even a past peril made them nervous —was given up to sleep. At dawn the trumpet summoned the soldiers to assemble before the tribunes. Good conduct and bad had both to be requited.

> Latin: 47.7. orta vocatis classico ad concilium militibus ad tribunos, cum et recte et perperam facto pretium deberetur, Manlius primum ob virtutem laudatus donatusque non ab tribunis solum militum sed consensu etiam militari;

[¶20] 47.8. First Manlius was praised for his courage and presented with gifts, not only by the tribunes of the soldiers, but by agreement amongst the troops, who brought each half a pound of spelt and a gill of wine to his house, which stood in the Citadel. It is a little thing to tell, but the scarcity made it a great token of affection, since everyone robbed himself of his own sustenance and bestowed what he had subtracted from his physical necessities to do honour to one man.

> Latin: 47.8. cui universi selibras farris et quartarios vini ad aedes eius, quae in arce erant, contulerunt,—rem dictu parvam, ceterum inopia fecerat eam earn argumentum ingens caritatis, cum se quisque victu suo fraudans detractum corpori atque usibus necessariis ad honorem unius viri conferret.

[¶21] 47.9. Then the watchmen of the cliff which the enemy had scaled without being discovered were called up. Quintus Sulpicius, the tribune, announced his intention to punish them all in the military fashion; but deterred by the cries of the soldiers, who united in throwing the blame upon a single sentinel, he spared the others. This man was guilty beyond a doubt, and was flung from the rock with the approval of all.

> Latin: 47.9. vigiles eius loci qua fefellerat adscendens hostis citati; et cum in omnes more militari se animadversurum Q. Sulpicius tribunus militum pronuntiasset, consentiente clamore militum in unum vigilem conicientium culpam deterritus, a ceteris abstinuit, reum haud dubium eius noxae adprobantibus cunctis de saxo deiecit.

[¶22] 47.11. From that time the guards on both sides were more alert: the Gauls, because it had been put about that messengers were passing between Veii and Rome, the Romans, from their recollection of the peril of the night. But worse than all the evils of the blockade and the war was the famine with which both armies were afflicted.

> Latin: 47.11. intentiores utrimque custodiae esse, et apud Gallos, quia volgatum erat inter Veios Romamque nuntios commeare, et apud Romanos ab nocturni periculi memoria.

[¶23] 48.2. The Gauls suffered also from a pestilence, being encamped between hills on low ground, parched and heated by the conflagration, where the air was filled with ashes, as well as dust, whenever a breeze sprang up.

> Latin: 48.2. ante omnia obsidionis bellique mala fames utrumque exercitum urgebat, Gallos pestilentia etiam, cum loco iacente inter tumulos castra habentes, tum ab incendiis torrido et vaporis pleno cineremque non pulverem modo ferente cum quid venti motum esset.

[¶24] 48.3. These annoyances were intolerable to a race accustomed to damp and cold, and when, distressed by the suffocating heat, they began to sicken of diseases that spread as though the victims had been cattle, they were soon too slothful to bury their dead singly, and piling the bodies up in promiscuous heaps, they burned them, causing the place to be known from that circumstance as the Gallic Pyres.

> Latin: 48.3. intolerantissima gens umorique ac frigori adsueta cum aestu et angore anguore vexata volgatis velut in pecua morbis morerentur, iam pigritia singulos sepeliendi promisce acervatos cumulos hominum urebant; bustorumque inde Gallicorum nomine insignem locum fecere.

[¶25] 48.4. A truce was afterwards made with the Romans, and the commanders allowed their soldiers to talk together. Since in these conversations the Gauls used frequently to taunt their enemies with their famished state, and call on them to yield to that necessity and surrender, the Romans are said, in order to do away with this opinion, to have cast bread down from the Capitol in many places, into the outposts of the enemy.

> Latin: 48.4. deinde cum Romanis factae et conloquia permissu imperatorum habita; in quibus cum identidem Galli famem obicerent eaque necessitate ad deditionem vocarent, dicitur avertendae eius opinionis causa multis locis panis de Capitolio iactatus esse in hostium stationes.

[¶26] 48.5. Yet at last they could neither dissemble their hunger nor endure it any longer. The dictator was now holding a levy of his own at Ardea, and having ordered the master of the horse, Lucius Valerius, to bring up his army from Veii, was mustering and drilling a force with which he might cope with the Gauls on equal terms. But the army on the Capitol was worn out with picket duty and mounting guard; and though they had got the better of all human ills, yet was there one, and that was famine, which nature would not suffer to be overcome.

> Latin: 48.5. iam neque dissimulari neque ferri ultra fames poterat. dum dictator dilectum per se Ardeae habet, magistrum equitum L. Valerium a—Veiis adducere exercitum iubet, parat instruitque quibus haud impar adoriatur hostes, interim Capitolinus exercitus stationibus vigiliisque fessus superatis tamen humanis omnibus malis cum famem unam natura vinci non sineret, diem de die prospectans ecquod auxilium ab dictatore appareret,

[¶27] 48.7. Day after day they looked out to see if any relief from the dictator was at hand; but at last even hope, as well as food, beginning to fail them, and their bodies growing almost too weak to sustain their armour when they went out on picket duty, they declared that they must either surrender or ransom themselves, on whatever conditions they could make; for the Gauls were hinting very plainly that no great price would be required to induce them to raise the siege.

> Latin: 48.7. postremo spe quoque iam non solum cibo deficiente et cum stationes procederent prope obruentibus infirmum corpus armis, vel dedi vel redimi se quacumque pactione possent iussit, iactantibus non obscure Gallis haud magna mercede se adduci posse ut obsidionem relinquant.

[¶28] 48.8. Thereupon the senate met, and instructed the tribunes of the soldiers to arrange the terms. Then, at a conference between Quintus Sulpicius the tribune and the Gallic chieftain Brennus, the affair was settled, and a thousand pounds of gold was agreed on as the price of a people that was destined presently to rule the nations.

> Latin: 48.8. senatus habitus tribunisque militum negotium datum ut paciscerentur. inter Q. Sulpicium tribunum militum et Brennum regulum Gallorum conloquio transacta res est, et mille pondo auri pretium populi gentibus mox imperaturi factum. foedissimae per se adiecta indignitas est:

[¶29] 48.9. The transaction was a foul disgrace in itself, but an insult was added thereto: the weights brought by the Gauls were dishonest, and on the tribune's objecting, the insolent Gaul added his sword to the weight, and a saying intolerable to Roman ears was heard, —Woe to the conquered! But neither gods nor men would suffer the Romans to live ransomed. For, by some chance, before the infamous payment had been consummated, and when the gold had not yet, owing to the dispute, been all weighed out, the dictator appeared and commanded the gold to be cleared away and the Gauls to leave. They objected vehemently, and insisted on the compact; but Camillus denied the validity of that compact which, subsequently to his own appointment as dictator, an inferior magistrate had made without his authorization, and warned them to prepare for battle.

> Latin: 48.9. pondera ab Gallis allata iniqua, et tribuno recusante additus ab insolente Gallo ponderi gladius, auditaque intoleranda Romanis vox, Vae victis. diique et homines prohibuere redemptos vivere Romanos. forte quadam, priusquam infanda merces perficeretur, per altercationem nondum omni auro adpenso, dictator intervenit auferrique aurum de medio et Gallos summoveri iubet. illi renitentes pactos dicerent sese, negat eam earn pactionem ratam esse quae, postquam ipse dictator creatus esset, iniussu suo ab inferioris iuris magistratu facta esset, denuntiatque Gallis ut se ad proelium expediant.

[¶30] 49.3. His own men he ordered to throw their packs in a heap, make ready their weapons, and win their country back with iron instead of gold; having before their eyes the temples of the gods, their wives and their children, the soil of their native land, with the hideous marks of war upon it, and all that religion called upon them to defend, recover, or avenge.

> Latin: 49.3. in acervum conicere sarcinas et arma aptare ferroque non auro reciperare patriam iubet, in conspectu habentes fana deum et coniuges et liberos et solum patriae deforme belli malis et omnia quae defendi repetique et ulcisci fas sit.

[¶31] 49.4. He then drew up his line, as well as the ground permitted, on the naturally uneven surface of the half-ruined City, and saw to it that his soldiers had every advantage in choice of position and in preparation which the art of war suggested.

> Latin: 49.4. deinde aciem, ut loci natura patiebatur, in semirutae solo urbis et natura inaequali, et omnia quae arte belli secunda suis eligi praepararive poterant providit.

[¶32] 49.5. The Gauls were taken aback; they armed, and, with more rage than judgment, charged the Romans. But now fortune had turned; now the might of Heaven and human wisdom were engaged in the cause of Rome. Accordingly, at the first shock the Gauls were routed with as little effort as they had themselves put forth to conquer on the Allia.

> Latin: 49.5. Galli nova re trepidi arma capiunt iraque magis quam consilio in Romanos incurrunt. verterat fortuna, iam deorum opes humanaque consilia rem Romanam adiuvabant. primo concursu haud maiore momento fusi Galli sunt quam ad Alliam vicerant.

[¶33] 49.6. They afterwards fought a second, more regular engagement, eight miles out on the Gabinian Way, where they had rallied from their flight, and again the generalship and auspices of Camillus overcame them. Here the carnage was universal; their camp was taken; and not a man survived to tell of the disaster.

> Latin: 49.6. altero deinde proelio ad octavum lapidem Gabina via, quo se ex fuga contulerant, eiusdem ductu auspicioque Camilli vincuntur. caedes omnia obtinuit; castra capiuntur et ne nuntius quidem cladis relictus.

[¶34] 49.7. The dictator, having recovered his country from her enemies, returned in triumph to the city; and between the rough jests uttered by the soldiers, was hailed in no unmeaning terms of praise as a Romulus and Father of his Country and a second Founder of the City.

> Latin: 49.7. reciperata ex hostibus patria triumphans in urbem redit, interque iocos militares, quos inconditos iaciunt, Romulus ac parens patriae conditorque alter urbis haud vanis laudibus appellabatur.

[¶35] 49.8. His native City, which he had saved in war, he then indubitably saved a second time, now that peace was won, by preventing the migration to Veil: though the tribunes were more zealous for the plan than ever, now that the City lay in ashes, and the plebs were of themselves more inclined to favour it. This was the reason of his not resigning the dictatorship after his triumph, for the senate besought him not to desert the state in its hour of uncertainty. His first act, in conformity with his scrupulous attention to religion, was to lay before the senate such matters as pertained to the immortal gods, and to obtain the passage of a decree that all shrines, in so far as they had been in the enemy's possession, should be restored, their boundaries established, and rites of purification celebrated, and that the duumvirs should search the Books for the proper rites;

> Latin: 49.8. deinde bello patriam iterum in pace haud dubie servavit cum prohibuit migrari Veios, et tribunis rem intentius agentibus post incensam urbem et per se inclinata magis plebe ad id consilium; eaque causa fuit non abdicandae post triumphum dictaturae senatu obsecrante ne rem publicam in incerto relinqueret statu. primum, ut erat diligentissimus religionum cultor, quae ad deos immortales pertinebant rettulit et senatus consultum facit: fana omnia, quoad ea hostis possedisset, restituerentur terminarentur expiarenturque, expiatioque eorum in libris per duumviros quaereretur;

[¶36] 50.3. that a covenant of hospitality should be entered into by the state with the people of Caere, because they had received the holy things of the Roman People and its priests, and thanks to their good offices worship of the immortal gods had not been interrupted;

> Latin: 50.3. cum Caeritibus hospitium publice fieret quod sacra populi Romani ac sacerdotes recepissent, beneficioque eius populi non intermissus honos deorum immortalium esset;

[¶37] 50.4. that Capitoline Games should be held, because Jupiter Optimus Maximus had protected his own abode and the Citadel of the Roman People in its time of danger; and that Marcus Furius the dictator should to that end constitute a board consisting of men who lived on the Capitol and the Citadel.

> Latin: 50.4. ludi Capitolini fierent, quod Iuppiter optimus maximus suam sedem atque arcem populi Romani in re trepida tutatus esset; collegiumque ad eam rem M. Furius dictator constitueret ex iis qui in Capitolio atque arce habitarent.

[¶38] 50.5. A proposal was made, too, for propitiating the voice which was heard in the night to foretell disaster before the Gallic War, and was disregarded, and a temple was ordered to be built in the Nova Via to Aius Locutius.

> Latin: 50.5. etiam vocis nocturnae quae nuntia cladis ante bellum Gallicum audita neglectaque esset mentio inlata, iussumque templum in Nova via Aio Locutio fieri.

[¶39] 50.6. The gold which had been carried away from the Gauls and that which had been collected from other temples during the alarm and carried into the shrine of Jupiter, since there was no clear recollection where it ought to be returned, was all adjudged to be sacred and ordered to be deposited under the throne of Jupiter.

> Latin: 50.6. quod Gallis ereptum erat quodque ex aliis templis inter trepidationem in Iovis cellam conlatum, cum quo referri oporteret confusa memoria esset, sacrum omne iudicatum et sub Iovis sella poni iussum.

[¶40] 50.7. Even before this the scrupulousness of the citizens had been apparent in this connexion, for when the gold in the public coffers was insufficient to make up to the Gauls the stipulated sum, they had accepted what the matrons got together, that they might not touch the sacred gold. For this a vote of thanks was given to the matrons, and they were granted the honour of having eulogies pronounced at their funerals, as in the case of the men.

> Latin: 50.7. ante in eo religio civitatis apparuerat quod cum in publico deesset aurum, ex quo summa pactae mercedis Gallis confieret, a matronis conlatum acceperant ut sacro auro abstineretur. gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum sicut virorum post mortem sollemnis laudatio esset.

[¶41] 50.8. After these measures, which related to the gods and lay within the competence of the senate, had been enacted, then, and only then, heeding the importunity of the tribunes, who were urging the plebs unceasingly to quit their ruins and emigrate to a city ready to their hand at Veii, Camillus went up into the assembly, attended by the entire senate, and discoursed as follows: "So painful to me, Quirites, are these controversies with the tribunes of the plebs, that my most bitter exile knew no other solace but this, all the time that I lived at Ardea, that I was far away from these contentions. And they are likewise the cause that though you had a thousand times recalled me by resolution of the senate and the people's vote, I intended never to return.

> Latin: 50.8. peractis, quae ad deos pertinebant quaeque per senatum agi poterant, tum demum agitantibus tribunis plebem adsiduis contionibus, ut relictis ruinis in urbem paratam Veios transmigrarent, in contionem universo senatu prosequente escendit atque ita verba fecit:

[¶42] 51.2. Nor have I now been induced to do so by any change in my desires, but by the alteration in your fortunes. For the issue was this, that my countrymen should abide in their own home, not that I, at any or all costs, should be with my countrymen. Even now I would gladly stop and hold my peace, were not this too the quarrel of my country; whom to fail while life endures is in other men disgraceful, but in Camillus impious.

> Latin: 51.2. " mihi acerbae sunt, Quirites, contentiones cum tribunis plebis, ut nec tristissimi exsilii solacium aliud habuerim, quoad Ardeae vixi, quam quod procul ab his certaminibus eram, et ob eadem haec non si miliens senatus consulto populique pophlique iussu revocaretis, rediturus unquam fuerim. nunc me ut redirem mea voluntas mutata sed vestra fortuna perpulit; quippe ut in sua sede maneret patria, id agebatur, non ut ego utique in patria essem. nunc quiescerem ac tacerem libenter, nisi haec quoque pro patria dimicatio esset; cui deesse, quoad vita suppetat, aliis turpe, Camillo etiam nefas est.

[¶43] 51.3. For why did we seek to win her back, why rescue her, when besieged, from the hands of the enemy, if, now that she is recovered, we voluntarily abandon her? And although, while the Gauls were victorious and in possession of the entire City, the Capitol nevertheless and the Citadel were held by the gods and men of Rome, shall we now, when the Romans are victorious and the City is regained, desert even Citadel and Capitol? Shall our prosperity make Rome more desolate than our adversity has done?

> Latin: 51.3. enim repetiimus, quid obsessam ex hostium manibus eripuimus, si reciperatam ipsi deserimus? cum victoribus Gallis capta tota urbe Capitolium tamen atque arcem dique et homines Romani tenuerint, victoribus Romanis reciperata urbe arx quoque et Capitolium deseretur, et plus vastitatis huic urbi secunda nostra fortuna faciet quam adversa fecit?

[¶44] 51.4. Indeed, if we had no religious rites established with the founding of the City and by tradition handed down, yet so manifest has at this time the divine purpose been in the affairs of Rome, that I for one should suppose it no longer possible for men to neglect the worship of the gods.

> Latin: 51.4. si nobis cum urbe simul positae traditaeque per manus religiones nullae essent, tamen tam evidens numen hac tempestate rebus adfuit Romanis ut omnem neglegentiam divini cultus exemptam hominibus putem.

[¶45] 51.5. For consider these past few years in order, with their successes and reverses; you will find that all things turned out well when we obeyed the gods, and ill when we spurned them.

> Latin: 51.5. enim horum deinceps annorum vel secundas res vel adversas; invenietis omnia prospera evenisse sequentibus deos, adversa spernentibus.

[¶46] 51.6. First of all, the war with Veii. How many years we fought, and with what painful exertion! And the end came not, until, admonished by Heaven, we drew the water off from the Alban Lake.

> Latin: 51.6. omnium primum Veiens bellum—per quot annos quanto labore gestum!—non ante cepit finem quam monitu deorum aqua ex lacu Albano emissa est.

[¶47] 51.7. What, I beseech you, of this strange disaster that lately overwhelmed our City? Did it come before we disregarded the voice from Heaven that announced the approach of the Gauls? before the law of nations was violated by our envoys? before we, that ought to have punished their fault, had passed it by, with the same indifference towards the gods?

> Latin: 51.7. haec tandem urbis nostrae clades nova? ante exorta est quam spreta vox caelo emissa de adventu Gallorum, quam gentium ius ab legatis nostris violatum, quam a nobis, cum vindicari deberet, eadem neglegentia deorum praetermissum?

[¶48] 51.8. Therefore were we conquered, led captive, and put to ransom; and suffered such punishments at the hands of gods and men as to be a warning to all the world.

> Latin: 51.8. victi captique ac redempti tantum poenarum dis hominibusque dedimus ut terrarum orbi documento essemus.

[¶49] 51.9. Adversity then turned our thoughts upon religion. We fled for refuge to the Capitol and its gods, to the seat of Jupiter Optimus Maximus; of our holy things, some, in the ruin of our fortunes, we concealed in the earth, others we removed to neighbouring cities out of sight of our enemies; in the worship of the gods, albeit forsaken of gods and men, yet were we unceasing.

> Latin: 51.9. deinde res admonuerunt religionum. in Capitolium ad deos, ad sedem Iovis optimi maximi; sacra in ruina rerum nostrarum alia terra celavimus, alia avecta in finitimas urbes amovimus ab hostium oculis; deorum cultum deserti ab dis hominibusque tamen non intermisimus.

[¶50] 51.10. Therefore have they given us our native land again, and victory, and our ancient renown in war that we had forfeited; and against our enemies, who, blinded with greed, broke treaty and troth in the weighing of the gold, have they turned dismay and rout and slaughter. "As you consider these momentous effects upon the affairs of men, of serving the deity and of neglecting him, do you begin, Quirites, to perceive how, though yet scarce clear of the wreckage of our former guilt and calamity, we are headed towards a grievous sin?

> Latin: 51.10. igitur patriam et victoriam et antiquum belli decus amissum; et in hostes qui caeci avaritia in pondere auri foedus ac fidem fefellerunt verterunt terrorem fugamque et caedem.

[¶51] 52.2. We have a City founded with due observance of auspice and augury; no corner of it is not permeated by ideas of religion and the gods; for our annual sacrifices, the days are no more fixed than are the places where they may be performed.

> Latin: 52.2. " culti neglectique numinis tanta momenta in rebus humanis cernentes ecquid sentitis, Quirites, quantum vixdum e naufragiis prioris culpae cladisque emergentes paremus nefas? auspicato inauguratoque conditam habemus; nullus locus in ea non religionum deorumque est plenus; sacrificiis sollemnibus non dies magis stati quam loca sunt, in quibus fiant.

[¶52] 52.3. Do you intend, Quirites, to abandon all these gods, both of state and of family? How squares your conduct with that of the noble young man Gaius Fabius in the recent siege, which the enemy beheld with no less astonishment and admiration than yourselves, when he descended from the Citadel through the missiles of the Gauls and offered the annual sacrifice of the Fabian clan on the Quirinal Hill?

> Latin: 52.3. omnes deos publicos privatosque, Quirites, deserturi estis? par vestrum factum ei est, quod in obsidione nuper in egregio adulescente C. Fabio non minore hostium admiratione quam vestra conspectum est, cum inter Gallica tela degressus ex arce sollemne Fabiae gentis in colle Quirinali obiit?

[¶53] 52.4. What? Would you suffer no interruption, even in war, of family rites, but desert the national worship and the gods of Rome in time of peace? Would you have the pontiffs and the flamens less careful of the ceremonies of the state religion than a private citizen has been of the anniversary of his clan? Perhaps someone may say that we shall either do these things at Veii, or thence dispatch our priests to Rome to do them;

> Latin: 52.4. An gentilicia sacra ne in bello quidem intermitti, publica sacra et Romanos deos etiam in pace deseri placet, et pontifices flaminesque neglegentiores publicarum religionum esse quam privatus in sollemni gentis fuerit? aliquis dicat aut Veiis ea nos facturos aut huc inde missuros sacerdotes nostros qui faciant; quorum neutrum fieri salvis caerimoniis potest.

[¶54] 52.6. but of these courses neither can be followed without violation of the sacred usages.

> Latin: 52.6. ne omnia generatim sacra omnesque percenseam deos, in Iovis epulo num alibi quam in Capitolio pulvinar suscipi potest?

[¶55] 52.7. For, not to enumerate all the kinds of rites and all the gods, is it possible at the feast of Jupiter that the couch should be spread elsewhere than in the Capitol? Why need I speak of Vesta's eternal fires, and the image which is preserved as a pledge of empire in her temple? or of your sacred shields, O Mars Gradivus and Quirinus our Father?

> Latin: 52.7. de aeternis Vestae ignibus signoque quod imperii pignus custodia eius templi tenetur loquar? de ancilibus vestris, Mars Gradive tuque, Quirine pater? omnia in profano deseri placet sacra aequalia urbi, quaedam vetustiora origine urbis?

[¶56] 52.8. All these holy things would you leave behind on unconsecrated ground —things coeval with the City, and some more ancient than its origin? "And mark what a difference between us and our forefathers! They handed down to us certain rites to be solemnized on the Alban Mount and in Lavinium. But if we scrupled to transfer sacred rites from hostile cities to ourselves in Rome, can we shift them without sin from Rome to Veii, city of our enemies?

> Latin: 52.8. " videte quid inter nos ac maiores intersit. sacra quaedam in monte Albano Laviniique nobis facienda tradiderunt. An ex hostium urbibus Romam ad nos transferri sacra religiosum fuit, hinc sine piaculo in hostium urbem Veios transferemus?

[¶57] 52.9. Recollect, I beg you, how often sacrifices are renewed because some point of antique ritual has been, through carelessness or accident, omitted. What was it, a while ago, after the portent of the Alban Lake, that brought relief to the commonwealth —then in the throes of war with Veii —if not a renewal of the sacred rites and auspices?

> Latin: 52.9. , agite dum, quotiens sacra instaurentur, quia aliquid ex patio ritu neglegentia casuve praetermissum est. quae res post prodigium Albani lacus nisi instauratio sacrorum auspiciorumque renovatio adfectae Veienti bello rei publicae remedio fuit?

[¶58] 52.10. But, more than that, like men mindful of their old religious fervour, we have both brought in foreign deities to Rome and established new ones. Queen Juno was lately conveyed from Veii and enshrined on the Aventine, and how notable was that day, for the zeal of the matrons and the throng! We have ordered a temple to be built for Aius Locutius because of the voice from heaven, clearly heard in the Nova Via.

> Latin: 52.10. etiam, tamquam veterum religionum memores,et peregrinos deos transtulimus Romam et instituimus novos. Iuno regina transvecta a Veiis nuper in Aventino quam insigni ob excellens matronarum studium celebrique dedicata est die! Aio Locutio templum propter caelestem vocem exauditam in Nova via iussimus fieri; Capitolinos ludos sollemnibus aliis addidimus collegiumque ad id novum auctore senatu condidimus;

[¶59] 52.12. We have added Capitoline Games to the other annual festivals, and by authority of the senate have established a new college for this purpose. Was there any of these things we needed to have undertaken, if we meant to retire from Rome along with the Gauls; if we remained not voluntarily in the Capitol, through so many months of siege, but constrained by fear of the enemy?

> Latin: 52.12. quid horum opus fuit suscipi, si una cum Gallis urbem Romanam relicturi fuimus, si non voluntate mansimus in Capitolio per tot menses obsidionis, sed ab hostibus metu retenti sumus?

[¶60] 52.13. We talk of sacred rites and temples; pray, what about the priests? Do you never think what a sacrilege you are about? The Vestals surely have but that one dwelling-place, from which nothing ever caused them to remove but the capture of the City; the Flamen Dialis may not lie for a single night outside the City, without sin. Will you make these priests Veientine instead of Roman? Shall thy Virgins forsake thee, Vesta, and the Flamen, as he dwells abroad, bring, night after night, such guilt upon himself and the republic?

> Latin: 52.13. sacris loquimur et de templis; quid tandem de sacerdotibus? in mentem venit quantum piaculi committatur? nempe una illa sedes est, ex qua eas nihil unquam praeterquam urbs capta movit; flamini Diali noctem unam manere extra urbem nefas est; hos Veientis pro Romanis facturi estis sacerdotes, et Vestales tuae te deserent, Vesta, et flamen peregre habitando in singulas noctes tantum sibi reique publicae piaculi contrahet?

[¶61] 52.15. What about the other matters nearly all of which we transact, after taking auspices, within the pomerium? To what oblivion and neglect do we consign them?

> Latin: 52.15. alia quae auspicato agimus omnia fere intra pomerium, cui oblivioni aut cui neglegentiae damus?

[¶62] 52.16. The curiate comitia which deals with the business of war, the centuriate comitia, where you elect the consuls and military tribunes —where can these be held, with due observance of the auspices, save in the customary places?

> Latin: 52.16. curiata, quae rem militarem continent, comitia centuriata, quibus consules tribunosque militaris creatis, ubi auspicato, nisi ubi adsolent, fieri possunt?

[¶63] 52.17. Shall we transfer them to Veii? Or shall the people, for the sake of the comitia assemble with enormous inconvenience in this City, forsaken of god and man? "'But,' you will say, 'while it is obvious that everything will be polluted beyond all possibility of purification, yet the situation itself compels us to leave a City which fires and falling buildings have made a wilderness, and emigrate to Veii, where everything is untouched, nor vex the helpless commons with building here.' But that this is rather a pretext than a true reason is, I think, apparent to you, Quirites, without my saying so; for you remember how, before the coming of the Gauls, when our roof-trees, public and private, were unharmed and our City stood uninjured, that this same proposal was urged, of migrating to Veii.

> Latin: 52.17. haec transferemus? An comitiorum causa populus tanto incommodo in desertam hanc ab dis hominibusque urbem conveniet? " enim apparet quidem pollui omnia nec ullis piaculis expiari posse, sed res ipsa cogit vastam incendiis ruinisque relinquere urbem et ad integra omnia Veios migrare nec hic aedificando inopem plebem vexare. hanc autem iactari magis causam quam veram esse, ut ego non dicam, apparere vobis, Quirites, puto, qui meministis ante Gallorum adventum salvis tectis publicis privatisque, stante incolumi urbe, hanc eandem rem actam esse ut Veios transmigraremus.

[¶64] 53.3. And consider, tribunes, how wide is the difference between my view and yours. You think that even if then it ought not to have been done, yet now at any rate it ought; I on the contrary —and be not astonished at this, till you have heard what my meaning is, —even if it had been right to migrate then, with the City all intact, should not think it right to abandon these ruins now.

> Latin: 53.3. videte quantum inter meam sententiam vestramque intersit, tribuni., etiamsi tunc faciendum non fuerit, nunc utique faciendum putatis: ego contra—nec id mirati sitis priusquam quale sit audieritis—etiamsi tum migrandum fuisset incolumi tota urbe, nunc has ruinas relinquendas non censerem.

[¶65] 53.4. For then our victory would have been a reason for migrating to a captured city —a reason glorious to ourselves and our posterity; but now such a removal is for us a wretched and humiliating course, and a glory to the Gauls.

> Latin: 53.4. tum causa nobis in urbem captam migrandi victoria esset, gloriosa nobis ac posteris nostris; nunc haec migratio nobis misera ac turpis, Gallis gloriosa est.

[¶66] 53.5. For we shall not seem to have left our country as victors, but to have lost it as men vanquished. It will be thought that the rout on the Allia, the capture of the City, the blockade of the Capitol, have compelled us to forsake our family gods, and sentence ourselves to banishment and exile from that place which we were powerless to defend.

> Latin: 53.5. enim reliquisse victores sed amisisse victi patriam videbimur: hoc ad Alliam fuga, hoc capta urbs, hoc circumsessum Capitolium necessitatis imposuisse, ut desereremus penates nostros exsiliumque ac fugam nobis ex eo loco conscisceremus quem tueri non possemus. Galli evertere potuerunt Romam, Romani restituere non videbuntur potuisse?

[¶67] 53.6. Have Gauls then been able to cast Rome down; and must Romans appear unable to have raised her up? What remains, if they should presently come with fresh forces —for all agree that their numbers are scarce to be believed, — and should wish to dwell in this City which they have captured and you have abandoned, but that you should suffer them?

> Latin: 53.6. restat nisi ut, si iam novis copiis veniant—constat enim vix credibilem multitudinem esse—et habitare in capta ab se, deserta a vobis hac urbe velint, sinatis?

[¶68] 53.7. What if not the Gauls but your ancient foes the Volsci and Aequi should migrate to Rome? Should you like them to be Romans, and yourselves Veientes? Or should you not prefer this to be your wilderness, rather than the city of your enemies? For my part I do not see what could be more abominable. Are you ready to stomach these outrages, these infamies, because it irks you to build?

> Latin: 53.7. ? si non Galli hoc sed veteres hostes vestri, Aequi Volscive, faciant ut commigrent Romam, velitisne illos Romanos, vos Veientes esse? An non malitis hanc solitudinem vestram quam urbem hostium esse? equidem video quid magis nefas sit. scelera, quia piget aedificare, haec dedecora pati parati estis?

[¶69] 53.8. If in all the City no house could be put up better or bigger than is the famous Hut of our Founder, would it not be better to live in huts, as shepherds and rustics do, amongst our sacred monuments and our household gods, than to go forth as a nation into exile?

> Latin: 53.8. tota urbe nullum melius ampliusve tectum fieri possit quam casa illa conditoris est nostri, non in casis ritu pastorum agrestiumque habitare est satius inter sacra penatesque nostros quam exsulatum publice ire?

[¶70] 53.9. Our ancestors refugees and herdsmen, at a time when there was nothing in this region but forests and marshes, built quickly a new City; and are we loath, though Capitol and Citadel are untouched and the temples of the gods are standing, to rebuild what has been destroyed by fire? And what each would have done for himself, if his house had been burned, shall we refuse to do together after this common conflagration? “Or suppose that by crime or chance a fire should break out at Veii, and that the wind should spread the flames, as may easily happen, until they consume a great part of the city; are we to quit it, and seek out Fidenae, or Gabii, or any other town you like, and migrate thither?”

> Latin: 53.9. nostri, convenae pastoresque, cum in his locis nihil praeter silvas paludesque esset, novam urbem tam brevi aedificarunt: nos Capitolio atque arce incolumi, stantibus templis deorum aedificare incensa piget? quod singuli facturi fuimus, si aedes nostrae deflagrassent, hoc in publico incendio universi recusamus facere?

[¶71] 54.2. “Have the soil of our native City and this land which we call our mother so slight a hold on us?” “Is our love of country confined to buildings and rafters? And in truth I will confess to you —though: like not to recall the wrong you did me —that as often, during my absence, as I thought of my native place, all these objects came into my mind: the hills and the fields and the Tiber and the region familiar to my eyes, and this sky beneath which I had been born and reared. And I wish these things may rather move you now with love, Quirites, to make you abide in your own home, than afterwards, when you have left it, torment you with vain regrets.”

> Latin: 54.2. tandem? fraude, si casu Veiis incendium ortum sit, ventoque, ut fieri potest, diffusa flamma magnam partem urbis absumat, Fidenas inde aut Gabios aliamve quam urbem quaesituri sumus quo transmigremus? nihil tenet solum patriae nec haec terra quam matrem appellamus, sed in superficie tignisque caritas nobis patriae pendet? quidem—fatebor vobis, etsi minus iniuriae vestrae meminisse iuvat—cum abessem, quotienscumque patria in mentem veniret, haec omnia occurrebant, colles campique et Tiberis et adsueta oculis regio et hoc caelum sub quo natus educatusque essem; quae vos, Quirites, nunc moveant potius caritate sua ut maneatis in sede vestra, quam postea, cum reliqueritis eam, macerent desiderio.

[¶72] 54.4. “Not without cause did gods and men select this place for establishing our City —with its healthful hills; its convenient river, by which crops may be floated down from the midland regions and foreign commodities brought up; its sea, near enough for use, yet not exposing us, by too great propinquity, to peril from foreign fleets; a situation in the heart of Italy —a spot, in short, of a nature uniquely adapted for the expansion of a city.”

> Latin: 54.4. sine causa di hominesque hunc urbi condendae locum elegerunt, saluberrimos colles, flumen opportunum, quo ex mediterraneis locis fruges devehantur, quo maritimi commeatus accipiantur, mare vicinum ad commoditates nec expositum nimia propinquitate ad pericula classium externarum, regionem Italiae mediam, ad incrementum urbis natum unice locum.

[¶73] 54.5. “This is proved by the very greatness of so new a place. It is now, Quirites, in its three hundred and sixty-fifth year. Amongst all these ancient nations you have for so long a time been waging wars; and all this while — to say nothing of single cities —neither the Volsci joined with the Aequi, and all their powerful towns, nor all Etruria, with its enormous strength on land and water, and its occupancy of the entire breadth of Italy from sea to sea, has been a match for you in war.”

> Latin: 54.5. est ipsa magnitudo tam novae urbis. sexagesimus sexagensimus quintus annus urbis, Quirites, agitur; inter tot veterrimos populos tam diu bella geritis, cum interea, ne singulas loquar urbes, non coniuncti cum Aequis Volsci, tot tam valida oppida, non universa Etruria tantum terra marique pollens atque inter duo maria latitudinem obtinens Italiae bello vobis par est.

[¶74] 54.6. “Since this is so, what a plague is the reason why you that have experienced these things should experiment with others? Granting that your valour may go elsewhere, yet surely the fortune of this place could not be taken along!”

> Latin: 54.6. cum ita sit, quae, malum, ratio est haec expertis alia experiri, cum, iam ut virtus vestra transire alio possit, fortuna certe loci huius transferri non possit?

[¶75] 54.7. “Here is the Capitol, where men were told, when of old they discovered there a human head, that in that place should be the head of the world and the seat of empire; here, when the Capitol was being cleared with augural rites, Juvent as and Terminus, to the vast joy of your fathers, refused to be removed; here are Vesta's fires, here the shields that were sent down from heaven, here are all the gods propitious, if you remain.” The speech of Camillus is said to have moved them, particularly where he touched upon religion; but the doubtful issue was resolved by a word that was let fall in the nick of time. It was while the senate, a little later, was deliberating about these matters in the Curia Hostilia; some cohorts returning from guard-duty were marching through the Forum, and as they came to the Comitium a centurion cried out, “Standard-bearer, fix your ensign; here will be our best place to remain.”

> Latin: 54.7. Capitolium est, ubi quondam capite humano invento responsum est eo loco caput rerum summamque imperii fore; hic cum augurato liberaretur Capitolium, Iuventas Terminusque maximo gaudio patrum vestrorum moveri se non passi; hic Vestae ignes, hic ancilia caelo demissa, hic omnes propitii manentibus vobis di.

[¶76] 55.2. Hearing this sentence the senators came out from the Curia and shouted their acceptance of the omen, and the commons gathering round them signified approval. The bill was then rejected, and people began in a random fashion to rebuild the City. The state supplied tiles, and granted everybody the right to quarry stone and to hew timber where he liked, after giving security for the completion of the structures within that year.

> Latin: 55.2. eos Camillus cum alia oratione tum ea quae ad religiones pertinebat maxime dicitur; sed rem dubiam decrevit vox opportune emissa, quod cum senatus post paulo de his rebus in curia Hostilia haberetur cohortesque ex praesidiis revertentes forte agmine forum transirent, centurio in comitio exclamavit:, statue signum; hic manebimus optime. voce audita et senatus accipere se omen ex curia egressus conclamavit et plebs circumfusa adprobavit. deinde lege promiscue promisee urbs aedificari coepta. publice praebita est; saxi materiaeque caedendae, unde quisque vellet ius factum praedibus acceptis eo anno aedificia perfecturos.

[¶77] 55.4. In their haste men were careless about making straight the streets, and paying no attention to their own and others' rights, built on the vacant spaces.

> Latin: 55.4. curam exemit vicos dirigendi, dum omisso sui alienique discrimine in vacuo aedificant.

[¶78] 55.5. This is the reason that the ancient sewers, which were at first conducted through the public ways, at present frequently run under private dwellings, and the appearance of the City is like one where the ground has been appropriated rather than divided.

> Latin: 55.5. est causa ut veteres cloacae, primo per publicum ductae, nunc privata passim subeant tecta, formaque urbis sit occupatae magis quam divisae similis.

## 29. Book VI · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE history of the Romans from the founding of the City of Rome to the capture of the same —at first under kings and afterwards under consuls and dictators, decemvirs and consular tribunes —their foreign wars and their domestic dissensions, I have set forth in five books, dealing with matters which are obscure not only by reason of their great antiquity —like far-off objects which can hardly be descried —but also because in those days there was but slightly and scanty use of writing, the sole trustworthy guardian of the memory of past events, and because even such records as existed in the commentaries of the pontiffs and in other public and private documents, nearly all perished in the conflagration of the City.

> Latin: 1.1. quae ab condita urbe Roma ad captam eandem Romani sub regibus primum, consulibus deinde ac dictatoribus decemuirisque ac tribunis consularibus gessere, foris bella, domi seditiones, quinque libris exposui, res cum uetustate nimia obscuras uelut quae magno ex interuallo loci uix cernuntur, tum quid rarae per eadem tempora litterae fuere, una custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum, et quod, etiam si quae in commentariis pontificum aliisque publicis priuatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe pleraeque interiere.

[¶1] 1.3. From this point onwards a clearer and more definite account shall be given of the City's civil and military history, when, beginning for a second time, it sprang up, as it were from the old roots, with a more luxuriant and fruitful growth.

> Latin: 1.3. clariora deinceps certioraque ab secunda origine uelut ab stirpibus laetius feraciusque renatae urbis gesta domi militiaeque exponentur.

[¶2] 1.4. Now it stood at first by leaning on the same support by which it had raised itself up, that is on Marcus Furius, its foremost citizen;

> Latin: 1.4. ceterum primo quo adminiculo erecta erat eodem innixa M. Furio principe stetit, neque eum abdicare se dictatura nisi anno circumacto passi sunt.

[¶3] 1.5. neither would men suffer him to resign the dictatorship till the completion of the year.

> Latin: 1.5. comitia in insequentem annum tribunos habere quorum in magistratu capta urbs esset, non placuit; res ad interregnum rediit.

[¶4] 1.6. That elections for the ensuing year should be held by the tribunes, in whose magistracy the City had been captured, was considered inadvisable, and the state reverted to an interregnum. While the citizens were engrossed in unremitting toil and labour to restore the City, Quintus Fabius had no sooner quitted his magistracy than he was indicted by Gnaeus Marcius, a tribune of the plebs, on the ground of his having fought in violation of the law of nations against the Gauls, to whom he had been sent as an envoy —a trial which he escaped by a death so opportune that the majority believed it voluntary.

> Latin: 1.6. cum ciuitas in opere ac labore assiduo reficiendae urbis teneretur, interim Q. Fabio, simul primum magistratu abiit, ab Cn. Marcio tribuno plebis dicta dies est, quod legatus in Gallos—ad quos missus erat orator—contra ius gentium pugnasset; cui iudicio eum mors, adeo opportuna ut uoluntariam magna pars crederet, subtraxit.

[¶5] 1.8. The interregnum began: Publius Cornelius Scipio was interrex; and after him Marcus Furius Camillus, who effected the election, as tribunes of the soldiers with consular authority, of Lucius Valerius Publicola (for the second time) Lucius Verginius, Publius Cornelius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Aemilius, and Lucius Postumius.

> Latin: 1.8. interregnum initum: P. Cornelius Scipio interrex et post eum M. Furius Camillus [iterum]. is tribunos militum consulari potestate creat L. Ualerium Publicolam iterum L. Uerginium P. Cornelium A. Manlium L. Aemilium L. Postumium.

[¶6] 1.9. Having, immediately after the interregnum, entered upon their term, they consulted the senate before everything else on questions of religious observance.

> Latin: 1.9. hi ex interregno cum extemplo magistratum inissent, nulla de re prius quam de religionibus senatum consuluere.

[¶7] 1.10. Among the first decrees they passed was one for searching out the treaties and laws — to wit, the twelve tables and certain laws of the kings, —so far as they could be discovered. Some of these were made accessible even to the common people, but such as dealt with sacred rites were kept private by the pontiffs, chiefly that they might hold the minds of the populace in subjection through religious fear.

> Latin: 1.10. in primis foedera ac leges—erant autem eae duodecim tabulae et quaedam regiae leges—conquiri, quae comparerent, iusserunt; alia ex eis edita etiam in uolgus: quae autem ad sacra pertinebant a pontificibus maxime ut religione obstrictos haberent multitudinis animos suppressa.

[¶8] 1.11. Then they proceeded to deliberate about days of evil omen. The 18th of July was notorious for a double misfortune, since it was on that day that the Fabii were massacred at the Cremera and that subsequently the rout at the Allia occurred, which resulted in the destruction of the City. From the latter disaster they named it the Day of the Allia, and forbade any public or private business to be done that day.

> Latin: 1.11. tum de diebus religiosis agitari coeptum, diemque a. d. XV Kal. Sextiles, duplici clade insignem, quo die ad Cremeram Fabii caesi, quo deinde ad Alliam cum exitio urbis foede pugnatum, a posteriore clade Alliensem appellarunt, †insignemque rei nullius publice priuatimque agendae† fecerunt.

[¶9] 1.12. Some think, because Sulpicius had, on the day after the Ides of July, made an unacceptable sacrifice, and, without having gained the divine approval, had two days later exposed the Roman army to the enemy, that therefore religious rites were omitted also on the days after the several Ides; and that afterwards it became traditional that the morrow after Kalends and Nones should likewise be avoided, from the same scruple.

> Latin: 1.12. quidam, quod postridie Idus Quintiles non litasset Sulpicius tribunus militum neque inuenta pace deum post diem tertium obiectus hosti exercitus Romanus esset, etiam postridie Idus rebus diuinis supersederi iussum, inde, ut postridie Kalendas quoque ac Nonas eadem religio esset, traditum putant.

[¶10] 2.1. But the Romans were not left long to the peaceful consideration of plans for raising their state after its grievous fall.

> Latin: 2.1. nec diu licuit quietis consilia erigendae ex tam graui casu rei publicae secum agitare.

[¶11] 2.2. On the one hand the Volsci, their ancient foes, had armed for the purpose of extinguishing the Roman name: on the other, merchants brought word from Etruria that the leading men of all her nations had met at the shrine of Voltumna and conspired to make war.

> Latin: 2.2. hinc Uolsci, ueteres hostes, ad exstinguendum nomen Romanum arma ceperant: hinc Etruriae principum ex omnibus populis coniurationem de bello ad fanum Uoltumnae factam mercatores adferebant.

[¶12] 2.3. A fresh alarm, too, was occasioned by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernici, who since the battle fought at Lake Regillus had continued for close upon a hundred years, with unquestioned loyalty, in the friendship of the Roman People.

> Latin: 2.3. nouus quoque terror accesserat defectione Latinorum Hernicorumque, qui post pugnam ad lacum Regillum factam per annos prope centum nunquam ambigua fide in amicitia populi Romani fuerant.

[¶13] 2.4. And so, when such dangers threatened them on every side, and it was clear to all that the name of Rome was not only held in hatred by her enemies, but even in contempt by her allies, it was resolved that the republic should be defended under the same auspices under which it had been redeemed and that Marcus Furius Camillus should be named dictator.

> Latin: 2.4. itaque cum tanti undique terrores circumstarent appareretque omnibus non odio solum apud hostes sed contemptu etiam inter socios nomen Romanum laborare, placuit eiusdem auspiciis defendi rem publicam cuius reciperata esset dictatoremque dici M. Furium Camillum.

[¶14] 2.6. Being appointed dictator he designated Gaius Servilius Ahala master of the horse, and after proclaiming a cessation of legal business, held a levy of the juniors, yet without excluding such of the older men as still possessed any vigour, to whom also he administered the oath and mustered them into centuries.

> Latin: 2.6. is dictator C. Seruilium Ahalam magistrum equitum dixit; iustitioque indicto dilectum iuniorum habuit ita ut seniores quoque, quibus aliquid roboris superesset, in uerba sua iuratos centuriaret.

[¶15] 2.7. Having enrolled the army and equipped it, he divided it into three parts. One division he stationed in the Veientine district to confront Etruria; a second he ordered to encamp before the City. These divisions were put under the command of military tribunes, Aulus Manlius for the home troops, Lucius Aemilius for those which were being dispatched against the Etruscans.

> Latin: 2.7. exercitum conscriptum armatumque trifariam diuisit: partem unam in agro Ueiente Etruriae opposuit, alteram ante urbem castra locare iussit; tribuni militum his A. Manlius, illis quia aduersus Etruscos mittebantur L. Aemilius praepositus; tertiam partem ipse ad Uolscos duxit nec procul a Lanuuio—ad Mecium is locus dicitur—castra oppugnare est adortus.

[¶16] 2.9. The third division he led himself against the Volsci, and not far from Lanuvium — ad Mecium the place is called —advanced to attack their camp. The enemy had gone to war from a feeling of contempt for the Romans, believing that their fighting strength had been nearly wiped out by the Gauls, but merely on hearing that Camillus was their general, they were so terrified that they protected themselves with a rampart and the rampart with a barricade of logs, that the Romans might nowhere be able to penetrate to their defences.

> Latin: 2.9. quibus ab contemptu, quod prope omnem deletam a Gallis Romanam iuuentutem crederent, ad bellum profectis tantum Camillus auditus imperator terroris intulerat ut uallo se ipsi, uallum congestis arboribus saepirent, ne qua intrare ad munimenta hostis posset.

[¶17] 2.10. On perceiving this, Camillus ordered his men to throw fire on the barrier. It so happened that there was a high wind blowing towards the enemy, which not only caused the blaze to open a path, but what with the flames making towards the camp, and the heat and smoke and the crackling of the green wood, so alarmed the enemy, that the Roman soldiers experienced less difficulty in scaling the fortifications of the Volscian camp than they had met with in crossing the burnt barricade.

> Latin: 2.10. quod ubi animaduertit Camillus, ignem in obiectam saepem coici iussit; et forte erat uis magna uenti uersa in hostem; itaque non aperuit solum incendio uiam sed flammis in castra tendentibus uapore etiam ac fumo crepituque uiridis materiae flagrantis ita consternauit hostes, ut minor moles superantibus uallum militibus munitum in castra Uolscorum Romanis fuerit quam transcendentibus saepem incendio absumptam fuerat.

[¶18] 2.12. Having routed and slain his enemies and taken their camp by assault, the dictator gave the booty to his soldiers, an act which, coming unexpectedly from a commander who was by no means open-handed, was all the more acceptable to the men.

> Latin: 2.12. fusis hostibus caesisque cum castra impetu cepisset dictator, praedam militi dedit, quo minus speratam minime largitore duce, eo militi gratiorem.

[¶19] 2.13. Then after pursuing the fugitives and laying waste all the Volscian countryside, he forced the Volsci to surrender at last, after seventy years of war.

> Latin: 2.13. persecutus deinde fugientes cum omnem Uolscum agrum depopulatus esset, ad deditionem Uolscos septuagesimo demum anno subegit.

[¶20] 2.14. The victor, leaving the Volsci, crossed over to the Aequi, who were themselves making preparations for war; their army he surprised at Bolae, and carried not only their camp but their city, too, at the first assault.

> Latin: 2.14. uictor ex Uolscis in Aequos transiit et ipsos bellum molientes; exercitum eorum ad Bolas oppressit, nec castra modo sed urbem etiam adgressus impetu primo cepit.

[¶21] 3.1. While affairs were thus prosperous in that region where Camillus commanded for Rome, in another direction a great danger threatened. Well-nigh the whole of Etruria was in arms and was laying siege to Sutrium, an ally of the Roman People.

> Latin: 3.1. cum in ea parte in qua caput rei Romanae Camillus erat ea fortuna esset, aliam in partem terror ingens ingruerat:

[¶22] 3.2. Envoys of the Sutrines had appeared before the senate to beg for assistance in their distress, and had obtained a decree that the dictator should march to the aid of their people at the earliest opportunity.

> Latin: 3.2. Etruria prope omnis armata Sutrium, socios populi Romani, obsidebat; quorum legati opem rebus adfectis orantes cum senatum adissent, decretum tulere ut dictator primo quoque tempore auxilium Sutrinis ferret.

[¶23] 3.3. But the plight of the besieged would not admit of their waiting till this hope was realized; and the population of the little town, exhausted with the labour, guard-mounting, and wounds, which fell always to the lot of the same men, had come to terms, and having surrendered their city to the enemy, were leaving their homes in a sad procession, unarmed and with but a single garment each, when, as it chanced, Camillus appeared on the scene with a Roman army.

> Latin: 3.3. cuius spei moram cum pati fortuna obsessorum non potuisset confectaque paucitas oppidanorum opere, uigiliis, uolneribus, quae semper eosdem urgebant, per pactionem urbe hostibus tradita inermis cum singulis emissa uestimentis miserabili agmine penates relinqueret, eo forte tempore Camillus cum exercitu Romano interuenit.

[¶24] 3.4. The disconsolate rabble cast themselves at his feet, while their leading men addressed him with words drawn from them by the direst necessity and accompanied by the wailing of the women and children, who were being dragged along as the companions of their exile. He bade the Sutrines spare their lamentations; the Etruscans were those to whom he was bringing grief and tears.

> Latin: 3.4. cui cum se maesta turba ad pedes prouoluisset principumque orationem necessitate ultima expressam fletus mulierum ac puerorum qui exsilii comites trahebantur excepisset, parcere lamentis Sutrinos iussit: Etruscis se luctum lacrimasque ferre.

[¶25] 3.5. He then gave orders that the packs should be set down; that the Sutrines should stop there, with a small guard which he left them; and that his soldiers should take their weapons and follow him. So, with his army in light marching order, he set out for Sutrium, where he was not surprised to find everything at loose ends, as a consequence —common enough —of their success; there was no outpost before the walls; the gates were open; and the victors had dispersed and were fetching the booty out of the houses of their enemies.

> Latin: 3.5. sarcinas inde deponi Sutrinosque ibi considere modico praesidio relicto, arma secum militem ferre iubet. ita expedito exercitu profectus ad Sutrium, id quod rebatur, soluta omnia rebus, ut fit, secundis inuenit, nullam stationem ante moenia, patentes portas, uictorem uagum praedam ex hostium tectis egerentem.

[¶26] 3.6. For the second time, therefore, on the same day, Sutrium was captured. The victorious Etruscans were everywhere slaughtered by the new enemy, and had no time given them to assemble and unite their forces or to arm. As they tried, every man for himself, to reach the gates, if by chance they might somehow escape out into the fields, they found them shut, for so the general had ordered in the beginning.

> Latin: 3.6. iterum igitur eodem die Sutrium capitur; uictores Etrusci passim trucidantur ab nouo hoste, neque se conglobandi coeundique in unum aut arma capiundi datur spatium. cum pro se quisque tenderent ad portas, si qua forte se in agros eicere possent, clausas—id enim primum dictator imperauerat— portas inueniunt.

[¶27] 3.8. After that some caught up their swords; others, whom the sudden attack had found already armed, tried to call their fellows together for a battle, and this would have been hotly fought, because of the enemy's despair, had not heralds been dispatched through the town who made proclamation that arms should be laid down and the unarmed receive quarter, and that none should suffer any violence except those that carried weapons.

> Latin: 3.8. inde alii arma capere, alii, quos forte armatos tumultus occupauerat, conuocare suos ut proelium inirent; quod accensum ab desperatione hostium fuisset, ni praecones per urbem dimissi poni arma et parci inermi iussissent nec praeter armatos quemquam uiolari.

[¶28] 3.9. Then even such as had in their extremity resolved to fight to the death, now that hope of life was held out to them, began everywhere to throw down their swords, and to go unarmed —for fortune had made this the safer way —to meet their enemies.

> Latin: 3.9. tum etiam quibus animi in spe ultima obstinati ad decertandum fuerant, postquam data spes uitae est, iactare passim arma inermesque, quod tutius fortuna fecerat, se hosti offerre.

[¶29] 3.10. The great throng was divided among companies of guards; and before night the town was restored to the Sutrines, unharmed and without scathe of war, because it had not been carried by assault, but had been surrendered upon terms.

> Latin: 3.10. magna multitudo in custodias diuisa; oppidum ante noctem redditum Sutrinis inuiolatum integrumque ab omni clade belli, quia non ui captum sed traditum per condiciones fuerat.

[¶30] 4.1. Camillus returned to the City and triumphed for his victories in three simultaneous wars.

> Latin: 4.1. Camillus in urbem triumphans rediit, trium simul bellorum uictor.

[¶31] 4.2. By far the greatest number of the captives led before his chariot were Etruscans; they were sold under the spear, and fetched so large a sum that after the matrons had been repaid for their gold, the surplus sufficed to make three golden bowls, which were inscribed, as is well known, with the name of Camillus, and kept, until the burning of the Capitol, in the chapel of Jupiter, at Juno's feet.

> Latin: 4.2. longe plurimos captiuos ex Etruscis ante currum duxit; quibus sub hasta uenumdatis tantum aeris redactum est ut, pretio pro auro matronis persoluto, ex eo quod supererat tres paterae aureae factae sint, quas cum titulo nominis Camilli ante Capitolium incensum in Iouis cella constat ante pedes Iunonis positas fuisse.

[¶32] 4.4. This year were received into the state such of the Veientes, Capenates, and Faliscans as had come over to the Romans in the course of these wars, and lands were allotted to these new citizens.

> Latin: 4.4. eo anno in ciuitatem accepti qui Ueientium Capenatiumque ac Faliscorum per ea bella transfugerant ad Romanos, agerque his nouis ciuibus adsignatus.

[¶33] 4.5. There were also recalled from Veii to the City, by senatorial decree, those who being too indolent to build in Rome had taken possession of empty houses in Veii and had gone there to live. They had indeed murmured at first, and had flouted the order; but the designation of a day and the threat of a capital penalty for failure to return to Rome reduced them from a defiant group to obedient individuals, as each became alarmed for himself.

> Latin: 4.5. reuocati quoque in urbem senatus consulto a Ueiis qui aedificandi Romae pigritia occupatis ibi uacuis tectis Ueios se contulerant. et primo fremitus fuit aspernantium imperium; dies deinde praestituta capitalisque poena, qui non remigrasset Romam, ex ferocibus uniuersis singulos, metu suo quemque, oboedientes fecit;

[¶34] 4.6. Rome was now growing in numbers, and in every part at once new buildings were springing up; the state contributed towards the costs, and the aediles forwarded the work as though it had been public business, while the citizens themselves, incited by their desire to be using it, hurried their building to a conclusion; and within the year there was a new City standing.

> Latin: 4.6. et Roma cum frequentia crescere, tum tota simul exsurgere aedificiis et re publica impensas adiuuante et aedilibus uelut publicum exigentibus opus et ipsis priuatis—admonebat enim desiderium usus—festinantibus ad effectum operis; intraque annum noua urbs stetit.

[¶35] 4.7. At the close of the year an election of military tribunes with consular powers was held. Those chosen were Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas (for the fifth time), Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Aquilius Corvus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Servius Sulpicius Rufus. These men led one army against the Aequi, not to war —for they confessed themselves vanquished —but from hatred, in order to waste, their territories and leave them with no strength to make new trouble; with another they invaded the district of Tarquinii, where they captured by assault the Etruscan towns Cortuosa and Contenebra.

> Latin: 4.7. exitu anni comitia tribunorum militum consulari potestate habita. creati T. Quinctius Cincinnatus Q. Seruilius Fidenas quintum L. Iulius Iulus L. Aquilius Coruus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus Ser. Sulpicius Rufus exercitum alterum in Aequos, non ad bellum—uictos namque se fatebantur—sed ab odio ad peruastandos fines, ne quid ad noua consilia relinqueretur uirium, duxere, alterum in agrum Tarquiniensem;

[¶36] 4.9. At Cortuosa there was no struggle: in a surprise attack they carried the place at the first shout and onset, and then sacked and burned it. Contenebra held out for a few days, but the continuous fighting, without respite either day or night, overcame them.

> Latin: 4.9. ibi oppida Etruscorum Cortuosa et Contenebra ui capta. ad Cortuosam nihil certaminis fuit: improuiso adorti primo clamore atque impetu cepere; direptum oppidum atque incensum est.

[¶37] 4.10. The Roman army had been divided into six corps, of which each in its turn went into battle for six hours; while the townsmen were so few that the same men were exposed to an attack that was constantly renewed, until at last they gave way and afforded the Romans an opening to enter the City.

> Latin: 4.10. Contenebra paucos dies oppugnationem sustinuit, laborque continuus non die, non nocte remissus subegit eos. cum in sex partes diuisus exercitus Romanus senis horis in orbem succederet proelio, oppidanos eosdem integro semper certamini paucitas fessos obiceret, cessere tandem locusque inuadendi urbem Romanis datus est.

[¶38] 4.11. The tribunes decided that the booty should go to the state, but were less prompt in issuing orders than in planning; and, while they procrastinated, it was already in the hands of the soldiers and could not be taken away without offending them.

> Latin: 4.11. publicari praedam tribunis placebat; sed imperium quam consilium segnius fuit; dum cunctantur, iam militum praeda erat nec nisi per inuidiam adimi poterat.

[¶39] 4.12. That same year, that the City might not grow in private buildings only, the Capitol was provided with a substructure of hewn stone, a work which even amidst the present splendours of the City is deserving of remark.

> Latin: 4.12. eodem anno, ne priuatis tantum operibus cresceret urbs, Capitolium quoque saxo quadrato substructum est, opus uel in hac magnificentia urbis conspiciendum.

[¶40] 5.1. And now, while the citizens were taken up with building, the tribunes of the plebs were trying to attract crowds to their meetings by proposals for agrarian laws.

> Latin: 5.1. iam et tribuni plebis ciuitate aedificando occupata contiones suas frequentare legibus agrariis conabantur.

[¶41] 5.2. They held out hopes of the Pomptine district, of which the Romans had then for the first time —since the defeat inflicted on the Volsci by Camillus —acquired undisputed control.

> Latin: 5.2. ostentabatur in spem Pomptinus ager, tum primum post accisas a Camillo Uolscorum res possessionis haud ambiguae.

[¶42] 5.3. The tribunes brought the charge that this district was worse plagued by the nobility than it had been by the Volsci; for the latter, as long as they were strong enough and had arms, had done no more than make incursions into it;

> Latin: 5.3. criminabantur multo eum infestiorem agrum ab nobilitate esse quam a Uolscis fuerit; ab illis enim tantum, quoad uires et arma habuerint, incursiones eo factas;

[¶43] 5.4. but the nobles were taking violent possession of the public domain, and unless it should be parcelled out before they seized it all, there would be no room there for the commons.

> Latin: 5.4. nobiles homines in possessionem agri publici grassari nec, nisi antequam omnia praecipiant diuisus sit, locum ibi plebi fore.

[¶44] 5.5. They made no great impression on the plebs, who were seldom in the Forum, because they were so intent on building, and, exhausted with the expense thereby incurred, had no thought of land, which they lacked the means of stocking.

> Latin: 5.5. haud magno opere plebem mouerunt et infrequentem in foro propter aedificandi curam et eodem exhaustam impensis eoque agri immemorem, ad quem instruendum uires non essent.

[¶45] 5.6. The citizens were much given to religious fears, and at that time, owing to the recent calamity, even the leaders were a prey to superstition; so, in order that new auspices might be had, the state went into an interregnum.

> Latin: 5.6. in ciuitate plena religionum, tunc etiam ab recenti clade superstitiosis principibus, ut renouarentur auspicia res ad interregnum rediit. interreges deinceps M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus L. Ualerius Potitus;

[¶46] 5.7. The office of interrex was successively held by Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus. Finally, the last-named held an election of military tribunes and announced that the choice had fallen on Lucius Papirius, Gaius Cornelius, Gaius Sergius, Lucius Aemilius (for the second time), Lucius Menenius and Lucius Valerius Publicola (for the third time). These men took office at the conclusion of the interregnum.

> Latin: 5.7. hic demum tribunorum militum consulari potestate comitia habuit. L. Papirium Cn.† Sergium L. Aemilium iterum Licinium† Menenium L. Ualerium Publicolam tertium creat; ii ex interregno magistratum occepere.

[¶47] 5.8. In that year the temple of Mars vowed in the Gallic war was dedicated by Titus Quinctius, duumvir for sacrifices. Four additional tribes were formed out of the new citizens, the Stellatina, Tromentina, Sabatina, and Arniensis; these filled up the number of tribes to twenty-five.

> Latin: 5.8. eo anno aedis Martis Gallico bello uota dedicata est a T. Quinctio duumuiro sacris faciendis. tribus quattuor ex nouis ciuibus additae, Stellatina Tromentina Sabatina Arniensis; eaeque uiginti quinque tribuum numerum expleuere.

[¶48] 6.1. The question of the Pomptine territory was brought up by Lucius Sicinius, a tribune of the plebs, in popular meetings which were now more numerously attended, and by men more easily induced to covet land, than had been the case before.

> Latin: 6.1. de agro Pomptino ab L. Sicinio tribuno plebis actum ad frequentiorem iam populum mobilioremque ad cupiditatem agri quam fuerat.

[¶49] 6.2. The senate talked also of war with the Latins and the Hernici, but dread of a greater war —Etruria being up in arms —caused them to defer it.

> Latin: 6.2. et de Latino Hernicoque bello mentio facta in senatu maioris belli cura, quod Etruria in armis erat, dilata est.

[¶50] 6.3. The government passed to Camillus, as tribune of the soldiers with consular authority. He was given five colleagues: Servius Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas (for a sixth term), Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius.

> Latin: 6.3. res ad Camillum tribunum militum consulari potestate rediit; collegae additi quinque, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Seruilius Fidenas sextum L. Quinctius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Puluillus P. Ualerius.

[¶51] 6.4. Early in the year the general concern was diverted from the Etruscan war, when a band of fugitives from the Pomptine district suddenly appeared in Rome with tidings that the Antiates were in arms. The Latin communities, so they reported, had sent their soldiers to help in the war, but asserted that their government was not involved, since they had merely, as they said, not forbidden their young men to serve, as volunteers, where they liked.

> Latin: 6.4. principio anni auersae curae hominum sunt a bello Etrusco, quod fugientium ex agro Pomptino agmen repente inlatum in urbem attulit Antiates in armis esse Latinorumque populos iuuentutem suam summisisse ad id bellum, eo abnuentes publicum fuisse consilium quod non prohibitos tantummodo uoluntarios dicerent militare ubi uellent.

[¶52] 6.6. The Romans had ceased by this time to make light of any wars. And so the senate gave thanks to the gods that Camillus was in office, for in sooth they would have been obliged to make him dictator, if he had been a private citizen; and his colleagues declared that the general control, when any warlike danger threatened, belonged to one man alone, and that they were resolved to subordinate their own authority to Camillus; nor did they believe that there was any derogation of their own dignity in such concessions as they might make to his. The senate commended the tribunes, and Camillus himself, deeply moved, expressed his thanks.

> Latin: 6.6. desierant iam ulla contemni bella. itaque senatus dis agere gratias quod Camillus in magistratu esset: dictatorem quippe dicendum eum fuisse si priuatus esset; et collegae fateri regimen omnium rerum, ubi quid bellici terroris ingruat, in uiro uno esse sibique destinatum in animo esse Camillo summittere imperium nec quicquam de maiestate sua detractum credere quod maiestati eius uiri concessissent. conlaudatis ab senatu tribunis et ipse Camillus confusus animo gratias egit.

[¶53] 6.8. A heavy responsibility he said, was placed upon him by the Roman People, who had now elected him for the fourth time; no small one by the senate, in so judging of him; but the greatest of all proceeded from the deference accorded him by such distinguished colleagues.

> Latin: 6.8. ingens inde ait onus a populo Romano sibi, qui se [dictatorem] iam quartum creasset, magnum ab senatu talibus de se iudiciis [eius ordinis], maximum tam honoratorum collegarum obsequio iniungi;

[¶54] 6.9. Accordingly, if it were possible to add to his exertions and his vigilance, he should vie with himself in an effort to make the very high opinion which his fellow citizens so unanimously entertained of him an abiding one.

> Latin: 6.9. itaque si quid laboris uigiliarumque adici possit, certantem secum ipsum adnisurum ut tanto de se consensu ciuitatis opinionem, quae maxima sit, etiam constantem efficiat.

[¶55] 6.10. As for the war with the men of Antium, there was more bluster in that quarter than real danger; nevertheless, as he would have them fear nothing, so he would counsel them to despise nothing.

> Latin: 6.10. quod ad bellum atque Antiates attineat, plus ibi minarum quam periculi esse; se tamen, ut nihil timendi, sic nihil contemnendi auctorem esse.

[¶56] 6.11. The City of Rome was ringed about by the envy and ill-will of her neighbours; consequently there needed several generals and armies to administer the interests of the state.

> Latin: 6.11. circumsederi urbem Romanam ab inuidia et odio finitimorum; itaque et ducibus pluribus et exercitibus administrandam rem publicam esse.

[¶57] 6.12. “It is my wish,” said he, “that you, Publius Valerius, should share my authority and deliberations, and join me in leading the legions against the enemy at Antium;”

> Latin: 6.12. 'te' inquit, ' P. Ualeri, socium imperii consiliique legiones mecum aduersus Antiatem hostem ducere placet;

[¶58] 6.13. “that you, Quintus Servilius, should organize and equip a second army, and maintain your camp near Rome, on the alert, in case any move should be made in the meantime from Etruria, as happened recently, or from this new source of anxiety, the Latins and Hernici; certain I am that you will discharge the commission in a manner worthy of your father, your grandfather, and yourself, and of your six tribuneships.”

> Latin: 6.13. te, Q. Seruili, altero exercitu instructo paratoque in urbe castra habere, intentum siue Etruria se interim, ut nuper, siue noua haec cura, Latini atque Hernici mouerint; pro certo habeo ita rem gesturum ut patre auo teque ipso ac sex tribunatibus dignum est.

[¶59] 6.14. “Let a third army be enrolled by Lucius Quinctius, out of those who are invalided or over age, to defend the City and the walls. Let Lucius Horatius provide arms, missiles, corn, and what else the exigencies of the war demand.”

> Latin: 6.14. tertius exercitus ex causariis senioribusque a L. Quinctio scribatur, qui urbi moenibusque praesidio sit. L. Horatius arma, tela, frumentum, quaeque alia [belli] tempora poscent prouideat.

[¶60] 6.15. “You, Servius Cornelius, we, your colleagues, appoint to be president of this state council, guardian of religious rites, of the elections, the laws, and all the affairs of the City.”

> Latin: 6.15. te, Ser. Corneli, praesidem huius publici consilii, custodem religionum, comitiorum, legum, rerum omnium urbanarum, collegae facimus.'

[¶61] 6.16. All promised loyally to do their best in their respective departments of their office; and Valerius, who had been selected to share in the command, added that he should regard Marcus Furius as a dictator and himself as his master of the horse;

> Latin: 6.16. cunctis in partes muneris sui benigne pollicentibus operam Ualerius, socius imperii lectus, adiecit M. Furium sibi pro dictatore seque ei pro magistro equitum futurum;

[¶62] 6.17. in proportion therefore to men's confidence in their unique commander should be their hopes of the outcome of the war. Whereat the senators in their enthusiasm shouted that they hoped right well of the war, and of the peace, and of the common weal in general; adding that the state would never need a dictator if it might have such men in office, united in such loving concord, equally ready to command and obey, and rather contributing to the common stock of glory than drawing upon it for their own behoof.

> Latin: 6.17. proinde, quam opinionem de unico imperatore, eam spem de bello haberent. se uero bene sperare patres et de bello et de pace uniuersaque re publica erecti gaudio fremunt nec dictatore unquam opus fore rei publicae, si tales uiros in magistratu habeat, tam concordibus iunctos animis, parere atque imperare iuxta paratos laudemque conferentes potius in medium quam ex communi ad se trahentes.

[¶63] 7.1. After proclaiming a suspension of legal business and holding a levy, Furius and Valerius set out for Satricum, where the Antiates had collected not only the fighting men of the Volsci, recruited from a new generation, but also a large force of Latins and Hernici, nations which, having been long at peace, were extremely strong. The consequence of this addition of new enemies to their old ones was to trouble the spirit of the Roman soldiers.

> Latin: 7.1. iustitio indicto dilectuque habito Furius ac Ualerius ad Satricum profecti, quo non Uolscorum modo iuuentutem Antiates ex noua subole lectam sed ingentem Latinorum Hernicorumque <uim> conciuerant ex integerrimis diutina pace populis. itaque nouus hostis ueteri adiunctus commouit animos militis Romani.

[¶64] 7.2. But when the centurions reported to Camillus, as he was already drawing up his line, that the men were demoralized; that they had been loath to arm and had hesitated and delayed in leaving the camp, nay, that some had even been heard to say that they would be one against a hundred in the battle, and that so great a host could hardly be withstood even though unarmed, much less when provided with weapons —being told of this, I say, Camillus vaulted upon his horse, and riding along the ranks in front of the standards, faced his troops and thus addressed them: "Soldiers, what means this gloom and this unwonted reluctance?

> Latin: 7.2. quod ubi aciem iam instruenti Camillo centuriones renuntiauerunt, turbatas militum mentes esse, segniter arma capta, cunctabundosque et resistentes egressos castris esse, quin uoces quoque auditas cum centenis hostibus singulos pugnaturos et aegre inermem tantam multitudinem, nedum armatam, sustineri posse, in equum insilit et ante signa obuersus in aciem ordines interequitans: 'quae tristitia, milites, haec, quae insolita cunctatio est?

[¶65] 7.3. Are you strangers to the enemy, or to me, or to yourselves? The enemy —what else are they but inexhaustible material for you to fashion into glorious deeds of valour? As for yourselves, when acting as my soldiers, though I say nothing of your capturing Falerii and Veii and routing the Gallic legions in your captured City, you celebrated, only the other day, a three-fold triumph for a triple victory over these very Volsci and Aequi and over Etruria.

> Latin: 7.3. hostem an me an uos ignoratis? hostis est quid aliud quam perpetua materia uirtutis gloriaeque uestrae? uos contra me duce, ut Falerios Ueiosque captos et in capta patria Gallorum legiones caesas taceam, modo trigeminae uictoriae triplicem triumphum ex his ipsis Uolscis et Aequis et ex Etruria egistis.

[¶66] 7.5. Or is it that I, having given you the signal not as dictator but as tribune of the soldiers, am not recognized as your commander? And yet neither do I desire supreme authority over you, nor ought you to regard in me anything but myself; for the dictatorship could never give me resolution, nor could even exile deprive me of it.

> Latin: 7.5. an me, quod non dictator uobis sed tribunus signum dedi, non agnoscitis ducem? neque ego maxima imperia in uos desidero, et uos in me nihil praeter me ipsum intueri decet; neque enim dictatura mihi unquam animos fecit, ut ne exsilium quidem ademit.

[¶67] 7.6. We are all, therefore, exactly as we were, and since we bring the same qualities in all respects to this campaign that we brought to earlier ones, let us look forward to the same result. As soon as you have joined battle, every man will do what he has learned and has become accustomed to: you will conquer, they will run away.

> Latin: 7.6. iidem igitur omnes sumus, et cum eadem omnia in hoc bellum adferamus quae in priora attulimus, eundem euentum belli exspectemus. simul concurreritis, quod quisque didicit ac consueuit faciet: uos uincetis, illi fugient.'

[¶68] 8.1. He then sounded the charge, and leaping from his horse, caught hold of the nearest standard bearer and hurried him towards the enemy, calling out: “Forward soldiers!”

> Latin: 8.1. dato deinde signo ex equo desilit et proximum signiferum manu arreptum secum in hostem rapit 'infer, miles' clamitans, 'signum.'

[¶69] 8.2. But when they saw Camillus, who for bodily feats was now grown old and infirm, advancing in person against the foe, they all gave a cheer and rushed forward together, and every man took up the cry of “Follow the General!”

> Latin: 8.2. quod ubi uidere, ipsum Camillum, iam ad munera corporis senecta inualidum, uadentem in hostes, procurrunt pariter omnes clamore sublato 'sequere imperatorem' pro se quisque clamantes.

[¶70] 8.3. It is even said that Camillus bade the standard-bearer hurl his ensign into the press of enemies, and urging the front ranks to recover it, then for the first time discomfited the Antiates.

> Latin: 8.3. emissum etiam signum Camilli iussu in hostium aciem ferunt idque ut repeteretur concitatos antesignanos;

[¶71] 8.4. The panic did not stop with the first line, but spread even to the troops in support.

> Latin: 8.4. ibi primum pulsum Antiatem, terroremque non in primam tantum aciem sed etiam ad subsidiarios perlatum.

[¶72] 8.5. It was not only the dash of the Roman soldiers, inspired by their leader's presence, which overcame them; for nothing so daunted the spirits of the Volsci as the sight of Camillus himself, when they happened to encounter him —so surely, wherever he went, did he carry victory with him.

> Latin: 8.5. nec uis tantum militum mouebat, excitata praesentia ducis, sed quod Uolscorum animis nihil terribilius erat quam ipsius Camilli forte oblata species;

[¶73] 8.6. This was especially apparent on the left. That wing had already nearly given way, when Camillus suddenly threw himself upon a horse, and, armed with an infantry-shield, rode up and by his presence retrieved the battle, calling out that the rest of the army was conquering.

> Latin: 8.6. ita quocumque se intulisset uictoriam secum haud dubiam trahebat. maxime id euidens fuit, cum in laeuum cornu prope iam pulsum arrepto repente equo cum scuto pedestri aduectus conspectu suo proelium restituit, ostentans uincentem ceteram aciem.

[¶74] 8.7. The fortune of the day had now turned, but the enemy's numbers were an obstacle even to their flight, and a great multitude remained for the weary soldiers to dispatch with long-drawn massacre, when suddenly great gusts of wind brought on a downpour of rain, which broke off what was rather a certain victory than a battle.

> Latin: 8.7. iam inclinata res erat, sed turba hostium et fuga impediebatur et longa caede conficienda multitudo tanta fesso militi erat, cum repente ingentibus procellis fusus imber certam magis uictoriam quam proelium diremit.

[¶75] 8.8. Thereupon the recall was sounded, and the night that followed finished the campaign for the Romans, while they slept. For the Latins and Hernici abandoned the Volsci and marched off to their homes, their evil counsels rewarded with as evil an outcome;

> Latin: 8.8. signo deinde receptui dato nox insecuta quietis Romanis perfecit bellum; Latini namque et Hernici relictis Uolscis domos profecti sunt, malis consiliis pares adepti euentus;

[¶76] 8.9. and the Volsci, perceiving themselves to be deserted by those on whom they had relied in their rebellion, forsook their camp and shut themselves up within the walls of Satricum.

> Latin: 8.9. Uolsci ubi se desertos ab eis uidere quorum fiducia rebellauerant, relictis castris moenibus Satrici se includunt; quos primo Camillus uallo circumdare et aggere atque operibus oppugnare est adortus.

[¶77] 8.10. Camillus at first set about confining them with a palisade and mound, intending to lay siege to them; but finding the enemy made no sorties to interrupt the work, he concluded they had not sufficient resolution to make him wait so long for victory. He therefore encouraged his troops not to wear themselves out with protracted toil, as though they were besieging Veii, when victory was within their grasp; and with great alacrity on the part of the soldiers, he approached the walls from every side and captured the town with scaling ladders. The Volsci threw away their weapons and surrendered.

> Latin: 8.10. quae postquam nulla eruptione impediri uidet, minus esse animi ratus in hoste quam ut in eo tam lentae spei uictoriam exspectaret, cohortatus milites ne tamquam Ueios oppugnantes in opere longinquo sese tererent, uictoriam in manibus esse, ingenti militum alacritate moenia undique adgressus scalis oppidum cepit. Uolsci abiectis armis sese dediderunt.

[¶78] 9.1. But the general's thoughts were turning to a matter of greater moment, namely Antium, which, as being the Volscian capital, he held responsible for the last war.

> Latin: 9.1. ceterum animus ducis rei maiori, Antio, imminebat: id caput Uolscorum, eam fuisse originem proximi belli.

[¶79] 9.2. But because, without extensive equipment of artillery and engines, it was impossible to take so strong a town, he left his colleague in command of the army and proceeded to Rome, that he might urge the senate to undertake the destruction of Antium.

> Latin: 9.2. sed magno apparatu tormentis machinisque tam ualida quia nisi urbs capi non poterat, relicto ad exercitum collega Romam est profectus, ut senatum ad excidendum Antium hortaretur.

[¶80] 9.3. While he was speaking —I suppose it was Heaven's will that the Antian state should continue somewhat longer —envoys from Nepete and Sutrium appeared, who asked for help against the Etruscans, saying that the opportunity of lending aid would soon be past. To this quarter Fortune diverted the energies of Camillus, away from Antium.

> Latin: 9.3. inter sermonem eius—credo rem Antiatem diuturniorem manere dis cordi fuisse—legati ab Nepete ac Sutrio auxilium aduersus Etruscos petentes ueniunt, breuem occasionem esse ferendi auxilii memorantes. eo uim Camilli ab Antio fortuna auertit.

[¶81] 9.4. For since these places were on the frontier of Etruria, and were the barriers, so to speak, and gateways of that region, the Etruscans were concerned to seize them, as often as they had any new design in hand, and the Romans to recover or defend them.

> Latin: 9.4. namque cum ea loca opposita Etruriae et uelut claustra inde portaeque essent, et illis occupandi ea cum quid noui molirentur et Romanis reciperandi tuendique cura erat.

[¶82] 9.5. The senate therefore resolved to request of Camillus that he should relinquish Antium and undertake the Etruscan war, and voted him the city levies which had been under the command of Quinctius.

> Latin: 9.5. igitur senatui cum Camillo agi placuit ut omisso Antio bellum Etruscum susciperet; legiones urbanae quibus Quinctius praefuerat ei decernuntur.

[¶83] 9.6. Although Camillus would have preferred the army, disciplined and used to his authority, which lay in the Volscian country, he made no objection, only stipulating that Valerius should be associated with him in the command.

> Latin: 9.6. quamquam expertum exercitum adsuetumque imperio qui in Uolscis erat mallet, nihil recusauit; Ualerium tantummodo imperii socium depoposcit. Quinctius Horatiusque successores Ualerio in Uolscos missi.

[¶84] 9.7. Quinctius and Horatius were dispatched to succeed Valerius against the Volsci. Leaving the City and marching to Sutrium, Furius and Valerius found that a part of the town was already captured by the Etruscans, and that in the other part the townspeople had barricaded the streets and were defending themselves with great difficulty from the onslaughts of their enemies.

> Latin: 9.7. profecti ab urbe Sutrium Furius et Ualerius partem oppidi iam captam ab Etruscis inuenere, ex parte altera intersaeptis itineribus aegre oppidanos uim hostium ab se arcentes.

[¶85] 9.8. The arrival of succour from Rome, and particularly the great reputation which Camillus enjoyed with both friends and foes, checked for the moment the disastrous course of events and afforded time to render assistance.

> Latin: 9.8. cum Romani auxilii aduentus tum Camilli nomen celeberrimum apud hostes sociosque et in praesentia rem inclinatam sustinuit et spatium ad opem ferendam dedit.

[¶86] 9.9. Accordingly, Camillus divided the army, and directed his colleague to make a circuit with his forces and to attack the walls on the side which was held by the enemy. His hope was not so much that the city would be taken by escalade, as that the enemy might be diverted to that quarter —easing thereby the strain upon the townsmen, who were already worn out with fighting —and that he might himself have an opportunity of entering the place without encountering resistance.

> Latin: 9.9. itaque diuiso exercitu Camillus collegam in eam partem circumductis copiis quam hostes tenebant moenia adgredi iubet, non tanta spe scalis capi urbem posse quam ut auersis eo hostibus et oppidanis iam pugnando fessis laxaretur labor et ipse spatium intrandi sine certamine moenia haberet.

[¶87] 9.10. But on this plan being put into effect simultaneously at both points, the Etruscans, finding themselves threatened on either side and seeing that the walls were being violently assailed and that the enemy was inside the city, threw themselves out by the only gate which chanced to be unguarded, in one panic-stricken throng.

> Latin: 9.10. quod simul utrimque factum esset ancepsque terror Etruscos circumstaret, et moenia summa ui oppugnari et intra moenia esse hostem <ut> uiderunt, porta se, quae una forte non obsidebatur, trepidi uno agmine eiecere.

[¶88] 9.11. Great was the carnage they suffered as they fled, both in the city and in the fields. Furius's men slew more within the walls; the soldiers of Valerius were more lightly equipped for pursuit, and kept up the massacre until night made it impossible to see.

> Latin: 9.11. magna caedes fugientium et in urbe et per agros est facta: plures a Furianis intra moenia caesi, Ualeriani expeditiores ad persequendos fuere, nec ante noctem, quae conspectum ademit, finem caedendi fecere.

[¶89] 9.12. Having retaken Sutrium and restored it to our allies, the army marched to Nepete, which had surrendered to the Etruscans, who were now in complete possession.

> Latin: 9.12. Sutrio recepto restitutoque sociis Nepete exercitus ductus, quod per deditionem acceptum iam totum Etrusci habebant.

[¶90] 10.1. It appeared likely that this town would be more troublesome to recover, not only because it was wholly in the hands of the enemy, but also because a faction of the Nepesini had betrayed their state and arranged the capitulation.

> Latin: 10.1. uidebatur plus in ea urbe recipienda laboris fore, non eo solum quod tota hostium erat sed etiam quod parte Nepesinorum prodente ciuitatem facta erat deditio;

[¶91] 10.2. It was nevertheless decided to send word to their leaders, that they should sever themselves from the Etruscans and extend to the Romans the same trusty aid which they had requested at their hands.

> Latin: 10.2. mitti tamen ad principes eorum placuit ut secernerent se ab Etruscis fidemque quam implorassent ab Romanis ipsi praestarent.

[¶92] 10.3. When the reply came back that they were powerless, that the Etruscans held the walls and guarded the gates, the Romans first laid waste their fields, in an effort to frighten the townsfolk;

> Latin: 10.3. unde cum responsum allatum esset nihil suae potestatis esse, Etruscos moenia custodiasque portarum tenere, primo populationibus agri terror est oppidanis admotus;

[¶93] 10.4. then, when the sanctity of their surrender proved to be more binding on them than that of their alliance, they gathered osiers from the fields and made fascines, and the army being led against the walls filled up the moat, erected scaling ladders, and carried the town at the first shout and charge.

> Latin: 10.4. deinde, postquam deditionis quam societatis fides sanctior erat, fascibus sarmentorum ex agro conlatis ductus ad moenia exercitus completisque fossis scalae admotae et clamore primo impetuque oppidum capitur.

[¶94] 10.5. The Nepesini were then commanded to lay down their weapons and the order was given to spare such as were unarmed. The Etruscans were put to death, whether armed or not. Of the Nepesini, too, those who were responsible for the surrender were executed; the innocent populace were given back their possessions, and the town was left with a garrison.

> Latin: 10.5. Nepesinis inde edictum ut arma ponant parcique iussum inermi: Etrusci pariter armati atque inermes caesi. Nepesinorum quoque auctores deditionis securi percussi: innoxiae multitudini redditae res oppidumque cum praesidio relictum.

[¶95] 10.6. After thus regaining from the enemy two cities of the allies, the victorious army under its tribunes marched gloriously back to Rome. The same year demands for reparation were made upon the Latins and the Hernici, and they were asked why, during recent years, they had furnished no soldiers, as they had agreed to do.

> Latin: 10.6. ita duabus sociis urbibus ex hoste receptis uictorem exercitum tribuni cum magna gloria Romam reduxerunt. eodem anno ab Latinis Hernicisque res repetitae quaesitumque cur per eos annos militem ex instituto non dedissent.

[¶96] 10.7. Both nations replied in plenary assemblies that no blame or evil purpose attached to the state because a few of their young men had served with the Volsci.

> Latin: 10.7. responsum frequenti utriusque gentis concilio est nec culpam in eo publicam nec consilium fuisse quod suae iuuentutis aliqui apud Uolscos militauerint;

[¶97] 10.8. These men had, for that matter, paid the penalty for their distorted judgment, and not one of them had come back; as to their having furnished no soldiers, this had been due to their constant fear of the Volsci —a pest that clung so fast to them that with all that long succession of wars they had been unable to shake it off.

> Latin: 10.8. eos tamen ipsos praui consilii poenam habere nec quemquam ex his reducem esse; militis autem non dati causam terrorem assiduum a Uolscis fuisse, quam pestem adhaerentem lateri suo tot super alia aliis bellis exhauriri nequisse.

[¶98] 10.9. On learning of this answer, the senators were of opinion that they lacked not so much the ground for war as a favourable opportunity.

> Latin: 10.9. quae relata patribus magis tempus quam causam non uisa belli habere.

[¶99] 11.1. In the following year, when the consular tribunes were Aulus Manlius, Publius Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quinctius Capitolinus, Lucius Papirius Cursor (for the second time) and Gaius Sergius (for the second time), a serious foreign war broke out, and an even more serious domestic schism.

> Latin: 11.1. insequenti anno, A. Manlio P. Cornelio T. et L. Quinctiis Capitolinis L. Papirio Cursore <iterum C. Sergio > iterum tribunis consulari potestate, graue bellum foris, grauior domi seditio exorta, bellum ab Uolscis adiuncta Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, seditio, unde minime timeri potuit, a patriciae gentis uiro et inclitae famae, M.

[¶100] 11.2. The war was set on foot by the Volsci, in conjunction with a revolt on the part of the Latins and Hernici; the schism originated where such a thing was least to be apprehended, with a man of patrician family and high renown, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus. This man, scorning, in his overweening pride, the other nobles, but envying the one who excelled them all in honours and good qualities, namely Marcus Furius, could ill endure that Camillus should at last have attained to such solitary eminence, both amongst the magistrates and in the armies, as to have those who had been chosen under the same auspices not for colleagues but for servants; whereas —if one considered the situation fairly —it would have been impossible for Marcus Furius to redeem his native City from the leaguer of her enemies, unless Manlius himself had before that saved the Capitol and Citadel.

> Latin: 11.2. Manlio Capitolino. qui nimius animi cum alios principes sperneret, uni inuideret eximio simul honoribus atque uirtutibus, M. Furio, aegre ferebat solum eum in magistratibus, solum apud exercitus esse; tantum iam eminere ut iisdem auspiciis creatos non pro collegis sed pro ministris habeat; cum interim, si quis uere aestimare uelit, a M. Furio reciperari patria ex obsidione hostium non potuerit, nisi a se prius Capitolium atque arx seruata esset;

[¶101] 11.5. Camillus had assailed the Gauls while they were receiving the gold and while their resolution was relaxed by thoughts of peace; but he himself had driven them back, as they came on, sword in hand, in the act of taking the Citadel. Of the glory of Camillus a goodly portion belonged to all the soldiers who had conquered with him: in his own victory it was acknowledged that no mortal soever had a share.

> Latin: 11.5. et ille inter aurum accipiendum et in spem pacis solutis animis Gallos adgressus sit, ipse armatos capientesque arcem depulerit; illius gloriae pars uirilis apud omnes milites sit qui simul uicerint: suae uictoriae neminem omnium mortalium socium esse.

[¶102] 11.6. Puffed up with these opinions, and being besides, through a defect of nature, impetuous and passionate, when he perceived that his abilities did not bring him that leadership amongst the nobles which he thought they merited, he was the first of all the patricians to turn demagogue and to cast in his lot with the plebeian magistrates.

> Latin: 11.6. his opinionibus inflato animo, ad hoc uitio quoque ingenii uehemens et impotens, postquam inter patres non quantum aequum censebat excellere suas opes animaduertit, primus omnium ex patribus popularis factus cum plebeiis magistratibus consilia communicare;

[¶103] 11.7. He abused the nobles, he courted the favour of the plebs; and swept along by the breath of popularity and not by good counsel chose rather to be reputed great than virtuous.

> Latin: 11.7. criminando patres, alliciendo ad se plebem iam aura non consilio ferri famaeque magnae malle quam bonae esse.

[¶104] 11.8. Moreover, not content with agrarian proposals, which had ever served the tribunes to stir up sedition, he began an attack on credit; for he held that debt was a sharper goad, since it not only threatened poverty and shame, but terrified the freeman with the thought of shackles and imprisonment.

> Latin: 11.8. et non contentus agrariis legibus, quae materia semper tribunis plebi seditionum fuisset, fidem moliri coepit: acriores quippe aeris alieni stimulos esse, qui non egestatem modo atque ignominiam minentur sed neruo ac uinculis corpus liberum territent.

[¶105] 11.9. And in fact there had been a vast piling up of debts, by reason of a thing that is ruinous even to the rich, to wit, building. And so the Volscian war, grave in itself and made still graver by the defection of the Latins and Hernici, was alleged as a reason for seeking a greater authority;

> Latin: 11.9. et erat aeris alieni magna uis re damnosissima etiam diuitibus, aedificando, contracta. bellum itaque Uolscum, graue per se, oneratum Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, in speciem causae iactatum ut maior potestas quaereretur;

[¶106] 11.10. but the revolutionary schemes of Manlius were the more compelling cause of the senate's naming a dictator. They appointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus, who appointed as his master of the horse Titus Quinctius Capitolinus.

> Latin: 11.10. sed noua consilia Manli magis compulere senatum ad dictatorem creandum. creatus A. Cornelius Cossus magistrum equitum dixit T. Quinctium Capitolinum.

[¶107] 12.1. The dictator perceived that a greater struggle was impending at home than abroad. But either the war demanded haste, or he believed that by a victory and triumph he could add power to the dictatorship itself. So he mustered his forces and proceeded to the Pomptine territory, which he had heard was invaded by a Volscian army. I doubt not that those who are surfeited with reading in all these books about endless wars waged with the Volsci will ask, as with great astonishment I did myself, on examining the historians who were nearer in point of time to those events, where the so oft defeated Volsci and Aequi got their supply of soldiers.

> Latin: 12.1. dictator etsi maiorem dimicationem propositam domi quam foris cernebat, tamen, seu quia celeritate ad bellum opus erat, seu uictoria triumphoque dictaturae ipsi uires se additurum ratus, dilectu habito in agrum Pomptinum, quo a Uolscis exercitum indictum audierat, pergit.—non dubito praeter satietatem tot iam libris adsidua bella cum Uolscis gesta legentibus illud quoque succursurum, quod mihi percensenti propiores temporibus harum rerum auctores miraculo fuit unde totiens uictis Uolscis et Aequis suffecerint milites.

[¶108] 12.3. But since the ancients have passed over this question in silence, what can I adduce other than an opinion such as everyone can by conjecture arrive at for himself?

> Latin: 12.3. quod cum ab antiquis tacitum praetermissum sit, cuius tandem ego rei praeter opinionem, quae sua cuique coniectanti esse potest, auctor sim?

## 30. Book VI · chapters 12–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/#p-N

[¶0] 12.4. It is probable either that in the intervals between wars successive generations sprang up —as happens nowadays in the levies of the Romans —which they used for their frequent renewals of war; or that it was not always the same tribes from which they enrolled their armies —though it was always the same nation which made war; or else that there was an innumerable multitude of freemen in those regions which in our day scarce afford a scanty seed-plot for soldiers, and are only saved from becoming a waste desert by gangs of Roman slaves.

> Latin: 12.4. simile ueri est aut interuallis bellorum, sicut nunc in dilectibus fit Romanis, alia atque alia subole iuniorum ad bella instauranda totiens usos esse aut non ex iisdem semper populis exercitus scriptos, quamquam eadem semper gens bellum intulerit, aut innumerabilem multitudinem liberorum capitum in eis fuisse locis quae nunc uix seminario exiguo militum relicto seruitia Romana ab solitudine uindicant.

[¶1] 12.6. In any case, all the authorities would agree that the army of the Volsci was an enormous one, although their state had recently suffered a heavy blow from the generalship and auspices of Camillus. There were, besides, additional forces of Latins and Hernici, as well as a certain number from Circeii, and even Roman colonists from Velitrae. On the morning after he had made his camp, the dictator took the auspices, and coming forth from his tent offered up a victim and besought the favour of Heaven. He then with great cheerfulness presented himself before the soldiers, who were already arming by the first rays of light, as they had been warned to do when the signal for battle should be displayed.

> Latin: 12.6. ingens certe, quod inter omnes auctores conueniat, quamquam nuper Camilli ductu atque auspicio accisae res erant, Uolscorum exercitus fuit; ad hoc Latini Hernicique accesserant et Circeiensium quidam et coloni etiam a Uelitris Romani.—dictator castris eo die positis, postero cum auspicato prodisset hostiaque caesa pacem deum adorasset, laetus ad milites iam arma ad propositum pugnae signum, sicut edictum erat, luce prima capientes processit.

[¶2] 12.8. “Ours is the victory, soldiers,” he exclaimed, “if the gods and the soothsayers who interpret them can at all see what is coming. And so, as befits men who with sure confidence are about to fight with those who are no match for them, let us lay our javelins at our feet and arm our right hands with swords only. I would have none run out from the line, but all stand firmly planted and receive the onset of our enemies.”

> Latin: 12.8. 'nostra uictoria est, milites' inquit, 'si quid di uatesque eorum in futurum uident. itaque, ut decet certae spei plenos et cum imparibus manus conserturos, pilis ante pedes positis gladiis tantum dextras armemus. ne procurri quidem ab acie uelim sed obnixos uos stabili gradu impetum hostium excipere.

[¶3] 12.9. “When they have discharged their missiles without effect, and come thronging upon you where you stand, then let your blades flash out, and let every man of you bethink him that the gods are the Roman's helpers, that the gods have with fair omens sent him into battle.”

> Latin: 12.9. ubi illi uana iniecerint missilia et effusi stantibus uobis se intulerint, tum micent gladii et ueniat in mentem unicuique deos esse qui Romanum adiuuent deos qui secundis auibus in proelium miserint.

[¶4] 12.10. “Do you, Titus Quinctius, hold back your cavalry and watch for the first beginning of the mellay; when you see that the lines are already close-locked, foot to foot, then loose the terrors of your horse against them, while they are taken up with another fear; charge them as they fight, and break their ranks.”

> Latin: 12.10. tu, T. Quincti, equitem intentus ad primum initium moti certaminis teneas; ubi haerere iam aciem conlato pede uideris, tum terrorem equestrem occupatis alio pauore infer inuectusque ordines pugnantium dissipa.' sic eques, sic pedes, ut praeceperat, pugnant;

[¶5] 12.11. so horse and foot fought exactly as they had been ordered; the general failed not his legions, nor fortune the general.

> Latin: 12.11. nec dux legiones nec fortuna fefellit ducem.

[¶6] 13.1. The hostile multitude, relying on numbers only and measuring both armies with their eyes, recklessly began the fight and as recklessly gave it up;

> Latin: 13.1. multitudo hostium nulli rei praeterquam numero freta et oculis utramque metiens aciem temere proelium iniit, temere omisit;

[¶7] 13.2. their boldness went no further than the battle-cry, the discharge of missiles, and the first fury of the onset; the play of swords, when foot met foot, and the glance of the foeman that darted out the fire of his spirit, they could not abide.

> Latin: 13.2. clamore tantum missilibusque telis et primo pugnae impetu ferox gladios et conlatum pedem et uoltum hostis ardore animi micantem ferre non potuit.

[¶8] 13.3. Their front was first driven in and communicated its disorder to the supports; the horsemen, too, inspired a terror of their own; next the ranks were broken at many points, and all was in commotion, and the line resembled a surging wave. Then, as soon as each began to see that with the fall of those in front his own turn to be killed would soon be coming, they turned and fled.

> Latin: 13.3. impulsa frons prima et trepidatio subsidiis inlata; et suum terrorem intulit eques; rupti inde multis locis ordines motaque omnia et fluctuanti similis acies erat. dein postquam cadentibus primis iam ad se quisque peruenturam caedem cernebat, terga uertunt.

[¶9] 13.4. The Romans pressed on after them, and as long as they retained their arms and withdrew in masses, it was the infantry's task to pursue them; but when the enemy were seen to be throwing away their weapons on every hand and their army to be dispersed in flight over the fields; then the cavalry squadrons were let loose, with orders not to stop to kill single fugitives and afford meanwhile an opportunity to the main body of escaping;

> Latin: 13.4. instare Romanus; et donec armati confertique abibant, peditum labor in persequendo fuit: postquam iactari arma passim fugaque per agros spargi aciem hostium animaduersum est, tum equitum turmae emissae, dato signo ne in singulorum morando caede spatium ad euadendum interim multitudini darent:

[¶10] 13.5. it was sufficient if by darting missiles at them to alarm them, and by riding across their path, they should hold the column in check, till the infantry could overtake the enemy and utterly destroy them.

> Latin: 13.5. satis esse missilibus ac terrore impediri cursum obequitandoque agmen teneri dum adsequi pedes et iusta caede conficere hostem posset.

[¶11] 13.6. Flight and pursuit continued until nightfall. The Volscian camp was also captured the same day and sacked, and all the booty except the persons of freemen was turned over to the soldiers.

> Latin: 13.6. fugae sequendique non ante noctem finis fuit. capta quoque ac direpta eodem die castra Uolscorum praedaque omnis praeter libera corpora militi concessa est.

[¶12] 13.7. The chief part of the prisoners consisted of Latins and Hernici, not all of whom were plebeians, such as might be supposed to have served as mercenaries, but certain youths of high rank were discovered, a clear proof that their states had publicly countenanced the Volscian enemy.

> Latin: 13.7. pars maxima captiuorum ex Latinis atque Hernicis fuit, nec hominum de plebe, ut credi posset mercede militasse, sed principes quidam iuuentutis inuenti, manifesta fides publica ope Uolscos hostes adiutos.

[¶13] 13.8. Some, again, were recognized as being from Circeii and from the colony at Velitrae. They were all sent to Rome, and being questioned by the chief senators, gave the same answers they had given the dictator, and in no uncertain terms laid bare the defection of their respective peoples.

> Latin: 13.8. Circeiensium quoque quidam cogniti et coloni a Uelitris; Romamque omnes missi percontantibus primoribus patrum eadem quae dictatori defectionem sui quisque populi haud perplexe indicauere.

[¶14] 14.1. The dictator maintained his army in camp, not doubting in the least that the senate would declare war on those nations; when a greater disturbance broke out at home and obliged them to summon him to the City, where the sedition was increasing from day to day, and occasioned more than the usual alarm by reason of the man who was behind it.

> Latin: 14.1. dictator exercitum in statiuis tenebat, minime dubius bellum cum iis populis patres iussuros, cum maior domi exorta moles coegit acciri Romam eum gliscente in dies seditione, quam solito magis metuendam auctor faciebat.

[¶15] 14.2. For now not only the speeches of Marcus Manlius, but his actions as well, while ostensibly democratic, were really revolutionary, considering the purpose which inspired them.

> Latin: 14.2. non enim iam orationes modo M. Manli sed facta, popularia in speciem, tumultuosa eadem, qua mente fierent intuenda erant.

[¶16] 14.3. A centurion renowned for military prowess had been condemned for debt. As he was being led away, Manlius caught sight of him, and hastening to his side through the midst of the Forum with his band of retainers, he laid hold of him, and exclaiming at the arrogance of the patricians, the heartlessness of the money-lenders, the sufferings of the plebs, and the merits and misfortunes of this man, “Then in very truth,” he cried, “was it all in vain that with this right hand I saved the Capitol and the Citadel, if I am to see my fellow citizen and fellow soldier carried off a captive —as though the Gauls had conquered us —to servitude and chains!”

> Latin: 14.3. centurionem, nobilem militaribus factis, iudicatum pecuniae cum duci uidisset, medio foro cum caterua sua accurrit et manum iniecit; uociferatusque de superbia patrum ac crudelitate feneratorum et miseriis plebis, uirtutibus eius uiri fortunaque, 'tum uero ego' inquit 'nequiquam hac dextra Capitolium arcemque seruauerim, si ciuem commilitonemque meum tamquam Gallis uictoribus captum in seruitutem ac uincula duci uideam.'

[¶17] 14.5. He then paid the money to the creditor in full sight of the people, and with the ceremony of the scales and bronze redeemed the debtor and set him free, to invoke the blessing of gods and men on Marcus Manlius, his liberator, the father of the Roman plebs.

> Latin: 14.5. inde rem creditori palam populo soluit libraque et aere liberatum emittit, deos atque homines obtestantem ut M. Manlio, liberatori suo, parenti plebis Romanae, gratiam referant.

[¶18] 14.6. The man was at once received into the midst of a tumultuous throng, and added to the tumult by displaying the scars he had received in the Veientine, the Gallic, and other successive wars.

> Latin: 14.6. acceptus extemplo in tumultuosam turbam et ipse tumultum augebat, cicatrices acceptas Ueienti Gallico aliisque deinceps bellis ostentans:

[¶19] 14.7. While he had himself been fighting, he said, and rebuilding his ruined home, he had been overwhelmed with usury, though he had paid already many times the amount of the capital debt, for the interest always swallowed up the principal;

> Latin: 14.7. se militantem, se restituentem euersos penates, multiplici iam sorte exsoluta, mergentibus semper sortem usuris, obrutum fenore esse; uidere lucem, forum, ciuium ora M. Manli opera;

[¶20] 14.8. that he beheld the light of day, the Forum, the faces of his fellow citizens, he owed to the generosity of Marcus Manlius, at whose hands he had experienced all the loving-kindness of parents; to him he solemnly devoted his remaining strength and life and blood; what ties soever bound him to native land and the gods of his state and family, bound him to one man alone.

> Latin: 14.8. omnia parentum beneficia ab illo se habere; illi deuouere corporis uitaeque ac sanguinis quod supersit; quodcumque sibi cum patria penatibus publicis ac priuatis iuris fuerit, id cum uno homine esse.

[¶21] 14.9. Excited by these words, the commons were already at the beck of a single man, when Manlius did another thing even better calculated to promote a general embroilment.

> Latin: 14.9. his uocibus instincta plebes cum iam unius hominis esset, addita alia commodioris ad omnia turbanda consilii res.

[¶22] 14.10. For he gave a farm in the Veientine district, which formed the main part of his fortune, to an auctioneer to sell, — “that I may not suffer one of your number, Quirites,” said he, “to be condemned, made over, and carried off to slavery, so long as anything of my estate remains.” At this their ardour was so kindled that it was clear that in every measure, right or wrong, they would follow the champion of their liberty.

> Latin: 14.10. fundum in Ueienti, caput patrimonii, subiecit praeconi, 'ne quem uestrum' inquit, 'Quirites, donec quicquam in re mea supererit, iudicatum addictumue duci patiar.' id uero ita accendit animos, ut per omne fas ac nefas secuturi uindicem libertatis uiderentur.

[¶23] 14.11. Besides this he delivered in his house harangues that were full of accusation against the patricians; amongst other things, he declared, with reckless indifference to truth or falsehood, that the patricians were concealing treasures of Gallic gold, and were no longer content with possessing the state lands, unless they could also divert to their own use the money of the state —money which, if it were employed for the common weal, would suffice to clear the plebs of debt. On this hope being held out to them, the commons felt that they were indeed ill-used.

> Latin: 14.11. ad hoc domi contionantis in modum sermones pleni criminum in patres; inter quos [cum] omisso discrimine uera an uana iaceret, thesauros Gallici auri occultari a patribus iecit nec iam possidendis publicis agris contentos esse nisi pecuniam quoque publicam auertant; ea res si palam fiat, exsolui plebem aere alieno posse.

[¶24] 14.12. When, they said, it had been necessary to raise gold for the redemption of their City from the Gauls, it had been collected by taxation; but this same gold, after being captured from the enemy, had become the spoil of a few.

> Latin: 14.12. quae ubi obiecta spes est, enimuero indignum facinus uideri, cum conferendum ad redimendam ciuitatem a Gallis aurum fuerit, tributo conlationem factam, idem aurum ex hostibus captum in paucorum praedam cessisse.

[¶25] 14.13. They therefore persistently demanded to be told where all that stolen money was hid; and when he put them off with the promise that he would tell them at the proper time, they dropped their other concerns and became one and all so absorbed in this, that it was evident he would reap no little gratitude if his report proved true, and no small offence if it turned out to be false.

> Latin: 14.13. itaque exsequebantur quaerendo ubi tantae rei furtum occultaretur; differentique et tempore suo se indicaturum dicenti ceteris omissis eo uersae erant omnium curae apparebatque nec ueri indicii gratiam mediam nec falsi offensionem fore.

[¶26] 15.1. Such was the critical state of affairs when the dictator was sent for from the army and came to Rome. Next day he held a meeting of the senate, and having satisfied himself of the people's support, he commanded the senators not to leave him, and coming forth with a great company of them into the Comitium, he there set up his curule chair and dispatched an officer for Marcus Manlius.

> Latin: 15.1. ita suspensis rebus dictator accitus ab exercitu in urbem uenit. postero die senatu habito, cum satis periclitatus uoluntates hominum discedere senatum ab se uetuisset, stipatus ea multitudine sella in comitio posita uiatorem ad M. Manlium misit;

[¶27] 15.2. Being thus summoned by order of the dictator, Manlius signalled to his friends that the struggle was at hand, and advanced with a great train of followers to the tribunal.

> Latin: 15.2. qui dictatoris iussu uocatus, cum signum suis dedisset adesse certamen, agmine ingenti ad tribunal uenit. hinc senatus, hinc plebs, suum quisque intuentes ducem, uelut in acie constiterant.

[¶28] 15.4. On this side were ranged the senators, on that the plebs, looking, every man of them, to his respective leader, as though they had formed up for battle. Then, having obtained silence, the dictator began: “I would,” said he, “that I arid the senators of Rome might agree with the plebs in all things else as readily as I am confident we shall do regarding you, Manlius, and the demand I am about to make of you.”

> Latin: 15.4. tum dictator silentio facto, 'utinam' inquit, 'mihi patribusque Romanis ita de ceteris rebus cum plebe conueniat, quemadmodum, quod ad te attinet eamque rem quam de te sum quaesiturus conuenturum satis confido.

[¶29] 15.5. “I perceive that you have caused the citizens to hope that the money which has been lent may be repaid, without injury to credit, out of Gallic treasure which prominent patricians are concealing.”

> Latin: 15.5. spem factam a te ciuitati uideo fide incolumi ex thesauris Gallicis, quos primores patrum occultent, creditum solui posse. cui ego rei tantum abest ut impedimento sim ut contra te, M. Manli, adhorter, liberes fenore plebem Romanam et istos incubantes publicis thesauris ex praeda clandestina euoluas.

[¶30] 15.6. “This proposal I am so far from hindering, that on the contrary I exhort you, Marcus Manlius, to free the Roman plebs from usury, and dislodge from their secret hoards those men who are brooding jealously over the public treasure; which if you do not, whether that you may share the spoil yourself, or because your story is a lie, I shall order you into custody, nor suffer you any longer to excite the multitude with delusive hopes.”

> Latin: 15.6. quod nisi facis, siue ut et ipse in parte praedae sis siue quia uanum indicium est, in uincla te duci iubebo nec diutius patiar a te multitudinem fallaci spe concitari.'

[¶31] 15.7. To this Manlius replied that he had not failed to perceive that the appointment of a dictator was aimed, not at the Volsci, who were enemies whenever it suited the convenience of the patricians, nor at the Latins and Hernici, whom they were driving by false accusations to take up arms, but at himself and the Roman plebs.

> Latin: 15.7. ad ea Manlius nec se fefellisse ait non aduersus Uolscos, totiens hostes quotiens patribus expediat, nec aduersus Latinos Hernicosque, quos falsis criminibus in arma agant, sed aduersus se ac plebem Romanam dictatorem creatum esse;

[¶32] 15.8. And now they had dropped their pretended war and were attacking him; now the dictator was coming out as the champion of the money-lenders against the plebs; and they were seeking now to derive from the people's friendliness to him some charge that might lead to his destruction.

> Latin: 15.8. iam omisso bello quod simulatum sit, in se impetum fieri; iam dictatorem profiteri patrocinium feneratorum aduersus plebem; iam sibi ex fauore multitudinis crimen et perniciem quaeri.

[¶33] 15.9. “Does it offend you,” he asked, “Aulus Cornelius, and you, Conscript Fathers, that a crowd attends me? Why do you not take it from me by doing, each of you, acts of kindness, by saving debtors, by rescuing your fellow citizens from prison, by preventing the enslavement of those who have been condemned and assigned, by employing your superfluity of wealth to sustain the necessities of others?”

> Latin: 15.9. 'offendit' inquit, 'te, A. Corneli, uosque, patres conscripti, circumfusa turba lateri meo? quin eam diducitis a me singuli uestris beneficiis, intercedendo, eximendo de neruo ciues uestros, prohibendo iudicatos addictosque duci, ex eo quod afluit opibus uestris sustinendo necessitates aliorum?

[¶34] 15.10. “But why should I ask of you that you spend of your own money? Receive what is outstanding of the original debts, after deducting from the principal what has been paid in interest, and my retinue will soon attract no more notice than any man's. But why, you will ask, am I the only man to be concerned for my fellow citizens?”

> Latin: 15.10. sed quid ego uos de uestro impendatis hortor? sortem reliquam ferte: de capite deducite quod usuris pernumeratum est; iam nihilo mea turba quam ullius conspectior erit.

[¶35] 15.11. “I can no more answer you than if you were to ask why I was the only man to save the Capitol and Citadel.” “As then —to the best of my ability —I helped the people at large, so now will I help single persons. And touching the Gallic treasure —the thing itself is simple, but your questioning makes it difficult. For why do you ask about a thing you know? Why do you bid us shake out what is in your purses, and not rather lay it down yourselves —unless there is some cheat involved?”

> Latin: 15.11. at enim quid ita solus ego ciuium curam ago? nihilo magis quod respondeam habeo quam si quaeras quid ita solus Capitolium arcemque seruauerim. et tum uniuersis quam potui opem tuli et nunc singulis feram. nam quod ad thesauros Gallicos attinet, rem suapte natura facilem difficilem interrogatio facit. cur enim quaeritis quod scitis? cur quod in sinu uestro est excuti iubetis potius quam ponatis, nisi aliqua fraus subest?

[¶36] 15.13. “The more you bid us expose your sleight-of-hand, the more I fear you may have robbed us even of our eyes, while we were watching you. And so it is not I that must be forced to tell of your plunder, but you that must be compelled to give it up.”

> Latin: 15.13. quo magis argui praestigias iubetis uestras, eo plus uereor ne abstuleritis obseruantibus etiam oculos. itaque non ego uobis ut indicem praedas uestras, sed uos id cogendi estis ut in medium proferatis.'

[¶37] 16.1. But the dictator bade him cease to quibble, and insisted that he should either make his indictment good or confess to the crime of having accused the senate falsely and exposed it to the unmerited odium of a charge of theft; and when Manlius refused to speak at the pleasure of his enemies, he commanded him to be imprisoned.

> Latin: 16.1. cum mittere ambages dictator iuberet et aut peragere uerum indicium cogeret aut fateri facinus insimulati falso crimine senatus oblataeque uani furti inuidiae, negantem arbitrio inimicorum se locuturum in uincla duci iussit.

[¶38] 16.2. On being arrested by the attendant, Manlius cried out, “Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and Queen Juno and Minerva, and all ye other gods and goddesses that dwell in the Capitol and in the Citadel, is it thus ye suffer your soldier and protector to be tormented by his adversaries?”

> Latin: 16.2. arreptus a uiatore 'Iuppiter' inquit, 'optime maxime Iunoque regina ac Minerua ceterique di deaeque, qui Capitolium arcemque incolitis, sicine uestrum militem ac praesidem sinitis uexari ab inimicis? haec dextra, qua Gallos fudi a delubris uestris, iam in uinclis et catenis erit?'

[¶39] 16.3. “Shall this right arm wherewith I routed the Gauls from your shrines be now chained and fettered?” There was none that could endure to behold or hear this shame; but there were certain rules of conduct which the citizens, deeply submissive to regular authority, had made inviolable; nor did either the tribunes of the plebs or the plebs themselves dare to lift their eyes or open their mouths against the power of the dictator.

> Latin: 16.3. nullius nec oculi nec aures indignitatem ferebant; sed inuicta sibi quaedam patientissima iusti imperii ciuitas fecerat, nec aduersus dictatoriam uim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs attollere oculos aut hiscere audebant.

[¶40] 16.4. But after Manlius was cast into gaol, it is certain that a great part of the people put on mourning, and that many men permitted their hair and beards to grow, and that a mournful throng hung about the entrance to the prison.

> Latin: 16.4. coniecto in carcerem Manlio satis constat magnam partem plebis uestem mutasse, multos mortales capillum ac barbam promisisse, obuersatamque uestibulo carceris maestam turbam.

[¶41] 16.5. The dictator triumphed over the Volsci, but gained more ill-will thereby than glory; for men murmured that he had earned it, not in the field, but at home, not over an enemy, but over a citizen; one thing only had been lacking to his arrogance, in that Marcus Manlius had not been led before his car.

> Latin: 16.5. dictator de Uolscis triumphauit, inuidiaeque magis triumphus quam gloriae fuit; quippe domi non militiae partum eum actumque de ciue non de hoste fremebant: unum defuisse tantum superbiae, quod non M. Manlius ante currum sit ductus.

[¶42] 16.6. By this time the feeling was grown well-nigh seditious; and to appease it the senate —though none demanded it —became all at once a voluntary giver, and commanded two thousand Roman citizens to be led out to plant a colony at Satricum.

> Latin: 16.6. iamque haud procul seditione res erat; cuius leniendae causa postulante nullo largitor uoluntarius repente senatus factus Satricum coloniam duo milia ciuium Romanorum deduci iussit. bina iugera et semisses agri adsignati;

[¶43] 16.7. Two iugera and a half of land were allotted them; but since they chose to regard it as too little, and only given to a few, and as being the price of Manlius's condemnation, the remedy but aggravated the sedition.

> Latin: 16.7. quod cum et paruum et paucis datum et mercedem esse prodendi M. Manli interpretarentur, remedio inritatur seditio.

[¶44] 16.8. And now the Manlian party were more conspicuous than before, both for their sordid dress and for the sorrowful countenances of defendants; men's fears had been removed by the abdication of the dictator, following his triumph, and their tongues and spirits had been set free.

> Latin: 16.8. et iam magis insignis et sordibus et facie reorum turba Manliana erat, amotusque post triumphum abdicatione dictaturae terror et linguam et animos liberauerat hominum.

[¶45] 17.1. Accordingly one began to hear the opinion openly expressed that the people were to blame, because they always by their favours raised their champions to a dizzy eminence, and then at the critical juncture left them in the lurch:

> Latin: 17.1. audiebantur itaque propalam uoces exprobrantium multitudini, quod defensores suos semper in praecipitem locum fauore tollat, deinde in ipso discrimine periculi destituat:

[¶46] 17.2. it had been so with Spurius Cassius and with Spurius Maelius, of whom the former was destroyed while summoning the people to the land, and the latter while endeavouring at his own expense to stave off starvation from his fellow citizens;

> Latin: 17.2. sic Sp. Cassium in agros plebem uocantem, sic Sp. Maelium ab ore ciuium famem suis impensis propulsantem oppressos, sic M. Manlium mersam et obrutam fenore partem ciuitatis in libertatem ac lucem extrahentem proditum inimicis;

[¶47] 17.3. it was so with Marcus Manlius, who, finding a part of the citizens overwhelmed and sunk in debt, was dragging them out into light and liberty, when they betrayed him to his adversaries; the plebs fattened their own defenders for the shambles. Was this the penalty a consular must undergo, if he answered not when the dictator nodded to him?

> Latin: 17.3. saginare plebem populares suos ut iugulentur. hocine patiendum fuisse, si ad nutum dictatoris non responderit uir consularis? fingerent mentitum ante atque ideo non habuisse quod tum responderet; cui seruo unquam mendacii poenam uincula fuisse?

[¶48] 17.4. Let them assume that he had lied before, and for that reason was then unable to reply: what slave had ever been cast into prison for a lie? Did they not recall that night which had almost been the last eternal night of the Roman name? Could they not see the line of Gauls scaling the Tarpeian Rock? Could they not see Marcus Manlius himself, as they had seen him, covered with sweat and blood, when he had rescued as it were Jupiter himself from the hands of our enemies?

> Latin: 17.4. non obuersatam esse memoriam noctis illius quae paene ultima atque aeterna nomini Romano fuerit? non speciem agminis Gallorum per Tarpeiam rupem scandentis? non ipsius M. Manli, qualem eum armatum, plenum sudoris ac sanguinis ipso paene Ioue erepto ex hostium manibus uidissent?

[¶49] 17.5. Had their half-pound measures of meal requited the saviour of their country? Would they suffer one whom they had well-nigh made a god, and in surname, at any rate, the equal of Jupiter Capitolinus, to be confined in prison, and to draw his breath in darkness, at the mercy of the executioner? When one man had been quite able to help them all, was there no help in so many men for one?

> Latin: 17.5. selibrisne farris gratiam seruatori patriae relatam? et quem prope caelestem, cognomine certe Capitolino Ioui parem fecerint eum pati uinctum in carcere, in tenebris obnoxiam carnificis arbitrio ducere animam? adeo in uno omnibus satis auxilii fuisse, nullam opem in tam multis uni esse?

[¶50] 17.6. By this time the crowd would not even leave the place at night and were threatening that they would force the gaol, when suddenly, just as they were about to rescue Manlius, the senate voted to release him —an act which, instead of ending the sedition, supplied it with a leader.

> Latin: 17.6. iam ne nocte quidem turba ex eo loco dilabebatur refracturosque carcerem minabantur, cum remisso quod erepturi erant ex senatus consulto Manlius uinculis liberatur; quo facto non seditio finita sed dux seditioni datus est.

[¶51] 17.7. At about this time came Latins and Hernici, with colonists from Circeii and from Velitrae, to clear themselves of the charge of joining in the Volscian war and to ask for the release of the captives, that they might punish them in accordance with their own laws. They were harshly answered —especially the colonists, because, though Roman citizens, they had formed the impious design of attacking their native country.

> Latin: 17.7. per eosdem dies Latinis et Hernicis, simul colonis Circeiensibus et a Uelitris, purgantibus se Uolsci crimine belli captiuosque repetentibus ut suis legibus in eos animaduerterent, tristia responsa reddita, tristiora colonis quod ciues Romani patriae oppugnandae nefanda consilia inissent.

[¶52] 17.8. And so they were not only denied the captives, but received a rebuke which the allies were spared; being commanded in the name of the senate to make haste and depart the City, out of the presence and sight of the Roman People, lest they should find no protection in the rights of envoys, which were meant for foreigners, not for citizens.

> Latin: 17.8. non negatum itaque tantum de captiuis sed, in quo ab sociis tamen temperauerant, denuntiatum senatus uerbis facesserent propere ex urbe ab ore atque oculis populi Romani, ne nihil eos legationis ius externo, non ciui comparatum tegeret.

[¶53] 18.1. The sedition of Manlius was breaking out afresh, towards the end of the year, when an election was held which resulted in the choice of the following consular tribunes: Servius Cornelius Maluginensis (for the second time), Publius Valerius Potitus (for the second), Marcus Furius Camillus (for the fifth), Servius Sulpicius Rufus (for the second), Gaius Papirius Crassus, and (for the second time) Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus.

> Latin: 18.1. recrudescente Manliana seditione sub exitum anni comitia habita creatique tribuni militum consulari potestate Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis iterum P. Ualerius Potitus iterum M. Furius Camillus quintum Ser. Sulpicius Rufus iterum C. Papirius Crassus T. Quinctius Cincinnatus iterum.

[¶54] 18.2. The peace which was enjoyed in the early part of this year was equally advantageous to the patricians and to the plebs; to the plebs because, not being called to service by the levy, they had hopes that they might be able under their powerful leader to storm the stronghold of usury; to the patricians, because they desired not to be diverted by any foreign peril from healing the sores of the state.

> Latin: 18.2. cuius principio anni et patribus et plebi peropportune externa pax data: plebi, quod non auocata dilectu spem cepit, dum tam potentem haberet ducem, fenoris expugnandi: patribus, ne quo externo terrore auocarentur animi ab sanandis domesticis malis.

[¶55] 18.3. Accordingly both sides had taken the field with much more spirit, and the hour of conflict was now at hand. Manlius indeed was inviting the plebeians to his house, and night and day discussing with their leaders plans for accomplishing the revolution, for he was much bolder and more resentful than before.

> Latin: 18.3. igitur cum pars utraque acrior aliquanto coorta esset, iam propinquum certamen aderat. et Manlius aduocata domum plebe cum principibus nouandarum rerum interdiu noctuque consilia agitat, plenior aliquanto animorum irarumque quam antea fuerat.

[¶56] 18.4. His wrath had been kindled by his recent humiliations, for his pride was a stranger to insult; and his courage had waxed, as he considered that the dictator had not dared to serve him as Quinctius Cincinnatus had served Spurius Maelius, and that his imprisonment had aroused such hatred as not only the dictator had resigned his office to escape, but even the senate had been unable to endure.

> Latin: 18.4. iram accenderat ignominia recens in animo ad contumeliam inexperto: spiritus dabat, quod nec ausus esset idem in se dictator quod in Sp. Maelio Cincinnatus Quinctius fecisset, et uinculorum suorum inuidiam non dictator modo abdicando dictaturam fugisset sed ne senatus quidem sustinere potuisset.

[¶57] 18.5. At once elated and exasperated by these thoughts, he began to work upon the already excited emotions of the plebs. “How long, pray,” he asked them, “will you remain ignorant of your own strength, which nature has willed that even brutes shall know? At least count up your numbers and the number of your adversaries. For as many as you were that gathered as clients about a single patron, so many shall you now be against a single enemy.”

> Latin: 18.5. his simul inflatus exacerbatusque iam per se accensos incitabat plebis animos. 'quousque tandem ignorabitis uires uestras, quas natura ne beluas quidem ignorare uoluit? numerate saltem quot ipsi sitis, quot aduersarios habeatis. quot enim clientes circa singulos fuistis patronos, tot nunc aduersus unum hostem eritis.

[¶58] 18.6. “If you were going to meet them man for man, I should still believe that you would fight more fiercely for your liberty than they for domination.”

> Latin: 18.6. si singuli singulos adgressuri essetis, tamen acrius crederem uos pro libertate quam illos pro dominatione certaturos.

[¶59] 18.7. “Make but a show of war, and you shall have peace. Let them see you ready to resist, and they will give you your rights of their own accord.”

> Latin: 18.7. ostendite modo bellum; pacem habebitis. uideant uos paratos ad uim; ius ipsi remittent. audendum est aliquid uniuersis aut omnia singulis patienda.

[¶60] 18.8. “We must all unite in some bold stroke, or else, divided, submit to every evil. How long will you keep looking round for me? It is true I shall not fail a single one of you; but you must see to it that fortune fail not me. I myself, your champion, was suddenly brought to naught, when it pleased your enemies; and you all beheld that man dragged off to prison who had protected each of yourselves from imprisonment.”

> Latin: 18.8. quousque me circumspectabitis? ego quidem nulli uestrum deero; ne fortuna mea desit uidete. ipse uindex uester, ubi uisum inimicis est, nullus repente fui, et uidistis in uincula duci uniuersi eum qui a singulis uobis uincula depuleram.

[¶61] 18.9. “What can I expect, if my enemies grow bolder? Must I look forward to dying like Cassius and Maelius? You do well to express abhorrence. The gods will forbid such a thing; but they will never come down from heaven on my account; they must give you the inspiration to forbid it, as they gave me, in war and in peace, the inspiration to defend you from the barbarity of your foes and the arrogance of your fellow citizens.”

> Latin: 18.9. quid sperem, si plus in me audeant inimici? an exitum Cassi Maelique exspectem? bene facitis quod abominamini. di prohibebunt haec; sed nunquam propter me de caelo descendent; uobis dent mentem oportet ut prohibeatis, sicut mihi dederunt armato togatoque ut uos a barbaris hostibus, a superbis defenderem ciuibus.

[¶62] 18.10. “Is there so little spirit in this great people that you are always satisfied with the help your tribunes lend you against your adversaries, and never quarrel with the senators, save as to the length you will suffer them to go in ruling you? And this is no native trait in you, but you are slaves by use.”

> Latin: 18.10. tam paruus animus tanti populi est ut semper uobis auxilium aduersus inimicos satis sit nec ullum, nisi quatenus imperari uobis sinatis, certamen aduersus patres noritis? nec hoc natura insitum uobis est, sed usu possidemini.

[¶63] 18.11. “Why, pray, are you so high and mighty with foreigners as to deem yourselves meet to be their lords?” “It is because you have been used to vie with them for sovereignty; but against these men, though you make attempts at gaining your liberty, you are not used to defend it. Nevertheless, with such leaders as you have had, and such courage as you yourselves could muster, you have thus far obtained, by violence or good fortune, whatever you have sought.”

> Latin: 18.11. cur enim aduersus externos tantum animorum geritis ut imperare illis aequum censeatis? quia consuestis cum eis pro imperio certare, aduersus hos temptare magis quam tueri libertatem. tamen, qualescumque duces habuistis, qualescumque ipsi fuistis, omnia adhuc quantacumque petistis obtinuistis, seu ui seu fortuna uestra.

[¶64] 18.13. “The time has come to attempt even greater things. Do but make trial of your own good fortune and of me, whom, as I think, you have already happily proved; you will find it less trouble to impose a ruler on the patricians, than you encountered in imposing tribunes on them to resist their rule.”

> Latin: 18.13. tempus est etiam maiora conari. experimini modo et uestram felicitatem et me, ut spero, feliciter expertum; minore negotio qui imperet patribus imponetis quam qui resisterent imperantibus imposuistis.

[¶65] 18.14. “Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled with the ground, that the Roman plebs may be enabled to lift its head.” “Stand by me, then; prevent all court-proceedings regarding moneys; I avow myself the patron of the commons —a title with which my zeal and loyalty have invested me: if you choose to give your leader a more striking title of authority or honour, you will find him the more able to make good your wishes.”

> Latin: 18.14. solo aequandae sunt dictaturae consulatusque, ut caput attollere Romana plebes possit. proinde adeste; prohibete ius de pecuniis dici. ego me patronum profiteor plebis, quod mihi cura mea et fides nomen induit: uos si quo insigni magis imperii honorisue nomine uestrum appellabitis ducem, eo utemini potentiore ad obtinenda ea quae uoltis.'

[¶66] 18.16. It was thus, they say, that the agitation for kingly power was begun; but there is no very clear tradition with whom or to what length his plans were matured.

> Latin: 18.16. inde de regno agendi ortum initium dicitur; sed nec cum quibus nec quem ad finem consilia peruenerint, satis planum traditur.

[¶67] 19.1. On the other side the senate were discussing the secret gathering of the plebs in a private house —a house, too, that, as it happened, was situated in the Citadel —and the grave danger that threatened liberty.

> Latin: 19.1. at in parte altera senatus de secessione in domum priuatam plebis, forte etiam in arce positam, et imminenti mole libertate agitat.

[¶68] 19.2. The majority exclaimed that a Servilius Ahala was needed, one who would not exasperate a public enemy by ordering his imprisonment, but would sacrifice a single citizen to end a domestic war.

> Latin: 19.2. magna pars uociferantur Seruilio Ahala opus esse, qui non in uincla duci iubendo inritet publicum hostem sed unius iactura ciuis finiat intestinum bellum.

[¶69] 19.3. However, they had recourse to a proposal which sounded milder, though its force was identical, namely, that the magistrates should see to it that the republic took no harm by the ruinous devices of Marcus Manlius.

> Latin: 19.3. decurritur ad leniorem uerbis sententiam, uim tamen eandem habentem, ut uideant magistratus ne quid ex perniciosis consiliis M. Manli res publica detrimenti capiat.

[¶70] 19.4. Thereupon the consular tribunes and the tribunes of the plebs —for they too, perceiving that their own authority would come to an end with the general liberty, had made their submission to the Fathers —all these men, I say, thereupon took counsel together, what was needful to be done.

> Latin: 19.4. tum tribuni consulari potestate tribunique plebi—nam et <ei>, quia eundem [et] suae potestatis, quem libertatis omnium, finem cernebant, patrum auctoritati se dediderant—hi tum omnes quid opus facto sit consultant.

[¶71] 19.5. They could none of them see any way but violence and bloodshed, which would clearly involve a mighty struggle, when Marcus Menenius and Quintus Publilius, tribunes of the plebs, addressed them as follows: “Why do we make a conflict between patricians and plebeians out of what ought to be the quarrel of the state with a single pestilent citizen?”

> Latin: 19.5. cum praeter uim et caedem nihil cuiquam occurreret, eam autem ingentis dimicationis fore appareret, tum M. Menenius et Q. Publilius tribuni plebis:

[¶72] 19.6. “Why in attacking him do we attack the plebs as well, when it is safer to attack him by the help of this same plebs, that his very strength may bring about his ruin?”

> Latin: 19.6. 'quid patrum et plebis certamen facimus, quod ciuitatis esse aduersus unum pestiferum ciuem debet? quid cum plebe adgredimur eum quem per ipsam plebem tutius adgredi est ut suis ipse oneratus uiribus ruat?

[¶73] 19.7. “We propose to summon him to trial. Nothing is less popular than kingly power. As soon as the populace, perceiving that our quarrel is not with them, are changed from supporters into judges, and see that the prosecutors are plebeians, the defendant a patrician, and the accusation that of seeking to set up a kingdom, they will not favour any man at the expense of their own liberty.”

> Latin: 19.7. diem dicere ei nobis in animo est. nihil minus populare quam regnum est. simul multitudo illa non secum certari uiderint et ex aduocatis iudices facti erunt et accusatores de plebe patricium reum intuebuntur et regni crimen in medio, nulli magis quam libertati fauebunt suae.'

[¶74] 20.1. This argument won universal approbation, and Manlius was indicted. The first effect of this was to rouse great feeling in the commons, especially when they saw the defendant meanly clad and not attended by a single senator, or even by his kinsmen or connexions, or indeed by his own brothers, Aulus and Titus Manlius.

> Latin: 20.1. adprobantibus cunctis diem Manlio dicunt. quod ubi est factum, primo commota plebs est, utique postquam sordidatum reum uiderunt nec cum eo non modo patrum quemquam sed ne cognatos quidem aut adfines, postremo ne fratres quidem A.

[¶75] 20.2. That a man's nearest friends should not join him in assuming mourning in an hour so fraught with danger to him, was something that had never until that day occurred.

> Latin: 20.2. et T. Manlios, quod ad eum diem nunquam usu uenisset, ut in tanto discrimine non et proximi uestem mutarent:

[¶76] 20.3. They remembered that on the imprisonment of Appius Claudius, his enemy Gaius Claudius and all the Claudian family had gone into mourning; and they concluded that there must be a general conspiracy to put down the people's friend because he had been the first to forsake the patricians for the plebs.

> Latin: 20.3. Ap. Claudio in uincula ducto C. Claudium inimicum Claudiamque omnem gentem sordidatam fuisse; consensu opprimi popularem uirum, quod primus a patribus ad plebem defecisset.

[¶77] 20.4. The day of the trial came, but I do not find it stated in any authority what facts were alleged by his accusers that bore directly on the charge of plotting to establish a kingdom, except gatherings of the populace and seditious expressions and his largesses and false charge;

> Latin: 20.4. cum dies uenit, quae praeter coetus multitudinis seditiosasque uoces et largitionem et fallax indicium pertinentia proprie ad regni crimen ab accusatoribus obiecta sint reo, apud neminem auctorem inuenio;

[¶78] 20.5. and yet I doubt not they were of moment, since the reluctance of the plebs to condemn him was not owing to his cause but to the place. One thing appears worthy of remark, that men may know what great and glorious achievements a vile lust for regal power rendered not merely thankless but actually hateful.

> Latin: 20.5. nec dubito haud parua fuisse, cum damnandi mora plebi non in causa sed in loco fuerit. illud notandum uidetur, ut sciant homines quae et quanta decora foeda cupiditas regni non ingrata solum sed inuisa etiam reddiderit:

[¶79] 20.6. It is said that he brought forward nearly four hundred men to whom he had lent money without interest, thus saving their goods from being sold and their persons from enslavement;

> Latin: 20.6. homines prope quadringentos produxisse dicitur, quibus sine fenore expensas pecunias tulisset, quorum bona uenire, quos duci addictos prohibuisset;

[¶80] 20.7. that besides this the military distinctions which he not only enumerated but produced for all to see, comprised the spoils of thirty enemies whom he had slain, and some forty decorations from his generals, amongst which were conspicuous two mural and eight civic crowns;

> Latin: 20.7. ad haec decora quoque belli non commemorasse tantum sed protulisse etiam conspicienda, spolia hostium caesorum ad triginta, dona imperatorum ad quadraginta, in quibus insignes duas murales coronas, ciuicas octo;

[¶81] 20.8. that he told, besides, of citizens saved from the enemy, and among these named Gaius Servilius, the master of the horse, who was not present. And after rehearsing his services in war, in a speech as magnificent as the height of his achievements and equalling his deeds with its words, he is said to have bared his breast, marked with the scars of battle, and gazing steadily at the Capitol to have called on Jupiter and the other gods to help him, that they might inspire the Roman People in his hour of danger with the same spirit they had given him when he- defended the Capitoline Hill; and to have implored the Romans one and all to fix their eyes on the Capitol and Citadel, and turn to the immortal gods while they judged him.

> Latin: 20.8. ad hoc seruatos ex hostibus ciues [produxit], inter quos C. Seruilium magistrum equitum absentem nominatum; et cum ea quoque quae bello gesta essent pro fastigio rerum oratione etiam magnifica, facta dictis aequando, memorasset, nudasse pectus insigne cicatricibus bello acceptis et identidem Capitolium spectans Iouem deosque alios deuocasse ad auxilium fortunarum suarum precatusque esse ut, quam mentem sibi Capitolinam arcem protegenti ad salutem populi Romani dedissent, eam populo Romano in suo discrimine darent, et orasse singulos uniuersosque ut Capitolium atque arcem intuentes, ut ad deos immortales uersi de se iudicarent.

[¶82] 20.10. In the Campus Martius, when the people were being called by centuries, and the defendant, stretching forth his hands to the Capitol, had turned from men to make his prayers to the gods, the tribunes clearly saw that unless they could also emancipate men's eyes from the associations of so glorious a deed, no accusation, however true, could ever find lodgment in their grateful hearts.

> Latin: 20.10. in campo Martio cum centuriatim populus citaretur et reus ad Capitolium manus tendens ab hominibus ad deos preces auertisset, apparuit tribunis, nisi oculos quoque hominum liberassent tanti memoria decoris, nunquam fore in praeoccupatis beneficio animis uero crimini locum.

[¶83] 20.11. And so they adjourned the day of trial and appointed a council of the people to meet in the Peteline Wood outside the Flumentane Gate, whence no prospect of the Capitol was afforded. There they made good their charge; men steeled their hearts and pronounced a dolorous judgment, abhorrent to the very ones who rendered it.

> Latin: 20.11. ita prodicta die in Petelinum lucum extra portam Flumentanam, unde conspectus in Capitolium non esset, concilium populi indictum est. ibi crimen ualuit et obstinatis animis triste iudicium inuisumque etiam iudicibus factum.

[¶84] 20.12. Some authorities assert that he was condemned by duumvirs appointed to deal with a charge of treason. The tribunes flung him from the Tarpeian Rock, and the same spot served to commemorate extraordinary fame and the extremity of punishment, as experienced by the self-same man.

> Latin: 20.12. sunt qui per duumuiros, qui de perduellione anquirerent creatos, auctores sint damnatum. tribuni de saxo Tarpeio deiecerunt locusque idem in uno nomine et eximiae gloriae monumentum et poenae ultimae fuit.

[¶85] 20.13. To his death were added marks of ignominy: one of a public nature, because the people were asked to vote that, since his house had stood where the temple and mint of Moneta now are, no patrician might dwell in the Citadel or the Capitol;

> Latin: 20.13. adiectae mortuo notae sunt: publica una, quod, cum domus eius fuisset ubi nunc aedes atque officina Monetae est, latum ad populum est ne quis patricius in arce aut Capitolio habitaret;

[¶86] 20.14. the other proceeding from his family, in that the Manlian clan made a decree forbidding anyone thenceforth to bear the name of Marcus Manlius. Such was the end of a man who, had he not been born in a free state, would have left a memorable name.

> Latin: 20.14. gentilicia altera, quod gentis Manliae decreto cautum est ne quis deinde M. Manlius uocaretur. hunc exitum habuit uir, nisi in libera ciuitate natus esset, memorabilis.

[¶87] 20.15. In a short time the people, remembering —now that he was no longer a source of danger —only his good qualities, regretted him. Moreover a pestilence soon ensued, and caused a heavy mortality for which there were no obvious causes, and this many people ascribed to the execution of Manlius:

> Latin: 20.15. populum breui, postquam periculum ab eo nullum erat, per se ipsas recordantem uirtutes desiderium eius tenuit. pestilentia etiam breui consecuta nullis occurrentibus tantae cladis causis ex Manliano supplicio magnae parti uideri orta:

[¶88] 20.16. the Capitol, they said, had been polluted by the blood of its saviour, and the gods had not been pleased that the man who had rescued their temples from the hands of the enemy, should be punished almost under their very eyes.

> Latin: 20.16. uiolatum Capitolium esse sanguine seruatoris nec dis cordi fuisse poenam eius oblatam prope oculis suis, a quo sua templa erepta e manibus hostium essent.

[¶89] 21.1. The pestilence was succeeded by a scarcity of corn, and in the following year, when the rumour of these two misfortunes had got abroad, by various wars. The consular tribunes were Lucius Valerius (for the fourth time), Aulus Manlius (for the third), Servius Sulpicius (for the third), Lucius Lucretius, Lucius Aemilius (for the third time) and Marcus Trebonius.

> Latin: 21.1. pestilentiam inopia frugum et uolgatam utriusque mali famam anno insequente multiplex bellum excepit, L. Ualerio quartum A. Manlio tertium Ser. Sulpicio tertium L. Lucretio L. Aemilio tertium M. Trebonio tribunis militum consulari potestate.

[¶90] 21.2. Besides the Volsci, who had been provided, as it were by a kind of fatality, to furnish perpetual occupation for the Roman arms, and the colonies of Circeii and Velitrae, which had long been scheming a rebellion, and the Latins, whose loyalty was suspected, a new enemy suddenly rose up at Lanuvium, a city which until then had been very faithful.

> Latin: 21.2. hostes noui praeter Uolscos, uelut sorte quadam prope in aeternum exercendo Romano militi datos, Circeiosque et Uelitras colonias, iam diu molientes defectionem, et suspectum Latium Lanuuini etiam, quae fidelissima urbs fuerat, subito exorti.

[¶91] 21.3. Believing that they were now actuated by contempt, on finding the revolt of the Veliterni, who were Roman citizens, to go so long unpunished, the senate decreed that a proposal should be laid before the people, at the earliest possible moment, for declaring war on them;

> Latin: 21.3. id patres rati contemptu accidere, quod Ueliternis ciuibus suis tam diu impunita defectio esset, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore ad populum ferretur de bello eis indicendo.

[¶92] 21.4. and, to make the plebs readier for this campaign, they appointed five commissioners to divide up the Pomptine land, and three to conduct a colony to Nepete.

> Latin: 21.4. ad quam militiam quo paratior plebes esset, quinqueuiros Pomptino agro diuidendo et triumuiros Nepete coloniae deducendae creauerunt.

[¶93] 21.5. They then asked the people for a declaration of war, and notwithstanding the opposition of the plebeian tribunes, all the tribes voted for war.

> Latin: 21.5. tum, ut bellum iuberent, latum ad populum est et nequiquam dissuadentibus tribunis plebis omnes tribus bellum iusserunt.

[¶94] 21.6. Preparations for the campaign were made that year, but owing to the pestilence the army did not take the field. This delay would have given the colonists time to sue the senate for pardon — and in fact a majority of them were in favour of sending an embassy to Rome to make submission — but danger to the commonwealth was bound up, as often happens, with that of individuals, and the ring-leaders of the revolt were so afraid of the Romans —lest they alone might be charged with the crime and offered up as a sacrifice to Roman indignation —that they turned the colonies away from peaceful counsels.

> Latin: 21.6. apparatum eo anno bellum est, exercitus propter pestilentiam non eductus, eaque cunctatio colonis spatium dederat deprecandi senatum; et magna hominum pars eo ut legatio supplex Romam mitteretur inclinabat, ni priuato, ut fit, periculo publicum implicitum esset auctoresque defectionis ab Romanis metu, ne soli crimini subiecti piacula irae Romanorum dederentur, auertissent colonias a consiliis pacis.

[¶95] 21.8. Moreover, not content with merely opposing the embassy in their senate, they egged on a great part of the commons to go out and pillage the Roman lands; and this new outrage destroyed all hope of peace.

> Latin: 21.8. neque in senatu solum per eos legatio impedita est sed magna pars plebis incitata ut praedatum in agrum Romanum exirent. haec noua iniuria exturbauit omnem spem pacis.

[¶96] 21.9. The Praenestines, too, were that year, for the first time, reported as disloyal; evidence against them was given by the Tusculans, the Gabini, and the Labicani, whose borders they had invaded; but the senate returned so mild an answer that it was evident that they refused to believe in the charges because they wished them not to be true.

> Latin: 21.9. de Praenestinorum quoque defectione eo anno primum fama exorta; arguentibusque eos Tusculanis et Gabinis et Labicanis, quorum in fines incursatum erat, ita placide ab senatu responsum est ut minus credi de criminibus, quia nollent ea uera esse, appareret.

[¶97] 22.1. The next year Spurius and Lucius Papirius, the new consular tribunes, led the levies to Velitrae, while their four colleagues, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis (in his third term), Quintus Servilius, Gaius Sulpicius, and Lucius Aemilius (in his fourth term), remained behind to protect the City and to guard against any fresh commotion which might be reported from Etruria —a quarter from which everything was suspected.

> Latin: 22.1. insequenti anno Sp. et L. Papirii noui tribuni militum consulari potestate Uelitras legiones duxere, quattuor collegis Ser. Cornelio Maluginensi tertium Q. Seruilio C. Sulpicio L. Aemilio quartum tribunis ad praesidium urbis et si qui ex Etruria noui motus nuntiarentur—omnia enim inde suspecta erant—relictis.

[¶98] 22.2. Near Velitrae the Romans defeated an army in which auxiliaries from Praeneste almost outnumbered the colonists themselves; but the city was so close at hand that, as it occasioned their early retreat, so it afforded them their only refuge. The tribunes abstained from attacking the place; they were not certain of succeeding, nor did they think it right to aim at the extermination of the colony.

> Latin: 22.2. ad Uelitras aduersus maiora paene auxilia Praenestinorum quam ipsam colonorum multitudinem secundo proelio pugnatum est ita ut propinquitas urbis hosti et causa maturioris fugae et unum ex fuga receptaculum esset.

[¶99] 22.3. In the letter which they sent to the senate in Rome, announcing the victory, they were more severe upon the enemies from Praeneste than upon those of Velitrae.

> Latin: 22.3. oppidi oppugnatione tribuni abstinuere, quia et anceps erat nec in perniciem coloniae pugnandum censebant. litterae Romam ad senatum cum uictoriae nuntiis acriores in Praenestinum quam in Ueliternum hostem missae.

[¶100] 22.4. And so, by resolution of the senate and popular enactment, war was proclaimed against the people of Praeneste; who, uniting in the following year with the Volsci, attacked the Roman colony of Satricum, and having carried it, despite the obstinate resistance of the colonists, abused their victory by cruel treatment of the captives.

> Latin: 22.4. itaque ex senatus consulto populique iussu bellum Praenestinis indictum; qui coniuncti Uolscis anno insequente Satricum, coloniam populi Romani, pertinaciter a colonis defensam, ui expugnarunt foedeque in captis exercuere uictoriam.

[¶101] 22.5. This incensed the Romans, and they elected Marcus Furius Camillus tribune of the soldiers, for the sixth time. To be his colleagues they gave him Aulus and Lucius Postumius Regillensis and Lucius Furius, together with Lucius Lucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus.

> Latin: 22.5. eam rem aegre passi Romani M. Furium Camillum sextum tribunum militum creauere. additi collegae A. et L. Postumii Regillenses ac L. Furius cum L. Lucretio et M. Fabio Ambusto.

[¶102] 22.6. The Volscian war was entrusted, out of the regular course, to Marcus Furius. Of the other tribunes, Lucius Furius was assigned him by lot for his assistant, not so much (it should seem) for the good of the commonwealth, as that he might be the source of all honour to his colleague; who gained it in his public capacity because he made good what the other's rashness had lost, and as a man because he used the error of Lucius to earn his gratitude rather than glory for himself. Camillus was now extremely old.

> Latin: 22.6. Uolscum bellum M. Furio extra ordinem decretum; adiutor ex tribunis sorte L. Furius datur, non tam e re publica quam ut collegae materia ad omnem laudem esset et publice, quod rem temeritate eius prolapsam restituit et priuatim, quod ex errore gratiam potius eius sibi quam suam gloriam petiit.

[¶103] 22.7. At the election he was prepared to excuse himself by taking the customary oath on the score of health, had not the unanimous wishes of the people prevented him. But a lusty spirit flourished in his sturdy breast, and his senses were as keen as ever; and though he no longer much concerned himself with politics, wars excited him.

> Latin: 22.7. exactae iam aetatis Camillus erat, comitiisque iurare parato in uerba excusandae ualetudini solita consensus populi restiterat; sed uegetum ingenium in uiuido pectore uigebat uirebatque integris sensibus, et ciuiles iam res haud magnopere obeuntem bella excitabant.

## 31. Book VI · chapters 22–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/#p-N

[¶0] 22.8. He enrolled four legions, each of four thousand men, appointed the army to assemble on the following day at the Esquiline Gate, and marched on Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony were waiting for him, undismayed, for they confided in their numbers, in which they possessed a considerable superiority.

> Latin: 22.8. quattuor legionibus quaternum milium scriptis, exercitu indicto ad portam Esquilinam in posteram diem ad Satricum profectus. ibi eum expugnatores coloniae haudquaquam perculsi, fidentes militum numero quo aliquantum praestabant, opperiebantur.

[¶1] 22.9. On perceiving the approach of the Romans they formed up at once. It was their purpose to engage immediately in a decisive battle; for so the numerical weakness of their enemies would derive no help from the skill of their unique commander, which constituted —so they assumed —their sole reliance.

> Latin: 22.9. postquam appropinquare Romanos senserunt, extemplo in aciem procedunt nihil dilaturi quin periculum summae rerum facerent: ita paucitati hostium nihil artes imperatoris unici, quibus solis confiderent, profuturas esse.

[¶2] 23.1. There was the same ardour in the Roman army, and in one of its generals. The hazard of an immediate battle was only postponed by the wisdom and the authority of one man, who sought an opportunity to supplement his resources with strategy, by prolonging the campaign.

> Latin: 23.1. idem ardor et in Romano exercitu erat et in altero duce, nec praesentis dimicationis fortunam ulla res praeterquam unius uiri consilium atque imperium morabatur, qui occasionem iuuandarum ratione uirium trahendo bello quaerebat.

[¶3] 23.2. This made the enemy the more urgent, and, no longer content with deploying their line before the camp, they advanced into the middle of the field, and, marching up almost to the rampart of the Romans, displayed the proud confidence which their strength gave them.

> Latin: 23.2. eo magis hostis instare nec iam pro castris tantum suis explicare aciem sed procedere in medium campi et uallo prope hostium signa inferendo superbam fiduciam uirium ostentare.

[¶4] 23.3. The Roman soldiers were mortified at this, and even more mortified was one of their two tribunes, Lucius Furius. His youth and native disposition made him head strong, and the utterly baseless enthusiasm of the rank and file filled him with assurance.

> Latin: 23.3. id aegre patiebatur Romanus miles, multo aegrius alter ex tribunis militum, L. Furius, ferox cum aetate et ingenio, tum multitudinis ex incertissimo sumentis animos spe inflatus.

[¶5] 23.4. The soldiers were already in a state of excitement, but he further instigated them by disparaging his colleague in the only possible way, on the score of age.

> Latin: 23.4. hic per se iam milites incitatos insuper instigabat eleuando, qua una poterat, aetate auctoritatem collegae, iuuenibus bella data dictitans et cum corporibus uigere et deflorescere animos;

[¶6] 23.5. Wars, he insisted, were the province of youth; the growth and decay of the spirit kept pace with those of the body; the most energetic of soldiers was become a procrastinator, and he who had been wont to storm a camp or a city on the first approach, was sitting still and wasting time behind intrenchments.

> Latin: 23.5. cunctatorem ex acerrimo bellatore factum et, qui adueniens castra urbesque primo impetu rapere sit solitus, eum residem intra uallum tempus terere, quid accessurum suis decessurumue hostium uiribus sperantem?

[¶7] 23.6. What accession to his own strength did he look for, or what diminution of the enemy's? What opportunity, what favourable moment, what ground for an ambush was he making ready?

> Latin: 23.6. quam occasionem, quod tempus, quem insidiis instruentem locum?

[¶8] 23.7. The old man's strategy was cold and torpid. But why, though Camillus had had enough both of life and of glory, should they permit the state, which ought to be immortal, to sink into decrepitude in company with the mortal body of one man?

> Latin: 23.7. frigere ac torpere senis consilia. sed Camillo cum uitae satis tum gloriae esse; quid attinere cum mortali corpore uno ciuitatis quam immortalem esse deceat pati consenescere uires?

[¶9] 23.8. When he had won over the entire army by these speeches, and the men were everywhere demanding battle, he said to his colleague: “Marcus Furius, we can no longer resist the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and the enemy, whose courage we have augmented by our delay, is insulting us with an arrogance no longer to be endured. Give way, for you are alone against us all, and suffer yourself to be overcome in counsel, that you may overcome the sooner in war.”

> Latin: 23.8. his sermonibus tota in se auerterat castra; et cum omnibus locis posceretur pugna, 'sustinere' inquit, ' M. Furi, non possumus impetum militum, et hostis, cuius animos cunctando auximus, iam minime toleranda superbia insultat; cede unus omnibus et patere te uinci consilio ut maturius bello uincas'.

[¶10] 23.9. To this Camillus replied that in the wars which up to that day had been conducted under his sole auspices neither the Roman People nor himself had repented of his strategy or fortune; he was aware that he had now a colleague of equal commission and authority, and of more vigorous years;

> Latin: 23.9. ad ea Camillus, quae bella suo unius auspicio gesta ad eam diem essent, negare in eis neque se neque populum Romanum aut consilii sui aut fortunae paenituisse; nunc scire se collegam habere iure imperioque parem, uigore aetatis praestantem;

[¶11] 23.10. and so, although —as regarded the army —he was accustomed not to be governed but to govern, yet he had no power to thwart the authority of his associate.

> Latin: 23.10. itaque se quod ad exercitum attineat, regere consuesse, non regi: collegae imperium se non posse impedire. dis bene iuuantibus ageret quod e re publica duceret:

[¶12] 23.11. Let him proceed, with Heaven's blessing, to do what he thought best for the commonwealth: for his own grey hairs he begged this favour, that he might not be assigned to the front; of such duties as belonged in war to an old man he would not be negligent. One thing he entreated of the immortal gods: that no mischance might occur, to make his own appear to have been the wiser plan.

> Latin: 23.11. aetati suae se ueniam etiam petere ne in prima acie esset. quae senis munia in bello sint, iis se non defuturum: id a dis immortalibus precari ne qui casus suum consilium laudabile efficiat.

[¶13] 23.12. But neither did men heed these salutary words, nor the immortal gods his loyal prayers. The man responsible for the engagement marshalled the battle-line. Camillus provided adequate supports, and stationed a strong out-guard before the camp; he then took up his post on an eminence, and watched intently for the issue of another's strategy.

> Latin: 23.12. nec ab hominibus salutaris sententia nec a dis tam piae preces auditae sunt. primam aciem auctor pugnae instruit, subsidia Camillus firmat ualidamque stationem pro castris opponit; ipse edito loco spectator intentus in euentum alieni consilii constitit.

[¶14] 24.1. At the very instant of the first clash of arms the enemy gave ground, not out of fear, but guile.

> Latin: 24.1. simul primo concursu concrepuere arma, hostis dolo non metu pedem rettulit.

[¶15] 24.2. Behind them the ground sloped gently up from the battle-line to their camp; and having plenty of men they had left a few strong cohorts armed and drawn up within the camp, which were to sally forth when the fighting had got under way, and the Romans had approached the rampart.

> Latin: 24.2. lenis ab tergo cliuus erat inter aciem et castra; et, quod multitudo suppeditabat, aliquot ualidas cohortes in castris armatas instructasque reliquerant, quae inter commissum iam certamen, ubi uallo appropinquasset hostis, erumperent.

[¶16] 24.3. The Romans pursued the retreating enemy without order, and were drawn into an unfavourable position, where this attack could be made upon them with advantage. Thus the victors were threatened in their turn, and, what with the new foe and the declivity, the Roman line gave way.

> Latin: 24.3. Romanus cedentem hostem effuse sequendo in locum iniquum pertractus opportunus huic eruptioni fuit; uersus itaque in uictorem terror et nouo hoste et supina ualle Romanam inclinauit aciem.

[¶17] 24.4. They were closely pressed by the fresh Volsci who had made the sortie, and those, too, who had pretended flight renewed the battle. And now the Roman soldiers were no longer retiring in order, but regardless of their late impetuosity and their ancient fame, had turned their backs and were everywhere in full flight towards the camp; when Camillus was lifted into the saddle by his attendants, and rapidly throwing his reserves into the fight, “Soldiers,” he cried, “is this the battle you demanded? What man, what god is there, whom you could accuse? Yours was the rashness then, now the infamy is yours.”

> Latin: 24.4. instant Uolsci recentes qui e castris impetum fecerant; integrant et illi pugnam qui simulata cesserant fuga. iam non recipiebat se Romanus miles sed immemor recentis ferociae ueterisque decoris terga passim dabat atque effuso cursu castra repetebat, cum Camillus subiectus ab circumstantibus in equum et raptim subsidiis oppositis 'haec est' inquit, 'milites, pugna quam poposcistis? quis homo, quis deus est, quem accusare possitis? uestra illa temeritas, uestra ignauia haec est.

[¶18] 24.6. “You have followed another leader: follow now Camillus, and, as your habit is when I am leading, conquer. Why do you look on the rampart and the camp? Not one of you shall find entrance there, save as a victor.”

> Latin: 24.6. secuti alium ducem sequimini nunc Camillum et quod ductu meo soletis uincite. quid uallum et castra spectatis? neminem uestrum illa nisi uictorem receptura sunt'.

[¶19] 24.7. A sense of shame at first checked their headlong flight; then, as they saw the standards face about and the line form up against the enemy, while their general, distinguished for his many triumphs and rendered venerable by his age, exposed himself at the front amidst the ensigns, where the fighting and the danger were the greatest, they began each and every one to cry out against themselves and their fellows, and their mutual encouragements ran through the entire army in a ringing cheer.

> Latin: 24.7. pudor primo tenuit effusos; inde, ut circumagi signa obuertique aciem uiderunt in hostem et dux, praeterquam quod tot insignis triumphis, etiam aetate uenerabilis inter prima signa ubi plurimus labor periculumque erat se offerebat, increpare singuli se quisque et alios, et adhortatio in uicem totam alacri clamore peruasit aciem.

[¶20] 24.8. Nor was the other tribune behindhand, but being sent by his colleague —who was re-forming the line of foot —to rally the horse, he did not chide them —for his share in their fault would have made this of little use —but turning wholly from commands to entreaties, he besought them one and all to save him from the guilt of that day's mishap, for which he was responsible.

> Latin: 24.8. neque alter tribunus rei defuit sed missus a collega restituente peditum aciem ad equites, non castigando—ad quam rem leuiorem auctorem eum culpae societas fecerat—sed ab imperio totus ad preces uersus orare singulos uniuersosque ut se reum fortunae eius diei crimine eximerent:

[¶21] 24.9. “Notwithstanding,” he said, “the refusal and the opposition of my colleague, I gave my adhesion to the general recklessness in preference to the prudence of one man.”

> Latin: 24.9. 'abnuente ac prohibente collega temeritati me omnium potius socium quam unius prudentiae dedi. Camillus in utraque uestra fortuna suam gloriam uidet; ego, ni restituitur pugna, quod miserrimum est, fortunam cum omnibus, infamiam solus sentiam.'

[¶22] 24.10. “Camillus sees glory for himself, whichever way your fortune turns; but I, if the battle is not restored, shall experience the utter misery of sharing with everybody the disaster, while enduring the infamy alone.” It seemed best, as the battle-line was wavering, to dismiss the horses and attack the enemy on foot. Conspicuous for their arms and their courage, they advanced where they saw the foot-soldiers hardest pressed.

> Latin: 24.10. optimum uisum est in fluctuante acie tradi equos et pedestri pugna inuadere hostem. eunt insignes armis animisque qua premi parte maxime peditum copias uident. nihil neque apud duces neque apud milites remittitur a summo certamine animi.

[¶23] 24.11. Neither generals nor soldiers relaxed their utmost efforts, and the help afforded by their brave exertions was felt in the result. The Volsci fled in a genuine panic over the ground where they had lately pretended fear. Great numbers of them were slain both in the battle itself and in the flight which followed; the others were cut down in the camp, which was captured in the same charge; but more were made prisoners than were slain.

> Latin: 24.11. sensit ergo euentus uirtutis enixae opem et Uolsci, qua modo simulato metu cesserant, ea in ueram fugam effusi, magna pars et in ipso certamine et post in fuga caesi, ceteri in castris quae capta eodem impetu sunt; plures tamen capti quam occisi.

[¶24] 25.1. In taking account of the prisoners, they recognized some as being Tusculans. These were separated from the rest and brought before the tribunes, to whom they confessed, on being questioned, that they had served at the bidding of the state.

> Latin: 25.1. ubi in recensendis captiuis cum Tusculani aliquot noscitarentur, secreti ab aliis ad tribunos adducuntur percontantibusque fassi publico consilio se militasse.

[¶25] 25.2. The danger of so near a war disturbed Camillus, who declared that he would straight-way carry the prisoners to Rome, that the Fathers might not be kept in ignorance how the Tusculans had broken the alliance.

> Latin: 25.2. cuius tam uicini belli metu Camillus motus extemplo se Romam captiuos ducturum ait, ne patres ignari sint Tusculanos ab societate descisse: castris exercituique interim, si uideatur, praesit collega.

[¶26] 25.3. In the meantime he proposed that his colleague should, if agreeable, take charge of the camp and the army. A single day had taught Lucius Furius not to prefer his own to wiser counsels, yet neither he nor anyone in the army supposed that Camillus would condone his fault, which had plunged the commonwealth into such desperate peril;

> Latin: 25.3. documento unus dies fuerat, ne sua consilia melioribus praeferret; nec tamen aut ipsi aut in exercitu cuiquam satis placato animo Camillus laturus culpam eius uidebatur, qua data in tam praecipitem casum res publica esset;

[¶27] 25.4. and everybody, not in the army only, but also in Rome, agreed in saying, that in the ups and downs of the Volscian war, the responsibility for the defeat and flight lay with Lucius Furius, and all the credit for the victory with Camillus.

> Latin: 25.4. et cum in exercitu tum Romae constans omnium fama erat, cum uaria fortuna in Uolscis gesta res esset, aduersae pugnae fugaeque in L. Furio culpam, secundae decus omne penes M. Furium esse.

[¶28] 25.5. But when the prisoners had been introduced into the senate, and the Fathers, having decided that they must make war on Tusculum, had designated Camillus to conduct it, he requested that he might have a single lieutenant to assist him, and being permitted to select any one of his colleagues whom he might desire, contrary to everybody's expectation he selected Lucius Furius —an instance of magnanimity which, while it lightened the disgrace of his colleague, also brought great honour to himself.

> Latin: 25.5. introductis in senatum captiuis cum bello persequendos Tusculanos patres censuissent Camilloque id bellum mandassent, adiutorem sibi ad eam rem unum petit, permissoque ut ex collegis optaret quem uellet contra spem omnium L. Furium optauit;

[¶29] 25.6. But no war was, in fact, waged with the Tusculans: by their steadfast adherence to peace they saved themselves from violation by the Romans, as they could not have done by resorting to arms.

> Latin: 25.6. qua moderatione animi cum collegae leuauit infamiam tum sibi gloriam ingentem peperit. nec fuit cum Tusculanis bellum: pace constanti uim Romanam arcuerunt quam armis non poterant.

[¶30] 25.7. When the Romans entered their territory, they did not withdraw from the places near the line of march, nor break off their labour in the fields; the gates of their city stood wide open; the citizens, wearing the toga, came out in great numbers to meet the generals;

> Latin: 25.7. intrantibus fines Romanis non demigratum ex propinquis itineri locis, non cultus agrorum intermissus; patentibus portis urbis togati obuiam frequentes imperatoribus processere; commeatus exercitui comiter in castra ex urbe et ex agris deuehitur.

[¶31] 25.8. and provisions for the army were obligingly brought into the camp from the city and the farms. Camillus set up his camp before the gates, and desirous of knowing whether the same aspect of peace prevailed within the walls that was displayed in the country, entered the city and beheld the house-doors open, the shops with their shutters off and all their wares exposed, the craftsmen all busy at their respective trades, the schools buzzing with the voices of the scholars, crowds in the streets, and women and children going about amongst the rest, this way and that, as their several occasions called them —with never anywhere an indication of surprise, much less of fear.

> Latin: 25.8. Camillus castris ante portas positis, eademne forma pacis quae in agris ostentaretur etiam intra moenia esset scire cupiens, ingressus urbem ubi patentes ianuas et tabernis apertis proposita omnia in medio uidit intentosque opifices suo quemque operi et ludos litterarum strepere discentium uocibus ac repletas semitas inter uolgus aliud puerorum et mulierum huc atque illuc euntium qua quemque suorum usuum causae ferrent, nihil usquam non pauidis modo sed ne mirantibus quidem simile, circumspiciebat omnia, inquirens oculis ubinam bellum fuisset;

[¶32] 25.11. He looked everywhere for any visible evidence that a war had been on foot; but there was no sign that anything had been either removed or brought out for the moment; everything looked so undisturbed and peaceful that it seemed scarce credible that so much as a rumour of war should have come there.

> Latin: 25.11. adeo nec amotae rei usquam nec oblatae ad tempus uestigium ullum erat sed ita omnia constanti tranquilla pace ut eo uix fama belli perlata uideri posset.

[¶33] 26.1. Overcome therefore by the enemy's submissiveness, he commanded their senate to be called. “Men of Tusculum,” he said, “until now you alone have discovered the right weapons and the right resources with which to defend your possessions from the resentment of the Romans.”

> Latin: 26.1. uictus igitur patientia hostium senatum eorum uocari iussit. 'soli adhuc' inquit, 'Tusculani, uera arma uerasque uires quibus ab ira Romanorum uestra tutaremini inuenistis.

[¶34] 26.2. “Go to Rome, to the senate; the Fathers will determine whether you have deserved more punishment hitherto or pardon now. I will not forestall them by accepting your gratitude for a favour that must be granted by the state; from me you shall have an opportunity to solicit mercy; the answer to your suit must be such as the senate sees fit to make.”

> Latin: 26.2. ite Romam ad senatum; aestimabunt patres utrum plus ante poenae an nunc ueniae meriti sitis. non praecipiam gratiam publici beneficii; deprecandi potestatem a me habueritis; precibus euentum uestris senatus quem uidebitur dabit.'

[¶35] 26.3. When the Tusculans arrived in Rome, and the senators of a people who before had been faithful allies appeared in the vestibule of the Curia, covered with dejection, the Fathers were straightway moved, and in a spirit that had already more in it of hospitality than hostility bade them be at once admitted.

> Latin: 26.3. postquam Romam Tusculani uenerunt senatusque paulo ante fidelium sociorum maestus in uestibulo curiae est conspectus, moti extemplo patres uocari eos iam tum hospitaliter magis quam hostiliter iussere.

[¶36] 26.4. The Tusculan dictator thus addressed them: “Though you declared war on us and invaded our country, Conscript Fathers, we went forth to meet your generals and your legions armed and accoutred exactly as you now behold us standing in the entrance of your senate-house.”

> Latin: 26.4. dictator Tusculanus ita uerba fecit: 'quibus bellum indixistis intulistisque, patres conscripti, sicut nunc uidetis nos stantes in uestibulo curiae uestrae, ita armati paratique obuiam imperatoribus legionibusque uestris processimus.

[¶37] 26.5. “Such has ever been our garb and the garb of our people —ay, and ever shall be —save at such times as we have been armed by you and for your defence. We give thanks to your commanders and your armies, since they have believed their eyes more than their ears, and where they encountered no hostility, themselves have showed none.”

> Latin: 26.5. hic noster, hic plebis nostrae habitus fuit eritque semper, nisi si quando a uobis proque uobis arma acceperimus. gratias agimus et ducibus uestris et exercitibus, quod oculis magis quam auribus crediderunt et ubi nihil hostile erat ne ipsi quidem fecerunt.

[¶38] 26.6. “The peace we have used towards you, we ask of you in return; direct your war, we beseech you, to that quarter where war, if anywhere, exists; if we must try, by suffering, what your arms can achieve against ourselves, we will try unarmed.”

> Latin: 26.6. pacem, quam nos praestitimus, eam a uobis petimus; bellum eo, sicubi est, auertatis precamur; in nos quid arma polleant uestra, si patiendo experiundum est, inermes experiemur. haec mens nostra est—di immortales faciant—tam felix quam pia.

[¶39] 26.7. “Such is our resolution; Heaven send it be not less fortunate than loyal. As to the charges which stirred you to declare a war, though it skills not to disprove with words what facts have already confuted, still, even were they true, we think we might safely plead guilty to them, since our repentance is so evident. Let men wrong you, so long as you continue worthy to receive such amends.”

> Latin: 26.7. quod ad crimina attinet quibus moti bellum indixistis, etsi reuicta rebus uerbis confutare nihil attinet, tamen, etiamsi uera sint, uel fateri nobis ea, cum tam euidenter paenituerit, tutum censemus. peccetur in uos, dum digni sitis quibus ita satisfiat'.

[¶40] 26.8. To this purport was the speech of the Tusculans. They were granted peace for the present, and not long after were even admitted to be citizens. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum.

> Latin: 26.8. tantum fere uerborum ab Tusculanis factum. pacem in praesentia nec ita multo post ciuitatem etiam impetrauerunt. ab Tusculo legiones reductae.

[¶41] 27.1. Renowned for his strategy and courage in the Volscian war and his success in the expedition against Tusculum, and for his singular gentleness and generosity on both occasions towards his colleague, Camillus laid down his office, after announcing the election of military tribunes for the ensuing year.

> Latin: 27.1. Camillus, consilio et uirtute in Uolsco bello, felicitate in Tusculana expeditione, utrobique singulari aduersus collegam patientia et moderatione insignis, magistratu abiit creatis tribunis militaribus in insequentem annum L.

[¶42] 27.2. The successful candidates were Lucius and Publius Valerius (Lucius for the fifth and Publius for the third time), Gaius Sergius (for the third time), Lucius Menenius (for the second time), Publius Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis.

> Latin: 27.2. et P. Ualeriis —Lucio quintum, Publio tertium—[et] C. Sergio tertium Licinio† Menenio iterum P. Papirio Ser. Cornelio Maluginense.

[¶43] 27.3. There was need also this year of censors, chiefly on account of the uncertain reports which were going about in regard to debt. The tribunes of the plebs even exaggerated the extent of this grievance, whereas it was understated by those who were interested in having it appear that loans were more in danger from the bad faith than the bad fortune of the debtors.

> Latin: 27.3. censoribus quoque eguit annus, maxime propter incertam famam aeris alieni, adgrauantibus summam etiam inuidiae eius tribunis plebis, cum ab iis eleuaretur quibus fide magis quam fortuna debentium laborare creditum uideri expediebat.

[¶44] 27.4. The censors chosen were Gaius Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Postumius Regillensis, and they had already set about their task, when it was interrupted by the death of Postumius; for there were religious scruples against replacing the colleague of a censor.

> Latin: 27.4. creati censores C. Sulpicius Camerinus Sp. Postumius Regillensis, coeptaque iam res morte Postumi, quia collegam suffici censori religio erat, interpellata est.

[¶45] 27.5. So then, Sulpicius resigned, and other censors were elected, but, owing to a defect in the election, did not serve. The senate could not bring itself to proceed to a third election, being persuaded that the gods would permit no censorship that year.

> Latin: 27.5. igitur cum Sulpicius abdicasset se magistratu, censores alii uitio creati non gesserunt magistratum; tertios creari uelut dis non accipientibus in eum annum censuram religiosum fuit.

[¶46] 27.6. But this irresolution the tribunes characterized as an intolerable mockery of the plebs. The senate, they said, was seeking to avoid the evidence of witnesses and public records regarding the property of every man, because they were unwilling it should be seen how great was the volume of debt, which would show that half of the state had been ruined by the other half, while the debt-ridden plebs were in the meantime being exposed to one enemy after another;

> Latin: 27.6. eam uero ludificationem plebis tribuni ferendam negabant: fugere senatum testes tabulas publicas census cuiusque, quia nolint conspici summam aeris alieni, quae indicatura sit demersam partem a parte ciuitatis, cum interim obaeratam plebem obiectari aliis atque aliis hostibus;

[¶47] 27.7. wars were now sought indiscriminately, far and wide; from Antium the legions had been marched to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae, from there to Tusculum; now it was the Latins, the Hernici and the Praenestini who were threatened with attack, more out of hatred of Rome's citizens than of her enemies. The object was to wear the plebeians out with service and give them no time to take breath in the City, or leisure to bethink them of liberty or to stand in the assembly, where they might sometimes hear the voice of a tribune urging the reduction of interest and the removal of their other grievances.

> Latin: 27.7. passim iam sine ullo discrimine bella quaeri: ab Antio Satricum, ab Satrico Uelitras, inde Tusculum legiones ductas; Latinis Hernicis Praenestinis iam intentari arma ciuium magis quam hostium odio, ut in armis terant plebem nec respirare in urbe aut per otium libertatis meminisse sinant aut consistere in contione, ubi aliquando audiant uocem tribuniciam de leuando fenore et finem aliarum iniuriarum agentem.

[¶48] 27.8. But if the plebs had the spirit to recall their fathers' liberty, they would allow no Roman citizen to be bound to a creditor, nor any levy to be held, until the amount of indebtedness had been examined and a plan for lessening it put into operation, that every man might know what was his own and what another's, and whether his person was still free, or whether even that was owing to the gaol.

> Latin: 27.8. quod si sit animus plebi memor patrum libertatis, se nec addici quemquam ciuem Romanum ob creditam pecuniam passuros neque dilectum haberi, donec inspecto aere alieno initaque ratione minuendi eius sciat unus quisque quid sui, quid alieni sit, supersit sibi liberum corpus an id quoque neruo debeatur.

[¶49] 27.9. The reward held out to sedition soon brought sedition to a head. For many were being bound over, and the senate had voted to enlist new levies on the rumour of hostilities at Praeneste. Both these proceedings began at the same time to be interfered with by the exercise of the tribunician protection and the common action of the plebs; for the tribunes would not allow those who had been bound over to be led away, nor would the young men give in their names.

> Latin: 27.9. merces seditionis proposita confestim seditionem excitauit. nam et addicebantur multi, et ad Praenestini famam belli nouas legiones scribendas patres censuerant; quae utraque simul auxilio tribunicio et consensu plebis impediri coepta;

[¶50] 27.10. The patricians were for the moment less concerned with enforcing the law of debt than with the levy —not unnaturally, since the enemy were reported as having already set out from Praeneste and encamped in the territory of Gabii —but on the tribunes of the plebs this intelligence had acted more as an incentive to the struggle they had undertaken than as a deterrent, and the only thing that was able to allay the quarrel in the City was the approach of the enemy to its very walls.

> Latin: 27.10. nam neque duci addictos tribuni sinebant neque iuniores nomina dabant. cum patribus minor <in> praesens cura creditae pecuniae iuris exsequendi quam dilectus esset —quippe iam a Praeneste profectos hostes in agro Gabino consedisse nuntiabatur—interim tribunos plebis fama ea ipsa inritauerat magis ad susceptum certamen quam deterruerat neque aliud ad seditionem exstinguendam in urbe quam prope inlatum moenibus ipsis bellum ualuit.

[¶51] 28.1. For when the Praenestini were informed that no army had been enrolled in Rome, that there was no one definitely in command, that patricians and plebeians had turned against each other, their leaders concluded that their opportunity had come, and quickly putting their troops in motion, they devastated the fields along their line of march and advanced against the Colline Gate.

> Latin: 28.1. nam cum esset Praenestinis nuntiatum nullum exercitum conscriptum Romae, nullum ducem certum esse, patres ac plebem in semet ipsos uersos, occasionem rati duces eorum raptim agmine facto, peruastatis protinus agris ad portam Collinam signa intulere.

[¶52] 28.3. Great was the consternation in the City. The call to arms was given, and men hurried to the walls and gates. They had turned at last from domestic strife to war, and proceeded to make Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator, who named Aulus Sempronius Atratinus master of the horse. No sooner was this known —so great was the terror the dictatorship inspired —than the enemy at once withdrew from before the walls, and the Romans of military age assembled without offering objection, in accordance with the edict.

> Latin: 28.3. ingens in urbe trepidatio fuit. conclamatum 'ad arma', concursumque in muros adque portas est; tandemque ab seditione ad bellum uersi dictatorem T. Quinctium Cincinnatum creauere. is magistrum equitum A. Sempronium Atratinum dixit. quod ubi auditum est— tantus eius magistratus terror erat—simul hostes a moenibus recessere et iuniores Romani ad edictum sine retractatione conuenere.

[¶53] 28.5. While the army was being enrolled at Rome, the enemy had gone into camp not far from the Allia. From this centre they pillaged in all directions, and boasted to one another that they had occupied a position that was fraught with fate for the City of Rome; there would be another rout there like the one in the Gallic war; for if the Romans feared a day infected with evil omen and marked it with the name of that place, how much more than the Day of the Allia would they dread the Allia itself, that memorial of their great defeat?

> Latin: 28.5. dum conscribitur Romae exercitus, castra interim hostium haud procul Allia flumine posita; inde agrum late populantes, fatalem se urbi Romanae locum cepisse inter se iactabant; similem pauorem inde ac fugam fore ac bello Gallico fuerit; etenim si diem contactum religione insignemque nomine eius loci timeant Romani, quanto magis Alliensi die Alliam ipsam, monumentum tantae cladis, reformidaturos? species profecto iis ibi truces Gallorum sonumque uocis in oculis atque auribus fore.

[¶54] 28.7. They were sure to behold there apparitions of ruthless Gauls, and to have the sound of their voices in their ears. Indulging these idle speculations on idle themes, they had rested their hopes on the fortune of the place.

> Latin: 28.7. has inanium rerum inanes ipsas uoluentes cogitationes fortunae loci delegauerant spes suas. Romani contra, ubicumque esset Latinus hostis, satis scire eum esse quem ad Regillum lacum deuictum centum annorum pace obnoxia tenuerint:

[¶55] 28.8. The Romans on the other hand were well assured that wherever their Latin enemy was, he was one whom they had conquered at Lake Regillus and had held in peaceable subjection for a hundred years; a place notorious for the memory of disaster would rather inspire them to wipe out the recollection of the disgrace than cause them to fear that any ground was inauspicious for their victory;

> Latin: 28.8. locum insignem memoria cladis inritaturum se potius ad delendam memoriam dedecoris quam ut timorem faciat, ne qua terra sit nefasta uictoriae suae;

[¶56] 28.9. nay, if the Gauls themselves should confront them on that spot, they would fight as they had fought at Rome in recovering their City and on the following day at Gabii, when they left no enemy who had entered the walls of Rome, to bear home tidings either of weal or woe.

> Latin: 28.9. quin ipsi sibi Galli si offerantur illo loco, se ita pugnaturos ut Romae pugnauerint in repetenda patria ut postero die ad Gabios, tunc cum effecerint ne quis hostis qui moenia Romana intrasset nuntium secundae aduersaeque fortunae domum perferret.

[¶57] 29.1. Such were the feelings on either side when the Romans arrived at the Allia. As they came within sight of the enemy, drawn up and eager for the fray, the dictator addressed Sempronius. “Do you see,” he said, “how they have made their stand at the Allia, putting their trust in the fortune of the place? We shall find the immortal gods have given them no surer grounds for confidence nor any more substantial help.”

> Latin: 29.1. his utrimque animis ad Alliam uentum est. dictator Romanus, postquam in conspectu hostes erant instructi intentique, 'uidesne tu' inquit, ' A. Semproni, loci fortuna illos fretos ad Alliam constitisse? nec illis di immortales certioris quicquam fiduciae maiorisue quod sit auxilii dederint.

[¶58] 29.2. “But do you confide in arms and valour, and charge their centre at the gallop; I, with the legions, will attack them when they are in disorder and confusion. Be with us, gods of the treaty, and exact the penalties due to you for the injury you have suffered and to us for the deception put upon us in your holy name!”

> Latin: 29.2. at tu, fretus armis animisque, concitatis equis inuade mediam aciem; ego cum legionibus in turbatos trepidantesque inferam signa. adeste, di testes foederis, et expetite poenas debitas simul uobis uiolatis nobisque per uestrum numen deceptis.' non equitem, non peditem sustinuere Praenestini.

[¶59] 29.3. The men of Praeneste could cope with neither horse nor foot. Their ranks were broken at the first shout and charge; then, as their line yielded at every point, they turned and fled, and in their confusion were carried even beyond their own camp; neither did they check their headlong flight until they had come within sight of Praeneste.

> Latin: 29.3. primo impetu ac clamore dissipati ordines sunt dein, postquam nullo loco constabat acies, terga uertunt consternatique et praeter castra etiam sua pauore praelati non prius se ab effuso cursu sistunt quam in conspectu Praeneste fuit.

[¶60] 29.4. There the scattered remnants of the rout took up a position which lent itself to hasty fortification, lest, if they sought refuge within the walls, they might immediately find the torch put to their crops, and, after losing everything, be subjected to a siege.

> Latin: 29.4. ibi ex fuga dissipati locum quem tumultuario opere communirent capiunt, ne, si intra moenia se recepissent, extemplo ureretur ager depopulatisque omnibus obsidio urbi inferretur.

[¶61] 29.5. But no sooner had the victorious Romans appeared, fresh from plundering the camp on the Allia, than they abandoned these defences also, and, regarding even walls as little enough protection, immured themselves in the town of Praeneste.

> Latin: 29.5. sed postquam direptis ad Alliam castris uictor Romanus aderat, id quoque munimentum relictum; et uix moenia tuta rati oppido se Praeneste includunt.

[¶62] 29.6. There were eight other towns which were under the sway of the Praenestini. Against these the Romans directed their campaign, and having taken them, with no great exertion, one after the other, marched to Velitrae and stormed that place also.

> Latin: 29.6. octo praeterea oppida erant sub dicione Praenestinorum. ad ea circumlatum bellum deincepsque haud magno certamine captis Uelitras exercitus ductus; eae quoque expugnatae. tum ad caput belli Praeneste uentum.

[¶63] 29.8. Coming then to Praeneste, the fountain-head of the war, they got possession of it not by force but through capitulation. Titus Quinctius had gained one pitched battle, captured two camps, taken nine towns by assault, and received the surrender of Praeneste. He returned to Rome bringing with him from Praeneste the image of Jupiter Imperator.

> Latin: 29.8. id non ui sed per deditionem receptum est. T. Quinctius, semel acie uictor, binis castris hostium, nouem oppidis ui captis, Praeneste in deditionem accepto Romam reuertit triumphansque signum Praeneste deuectum Iouis Imperatoris in Capitolium tulit.

[¶64] 29.9. This he bore in triumph to the Capitol, where he dedicated it, between the shrine of Jupiter and that of Minerva.

> Latin: 29.9. dedicatum est inter cellam Iouis ac Mineruae tabulaque sub eo fixa, monumentum rerum gestarum, his ferme incisa litteris fuit: 'Iuppiter atque diui omnes hoc dederunt ut T.

[¶65] 29.10. Below it he placed a tablet, in commemoration of his deeds, with an inscription to the following effect: “Jupiter and all the gods granted Titus Quinctius the dictator that he should take nine towns.” On the twentieth day after his appointment he resigned the dictatorship.

> Latin: 29.10. Quinctius dictator oppida nouem caperet'. die uicesimo quam creatus erat dictatura se abdicauit.

[¶66] 30.1. In the ensuing election of military tribunes with consular powers, patricians and plebeians came off alike.

> Latin: 30.1. comitia inde habita tribunorum militum consulari potestate, quibus aequatus patriciorum plebeiorumque numerus.

[¶67] 30.2. Of the patricians Publius and Gaius Manlius were successful, along with Lucius Julius; the plebs returned Gaius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius. The Manlii were superior in birth to their plebeian colleagues, and in popularity to Julius.

> Latin: 30.2. ex patribus creati P. et C. Manlii cum L. Iulio; plebes C. Sextilium M. Albinium L. Antistium dedit. Manliis, quod genere plebeios, gratia Iulium anteibant, Uolsci prouincia sine sorte, sine comparatione, extra ordinem data;

[¶68] 30.3. To them, therefore, by special enactment, without reference to the lot or to mutual agreement, was given the command against the Volsci —an honour which they rued in the upshot, as did also the senators who had conferred it. Without reconnoitring they sent some troops to forage, and believing them to be cut of, for they had received a false report that such was the case, they hastened to their assistance, without so much as securing the author of the story —a Latin enemy who had deceived them in the guise of a Roman soldier, —and plunged into an ambuscade.

> Latin: 30.3. cuius et ipsos postmodo et patres qui dederant paenituit. inexplorato pabulatum cohortes misere; quibus uelut circumuentis, cum id falso nuntiatum esset, dum praesidio ut essent citati feruntur, ne auctore quidem adseruato qui eos hostis Latinus pro milite Romano frustratus erat ipsi in insidias praecipitauere.

[¶69] 30.5. While they were making a stand there on unfavourable ground, by the sheer courage of the men, who were selling their lives dearly, the Roman camp which lay in the plain was attacked by the enemy on the opposite side. In both places victory was thrown away by the rashness and ignorance of the generals.

> Latin: 30.5. ibi dum iniquo loco sola uirtute militum restantes caedunt caedunturque, castra interim Romana iacentia in campo ab altera parte hostes inuasere.

[¶70] 30.6. Whatever was left of the good fortune of the Roman People was saved by the pluck of the soldiers, which continued steadfast even when it lacked guidance.

> Latin: 30.6. ab ducibus utrobique proditae temeritate atque inscitia res; quidquid superfuit Fortunae populi Romani, id militum etiam sine rectore stabilis uirtus tutata est.

[¶71] 30.7. On the announcement of these events at Rome, it was at first resolved to appoint a dictator; but later, when word came that things were quiet in the Volscian country, and it appeared that the enemy knew not how to use his victory and opportunity, even the armies and commanders which were there were withdrawn, and thereafter there was no trouble as far as the Volsci were concerned;

> Latin: 30.7. quae ubi Romam sunt relata, primum dictatorem dici placebat; deinde, postquam quietae res ex Uolscis adferebantur et apparuit nescire eos uictoria et tempore uti, reuocati etiam inde exercitus ac duces;

[¶72] 30.8. the only disturbance —towards the close of the year —was a mutiny of the Praenestini, who had stirred the peoples of Latium to revolt.

> Latin: 30.8. otiumque inde, quantum a Uolscis, fuisset; id modo extremo anno tumultuatum quod Praenestini concitatis Latinorum populis rebellarunt.

[¶73] 30.9. That same year new colonists were enrolled for Setia, whose inhabitants themselves were complaining of their lack of men. For the ill success of the war there was consolation in the tranquillity at home, which was due to the influence of the plebeian military tribunes and the honour in which their order held them.

> Latin: 30.9. eodem anno Setiam ipsis querentibus penuriam hominum noui coloni adscripti; rebusque haud prosperis bello domestica quies, quam tribunorum militum ex plebe gratia maiestasque inter suos obtinuit, solacium fuit.

[¶74] 31.1. The following year started off in a blaze of party strife. The military tribunes with consular powers were Spurius Furius, Quintus Servilius (for the second time), Lucius Menenius (for the third), Publius Cloelius, Marcus Horatius, and Lucius Geganius.

> Latin: 31.1. insequentis anni principia statim seditione ingenti arsere tribunis militum consulari potestate Sp. Furio Q. Seruilio iterum Licinio† Menenio tertium P. Cloelio M. Horatio L. Geganio.

[¶75] 31.2. Now the subject and reason of the strife was debt. But when Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Cloelius Siculus had been made censors in order that they might investigate the situation, they were prevented from doing so by a war;

> Latin: 31.2. erat autem et materia et causa seditionis aes alienum; cuius noscendi gratia Sp. Seruilius Priscus Q. Cloelius Siculus censores facti ne rem agerent bello impediti sunt;

[¶76] 31.3. for first frightened messengers, and then the country-folk fleeing from the fields, brought word that the Volscian legions had crossed the border, and were everywhere devastating Roman territory.

> Latin: 31.3. namque trepidi nuntii primo, fuga deinde ex agris legiones Uolscorum ingressas fines popularique passim Romanum agrum attulere.

[¶77] 31.4. Yet with all this alarm, the danger from abroad was so far from restraining dissensions at home, that on the contrary the tribunes but acted with the greater violence, in exerting their powers to block the levy; until the senate submitted to their terms, and agreed that till the war was finished no one should pay a war-tax or give judgment in a case of debt.

> Latin: 31.4. in qua trepidatione tantum afuit ut ciuilia certamina terror externus cohiberet, ut contra eo uiolentior potestas tribunicia impediendo dilectu esset, donec condiciones impositae patribus ne quis, quoad bellatum esset, tributum daret aut ius de pecunia credita diceret.

[¶78] 31.5. The plebs, on obtaining this relief, ceased to obstruct the levy. When the new legions had been enrolled, it was resolved to divide them and form two armies to invade the country of the Volsci. Spurius Furius and Marcus Horatius marched to the right, towards Antium and the coast; Quintus Servilius and Lucius Geganius to the left, in the direction of Ecetra and the mountains.

> Latin: 31.5. eo laxamento plebi sumpto mora dilectui non est facta. legionibus nouis scriptis placuit duos exercitus in agrum Uolscum legionibus diuisis duci. Sp. Furius M. Horatius dextrorsus <in> maritimam oram atque Antium, Q. Seruilius et L. Geganius laeua ad montes <et> Ecetram pergunt.

[¶79] 31.6. In neither region did they find the enemy. They accordingly laid waste the country, not in the desultory fashion of the Volsci, who like bandits, trusting in the discord of their foes but fearing their courage, had made a hasty foray in fear and trembling, —but with a regular army, justly provoked, and the more destructive in that they took more time.

> Latin: 31.6. neutra parte hostis obuius [fuit]. populatio itaque non illi uagae similis quam Uolscus latrocinii more, discordiae hostium fretus et uirtutem metuens, per trepidationem raptim fecerat sed ab iusto exercitu iusta ira facta, spatio quoque temporis grauior.

[¶80] 31.7. In fact, the Volsci had confined their pillaging to the borders, because of their fear lest an army might come out from Rome while they were at it; the Romans, on the contrary, were partly actuated, in remaining on hostile ground, by the desire of luring the enemy into a battle.

> Latin: 31.7. quippe a Uolscis timentibus ne interim exercitus ab Roma exiret incursiones in extrema finium factae erant; Romano contra etiam in hostico morandi causa [erat], ut hostem ad certamen eliceret.

[¶81] 31.8. So they burned all the farm-houses everywhere, and even certain villages, and leaving not a single fruit-tree nor the standing corn with its hope of harvest, they carried off as booty all the men and beasts outside the towns, and led both armies back to Rome.

> Latin: 31.8. itaque omnibus passim tectis agrorum uicisque etiam quibusdam exustis, non arbore frugifera, non satis in spem frugum relictis, omni quae extra moenia fuit hominum pecudumque praeda abacta Romam utrimque exercitus reducti.

[¶82] 32.1. The debtors had been given a little time for breathing, but no sooner did hostilities cease than the courts began once more to be alive with prosecutions, and not only was there no prospect of obtaining relief from the old debts, but further debts were incurred through the levying of a tax to build a wall of hewn stone, which the censors had contracted for.

> Latin: 32.1. paruo interuallo ad respirandum debitoribus dato, postquam quietae res ab hostibus erant, celebrari de integro iuris dictio et tantum abesse spes ueteris leuandi fenoris, ut tributo nouum fenus contraheretur in murum a censoribus locatum saxo quadrato faciundum;

[¶83] 32.2. To this burden the plebs were forced to submit, in the absence of any levy which their tribunes could obstruct.

> Latin: 32.2. cui succumbere oneri coacta plebes, quia quem dilectum impedirent non habebant tribuni plebis.

[¶84] 32.3. The nobles even possessed sufficient influence to oblige the plebs to elect all patricians to the millitary tribunate; these were Lucius Aemilius, Publius Valerius (for the fourth time), Gaius Veturius Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Gaius Quinctius Cincinnatus.

> Latin: 32.3. tribunos etiam militares patricios omnes coacta principum opibus fecit, L. Aemilium P. Ualerium quartum C. Ueturium Ser. Sulpicium L. et C. Quinctios Cincinnatos.

[¶85] 32.4. The same influence enabled them to carry through their plans against the Latins and the Volsci, who had united their forces and were encamped near Satricum.

> Latin: 32.4. iisdem opibus obtinuere ut aduersus Latinos Uolscosque, qui coniunctis legionibus ad Satricum castra habebant, nullo impediente omnibus iunioribus sacramento adactis tres exercitus scriberent:

[¶86] 32.5. No one objected when the men of military age were all compelled to take the oath, and three armies were enrolled: one was intended to defend the City; another was for use in sudden expeditions, if a revolt should break out anywhere; a third —much the strongest —marched to Satricum, under Publius Valerius and Lucius Aemilius.

> Latin: 32.5. unum ad praesidium urbis: alterum qui, si qui alibi motus exstitisset, ad subita belli mitti posset: tertium longe ualidissimum P. Ualerius et L. Aemilius ad Satricum duxere.

[¶87] 32.6. There they found the enemy drawn up in a strong position, and at once attacked them; and though victory was not yet assured, yet the battle was in a hopeful state, when great gusts of wind brought on a heavy downpour of rain and interrupted it.

> Latin: 32.6. ubi cum aciem instructam hostium loco aequo inuenissent, extemplo pugnatum; et ut nondum satis claram uictoriam, sic prosperae spei pugnam imber ingentibus procellis fusus diremit. postero die iterata pugna; et aliquamdiu aequa uirtute fortunaque Latinae maxime legiones longa societate militiam Romanam edoctae restabant.

[¶88] 32.8. Next day the combat was renewed, and for some little time the enemy —particularly the Latin legions, schooled in Roman discipline by their long alliance —resisted with equal courage and success. But the cavalry were sent against them and threw their ranks into confusion, and before they could recover, the infantry were upon them;

> Latin: 32.8. sed eques immissus ordines turbauit; turbatis signa peditum inlata, quantumque Romana se inuexit acies, tantum hostes gradu demoti; et ut semel inclinauit pugna, iam intolerabilis Romana uis erat.

[¶89] 32.9. in proportion as the Roman line advanced, was the enemy forced out of his position; and when once the tide of battle turned, there was no stopping the onrush of the Romans.

> Latin: 32.9. fusi hostes cum Satricum, quod duo milia inde aberat, non castra peterent, ab equite maxime caesi: castra capta direptaque.

[¶90] 32.10. The routed enemy made for Satricum, two miles away, instead of their camp, and suffered great slaughter, especially at the hands of the cavalry. Their camp was taken and sacked. The night after the battle they fled rather than marched towards Antium; and though the Roman army followed hard after, fear proved swifter than wrath.

> Latin: 32.10. ab Satrico nocte quae proelio proxima fuit, fugae simili agmine petunt Antium; et cum Romanus exercitus prope uestigiis sequeretur, plus tamen timor quam ira celeritatis habuit.

[¶91] 32.11. So the enemy got within the walls before the Romans could harass or delay their rear. A few days were then consumed in ravaging the land, since the Romans had not enough equipment to attack the walls, nor the enemy to risk a battle.

> Latin: 32.11. prius itaque moenia intrauere hostes quam Romanus extrema agminis carpere aut morari posset. inde aliquot dies uastando agro absumpti nec Romanis satis instructis apparatu bellico ad moenia adgredienda nec illis ad subeundum pugnae casum.

[¶92] 33.1. A quarrel now broke out between the Antiates and the Latins. The men of Antium, overwhelmed by their misfortunes and worn out by a war which had lasted from their birth to their old age were minded to capitulate:

> Latin: 33.1. seditio tum inter Antiates Latinosque coorta, cum Antiates uicti malis subactique bello in quo et nati erant et consenuerant deditionem spectarent, Latinos ex diutina pace noua defectio recentibus adhuc animis ferociores ad perseuerandum in bello faceret.

[¶93] 33.2. the Latins had but just revolted after a long peace; their spirits were still fresh; and they meant to continue boldly with the war. The dispute came to an end as soon as each party saw that the other could not prevent it in any way from carrying out its policy.

> Latin: 33.2. finis certaminis fuit postquam utrisque apparuit nihil per alteros stare quo minus incepta persequerentur.

[¶94] 33.3. The Latins departed, and freed themselves from all share in what they considered a degrading peace; the Antiates, being rid of inconvenient witnesses to their salutary measures, surrendered their city and lands to the Romans.

> Latin: 33.3. Latini profecti, ab societate pacis, ut rebantur, inhonestae sese uindicauerunt; Antiates incommodis arbitris salutarium consiliorum remotis urbem agrosque Romanis dedunt.

[¶95] 33.4. The frenzied wrath of the Latins sought relief —since they could neither do the Romans any injury in war nor retain the Volsci under arms —in burning Satricum, the town which had been their first place of refuge after their defeat.

> Latin: 33.4. ira et rabies Latinorum, quia nec Romanos bello laedere nec Uolscos in armis retinere potuerant, eo erupit ut Satricum urbem, quae receptaculum primum eis aduersae pugnae fuerat, igni concremarent. nec aliud tectum eius superfuit urbis, cum faces pariter sacris profanisque inicerent, quam Matris Matutae templum;

[¶96] 33.5. They applied the torch without discrimination both to sacred and to secular buildings, and not one escaped destruction, except the temple of Mater Matuta; from this they were kept away, according to the story, neither by their own scruples, nor by their reverence for the gods, but by an awe-inspiring voice that issued from the temple and threatened dire retribution if they did not remove those impious fires to a distance from the sacred walls.

> Latin: 33.5. inde eos nec sua religio nec uerecundia deum arcuisse dicitur sed uox horrenda edita templo cum tristibus minis ni nefandos ignes procul delubris amouissent.

[¶97] 33.6. Crazed and infuriated, a sudden impulse carried them to Tusculum. They were angry that the Tusculans had deserted the common council of the Latins and had yielded themselves to be not only allies but citizens of Rome.

> Latin: 33.6. incensos ea rabie impetus Tusculum tulit ob iram, quod deserto communi concilio Latinorum non in societatem modo Romanam sed etiam in ciuitatem se dedissent.

[¶98] 33.7. The gates were open, for their attack was unexpected, and the first shout had not died away when the town was taken, all except the citadel. To this the townsfolk fled for safety, with their wives and children, and sent off messengers to Rome to let the senate know of their predicament.

> Latin: 33.7. patentibus portis cum improuiso incidissent, primo clamore oppidum praeter arcem captum est. in arcem oppidani refugere cum coniugibus ac liberis nuntiosque Romam, qui certiorem de suo casu senatum facerent, misere.

[¶99] 33.8. With a promptness worthy of the honour of the Roman People, an army marched to Tusculum, commanded by the military tribunes Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius.

> Latin: 33.8. haud segnius quam fide populi Romani dignum fuit exercitus Tusculum ductus; L. Quinctius et Ser. Sulpicius tribuni militum duxere.

[¶100] 33.9. They found the gates of Tusculum closed and the Latins at once besiegers and besieged; on the one hand they were defending the walls of the town, on the other assailing the fortress, and they experienced themselves the same terror they inspired.

> Latin: 33.9. clausas portas Tusculi Latinosque simul obsidentium atque obsessorum animo hinc moenia [Tusculi] tueri uident, illinc arcem oppugnare, terrere una ac pauere.

[¶101] 33.10. The arrival of the Romans produced a change in the spirits of both sides: the Tusculans were roused from the depths of despair to the greatest cheerfulness; the Latins, who had felt almost certain that since the town was theirs they would soon possess the citadel, were reduced almost to despair of their own lives.

> Latin: 33.10. aduentus Romanorum mutauerat utriusque partis animos: Tusculanos ex ingenti metu in summam alacritatem, Latinos ex prope certa fiducia mox capiendae arcis, quoniam oppido potirentur, in exiguam de se ipsis spem uerterat.

[¶102] 33.11. The Tusculans in the citadel gave a cheer and were answered by one much louder from the Roman army. On both sides the Latins were hard pressed: they could neither resist the charges of the townsmen, as they rushed down from above, nor drive back the Romans, who were coming up under the walls and forcing the bars of the gates.

> Latin: 33.11. tollitur ex arce clamor ab Tusculanis; excipit aliquanto maior ab exercitu Romano. utrimque urgentur Latini: nec impetus Tusculanorum decurrentium ex superiore loco sustinent nec Romanos subeuntes moenia molientesque obices portarum arcere possunt.

[¶103] 33.12. The walls were first scaled and captured; then the fastenings of the gates were burst. The Latins were caught between two enemies, who assailed them hotly in front and rear; they had no strength to fight and no room to escape, and were slain where they stood, to the very last man. Having recovered Tusculum from its enemies, the army returned to Rome.

> Latin: 33.12. scalis prius moenia capta, inde effracta claustra portarum; et cum anceps hostis et a fronte et a tergo urgeret nec ad pugnam ulla uis nec ad fugam loci quicquam superesset, in medio caesi ad unum omnes. reciperato ab hostibus Tusculo exercitus Romam est reductus.

[¶104] 34.1. But in proportion as the successful wars of that year had everywhere secured tranquillity abroad, in the City the violence of the patricians and the sufferings of the plebs were increasing from one day to another, since the very fact that payment was compulsory made it more difficult to pay.

> Latin: 34.1. quanto magis prosperis eo anno bellis tranquilla omnia foris erant, tanto in urbe uis patrum in dies miseriaeque plebis crescebant, cum eo ipso, quod necesse erat solui, facultas soluendi impediretur.

[¶105] 34.2. And so, now that a man could make no compensation with his property, his reputation and his person were made over and assigned to his creditor by way of satisfaction, and punishment had come to take the place of payment.

> Latin: 34.2. itaque cum iam ex re nihil dari posset, fama et corpore iudicati atque addicti creditoribus satisfaciebant poenaque in uicem fidei cesserat.

[¶106] 34.3. So abject indeed was the surrender not only of the lowest of the plebs but even of their leaders, that, far from contending with patricians for the military tribuneship —a privilege for which they had striven with such energy —there was not a man of them of sufficient force and enterprise to seek or to administer the plebeian magistracies. The patricians seemed therefore to have regained possession in perpetuity of an office which the plebeians had merely assumed for some few years.

> Latin: 34.3. adeo ergo obnoxios summiserant animos non infimi solum sed principes etiam plebis, ut non modo ad tribunatum militum inter patricios petendum, quod tanta ui ut liceret tetenderant, sed ne ad plebeios quidem magistratus capessendos petendosque ulli uiro acri experientique animus esset, possessionemque honoris usurpati modo a plebe per paucos annos reciperasse in perpetuum patres uiderentur.

## 32. Book VI · chapters 34–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/32/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/32/#p-N

[¶0] 34.5. That this state of affairs might not inspire excessive joy in the patricians, a trivial cause —as often happens —set on foot a mighty change. Marcus Fabius Ambustus was very influential, not only amongst his fellows, but with the plebs as well, for the members of that class felt that he was far from looking down upon it. This man had married his two daughters, the elder to Servius Sulpicius, the younger to Gaius Licinius Stolo, a man of mark, albeit a plebeian; and the very fact that he had not rejected such an alliance had won regard for Fabius with the common people.

> Latin: 34.5. ne id nimis laetum parti alteri esset, parua, ut plerumque solet, rem ingentem moliundi causa interuenit. M. Fabi Ambusti, potentis uiri cum inter sui corporis homines tum etiam ad plebem, quod haudquaquam inter id genus contemptor eius habebatur, filiae duae nuptae, Ser. Sulpicio maior, minor C. Licinio Stoloni erat, illustri quidem uiro tamen plebeio; eaque ipsa adfinitas haud spreta gratiam Fabio ad uolgum quaesierat.

[¶1] 34.6. It fell out that the sisters Fabia were together in the house of Servius Sulpicius, then a consular tribune, and were whiling away the time in talk, as women will, when a lictor of Sulpicius, who was returning from the Forum, rapped on the door, in the usual manner, with his rod. At this the younger Fabia, being unused to the custom, went white, which made the elder laugh with surprise at her sister's ignorance. But that laugh rankled in the other's mind, for a woman's feelings are influenced by trifles.

> Latin: 34.6. forte ita incidit ut in Ser. Sulpici tribuni militum domo sorores Fabiae cum inter se, ut fit, sermonibus tempus tererent, lictor Sulpici, cum is de foro se domum reciperet, forem, ut mos est, uirga percuteret. cum ad id moris eius insueta expauisset minor Fabia, risui sorori fuit miranti ignorare id sororem;

[¶2] 34.7. I suppose, too, that the crowd of people who attended the tribune and took a ceremonious leave of him made her look upon her sister's marriage as a fortunate one and regret her own, in that ill-judging spirit which makes us all so very loath to be outdone by our nearest friends.

> Latin: 34.7. ceterum is risus stimulos paruis mobili rebus animo muliebri subdidit. frequentia quoque prosequentium rogantiumque num quid uellet credo fortunatum matrimonium ei sororis uisum suique ipsam malo arbitrio, quo a proximis quisque minime anteiri uolt, paenituisse.

[¶3] 34.8. She was still suffering from the smart of wounded pride, when her father, happening to see her, asked if anything was wrong. She would fain have concealed the reason of her grief, which was too little consistent with sisterly affection and did no great honour to her husband; but he brought her by tender inquiries to confess that she was unhappy in being mated to one beneath her, having married into a house where neither dignities nor influence could enter.

> Latin: 34.8. confusam eam ex recenti morsu animi cum pater forte uidisset, percontatus 'satin salue?' auertentem causam doloris, quippe nec satis piam aduersus sororem nec admodum in uirum honorificam, elicuit comiter sciscitando, ut fateretur eam esse causam doloris, quod iuncta impari esset, nupta in domo quam nec honos nec gratia intrare posset.

[¶4] 34.10. Ambustus then comforted his daughter and bade her be of good cheer: she would see ere long in her own home the same state she beheld at her sister's.

> Latin: 34.10. consolans inde filiam Ambustus bonum animum habere iussit: eosdem propediem domi uisuram honores quos apud sororem uideat.

[¶5] 34.11. From that moment he began to make plans with his son-in-law, taking into their counsels also Lucius Sextius, a strenuous youth, whose aspirations were thwarted only by his lack of patrician blood.

> Latin: 34.11. inde consilia inire cum genero coepit, adhibito L. Sextio, strenuo adulescente et cuius spei nihil praeter genus patricium deesset.

[¶6] 35.1. An opportunity for innovation was presented by the enormous load of debt, which the plebs could have no hope of lightening but by placing their representatives in the highest offices.

> Latin: 35.1. occasio uidebatur rerum nouandarum propter ingentem uim aeris alieni, cuius leuamen mali plebes nisi suis in summo imperio locatis nullum speraret: accingendum ad eam cogitationem esse;

[¶7] 35.2. They therefore argued that they must gird themselves to think of this: with toil and effort the plebeians had already advanced so far that it was in their power, if they continued to exert themselves, to reach the highest ground, and to equal the patricians in honours as well as in worth.

> Latin: 35.2. conando agendoque iam eo gradum fecisse plebeios unde, si porro adnitantur, peruenire ad summa et patribus aequari tam honore quam uirtute possent.

[¶8] 35.3. For the present it was resolved that Gaius Licinius and Lucius Sextius should be elected tribunes of the plebs, a magistracy in which they might open for themselves a way to the other distinctions.

> Latin: 35.3. in praesentia tribunos plebis fieri placuit, quo in magistratu sibimet ipsi uiam ad ceteros honores aperirent;

[¶9] 35.4. Once elected, they proposed only such measures as abated the influence of the patricians, while forwarding the interests of the plebs. One of these had to do with debt, providing that what had been paid as interest should be deducted from the original sum, and the remainder discharged in three annual instalments of equal size.

> Latin: 35.4. creatique tribuni C. Licinius et L. Sextius promulgauere leges omnes aduersus opes patriciorum et pro commodis plebis: unam de aere alieno, ut deducto eo de capite quod usuris pernumeratum esset id quod superesset triennio aequis portionibus persolueretur;

[¶10] 35.5. A second set a limit on lands, prohibiting anyone from holding more than five hundred iugera. A third did away with the election of military tribunes, and prescribed that of the consuls one, at any rate, should be chosen from the plebs. These were all matters of great moment, and it would not be possible to carry them without a tremendous struggle.

> Latin: 35.5. alteram de modo agrorum, ne quis plus quingenta iugera agri possideret; tertiam, ne tribunorum militum comitia fierent consulumque utique alter ex plebe crearetur; cuncta ingentia et quae sine certamine maximo obtineri non possent.

[¶11] 35.6. Now when all the things that men immoderately covet, lands, money, and promotion, were jeopardized at once, the patricians became thoroughly alarmed; and failing, after frightened conference in public and private gatherings, to devise any other remedy than that veto which they had already tried before in many struggles, provided themselves with friends amongst the colleagues of the tribunes, to oppose their measures.

> Latin: 35.6. omnium igitur simul rerum, quarum immodica cupido inter mortales est, agri, pecuniae, honorum discrimine proposito conterriti patres, cum trepidassent publicis priuatisque consiliis, nullo remedio alio praeter expertam multis iam ante certaminibus intercessionem inuento collegas aduersus tribunicias rogationes comparauerunt.

[¶12] 35.7. These men, seeing Licinius and Sextius summon the tribes to vote, came up in the midst of a body-guard of patricians, and refused to permit the bills to be recited or anything else to be done that was usual in passing a resolution of the plebs.

> Latin: 35.7. qui ubi tribus ad suffragium ineundum citari a Licinio Sextioque uiderunt, stipati patrum praesidiis nec recitari rogationes nec sollemne quicquam aliud ad sciscendum plebi fieri passi sunt.

[¶13] 35.8. And now the assembly had been summoned repeatedly without avail, and the rogations were as though they had been voted down, when Sextius cried out, “So be it! Since it is your pleasure that the intercession should be so powerful, we will use that very weapon for the protection of the plebs.”

> Latin: 35.8. iamque frustra saepe concilio aduocato, cum pro antiquatis rogationes essent, 'bene habet' inquit Sextius; 'quando quidem tantum intercessionem pollere placet, isto ipso telo tutabimur plebem.

[¶14] 35.9. “Come now, senators, and proclaim an assembly for the choice of military tribunes; I warrant you shall have no joy of that word veto, which you now hear with such satisfaction from the chorus of our colleagues.”

> Latin: 35.9. agitedum comitia indicite, patres, tribunis militum creandis; faxo ne iuuet uox ista ueto, qua nunc concinentes collegas nostros tam laeti auditis.'

[¶15] 35.10. His threats were no idle ones: except for the aediles and tribunes of the plebs, there was not an election held. Licinius and Sextius were chosen again, and suffered no curule magistrates to be elected; and this dearth of magistrates continued in the City for five years, while the plebs continued to re-elect the two men tribunes, and they to prevent the election of military tribunes.

> Latin: 35.10. haud inritae cecidere minae: comitia praeter aedilium tribunorumque plebi nulla sunt habita. Licinius Sextiusque tribuni plebis refecti nullos curules magistratus creari passi sunt; eaque solitudo magistratuum et plebe reficiente duos tribunos et iis comitia tribunorum militum tollentibus per quinquennium urbem tenuit.

[¶16] 36.1. There was fortunately a respite from other wars, but the colonists of Velitrae, growing insolent in time of peace, because they knew that the Romans had no army, not only made several incursions into Roman territory, but went so far as to lay siege to Tusculum.

> Latin: 36.1. alia bella opportune quieuere: Ueliterni coloni gestientes otio quod nullus exercitus Romanus esset, et agrum Romanum aliquotiens incursauere et Tusculum oppugnare adorti sunt;

[¶17] 36.2. This circumstance affected not only the senators but even the plebeians; that the Tusculans, who had long been their friends and were now their fellow citizens, should be imploring aid filled them with shame.

> Latin: 36.2. eaque res Tusculanis, ueteribus sociis, nouis ciuibus, opem orantibus uerecundia maxime non patres modo sed etiam plebem mouit.

[¶18] 36.3. The tribunes of the plebs relaxing their opposition, elections were held by an interrex, which resulted in the choice of the following military tribunes: Lucius Furius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, Servius Cornelius, and Publius and Gaius Valerius.

> Latin: 36.3. remittentibus tribunis plebis comitia per interregem sunt habita; creatique tribuni militum L. Furius A. Manlius Ser. Sulpicius Ser. Cornelius P. et C. Ualerii. haudquaquam tam oboedientem in dilectu quam in comitiis plebem habuere;

[¶19] 36.4. They found the plebs much less submissive to the levy than they had been to the election; but by strenuous efforts they enrolled an army, and, marching out, not only drove the enemy away from Tusculum, but even shut him up within his own walls, and Velitrae was besieged with far more vigour than Tusculum had been.

> Latin: 36.4. ingentique contentione exercitu scripto profecti non ab Tusculo modo summouere hostem sed intra suamet ipsum moenia compulere;

[¶20] 36.5. Yet those who had begun the siege were not able to conclude it before the election of new military tribunes.

> Latin: 36.5. obsidebanturque haud paulo ui maiore Uelitrae quam Tusculum obsessum fuerat. nec tamen ab eis, a quibus obsideri coeptae erant, expugnari potuere;

[¶21] 36.6. The candidates chosen were Quintus Servilius, Gaius Veturius, Aulus and Marcus Cornelius, Quintus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius. Even these tribunes accomplished nothing memorable at Velitrae. At home the situation was more dangerous.

> Latin: 36.6. ante noui creati sunt tribuni militum, Q. Seruilius C. Ueturius A. et M. Cornelii Q. Quinctius M. Fabius. nihil ne ab his quidem tribunis ad Uelitras memorabile factum.

[¶22] 36.7. For besides Sextius and Licinius, who had proposed the laws and were now for the eighth time re-elected tribunes of the plebs, the military tribune Fabius, Stolo's father-in-law, was openly advocating the adoption of the measures he had himself suggested.

> Latin: 36.7. in maiore discrimine domi res uertebantur. nam praeter Sextium Liciniumque latores legum, iam octauum tribunos plebis refectos, Fabius quoque tribunus militum, Stolonis socer, quarum legum auctor fuerat, earum suasorem se haud dubium ferebat;

[¶23] 36.8. And whereas there had been at first eight members of the college of plebeian tribunes who opposed the bills, there were now but five; and these, puzzled and confounded, as is apt to be the case with men who forsake their party, were no more than mouthpieces, repeating in justification of their vetoes only what they had been privately schooled to say, to wit, that a majority of the plebeians were absent at Velitrae with the army;

> Latin: 36.8. et cum octo ex collegio tribunorum plebi primo intercessores legum fuissent, quinque soli erant, et, ut ferme solent qui a suis desciscunt, capti et stupentes animi uocibus alienis id modo quod domi praeceptum erat intercessioni suae praetendebant:

[¶24] 36.9. and that the assemblies ought to be put off until the return of the soldiers, so that the entire body of the plebs might vote on matters that concerned them.

> Latin: 36.9. Uelitris in exercitu plebis magnam partem abesse; in aduentum militum comitia differri debere, ut uniuersa plebes de suis commodis suffragium ferret.

[¶25] 36.10. Sextius and Licinius, with some of their colleagues and one of the military tribunes, Fabius, being experts now —after so many years of practice —in the art of playing on the passions of the commons, would bring the leading senators forward and ply them with questions about each of the measures they were laying before the people: Had they the hardihood to demand that, when land was being assigned to the plebs in parcels of two iugera, they themselves should be authorized to hold more than five hundred iugera?

> Latin: 36.10. Sextius Liciniusque cum parte collegarum et uno ex tribunis militum Fabio, artifices iam tot annorum usu tractandi animos plebis, primores patrum productos interrogando de singulis, quae ferebantur ad populum, fatigabant:

[¶26] 36.11. Did they desire that single patricians should possess the allotments of almost three hundred citizens; and that the plebeian should have a farm scarce large enough to contain a shelter for his necessities or a place of burial?

> Latin: 36.11. auderentne postulare ut, cum bina iugera agri plebi diuiderentur, ipsis plus quingenta iugera habere liceret ut singuli prope trecentorum ciuium possiderent agros, plebeio homini uix ad tectum necessarium aut locum sepulturae suus pateret ager?

[¶27] 36.12. Or was it their wish that the plebs, undone with usury, should give up their bodies to imprisonment and torture, instead of paying the principal sums they owed? Did they mean every day to drag off gangs of condemned debtors from the Forum? to fill with prisoners the houses of the nobles? to make of every patrician's dwelling a private gaol?

> Latin: 36.12. an placeret fenore circumuentam plebem, [ni] potius quam sortem [creditum] soluat, corpus in neruum ac supplicia dare et gregatim cottidie de foro addictos duci et repleri uinctis nobiles domus et, ubicumque patricius habitet, ibi carcerem priuatum esse?

[¶28] 37.1. The shame and pity of these conditions awoke more indignation in their hearers, who feared for their own safety, than the speakers had themselves felt in denouncing them. And yet the patricians —as they proceeded to assert —would never check their greed for land, nor cease murdering the plebs with usury, until the commons should elect one of the two consuls from their own number, to guard their liberties.

> Latin: 37.1. haec indigna miserandaque auditu cum apud timentes sibimet ipsos maiore audientium indignatione quam sua increpuissent, atqui nec agros occupandi modum nec fenore trucidandi plebem alium patribus unquam fore, adfirmabant, nisi alterum ex plebe consulem, custodem suae libertatis, [plebi] fecissent.

[¶29] 37.3. Contempt, they argued, was now become the portion of the plebeian tribunes, for they used the veto to break down their own power.

> Latin: 37.3. contemni iam tribunos plebis, quippe quae potestas iam suam ipsa uim frangat intercedendo.

[¶30] 37.4. There could be no question of equal rights, where the other side commanded and they themselves could do nothing but protest. Until they shared in the authority, the plebs would never have an equal footing in the state. And let no one think that it would be sufficient if plebeians were accepted as candidates at the consular elections: unless it were required that at least one consul must be chosen from the commons, none ever would be.

> Latin: 37.4. non posse aequo iure agi ubi imperium penes illos, penes se auxilium tantum sit; nisi imperio communicato nunquam plebem in parte pari rei publicae fore. nec esse quod quisquam satis putet, si plebeiorum ratio comitiis consularibus habeatur; nisi alterum consulem utique ex plebe fieri necesse sit, neminem fore.

[¶31] 37.5. Had they already forgotten, that although the election of tribunes of the soldiers rather than consuls had been resolved upon, expressly in order that the highest honour might be open even to plebeians, yet for four and forty years no commoner had been chosen to that office?

> Latin: 37.5. an iam memoria exisse, cum tribunos militum idcirco potius quam consules creari placuisset ut et plebeiis pateret summus honos, quattuor et quadraginta annis neminem ex plebe tribunum militum creatum esse?

[¶32] 37.6. How could they suppose, that with two places only now available, the patricians would of their own volition bestow the office on the plebs, when they had habitually claimed eight places in electing military tribunes? Would those men allow the consulship to be approached, who had blocked so long the road to the tribuneship?

> Latin: 37.6. qui crederent duobus nunc in locis sua uoluntate impertituros plebi honorem, qui octona loca tribunis militum creandis occupare soliti sint, et ad consulatum uiam fieri passuros, qui tribunatum saeptum tam diu habuerint?

[¶33] 37.7. The law must make good for them what they could not gain by favour at the elections; one of the two consulships must be set apart for the undisputed use of the plebs, for if left in dispute it would always fall a prize to the more powerful.

> Latin: 37.7. lege obtinendum esse quod comitiis per gratiam nequeat, et seponendum extra certamen alterum consulatum ad quem plebi sit aditus, quoniam in certamine relictus praemium semper potentioris futurus sit.

[¶34] 37.8. Neither could it any longer be maintained —as the nobles had been wont to assert — that among the plebeians were none who were suitable for curule magistracies. Had the public administration been a jot more indifferent or slipshod since the tribuneship of Publius Licinius Calvus, who was the first man elected from the plebs, than it had been during those years in which none but patricians had been military tribunes?

> Latin: 37.8. nec iam posse dici id quod antea iactare soliti sint, non esse in plebeiis idoneos uiros ad curules magistratus. numqui enim socordius aut segnius rem publicam administrari post P. Licini Calui tribunatum, qui primus ex plebe creatus sit, quam per eos annos gesta sit quibus praeter patricios nemo tribunus militum fuerit?

[¶35] 37.9. Nay, on the contrary, several patricians had been impeached after holding the tribuneship, but not one plebeian. Quaestors, too, like military tribunes, had begun a few years before to be elected from the commons, nor had the Roman People regretted it in a single case.

> Latin: 37.9. quin contra patricios aliquot damnatos post tribunatum, neminem plebeium. quaestores quoque, sicut tribunos militum, paucis ante annis ex plebe coeptos creari nec ullius eorum populum Romanum paenituisse.

[¶36] 37.10. The consulship remained for the commons to achieve; this was the citadel of liberty, this its pillar. If they attained to this, then would the Roman People hold that the kings had been really driven from the City, and their freedom firmly based;

> Latin: 37.10. consulatum superesse plebeiis; eam esse arcem libertatis, id columen. si eo peruentum sit, tum populum Romanum uere exactos ex urbe reges et stabilem libertatem suam existimaturum;

[¶37] 37.11. for the commons would thenceforward be partakers in all that made the patricians now surpass them, —authority and honour, martial renown, birth and nobility, —great things for themselves to enjoy, but even greater to bequeath to their children.

> Latin: 37.11. quippe ex illa die in plebem uentura omnia quibus patricii excellant, imperium atque honorem, gloriam belli, genus, nobilitatem, magna ipsis fruenda, maiora liberis relinquenda.

[¶38] 37.12. Perceiving that speeches of this sort were well received, they introduced a new measure, providing that in place of two men vested with superintendence of the sacred rites, a board of ten should be elected, with a proviso that half the number should be of the plebs, and half patricians; the voting on all these bills they deferred until the return of the army which was besieging Velitrae.

> Latin: 37.12. huius generis orationes ubi accipi uidere, nouam rogationem promulgant, ut pro duumuiris sacris faciundis decemuiri creentur ita ut pars ex plebe, pars ex patribus fiat; omniumque earum rogationum comitia in aduentum eius exercitus differunt qui Uelitras obsidebat.

[¶39] 38.1. A year rolled round before the legions could be brought back from Velitrae; consequently the question of the laws remained in abeyance and was put off until the coming in of the new military tribunes; for as to the tribunes of the plebs, the commons chose the same men over again —the two, at any rate, who had brought in the bills.

> Latin: 38.1. prius circumactus est annus quam a Uelitris reducerentur legiones; ita suspensa de legibus res ad nouos tribunos militum dilata; nam plebis tribunos eosdem, duos utique quia legum latores erant, plebes reficiebat.

[¶40] 38.2. The military tribunes chosen were Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius Servilius, Lucius Papirius, and Lucius Veturius.

> Latin: 38.2. tribuni militum creati T. Quinctius Ser. Cornelius Ser. Sulpicius Sp. Seruilius L. Papirius L. Ueturius.

[¶41] 38.3. At the very outset of the year came a final struggle over the laws; and when the tribes were summoned to vote, and the proposers of the measures would not yield to the vetoes of their colleagues, the frightened patricians were put to their two last shifts —the greatest office, and the greatest of the citizens.

> Latin: 38.3. principio statim anni ad ultimam dimicationem de legibus uentum; et cum tribus uocarentur nec intercessio collegarum latoribus obstaret, trepidi patres ad duo ultima auxilia, summum imperium summumque ad ciuem decurrunt.

[¶42] 38.4. They voted to name a dictator, and appointed Marcus Furius Camillus, who chose Lucius Aemilius for his master of the horse. To meet these formidable preparations of their adversaries, the proposers of the laws on their side armed the commons with tremendous enthusiasm for the cause, and proclaiming a council of the plebs, called up the tribes to vote.

> Latin: 38.4. dictatorem dici placet; dicitur M. Furius Camillus, qui magistrum equitum L. Aemilium cooptat. legum quoque latores aduersus tantum apparatum aduersariorum et ipsi causam plebis ingentibus animis armant concilioque plebis indicto tribus ad suffragium uocant.

[¶43] 38.5. Attended by a body of patricians, and breathing wrath and menaces, the dictator took his seat, and the affair began with the usual skirmish between the tribunes of the plebs, some of whom urged the passing of the law while others interposed their vetoes. But powerful as the veto was on the legal side, it was being overcome by the popularity of the bills themselves and their proposers, and the tribes which had been summoned first were voting “Ay,” when Camillus addressed the people. “Quirites,” he said, “since you are now swayed not by the authority of the tribunes but by their lawlessness, and are bringing to naught the right of protest —obtained through the secession of the plebs —with the same violence with which you won it; for your own sake no less than for the sake of tile whole republic, I shall, as dictator, sustain the veto, and safeguard with my absolute authority your defence which you are overthrowing.”

> Latin: 38.5. cum dictator, stipatus agmine patriciorum, plenus irae minarumque consedisset atque ageretur res solito primum certamine inter se tribunorum plebi ferentium legem intercedentiumque et, quanto iure potentior intercessio erat, tantum uinceretur fauore legum ipsarum latorumque et 'uti rogas' primae tribus dicerent, tum Camillus 'quando quidem' inquit, 'Quirites, iam uos tribunicia libido, non potestas regit et intercessionem, secessione quondam plebis partam, uobis eadem ui facitis inritam qua peperistis, non rei publicae magis uniuersae quam uestra causa dictator intercessioni adero euersumque uestrum auxilium imperio tutabor.

[¶44] 38.7. “If then Gaius Licinius and Lucius Sextius yield to the protest of their colleagues, I will in no way intrude a patrician magistracy upon a council of the plebs; but if, in defiance of the protest, they try to impose their terms, as though upon a conquered state, I will not permit the tribunician power to work its own undoing.”

> Latin: 38.7. itaque si C. Licinius et L. Sextius intercessioni collegarum cedunt, nihil patricium magistratum inseram concilio plebis; si aduersus intercessionem tamquam captae ciuitati leges imponere tendent, uim tribuniciam a se ipsa dissolui non patiar.'

[¶45] 38.8. This warning the tribunes treated with contempt, and were proceeding with unabated energy to carry out their plans, when Camillus, in high dudgeon, sent his lictors to turn the commons out; and threatened, that if they continued in their course, he would administer the oath to all of military age, and forthwith lead the army out of the City.

> Latin: 38.8. aduersus ea cum contemptim tribuni plebis rem nihilo segnius peragerent, tum percitus ira Camillus lictores qui de medio plebem emouerent misit et addidit minas, si pergerent, sacramento omnes iuniores adacturum exercitumque extemplo ex urbe educturum.

[¶46] 38.9. The plebs were greatly dismayed; but the courage of their leaders was rather kindled than damped by his vehemence. Yet before the matter had been decided either way, Camillus resigned his office, whether because there had been a flaw in his election —as certain writers have held —or because the tribunes proposed to the plebs and the plebs decreed, that if Marcus Furius should take any action in the capacity of dictator, he should be fined five hundred thousand asses.

> Latin: 38.9. terrorem ingentem incusserat plebi: ducibus plebis accendit magis certamine animos quam minuit. sed re neutro inclinata magistratu se abdicauit, seu quia uitio creatus erat, ut scripsere quidam, seu quia tribuni plebis tulerunt ad plebem idque plebs sciuit, ut, si M. Furius pro dictatore quid egisset, quingentum milium ei multa esset;

[¶47] 38.10. But that the auspices, and not a law without a precedent, were responsible for his withdrawal, the very nature of the man inclines me to believe; also the fact that Publius Manlius was at once made dictator in his place —for what good would his appointment do, in a struggle in which Marcus Furius had been beaten?

> Latin: 38.10. sed auspiciis magis quam noui exempli rogatione deterritum ut potius credam, cum ipsius uiri facit ingenium, tum quod ei suffectus est extemplo P. Manlius dictator—quem quid creari attinebat ad id certamen quo M. Furius uictus esset?— et quod eundem M.

[¶48] 38.11. Besides, Marcus Furius himself was dictator again in the following year, and he would surely have been ashamed to resume an authority which had broken down in his own hands the year before.

> Latin: 38.11. Furium dictatorem insequens annus habuit, haud sine pudore certe fractum priore anno in se imperium repetiturum;

[¶49] 38.12. Moreover at the time when the proposal to fine him is said to have been made, either he had the power to resist this order —which deprived him, as he could see, of all authority, —or else he lacked the power to obstruct even those measures in defence of which this order had been proposed.

> Latin: 38.12. simul quod eo tempore quo promulgatum de multa eius traditur aut et huic rogationi, qua se in ordinem cogi uidebat, obsistere potuit aut ne illas quidem propter quas et haec lata erat impedire;

[¶50] 38.13. Finally, whatever conflicts have occurred between tribunes and consuls, down to the times we can ourselves remember, the dictatorship has always towered above them.

> Latin: 38.13. et quod usque ad memoriam nostram tribuniciis consularibusque certatum uiribus est, dictaturae semper altius fastigium fuit.

[¶51] 39.1. In the interval between the abdication of the earlier dictator and the entrance upon his office of the new one, Manlius, the tribunes —as though there were an interregnum —held a council of the plebs, and it became evident which of the measures proposed were more acceptable to the plebeians, and which to their introducers.

> Latin: 39.1. inter priorem dictaturam abdicatam nouamque a Manlio initam ab tribunis uelut per interregnum concilio plebis habito apparuit quae ex promulgatis plebi, quae latoribus gratiora essent.

[¶52] 39.2. For the tribes were on the point of passing the bills relating to interest and land, and of rejecting the one about the plebeian consul, and both policies would have been finally disposed of, if the tribunes had not said that they were putting all these questions to the plebs collectively.

> Latin: 39.2. nam de fenore atque agro rogationes iubebant, de plebeio consule antiquabant; et perfecta utraque res esset, ni tribuni se in omnia simul consulere plebem dixissent. P. Manlius deinde dictator rem in causam plebis inclinauit C. Licinio, qui tribunus militum fuerat, magistro equitum de plebe dicto.

[¶53] 39.4. Then Publius Manlius, becoming dictator, gave the affair a turn in favour of the plebs by naming Gaius Licinius, who had been military tribune and was a commoner, his master of the horse. I find that the patricians took offence at this, but that the dictator was wont to excuse himself to them by alleging his close relationship to Licinius, and asserting that a master of the horse possessed no greater authority than a consular tribune.

> Latin: 39.4. id aegre patres passos accipio: dictatorem propinqua cognatione Licini se apud patres excusare solitum, simul negantem magistri equitum maius quam tribuni consularis imperium esse.

[¶54] 39.5. Licinius and Sextius, when an assembly had been proclaimed for the election of plebeian tribunes, so bore themselves that while professing an unwillingness to be re-elected, they furnished the plebs with the strongest incentives to give them what they pretended not to covet.

> Latin: 39.5. Licinius Sextiusque, cum tribunorum plebi creandorum indicta comitia essent, ita se gerere ut negando iam sibi uelle continuari honorem acerrime accenderent ad id quod dissimulando petebant plebem:

[¶55] 39.6. They said it was now nine years that they had stood embattled, as it were, against the optimates, with the greatest danger to themselves and no advantage to the public.

> Latin: 39.6. nonum se annum iam uelut in acie aduersus optimates maximo priuatim periculo, nullo publice emolumento stare. consenuisse iam secum et rogationes promulgatas et uim omnem tribuniciae potestatis.

[¶56] 39.7. The measures they had proposed and the whole power of the tribunate had, like themselves, grown old and useless. First the intercession of their colleagues had been employed to attack their laws; then the young men had been banished to the seat of war at Velitrae; finally they had themselves been menaced with the thunderbolt of the dictatorship.

> Latin: 39.7. primo intercessione collegarum in leges suas pugnatum esse, deinde ablegatione iuuentutis ad Ueliternum bellum; postremo dictatorium fulmen in se intentatum.

[¶57] 39.8. At present they were thwarted neither by their colleagues, nor by war, nor even by the dictator, for he had actually given them a presage of plebeian consuls by appointing a plebeian master of the horse:

> Latin: 39.8. iam nec collegas nec bellum nec dictatorem obstare, quippe qui etiam omen plebeio consuli magistro equitum ex plebe dicendo dederit:

[¶58] 39.9. no, it was the plebs themselves who stood in the way of their own advancement. A City and a Forum rid of creditors, and lands delivered from unlawful occupation, were things they might enjoy at once, if they would. When, pray, did they expect to weigh these blessings and be duly grateful, if at the very moment of entertaining measures for their own advantage they cut off all hope of office from the men who introduced them? It was not like the reasonableness of the Roman People to ask to be relieved themselves of usury and settled on lands which the nobles had unjustly held, while leaving the men to whom they owed these advantages to grow old as tribunicians —not only without honours, but even without the hope of them.

> Latin: 39.9. se ipsam plebem et commoda morari sua. liberam urbem ac forum a creditoribus, liberos agros ab iniustis possessoribus extemplo, si uelit, habere posse. quae munera quando tandem satis grato animo aestimaturos, si inter accipiendas de suis commodis rogationes spem honoris latoribus earum incidant? non esse modestiae populi Romani id postulare ut ipse fenore leuetur et in agrum iniuria possessum a potentibus inducatur, per quos ea consecutus sit senes tribunicios non sine honore tantum sed etiam sine spe honoris relinquat.

[¶59] 39.11. So let them first make up their minds what it was they wished; and then declare their wishes at the election of the tribunes. If they desired to enact together the measures which the tribunes had brought forward, there was some reason for re-electing them; for they would carry through what they had advocated; but if every man cared only for the adoption of such clauses as concerned him personally, there was no use in an invidious prolongation of their term; they would do without the tribuneship, and the people would do without the proposed reforms.

> Latin: 39.11. proinde ipsi primum statuerent apud animos quid uellent; deinde comitiis tribuniciis declararent uoluntatem. si coniuncte ferre ab se promulgatas rogationes uellent, esse quod eosdem reficerent tribunos plebis; perlaturos enim quae promulgauerint: sin quod cuique priuatim opus sit id modo accipi uelint, opus esse nihil inuidiosa continuatione honoris; nec se tribunatum nec illos ea quae promulgata sint habituros.

[¶60] 40.1. On hearing the tribunes make this stubborn speech, though the other senators were dazed and dumbfounded by such outrageous arguments, they say that Appius Claudius Crassus, the decemvir's grandson, moved more by hate and resentment than by hope, came forward to oppose them, and spoke to the following purpose:

> Latin: 40.1. aduersus tam obstinatam orationem tribunorum cum prae indignitate rerum stupor silentiumque inde ceteros patrum defixisset, Ap. Claudius Crassus, nepos decemuiri, dicitur odio magis iraque quam spe ad dissuadendum processisse et locutus in hanc fere sententiam esse:

[¶61] 40.3. "It would be no strange or surprising thing to me, Quirites, if on this occasion I, too, should be taunted with the one reproach that rebellious tribunes have ever directed at our family, to wit, that the Claudian gens from its very origin has regarded no feature of our public life as more important than the majesty of the senate and has always opposed the interests of the plebs.

> Latin: 40.3. 'neque nouum neque inopinatum mihi sit, Quirites, si, quod unum familiae nostrae semper obiectum est ab seditiosis tribunis, id nunc ego quoque audiam, Claudiae gentis iam inde ab initio nihil antiquius in re publica patrum maiestate fuisse, semper plebis commodis aduersatos esse.

[¶62] 40.4. The former of these charges I neither deny nor seek to refute —namely, that we have striven with all our might, from the day we were first called to be citizens and senators, that, so far as in us lay, the dignity of those families with which you proposed to rank us might truthfully be said to have rather gained than lost;

> Latin: 40.4. quorum alterum neque nego neque infitias eo—nos, ex quo adsciti sumus simul in ciuitatem et patres, enixe operam dedisse ut per nos aucta potius quam imminuta maiestas earum gentium inter quas nos esse uoluistis dici uere posset:

[¶63] 40.5. as to the other charge, I would venture to maintain, Quirites, speaking for myself and for my forefathers, that unless one should assume that what is done for the good of the whole nation is opposed to the welfare of the plebs, —as though they inhabited another city, —we have never wittingly done anything, whether as private citizens or magistrates, disadvantageous to the plebs; and that no word or act of ours can be truthfully alleged as being against your interests, though some there may have been which ran counter to your wishes.

> Latin: 40.5. illud alterum pro me maioribusque meis contendere ausim, Quirites, nisi, quae pro uniuersa re publica fiant, ea plebi tamquam aliam incolenti urbem aduersa quis putet, nihil nos neque priuatos neque in magistratibus quod incommodum plebi esset scientes fecisse nec ullum factum dictumue nostrum contra utilitatem uestram, etsi quaedam contra uoluntatem fuerint, uere referri posse.

[¶64] 40.6. But were I not a Claudius, nor sprung from a patrician line, but were merely any one of the Quirites, assuming only that I knew my parents had both been born to freedom and that I lived in a free state, could I pass this by in silence?

> Latin: 40.6. an hoc, si Claudiae familiae non sim nec ex patricio sanguine ortus sed unus Quiritium quilibet, qui modo me duobus ingenuis ortum et uiuere in libera ciuitate sciam, reticere possim L.

[¶65] 40.7. Are Lucius Sextius yonder and Gaius Licinius, our perpetual tribunes — save the mark! —grown so presumptuous in the nine years of their reign, as to threaten that they will leave you free to exercise your right of suffrage neither in elections nor in enacting laws?

> Latin: 40.7. illum Sextium et C. Licinium, perpetuos, si dis placet, tribunos, tantum licentiae nouem annis quibus regnant sumpsisse, ut uobis negent potestatem liberam suffragii non in comitiis, non in legibus iubendis se permissuros esse?

[¶66] 40.8. "' On a certain condition,' says one of them, ' you shall elect us tribunes for the tenth time '; as though he were to say,' What others sue for we are so surfeited withal that we will not accept it without a great reward.'

> Latin: 40.8. '"sub condicione" inquit, "nos reficietis decimum tribunos." quid est aliud dicere "quod petunt alii, nos adeo fastidimus ut sine mercede magna non accipiamus"?

[¶67] 40.9. But what in short is that reward by the grant of which we may always have you for tribunes of the plebs? ' That you adopt,' says he, 'all our rogations in a lump, whether you like them or detest them, —be they good or bad.' I beseech you, Tarquin tribunes of the plebs, imagine me a simple citizen calling out from the midst of the assembly, ' By your good leave, suffer us to choose from these proposals those we regard as wholesome for us, and to reject the rest.'

> Latin: 40.9. sed quae tandem ista merces est qua uos semper tribunos plebis habeamus? "ut rogationes" inquit, "nostras, seu placent seu displicent, seu utiles seu inutiles sunt, omnes coniunctim accipiatis." obsecro uos, Tarquinii tribuni plebis, putate me ex media contione unum ciuem succlamare "bona uenia uestra liceat ex his rogationibus legere quas salubres nobis censemus esse,

[¶68] 40.11. 'No,' he answers, 'you shall not have leave to enact the measures that concern you all, touching interest and lands, unless you will put up with the monstrous sight in Rome of Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius here as consuls —an idea you loathe and abominate; —accept everything, or I offer nothing.'

> Latin: 40.11. antiquare alias." "non" inquit, "licebit tu de fenore atque agris quod ad uos omnes pertinet iubeas et hoc portenti non fiat in urbe Romana uti L. Sextium atque hunc C. Licinium consules, quod indignaris, quod abominaris, uideas; aut omnia accipe, aut nihil fero";

[¶69] 40.12. As though a man were starving, and one should serve poison to him with his food, and command him either to abstain from what would give him life, or mix the deadly with the life-giving. Well then! If this state were free, would not the people have cried out to you in full assembly, 'Begone, with your tribuneships and your rogations!' Come! If you will not propose what is profitable to the people to accept, shall there be none to do it?

> Latin: 40.12. ut si quis ei quem urgeat fames uenenum ponat cum cibo et aut abstinere eo quod uitale sit iubeat aut mortiferum uitali admisceat. ergo si esset libera haec ciuitas, non tibi frequentes succlamassent "abi hinc cum tribunatibus ac rogationibus tuis"? quid? si tu non tuleris quod commodum est populo accipere, nemo erit qui ferat?

[¶70] 40.13. Suppose that some patrician, or —what those fellows would make out to be still more hateful —some Claudius, should say, ' Either take all or I will propose nothing,' which of you, Quirites, would endure it?

> Latin: 40.13. illud si quis patricius, si quis, quod illi uolunt inuidiosius esse, Claudius diceret "aut omnia accipite, aut nihil fero", quis uestrum, Quirites, ferret?

[¶71] 40.14. Will you never choose rather to look at facts than at advocates, but always lend ready ears to the utterances of that noble magistrate, and refuse to hear what is said by any of us?

> Latin: 40.14. nunquamne uos res potius quam auctores spectabitis sed omnia semper quae magistratus ille dicet secundis auribus, quae ab nostrum quo dicentur aduersis accipietis?

[¶72] 40.15. " His language, you will admit, is far from appropriate in a free state; well, what of his rogation, which they resent your refusal to accept? Quirites, it is all of a piece with his words. ' I propose,' he says, 'that it shall not be permitted you to choose such consuls as you will.'

> Latin: 40.15. at hercule sermo est minime ciuilis; quid? rogatio qualis est, quam a uobis antiquatam indignantur? sermoni, Quirites, simillima. "consules" inquit, "rogo ne uobis quos uelitis facere liceat."

[¶73] 40.16. For can aught else be his meaning, when he commands that in any case one consul be chosen from the plebs, and deprives you of the power to name two patricians?

> Latin: 40.16. an aliter [rogat] qui utique alterum ex plebe fieri consulem iubet nec duos patricios creandi potestatem uobis permittit?

[¶74] 40.17. If wars should arise in these days, like the Etruscan war, when Porsinna held Janiculum, or like the Gallic war a little while ago, when all this City —except the Capitol and the Citadel —was in the hands of your enemies; and if Lucius Sextius were standing for the consulship, along with Marcus Furius here, and any other patrician whomsoever; could you endure that Lucius Sextius should be certain of election, while Camillus had to risk defeat?

> Latin: 40.17. si hodie bella sint, quale Etruscum fuit cum Porsenna Ianiculum insedit, quale Gallicum modo cum praeter Capitolium atque arcem omnia haec hostium erant, et consulatum cum hoc M. Furio et quolibet alio ex patribus L. ille Sextius peteret, possetisne ferre Sextium haud pro dubio consulem esse, Camillum de repulsa dimicare?

[¶75] 40.18. Is it thus they would equalize the opportunities of office? Would they authorize the election of two plebeian consuls, and forbid the choice of two patricians? Must we perforce take one plebeian, while for both places we may pass the patricians by? What sort of fellowship, of partnership, is this? Are you not satisfied to get a part of that in which you had no part before, unless in reaching for the part you can seize the whole?

> Latin: 40.18. hocine est in commune honores uocare, ut duos plebeios fieri consules liceat, duos patricios non liceat? et alterum ex plebe creari necesse sit, utrumque ex patribus praeterire liceat? quaenam ista societas, quaenam consortio est? parum est, si, cuius pars tua nulla adhuc fuit, in partem eius uenis, nisi partem petendo totum traxeris?

[¶76] 40.19. 'I fear' he replies, 'lest if it be permitted to choose two patricians, you may choose no one from the plebs.' His meaning is: 'Since of your own accord you will never choose unworthy men, I will make it obligatory on you to elect those whom you do not wish.'

> Latin: 40.19. "timeo" inquit, "ne, si duos licebit creari patricios, neminem creetis plebeium." quid est dicere aliud "quia indignos uestra uoluntate creaturi non estis, necessitatem uobis creandi quos non uoltis imponam"?

[¶77] 40.20. What follows? Why, a man would not owe the people so much as thanks, if he were the sole plebeian candidate along with two patricians: he would say that he had been elected not by your suffrages, but by the statute.

> Latin: 40.20. quid sequitur, nisi ut ne beneficium quidem debeat populo, si cum duobus patriciis unus petierit plebeius et lege se non suffragio creatum dicat?

[¶78] 41.1. "They would force us, not invite us, to grant them office; and thus they mean to win the very highest honours without incurring even such obligations as would be imposed by the least important. They would make their canvass not on worth but on opportunity.

> Latin: 41.1. quomodo extorqueant, non quomodo petant honores, quaerunt; et ita maxima sunt adepturi, ut nihil ne pro minimis quidem debeant; et occasionibus potius quam uirtute petere honores malunt.

[¶79] 41.2. There is many a man who resents being investigated and appraised, who thinks it right that he alone should be certain of success, while his competitors are struggling for office; who would withdraw himself from your judgment; who would have you vote for him from compulsion, not from choice —not as freemen, but as slaves.

> Latin: 41.2. est aliquis, qui se inspici, aestimari fastidiat, qui certos sibi uni honores inter dimicantes competitores aequum censeat esse, qui se arbitrio uestro eximat, qui uestra necessaria suffragia pro uoluntariis et serua pro liberis faciat.

[¶80] 41.3. I say nothing of Licinius and Sextius, whose years of continuous power you reckon like those of the kings on the Capitol: who is there in the state to-day so lowly that the opportunities afforded by that law would not make access to the consulship easier for him than for us and for our children? To elect us will sometimes be beyond your power, even though you wish it; but those persons you would be compelled to elect, even against your inclinations.

> Latin: 41.3. omitto Licinium Sextiumque, quorum annos in perpetua potestate tamquam regum in Capitolio numeratis: quis est hodie in ciuitate tam humilis cui non uia ad consulatum facilior per istius legis occasionem quam nobis ac liberis nostris fiat, si quidem nos ne cum uolueritis quidem creare interdum poteritis, istos etiam si nolueritis necesse sit?

[¶81] 41.4. “Of the indignity of the thing I have said enough. But dignity after all is concerned with men: what of religious observances and auspices —for the immortal gods are involved in insult and disrespect to these? That this City was founded under auspices; that all measures, warlike and peaceful, at home and in the field, are carried out with auspices, who does not know?”

> Latin: 41.4. de indignitate satis dictum est—etenim dignitas ad homines pertinet—: quid de religionibus atque auspiciis—quae propria deorum immortalium contemptio atque iniuria est— loquar? auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse, auspiciis bello ac pace domi militiaeque omnia geri, quis est qui ignoret?

[¶82] 41.5. “Who then control the auspices, by the tradition of our fathers? The patricians, to be sure; for no plebeian magistrate is elected under auspices;”

> Latin: 41.5. penes quos igitur sunt auspicia more maiorum? nempe penes patres; nam plebeius quidem magistratus nullus auspicato creatur;

[¶83] 41.6. “the auspices belong so exclusively to us, that not only are the patrician magistrates whom the people elect no otherwise elected than with auspices, but we ourselves even —without the people's suffrage —take auspices and nominate an interrex; and have, as private citizens, the right of taking them, which you plebeians have not even in your magistracies.”

> Latin: 41.6. nobis adeo propria sunt auspicia, ut non solum quos populus creat patricios magistratus non aliter quam auspicato creet sed nos quoque ipsi sine suffragio populi auspicato interregem prodamus et priuatim auspicia habeamus, quae isti ne in magistratibus quidem habent.

[¶84] 41.7. “He therefore deprives the state outright of auspices, who by electing plebeian consuls deprives the patricians of them —for they alone can take them. They may jeer now, if they like, at religious scruples.”

> Latin: 41.7. quid igitur aliud quam tollit ex ciuitate auspicia qui plebeios consules creando a patribus, qui soli ea habere possunt, aufert?

[¶85] 41.8. 'After all,' they will say, 'what difference does it make if the sacred chickens will not feed; if they are slow to come out from the coop; if a bird utters an ill-omened cry? ' These are trivial things; but because they did not scorn these trivial things, your fathers were able to build this great republic; and now we, as though we had no further use for Heaven's favour, are polluting all “the ceremonies.

> Latin: 41.8. eludant nunc licet religiones: "quid enim est, si pulli non pascentur, si ex cauea tardius exierint, si occecinerit auis?" parua sunt haec; sed parua ista non contemnendo maiores uestri maximam hanc rem fecerunt;

[¶86] 41.9. Let pontiffs then, augurs, and kings of the sacrifices, be chosen from the vulgar herd; let us set the mitre of the Flamen Dialis on anybody's head, so he but be a man; let us make over the sacred shields, the inner shrine, the gods and the service of the gods, to those whom we may not without sin intrust ” “with them; let laws be proposed and magistrates elected without the approval of the auspices; neither to centuriate nor curiate comitia let the fathers give their sanction; let Sextius and Licinius bear sway in Rome, like Romulus and Tatius —because they give away the moneys and the lands ”

> Latin: 41.9. nunc nos, tamquam iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus. uolgo ergo pontifices, augures, sacrificuli reges creentur; cuilibet apicem Dialem, dummodo homo sit imponamus; tradamus ancilia, penetralia, deos deorumque curam, quibus nefas est; non leges auspicato ferantur, non magistratus creentur; nec centuriatis nec curiatis comitiis patres auctores fiant; Sextius et Licinius tamquam Romulus ac Tatius in urbe Romana regnent, quia pecunias alienas, quia agros dono dant.

[¶87] 41.11. “of others. Is it so sweet to plunder others of their fortunes? Does it not occur to them that one of their laws will make vast deserts in the country-side, by driving the landlords out from their demesnes, while the other will wipe out credit, and with it all ” “human intercourse?

> Latin: 41.11. tanta dulcedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, nec in mentem uenit altera lege solitudines uastas in agris fieri pellendo finibus dominos, altera fidem abrogari cum qua omnis humana societas tollitur?

[¶88] 41.12. Upon every account I urge you to reject these bills; and may Heaven prosper what you do!”

> Latin: 41.12. omnium rerum causa uobis antiquandas censeo istas rogationes. quod faxitis deos uelim fortunare.'

[¶89] 42.1. The speech of Appius availed no further than to put off the passing of the measures.

> Latin: 42.1. oratio Appi ad id modo ualuit ut tempus rogationum iubendarum proferretur.

[¶90] 42.2. Returned for the tenth time to office, the tribunes Sextius and Licinius obtained the enactment of a law requiring that half the board of ten who had charge of sacred rites should be plebeians. Having elected five patricians and five plebeians, the people felt that they had set a precedent for the consulship.

> Latin: 42.2. refecti decumum iidem tribuni, Sextius et Licinius, de decemuiris sacrorum ex parte de plebe creandis legem pertulere. creati quinque patrum, quinque plebis; graduque eo iam uia facta ad consulatum uidebatur.

[¶91] 42.3. Satisfied with their victory, the plebs gave way to the patricians, and relinquishing for the moment discussion about the consuls, permitted the election of military tribunes. Those chosen were Aulus and Marcus Cornelius (for their second terms), Marcus Geganius, Publius Manlius, Lucius Veturius, and (for the sixth time) Publius Valerius.

> Latin: 42.3. hac uictoria contenta plebes cessit patribus ut in praesentia consulum mentione omissa tribuni militum crearentur. creati A. et M. Cornelii iterum M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Ueturius P. Ualerius sextum.

[¶92] 42.4. Rome's foreign relations were now peaceful everywhere except for the siege of Velitrae —the result of which, though delayed, was scarce in doubt —when a sudden rumour of a Gallic war drove the state to appoint Marcus Furius to his fifth dictatorship. He nominated Titus Quinctius Poenus to be master of the horse.

> Latin: 42.4. cum praeter Uelitrarum obsidionem, tardi magis rem exitus quam dubii, quietae externae res Romanis essent, fama repens belli Gallici allata perpulit ciuitatem ut M. Furius dictator quintum diceretur. is T. Quinctium Poenum magistrum equitum dixit.

[¶93] 42.5. Claudius relates that the battle with the Gauls took place that year near the river Anio; and that this was the occasion of the famous duel on the bridge in which Titus Manlius slew a Gaul who had challenged him to combat, and despoiled him of his chain, while the two armies looked on.

> Latin: 42.5. bellatum cum Gallis eo anno circa Anienem flumen auctor est Claudius inclitamque in ponte pugnam, qua T. Manlius Gallum cum quo prouocatus manus conseruit in conspectu duorum exercituum caesum torque spoliauit, tum pugnatam.

[¶94] 42.6. But I am more inclined to believe, with the majority of our authorities, that this exploit took place no less than ten years later, and that in the year of which I am now writing, the dictator, Marcus Furius, fought a battle against the Gauls on Alban soil.

> Latin: 42.6. pluribus auctoribus magis adducor ut credam decem haud minus post annos ea acta, hoc autem anno in Albano agro cum Gallis dictatore M. Furio signa conlata.

[¶95] 42.7. Notwithstanding the great terror occasioned by the invasion of the Gauls and the recollection of their old defeat, the Romans gained a victory that was neither difficult nor uncertain.

> Latin: 42.7. nec dubia nec difficilis Romanis, quamquam ingentem Galli terrorem memoria pristinae cladis attulerant, uictoria fuit. multa milia barbarorum in acie, multa captis castris caesa;

[¶96] 42.8. Many thousands of barbarians fell in battle, and many after the camp was taken. The others roamed about, making mostly towards Apulia, and owed their escape from the Romans to their distant flight and the dispersion which resulted from their panic and their straggling.

> Latin: 42.8. palati alii Apuliam maxime petentes cum fuga [se] longinqua tum quod passim eos simul pauor errorque distulerant, ab hoste sese tutati sunt. dictatori consensu patrum plebisque triumphus decretus.

[¶97] 42.9. The dictator was awarded a triumph with the consent of both senate and plebs. Hardly had Camillus brought the war to an end, when he was confronted with a fiercer opposition in the City. After desperate struggles the senate and the dictator were beaten, and the measures advocated by the tribunes were adopted.

> Latin: 42.9. uixdum perfunctum eum bello atrocior domi seditio excepit, et per ingentia certamina dictator senatusque uictus, ut rogationes tribuniciae acciperentur; et comitia consulum aduersa nobilitate habita, quibus L. Sextius de plebe primus consul factus.

[¶98] 42.10. An election of consuls was held, against the wishes of the nobles, and resulted in the choice of Lucius Sextius, the first of the plebeians to attain that honour. Even this did not end their disputes. The patricians declared that they would not ratify the election, and the affair had almost led to a secession of the plebs and threatened other terrible embroilments, when the dictator finally proposed a compromise which allayed the discord; the nobles gave way to the plebs in regard to the plebeian consul, and the plebs conceded to the nobles that they might elect from the patricians one praetor to administer justice in the City.

> Latin: 42.10. et ne is quidem finis certaminum fuit. quia patricii se auctores futuros negabant, prope secessionem plebis res terribilesque alias minas ciuilium certaminum uenit cum tandem per dictatorem condicionibus sedatae discordiae sunt concessumque ab nobilitate plebi de consule plebeio, a plebe nobilitati de praetore uno qui ius in urbe diceret ex patribus creando.

[¶99] 42.12. Thus after their long quarrel the orders were reconciled at last. The senate decided that this was a fitting occasion to honour the immortal gods —who deserved it then, if ever at any time —by celebrating the Great Games, and voted that one day should be added to the customary three; this burden the aediles of the plebs refused to shoulder, whereupon the young patricians called out that they would willingly do it for the sake of honouring the gods.

> Latin: 42.12. ita ab diutina ira tandem in concordiam redactis ordinibus, cum dignam eam rem senatus censeret esse meritoque id, si quando unquam alias, deum immortalium [causa libenter facturos] fore ut ludi maximi fierent et dies unus ad triduum adiceretur, recusantibus id munus aedilibus plebis, conclamatum a patriciis est iuuenibus se id honoris deum immortalium causa libenter facturos [ut aediles fierent].

[¶100] 42.14. The entire people united in thanks to them, and the senate decreed that the dictator should hold a popular election of two aediles to be chosen from the patricians, and that the Fathers should ratify all the elections of that year.

> Latin: 42.14. quibus cum ab uniuersis gratiae actae essent, factum senatus consultum, ut, duumuiros aediles ex patribus dictator populum rogaret, patres auctores omnibus eius anni comitiis fierent.

## 33. Book VII · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/33/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/33/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. This year will stand out as the one in which a “new man” held the consulship, and also for the establishment of two new magistracies, the praetorship and the curule aedileship. These dignities the patricians had devised for themselves, to compensate them for the second consulship, which they had granted to the commons.

> Latin: 1.1. annus hic erit insignis noui hominis consulatu, insignis nouis duobus magistratibus, praetura et curuli aedilitate; hos sibi patricii quaesiuere honores pro concesso plebi altero consulatu.

[¶1] 1.2. The plebs bestowed their consulship on Lucius Sextius, by whose law it had been won. The patricians, through their influence in the Campus Martius, obtained the praetorship for Spurius Furius Camillus, the son of Marcus, and the aedileship for Gnaeus Quinctius Capitolinus and Publius Cornelius Scipio, who belonged to their own houses.

> Latin: 1.2. plebes consulatum L. Sextio, cuius lege partus erat, dedit: patres praeturam Sp. Furio M. filio Camillo, aedilitatem Cn. Quinctio Capitolino et P. Cornelio Scipioni, suarum gentium uiris, gratia campestri ceperunt. L. Sextio collega ex patribus datus L. Aemilius Mamercus.

[¶2] 1.3. Lucius Aemilius Mamercus was chosen from the patricians as colleague of Lucius Sextius. Early in the year there was some talk about the Gauls —who having at first scattered through Apulia were now rumoured to be gathering —and about a defection on the part of the Hernici.

> Latin: 1.3. principio anni et de Gallis, quos primo palatos per Apuliam congregari iam fama erat, et de Hernicorum defectione agitata mentio.

[¶3] 1.4. The patricians purposely deferred all action, in order that the plebeian consul might have no hand in anything; it seemed from the general hush and lack of bustle as though a cessation of the courts had been proclaimed; save that the tribunes would not suffer it to pass in silence that the nobles, in return for one plebeian consul, had got three patrician magistrates for themselves, who wore the purple-bordered toga and sat, like consuls, in curule chairs, while the praetor even dealt out justice —having been elected as a colleague to the consuls and under the same auspices.

> Latin: 1.4. cum de industria omnia, ne quid per plebeium consulem ageretur, proferrentur, silentium omnium rerum ac iustitio simile otium fuit, nisi quod non patientibus tacitum tribunis quod pro consule uno plebeio tres patricios magistratus curulibus sellis praetextatos tamquam consules sedentes nobilitas sibi sumpsisset,

[¶4] 1.6. In consequence of this criticism the senate was ashamed to order that the curule aediles be chosen from the patricians. At first it was arranged to take them from the plebs in alternate years: later the election was thrown open without distinction. Then came the consulship of Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius. There was neither party strife nor war to disturb the peace, but lest there should ever be freedom from fear and danger, a great pestilence broke out.

> Latin: 1.6. praetorem quidem etiam iura reddentem et collegam consulibus atque iisdem auspiciis creatum, uerecundia inde imposita est senatui ex patribus iubendi aediles curules creari. primo ut alternis annis ex plebe fierent conuenerat: postea promiscuum fuit. inde L. Genucio et Q. Seruilio consulibus et ab seditione et a bello quietis rebus, ne quando a metu ac periculis uacarent, pestilentia ingens orta.

[¶5] 1.8. It is stated that a censor, a curule aedile, and three plebeian tribunes died, with a correspondingly large number from the rest of the population. But what chiefly made this pestilence noteworthy was the death of Marcus Furius, who, though ripe in years, was bitterly regretted.

> Latin: 1.8. censorem, aedilem curulem, tres tribunos plebis mortuos ferunt, pro portione et ex multitudine alia multa funera fuisse; maximeque eam pestilentiam insignem mors quam matura tam acerba M. Furi fecit.

[¶6] 1.9. For he was truly a man of singular excellence whether in good or evil fortune; foremost in peace and in war before his banishment, and in exile even more distinguished, whether one thinks of the yearning of his countrymen who called on him in his absence to save their captured City, or of the success with which on being restored to his country he restored the country itself at the same time;

> Latin: 1.9. fuit enim uere uir unicus in omni fortuna, princeps pace belloque priusquam exsulatum iret, clarior in exsilio, uel desiderio ciuitatis quae capta absentis implorauit opem uel felicitate qua restitutus in patriam secum patriam ipsam restituit;

[¶7] 1.10. after this for five and twenty years —for he survived so long —he maintained his glorious reputation, and was deemed worthy of being named next after Romulus, as Rome's second Founder.

> Latin: 1.10. par deinde per quinque et uiginti annos—tot enim postea uixit— titulo tantae gloriae fuit dignusque habitus quem secundum a Romulo conditorem urbis Romanae ferrent.

[¶8] 2.1. The pestilence lasted during both this and the following year, the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius Peticus and Gaius Licinius Stolo. In the latter year nothing memorable occurred, except that with the object of appeasing the divine displeasure they made a lectisternium, or banquet to the gods, being the third in the history of the City;

> Latin: 2.1. et hoc et insequenti anno C. Sulpicio Petico C. Licinio Stolone consulibus pestilentia fuit. eo nihil dignum memoria actum, nisi quod pacis deum exposcendae causa tertio tum post conditam urbem lectisternium fuit;

[¶9] 2.3. and when neither human wisdom nor the help of Heaven was found to mitigate the scourge, men gave way to superstitious fears, and, amongst other efforts to disarm the wrath of the gods, are said also to have instituted scenic entertainments.

> Latin: 2.3. et cum uis morbi nec humanis consiliis nec ope diuina leuaretur, uictis superstitione animis ludi quoque scenici—noua res bellicoso populo, nam circi modo spectaculum fuerat—inter alia caelestis irae placamina instituti dicuntur;

[¶10] 2.4. This was a new departure for a warlike people, whose only exhibitions had been those of the circus; but indeed it began in a small way, as most things do, and even so was imported from abroad. Without any singing, without imitating the action of singers, players who had been brought in from Etruria danced to the strains of the flautist and performed not ungraceful evolutions in the Tuscan fashion.

> Latin: 2.4. ceterum parua quoque, ut ferme principia omnia, et ea ipsa peregrina res fuit. sine carmine ullo, sine imitandorum carminum actu ludiones ex Etruria acciti, ad tibicinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motus more Tusco dabant.

[¶11] 2.5. Next the young Romans began to imitate them, at the same time exchanging jests in uncouth verses, and bringing their movements into a certain harmony with the words.

> Latin: 2.5. imitari deinde eos iuuentus, simul inconditis inter se iocularia fundentes uersibus, coepere; nec absoni a uoce motus erant.

[¶12] 2.6. And so the amusement was adopted, and frequent use kept it alive. The native professional actors were called histriones, from ister, the Tuscan word for player; they no longer —as before —alternately threw off rude lines hastily improvised, like the Fescennines, but performed medleys, full of musical measures, to melodies which were now written out to go with the flute, and with appropriate gesticulation.

> Latin: 2.6. accepta itaque res saepiusque usurpando excitata. uernaculis artificibus, quia ister Tusco uerbo ludio uocabatur, nomen histrionibus inditum;

[¶13] 2.7. Livius was the first, some years later, to abandon 364 saturae and compose a play with a plot. Like everyone else in those days, he acted his own pieces; and the story goes that when his voice, owing to the frequent demands made upon it, had lost its freshness, he asked and obtained the indulgence to let a boy stand before the flautist to sing the monody, while he acted it himself, with a vivacity of gesture that gained considerably from his not having to use his voice.

> Latin: 2.7. qui non, sicut ante, Fescennino uersu similem incompositum temere ac rudem alternis iaciebant sed impletas modis saturas descripto iam ad tibicinem cantu motuque congruenti peragebant. Liuius post aliquot annis, qui ab saturis ausus est primus argumento fabulam serere, idem scilicet—id quod omnes tum erant—suorum carminum actor, dicitur, cum saepius reuocatus uocem obtudisset, uenia petita puerum ad canendum ante tibicinem cum statuisset, canticum egisse aliquanto magis uigente motu quia nihil uocis usus impediebat.

[¶14] 2.10. From that time on actors began to use singers to accompany their gesticulation, reserving only the dialogue parts for their own delivery. When this type of performance had begun to wean the drama from laughter and informal jest, and the play had gradually developed into art, the young men abandoned the acting of comedies to professionals and revived the ancient practice of fashioning their nonsense into verses and letting fly with them at one another; this was the source of the after-plays which came later to be called exodia, and were usually combined with Atellan farces.

> Latin: 2.10. inde ad manum cantari histrionibus coeptum diuerbiaque tantum ipsorum uoci relicta. postquam lege hac fabularum ab risu ac soluto ioco res auocabatur et ludus in artem paulatim uerterat, iuuentus histrionibus fabellarum actu relicto ipsa inter se more antiquo ridicula intexta uersibus iactitare coepit; unde exodia postea appellata consertaque fabellis potissimum Atellanis sunt;

[¶15] 2.12. The Atellan was a species of comedy acquired from the Oscans, and the young men kept it for themselves and would not allow it to be polluted by the professional actors; that is why it is a fixed tradition that performers of Atellan plays are not disfranchised, but serve in the army as though they had no connexion with the stage.

> Latin: 2.12. quod genus ludorum ab Oscis acceptum tenuit iuuentus nec ab histrionibus pollui passa est; eo institutum manet, ut actores Atellanarum nec tribu moueantur et stipendia, tamquam expertes artis ludicrae, faciant.

[¶16] 2.13. Amongst the humble origins of other institutions it has seemed worth while to set down the early history of the play, that it might be seen how sober were the beginnings of an art that has nowadays reached a point where opulent kingdoms could hardly support its mad extravagance.

> Latin: 2.13. inter aliarum parua principia rerum ludorum quoque prima origo ponenda uisa est, ut appareret quam ab sano initio res in hanc uix opulentis regnis tolerabilem insaniam uenerit.

[¶17] 3.1. However, the plays thus for the first time introduced by way of expiation neither freed men's minds of religious fears nor their bodies of disease.

> Latin: 3.1. nec tamen ludorum primum initium procurandis religionibus datum aut religione animos aut corpora morbis leuauit;

[¶18] 3.2. Indeed, it fell out quite otherwise; for the games were in full swing when an inundation of the Tiber flooded the circus and put a stop to them, an accident which —as though the gods had already turned away, rejecting the proffered appeasement of their anger —filled the people with fear.

> Latin: 3.2. quin etiam, cum medios forte ludos circus Tiberi superfuso inrigatus impedisset, id uero, uelut auersis iam dis aspernantibusque placamina irae, terrorem ingentem fecit.

[¶19] 3.3. And so when Gnaeus Genucius and Lucius Aemilius Mamercus (for the second time) were consuls, and men's minds were more troubled by the search for means of propitiation than were their bodies by disease, it is said that the elders recollected that a pestilence had once been allayed by the dictator's driving a nail.

> Latin: 3.3. itaque Cn. Genucio L. Aemilio Mamerco iterum consulibus, cum piaculorum magis conquisitio animos quam corpora morbi adficerent, repetitum ex seniorum memoria dicitur pestilentiam quondam clauo ab dictatore fixo sedatam.

[¶20] 3.4. Induced thereto by this superstition, the senate ordered the appointment of a dictator to drive the nail.

> Latin: 3.4. ea religione adductus senatus dictatorem claui figendi causa dici iussit; dictus L. Manlius Imperiosus L. Pinarium magistrum equitum dixit.

[¶21] 3.5. Lucius Manlius Imperiosus was appointed, and named Lucius Pinarius master of the horse. There is an ancient law, recorded in archaic words and letters, that the chief magistrate shall on the thirteenth of September drive a nail; the tablet was formerly affixed to the right side of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, where Minerva's chapel is.

> Latin: 3.5. lex uetusta est, priscis litteris uerbisque scripta, ut qui praetor maximus sit idibus Septembribus clauum pangat; fixa fuit dextro lateri aedis Iouis optimi maximi, ex qua parte Mineruae templum est.

[¶22] 3.6. This nail served, they say, in those days of little writing, to mark the number of years, and the law was confided to the chapel of Minerva, for the reason that number was an invention of that goddess. (Cincius, a careful student of such memorials, asserts that at Volsinii, too, nails may be seen in the temple of Nortia, an Etruscan goddess, driven in to indicate the number of years.)

> Latin: 3.6. eum clauum, quia rarae per ea tempora litterae erant, notam numeri annorum fuisse ferunt eoque Mineruae templo dicatam legem quia numerus Mineruae inuentum sit.—Uolsiniis quoque clauos indices numeri annorum fixos in templo Nortiae, Etruscae deae, comparere diligens talium monumentorum auctor Cincius adfirmat.—

[¶23] 3.8. Marcus Horatius the consul dedicated the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus in accordance with this law, in the year after the expulsion of the kings; later the ceremony of driving the nail was transferred from consuls to dictators, because theirs was the higher authority. Then, after the custom had been allowed to lapse, it was thought to be of sufficient importance to warrant the appointment of a dictator for that very purpose.

> Latin: 3.8. M. Horatius consul †ex lege templum† Iouis optimi maximi dedicauit anno post reges exactos; a consulibus postea ad dictatores, quia maius imperium erat, sollemne claui figendi translatum est. intermisso deinde more digna etiam per se uisa res propter quam dictator crearetur.

[¶24] 3.9. It was for this reason that Manlius was designated, who, however, as though appointed to wage war and not to discharge a religious obligation, aspired to conduct the war with the Hernici, and hunted down the men of military age in a rigorous levy; but in the upshot, opposed by the united efforts of all the tribunes of the plebs, he yielded either to force or to a sense of shame, and resigned his dictatorship.

> Latin: 3.9. qua de causa creatus L. Manlius, perinde ac rei gerendae ac non soluendae religionis gratia creatus esset, bellum Hernicum adfectans dilectu acerbo iuuentutem agitauit; tandemque omnibus in eum tribunis plebis coortis seu ui seu uerecundia uictus dictatura abiit.

[¶25] 4.1. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the ensuing year —the consulship of Quintus Servilius Ahala and Lucius Genucius —Manlius was put upon his trial by Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the plebs.

> Latin: 4.1. neque eo minus principio insequentis anni, Q. Seruilio Ahala L. Genucio consulibus, dies Manlio dicitur a M. Pomponio tribuno plebis.

[¶26] 4.2. The people hated him for the severity of his levy, in which they had endured not only fines but bodily distress, some having suffered stripes for failure to respond to their names and others having been dragged off to prison; but more than all else they hated the man's cruel disposition and his surname, Imperiosus, which offended a free state and had been assumed in ostentation of the truculence which he used as freely with his nearest friends and his own family as with strangers.

> Latin: 4.2. acerbitas in dilectu, non damno modo ciuium sed etiam laceratione corporum lata, partim uirgis caesis qui ad nomina non respondissent, partim in uincula ductis, inuisa erat, et ante omnia inuisum ipsum ingenium atrox cognomenque Imperiosi, graue liberae ciuitati, ab ostentatione saeuitiae adscitum quam non magis in alienis quam in proximis ac sanguine ipse suo exerceret.

[¶27] 4.4. Amongst other charges the tribune cited the man's behaviour to his son: the youth, he said, had been found guilty of no misconduct, yet Manlius had excluded him from the City, from his home and household gods, from the Forum, the light of day, and the fellowship of his young friends, consigning him to slavish drudgery in a kind of gaol or work-house, where a youth of distinguished birth and the son of a dictator might learn by his daily wretchedness how truly “imperious” was the father that had begot him.

> Latin: 4.4. criminique ei tribunus inter cetera dabat quod filium iuuenem nullius probri compertum, extorrem urbe, domo, penatibus, foro, luce, congressu aequalium prohibitum, in opus seruile, prope in carcerem atque in ergastulum dederit, ubi summo loco natus dictatorius iuuenis cotidiana miseria disceret uere imperioso patre se natum esse. at quam ob noxam?

[¶28] 4.6. Yes, but what was the young man's fault? Why, he had been a little slow of speech —unready with his tongue! But ought not his father to have healed and mended this infirmity of nature —if he had a particle of humanity about him —instead of chastising it and by persecution making it conspicuous? Why even the dumb brutes, if one of their young is unfortunate, do none the less cherish it and foster it.

> Latin: 4.6. quia infacundior sit et lingua impromptus; quod naturae damnum utrum nutriendum patri, si quicquam in eo humani esset, an castigandum ac uexatione insigne faciendum fuisse? ne mutas quidem bestias minus alere ac fouere si quid ex progenie sua parum prosperum sit;

[¶29] 4.7. But Lucius Manlius was aggravating his son's evil plight by evil treatment, and was doubling the burden on his heavy wits; and any spark of native talent that might be there he was quenching in the rustic life and clownish bringing up amongst the dumb brutes where he kept him.

> Latin: 4.7. at hercule L. Manlium malum malo augere filii et tarditatem ingenii insuper premere et, si quid in eo exiguum naturalis uigoris sit, id exstinguere uita agresti et rustico cultu inter pecudes habendo.

[¶30] 5.1. Everyone was incensed by these charges, except the young man himself. He, on the contrary, was vexed to be the cause of additional dislike and accusation of his father; and that all gods and men might know that he had rather help his father than his father's enemies, he conceived a plan, in keeping to be sure with his rude and uncouth spirit, which, though it set no pattern of civic conduct, was yet praiseworthy for its filial piety.

> Latin: 5.1. omnium potius his criminationibus quam ipsius iuuenis inritatus est animus; quin contra se quoque parenti causam inuidiae atque criminum esse aegre passus, ut omnes di hominesque scirent se parenti opem latam quam inimicis eius malle, capit consilium rudis quidem atque agrestis animi et quamquam non ciuilis exempli, tamen pietate laudabile.

[¶31] 5.3. Without anybody's knowledge, he girded himself with a knife in the early morning, and coming to the City, made his way at once from the gate to the house of Marcus Pomponius, the tribune. There he told the porter that he must see his master instantly, and bade him say that it was Titus Manlius, the son of Lucius.

> Latin: 5.3. inscientibus cunctis cultro succinctus mane in urbem atque a porta domum confestim ad M. Pomponium tribunum pergit; ianitori opus esse sibi domino eius conuento extemplo ait; nuntiaret T. Manlium L. filium esse.

[¶32] 5.4. Being presently admitted —for it seemed likely that he was moved with wrath against his father, or was bringing some fresh charge or plan of action —he received and returned the salutation of his host, and then announced that there were matters of which he wished to speak to him without witnesses.

> Latin: 5.4. mox introductus —etenim percitum ira in patrem spes erat aut criminis aliquid noui aut consilii ad rem agendam deferre—salute accepta redditaque esse ait quae cum eo agere arbitris remotis uelit.

[¶33] 5.5. When they had all been sent away, he drew his knife, and standing over the tribune's couch with his weapon ready, he threatened that unless the man should swear, in the terms he himself should dictate, never to hold a council of the plebs for the purpose of accusing his father, he would immediately stab him.

> Latin: 5.5. procul inde omnibus abire iussis cultrum stringit et super lectum stans ferro intento, nisi in quae ipse concepisset uerba iuraret se patris eius accusandi causa concilium plebis nunquam habiturum, se eum extemplo transfixurum minatur.

[¶34] 5.6. The frightened tribune, seeing the blade flash in his face, and perceiving himself to be alone and unarmed, and the other to be a stalwart youth, and, what was no less terrifying, foolhardy by reason of his strength, took the oath that was required of him, and afterwards publicly declared that he had been compelled by force to relinquish his undertaking.

> Latin: 5.6. pauidus tribunus, quippe qui ferrum ante oculos micare, se solum inermem, illum praeualidum iuuenem et, quod haud minus timendum erat, stolide ferocem uiribus suis cerneret, adiurat in quae adactus est uerba; et prae se deinde tulit ea ui subactum se incepto destitisse.

[¶35] 5.7. And the plebs, however much they would have liked to be given the opportunity to cast their votes in the case of so cruel and insolent a defendant, were yet not displeased that a son had dared such a deed in defence of his parent; and they praised it all the more, because the father's shocking harshness had made no difference in the son's filial devotion.

> Latin: 5.7. nec, perinde ut maluisset plebes sibi suffragii ferendi de tam crudeli et superbo reo potestatem fieri, ita aegre habuit filium id pro parente ausum; eoque id laudabilius erat quod animum eius tanta acerbitas patria nihil a pietate auertisset.

[¶36] 5.8. And so not only was the arraignment of the father dismissed, but the youth himself gained distinction from the affair; for in the election of military tribunes for the legions, which had that year for the first time been resolved upon —until then the generals themselves had nominated them, as they do to-day those who are known as Rufuli —he was chosen second of the six, though neither at home nor in the field had he done aught to merit popularity, and no wonder, since his youth had been passed in the country, remote from the gatherings of men.

> Latin: 5.8. itaque non patri modo remissa causae dictio est sed ipsi etiam adulescenti ea res honori fuit et, cum eo anno primum placuisset tribunos militum ad legiones suffragio fieri—nam [et] antea, sicut nunc quos Rufulos uocant, imperatores ipsi faciebant—, secundum in sex locis tenuit nullis domi militiaeque ad conciliandam gratiam meritis ut qui rure et procul coetu hominum iuuentam egisset.

[¶37] 6.1. That same year, whether owing to an earthquake or to some other violent force, it is said that the ground gave way, at about the middle of the Forum, and, sinking to an immeasurable depth, left a prodigious chasm.

> Latin: 6.1. eodem anno, seu motu terrae seu qua ui alia, forum medium ferme specu uasto conlapsum in immensam altitudinem dicitur;

[¶38] 6.2. This gulf could not be filled with the earth which everyone brought and cast into it, until admonished by the gods, they began to inquire what it was that constituted the chief strength of the Roman People;

> Latin: 6.2. neque eam uoraginem coniectu terrae, cum pro se quisque gereret, expleri potuisse, priusquam deum monitu quaeri coeptum quo plurimum populus Romanus posset;

[¶39] 6.3. for this the soothsayers declared that they must offer up, as a sacrifice to that spot, if they wished the Roman Republic to endure. Thereupon Marcus Curtius, a young soldier of great prowess, rebuked them, so the story runs, for questioning whether any blessing were more Roman than arms and valour.

> Latin: 6.3. id enim illi loco dicandum uates canebant, si rem publicam Romanam perpetuam esse uellent. tum M. Curtium, iuuenem bello egregium, castigasse ferunt dubitantes an ullum magis Romanum bonum quam arma uirtusque esset;

[¶40] 6.4. A hush ensued, as he turned to the temples of the immortal gods which rise above the Forum, and to the Capitol, and stretching forth his hands, now to heaven, and now to the yawning chasm and to the gods below, devoted himself to death.

> Latin: 6.4. silentio facto templa deorum immortalium, quae foro imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem et manus nunc in caelum, nunc in patentes terrae hiatus ad deos manes porrigentem, se deuouisse;

[¶41] 6.5. After which, mounted on a horse caparisoned with all possible splendour, he plunged fully armed into the gulf; and crowds of men and women threw offerings and fruits in after him. It was he, they say, and not Curtius Mettius, the soldier of Titus Tatius in days of old, who gave his name to the Curtian Lake.

> Latin: 6.5. equo deinde quam poterat maxime exornato insidentem, armatum se in specum immisisse; donaque ac fruges super eum a multitudine uirorum ac mulierum congestas lacumque Curtium non ab antiquo illo T. Tati milite Curtio Mettio sed ab hoc appellatum.

[¶42] 6.6. Diligence would not be wanting, were there any path which could lead the inquirer to the truth; as it is, one must hold by the tradition, where antiquity will not allow us to be certain; and the name of the pool is better known from this more recent legend.

> Latin: 6.6. cura non deesset, si qua ad uerum uia inquirentem ferret: nunc fama rerum standum est, ubi certam derogat uetustas fidem; et lacus nomen ab hac recentiore insignitius fabula est.

[¶43] 6.7. After the expiation of this great portent, the senate dealt in the same year with the question of the Hernici, and having dispatched fetials to demand reparations, without avail, resolved to submit to the people for their approval, at the earliest possible day, a declaration of war against that nation. In a crowded assembly the people voted for war, and the consul Lucius Genucius was by lot intrusted with the conduct of it.

> Latin: 6.7. post tanti prodigii procurationem eodem anno de Hernicis consultus senatus, cum fetiales ad res repetendas nequiquam misisset, primo quoque die ferendum ad populum de bello indicendo Hernicis censuit populusque id bellum frequens iussit.

[¶44] 6.8. The citizens were in a fever of suspense, since he would be the first plebeian consul to conduct a war under his own auspices, and they would judge by the sequel whether they had done well or ill to throw these honours open.

> Latin: 6.8. L. Genucio consuli ea prouincia sorte euenit. in exspectatione ciuitas erat, quod primus ille de plebe consul bellum suis auspiciis gesturus esset, perinde ut euenisset res, ita communicatos honores pro bene aut secus consulto habitura.

[¶45] 6.9. It so happened that Genucius, marching in great force against the enemy, plunged into an ambuscade. The legions, in a sudden panic, were put to flight, and the consul was surrounded and slain by men who knew not whom they had taken.

> Latin: 6.9. forte ita tulit casus, ut Genucius ad hostes magno conatu profectus in insidias praecipitaret <et> legionibus necopinato pauore fusis consul circumuentus ab insciis quem intercepissent occideretur.

[¶46] 6.10. When the news reached Rome, the patricians, by no means so cast down by the general disaster as elated at the unlucky generalship of the plebeian consul, filled the City with their taunts. Let them go and choose consuls from the plebs! Let them transfer the auspices to those who might not have them without sin!

> Latin: 6.10. quod ubi est Romam nuntiatum, nequaquam tantum publica calamitate maesti patres, quantum feroces infelici consulis plebeii ductu, fremunt omnibus locis: irent crearent consules ex plebe, transferrent auspicia quo nefas esset;

[¶47] 6.11. They had been able by a plebiscite to expel the patricians from their rightful honours: had their unsanctioned law prevailed also against the immortal gods? The gods themselves had vindicated their divine authority and their auspices; for these had no sooner been touched by one who had no legal or religious warranty for so doing, than the army and its general had been annihilated, as a lesson never again to overturn the rights of the patrician families in conducting an election. Such words as these resounded through the Curia and the Forum.

> Latin: 6.11. potuisse patres plebi scito pelli honoribus suis: num etiam in deos immortales inauspicatam legem ualuisse? uindicasse ipsos suum numen, sua auspicia, quae ut primum contacta sint ab eo a quo nec ius nec fas fuerit, deletum cum duce exercitum documento fuisse ne deinde turbato gentium iure comitia haberentur.

[¶48] 6.12. Appius Claudius had urged the rejection of the law, and this now gave his words the greater weight, as he denounced the outcome of a policy which he himself had censured. Him, therefore, the consul Servilius, with the approval of the patricians, appointed dictator. An enrolment was proclaimed, and the courts were suspended.

> Latin: 6.12. his uocibus curia et forum personat. Ap. Claudium, quia dissuaserat legem, maiore nunc auctoritate euentum reprehensi ab se consilii incusantem, dictatorem consensu patriciorum Seruilius consul dicit, dilectusque et iustitium indictum.

[¶49] 7.1. But before the dictator and his new levies were got to the country of the Hernici, the lieutenant Gaius Sulpicius, profiting by a favourable opportunity, had fought a brilliant engagement.

> Latin: 7.1. priusquam dictator legionesque nouae in Hernicos uenirent, ductu C. Sulpici legati res per occasionem gesta egregie est.

[¶50] 7.2. The Hernici, whom the consul's death had made contemptuous, approached the Roman camp with every expectation of taking it by storm; but the soldiers, heartened by their general and bursting with anger and resentment, made a sortie, and so far were the Hernici from attacking the stockade, as they had hoped to do, that they actually fell back in confusion from the ground.

> Latin: 7.2. in Hernicos morte consulis contemptim ad castra Romana cum haud dubia expugnandi spe succedentes, hortante legato et plenis irae atque indignitatis militum animis eruptio est facta. multum ab spe adeundi ualli res Hernicis afuit; adeo turbatis inde ordinibus abscessere.

[¶51] 7.3. Then came the dictator, and the new army was joined to the old and the forces doubled. Calling the men together, Appius lauded the lieutenant and his soldiers, by whose bravery the camp had been defended; thus at the same stroke he encouraged those who heard themselves deservedly commended, and stimulated the others to emulation of their conduct.

> Latin: 7.3. dictatoris deinde aduentu nouus ueteri exercitus iungitur et copiae duplicantur; et pro contione dictator laudibus legati militumque, quorum uirtute castra defensa erant, simul audientibus laudes meritas tollit animos, simul ceteros ad aemulandas uirtutes acuit.

[¶52] 7.4. Nor were the enemy less energetic in making ready for the war; mindful of the glory they had won before, and aware that the forces of their adversaries had been augmented, they also strengthened theirs. All who bore the name of Hernici and were of military age were called upon, and eight cohorts were formed, each numbering four hundred of their best men.

> Latin: 7.4. neque segnius ad hostes bellum apparatur, qui et parti ante decoris memores neque ignari auctarum uirium hostis suas quoque uires augent. omne Hernicum nomen, omnis militaris aetas excitur; quadringenariae octo cohortes, lecta robora uirorum, scribuntur.

[¶53] 7.5. This choice flower of their manhood they inspired with additional hope and courage by a decree which allowed them double pay. They were exempted, also, from military tasks, in order that, being reserved for the one labour of fighting, they might be sensible of an obligation to exert themselves beyond the capacity of ordinary men.

> Latin: 7.5. hunc eximium florem iuuentutis, eo etiam quod ut duplex acciperent stipendium decreuerant, spei animorumque impleuere; immunes quoque operum militarium erant, ut in unum pugnae laborem reseruati plus sibi quam pro uirili parte adnitendum scirent;

[¶54] 7.6. Finally, they were assigned a post in the battle outside the line, to make their bravery the more conspicuous. A plain extending for two miles separated the Roman camp from the Hernici. In the middle of this plain, at a spot almost equidistant from both camps, the battle was fought.

> Latin: 7.6. extra ordinem etiam in acie locati quo conspectior uirtus esset. duum milium planities castra Romana ab Hernicis dirimebat; ibi pari ferme utrimque spatio in medio pugnatum est.

[¶55] 7.7. At first the event of the struggle was in doubt and nothing came of the oft-repeated attempts of the Roman horse to break the enemy's line.

> Latin: 7.7. primo stetit ambigua spe pugna nequiquam saepe conatis equitibus Romanis impetu turbare hostium aciem.

[¶56] 7.8. Finding their charges ineffectual, despite their efforts, they consulted the dictator and with his permission left their horses, and, rushing to the front with a mighty cheer, inaugurated a new kind of fighting.

> Latin: 7.8. postquam equestris pugna effectu quam conatibus uanior erat, consulto prius dictatore equites, permissu deinde eius relictis equis, clamore ingenti prouolant ante signa et nouam integrant pugnam;

[¶57] 7.9. There would have been no stopping them, had it not been for the special cohorts, who flung themselves across their path with a vigour and gallantry equal to their own.

> Latin: 7.9. neque sustineri poterant, ni extraordinariae cohortes pari corporum animorumque robore se obiecissent.

[¶58] 8.1. The struggle then lay between the best men of both nations, and whatever losses the chance of war inflicted on either side were serious out of all proportion to their number. The common herd of soldiers, as though they had made over the battle to their betters, rested their future on the bravery of others. Many on both sides were slain and more were wounded.

> Latin: 8.1. tunc inter primores duorum populorum res geritur; quidquid hinc aut illinc communis Mars belli aufert, multiplex quam pro numero damnum est. uolgus aliud armatorum, uelut delegata primoribus pugna, euentum suum in uirtute aliena ponit. multi utrimque cadunt, plures uolnera accipiunt;

[¶59] 8.2. At length the knights began to rail at one another. What else, they asked, was there to do, if they had neither beaten the enemy when mounted, nor were able to accomplish anything on foot? What third kind of battle were they waiting for? What good had they done by dashing boldly out in front of the line and fighting in a place that belonged to others? Stirred by these mutual reproaches, they advanced with renewed cheering, and first they made the enemy yield, then forced them back, and finally routed them in no uncertain fashion.

> Latin: 8.2. tandem equites alius alium increpantes, quid deinde restaret quaerendo, si neque ex equis pepulissent hostem neque pedites quicquam momenti facerent? quam tertiam exspectarent pugnam? quid ante signa feroces prosiluissent et alieno pugnarent loco?—his inter se uocibus concitati clamore renouato inferunt pedem et primum gradu mouerunt hostem, deinde pepulerunt, postremo iam haud dubie auertunt;

[¶60] 8.4. What it was that turned the scale, where forces were so evenly matched, would be hard to say, unless the fortune regularly attendant on each nation had the power to quicken or to daunt their resolution.

> Latin: 8.4. neque, tam uires pares quae superauerit res facile dictu est, nisi quod perpetua fortuna utriusque populi et extollere animos et minuere potuit.

[¶61] 8.5. The Romans chased the fleeing Hernici clear to their camp, which, owing to the lateness of the hour, they refrained from attacking; —the dictator had been unable to give the battle-signal before noon, having failed for a long time to obtain favourable omens, for which reason the struggle had been protracted until night.

> Latin: 8.5. usque ad castra fugientes Hernicos Romanus sequitur: castrorum oppugnatione, quia serum erat diei, abstinuere;—diu non perlitatum tenuerat dictatorem, ne ante meridiem signum dare posset; eo in noctem tractum erat certamen.—postero die deserta fuga castra Hernicorum et saucii relicti quidam inuenti;

[¶62] 8.6. —On the following day the camp was discovered to have been deserted by the fleeing Hernici, and a few of their wounded were found, whom they had left behind. The column of fugitives was passing the walls of Signia, when the townsfolk espied their thinly attended ensigns, and falling upon them, scattered them in headlong flight across the country.

> Latin: 8.6. agmenque fugientium ab Signinis, cum praeter moenia eorum infrequentia conspecta signa essent, fusum ac per agros trepida fuga palatum est.

[¶63] 8.7. Yet the Romans got no bloodless victory: they lost a fourth part of their foot, and a number of Roman horsemen fell, which was no less grave a loss.

> Latin: 8.7. nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit: quarta pars militum amissa et, ubi haud minus iacturae fuit, aliquot equites Romani cecidere.

[¶64] 9.1. Next year the consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Licinius Calvus led an army against the Hernici, and not finding the enemy abroad, captured their city of Ferentinum by assault. As they were returning thence, the men of Tibur closed their gates against them.

> Latin: 9.1. insequenti anno cum C. Sulpicius et C. Licinius Caluus consules in Hernicos exercitum duxissent neque inuentis in agro hostibus Ferentinum urbem eorum ui cepissent, reuertentibus inde eis Tiburtes portas clausere.

[¶65] 9.2. Many complaints had before this been bandied back and forth between the two peoples, but this new offence made the Romans finally determine that after sending the fetials to demand redress they would declare war on the Tiburtine people.

> Latin: 9.2. ea ultima fuit causa, cum multae ante querimoniae ultro citroque iactatae essent, cur per fetiales rebus repetitis bellum Tiburti populo indiceretur.

[¶66] 9.3. It is well established that Titus Quinctius Poenus was dictator that year and that Servius Cornelius Maluginensis was master of the horse.

> Latin: 9.3. dictatorem T. Quinctium Poenum eo anno fuisse satis constat et magistrum equitum Ser. Cornelium Maluginensem.

[¶67] 9.4. Licinius Macer states that the appointment was for the purpose of holding an election and was made by Licinius the consul, who, because his colleague was in haste to hold the election before the campaign, so that he might succeed himself in the consulship, felt obliged to thwart his evil designs.

> Latin: 9.4. Macer Licinius comitiorum habendorum causa et ab Licinio consule dictum scribit, quia collega comitia bello praeferre festinante ut continuaret consulatum, obuiam eundum prauae cupiditati fuerit.

[¶68] 9.5. But the praise which he seeks to bestow on his own family makes the testimony of Licinius less weighty, and since I find no mention of the circumstance in the older annals, I am more disposed to think that it was a Gallic war which occasioned the appointment of a dictator.

> Latin: 9.5. quaesita ea propriae familiae laus leuiorem auctorem Licinium facit: cum mentionem eius rei in uetustioribus annalibus nullam inueniam, magis ut belli Gallici causa dictatorem creatum arbitrer inclinat animus.

[¶69] 9.6. In any case, this was the year in which the Gauls encamped at the third milestone on the Salarian road, beyond the bridge over the Anio. The dictator having, by reason of the Gallic rising, proclaimed a suspension of the courts, administered the oath to all of military age. Then marching out of the City with a great army he pitched his camp on the hither bank of the stream.

> Latin: 9.6. eo certe anno Galli ad tertium lapidem Salaria uia trans pontem Anienis castra habuere. dictator cum tumultus Gallici causa iustitium edixisset, omnes iuniores sacramento adegit ingentique exercitu ab urbe profectus in citeriore ripa Anienis castra posuit.

[¶70] 9.7. The bridge lay between, and neither side would break it down, lest it be regarded as a sign of fear. There were frequent skirmishes for the possession of the bridge, and yet, so evenly matched were their forces, it could not be determined who were masters of it.

> Latin: 9.7. pons in medio erat, neutris rumpentibus ne timoris indicium esset. proelia de occupando ponte crebra erant, nec qui potirentur incertis uiribus satis discerni poterat.

[¶71] 9.8. Then a Gaul of extraordinary size advanced upon the empty bridge, and making his voice as loud as possible, cried out, “Let him whom Rome now reckons her bravest man come out and fight, that we two may show by the outcome which people is the superior in war.”

> Latin: 9.8. tum eximia corporis magnitudine in uacuum pontem Gallus processit et quantum maxima uoce potuit 'quem nunc' inquit 'Roma uirum fortissimum habet, procedat agedum ad pugnam, ut noster duorum euentus ostendat utra gens bello sit melior.'

[¶72] 10.1. The young Roman nobles were for a long time silent. Ashamed to decline the challenge, they were loath to volunteer for a service of transcendent peril.

> Latin: 10.1. diu inter primores iuuenum Romanorum silentium fuit, cum et abnuere certamen uererentur et praecipuam sortem periculi petere nollent;

[¶73] 10.2. Then Titus Manlius, the son of Lucius, who had rescued his father from the persecution of the tribune, left his station and went to the dictator. “Without your orders, General,” he said, “I would fain never leave my place to fight, not though I saw that victory was assured;”

> Latin: 10.2. tum T. Manlius L. filius, qui patrem a uexatione tribunicia uindicauerat, ex statione ad dictatorem pergit; 'iniussu tuo' inquit, 'imperator, extra ordinem nunquam pugnauerim, non si certam uictoriam uideam:

[¶74] 10.3. “but if you permit me, I would show that beast who dances out so boldly before the standards of the enemy, that I come of the family that hurled the column of Gauls from the Tarpeian Rock.” To whom the dictator made answer, “Success attend your valour, Titus Manlius, and your loyalty to father and to country!”

> Latin: 10.3. si tu permittis, uolo ego illi beluae ostendere, quando adeo ferox praesultat hostium signis, me ex ea familia ortum quae Gallorum agmen ex rupe Tarpeia deiecit.'

[¶75] 10.4. “Go, and with Heaven's help make good the unconquerable Roman name.” The young man's friends then armed him; he assumed the shield of a foot-soldier, and to his side he buckled a Spanish sword, convenient for close fighting. Armed and accoutred, they led him forth to the Gaul, who in his stupid glee —for the ancients have thought even this worth mentioning —thrust his tongue out in derision. They then retired to their station, and the two armed men were left by themselves in the midst, like gladiators more than soldiers, and by no means evenly matched, to judge from outward show. One had a body extraordinary for its size, and resplendent in a coat of shifting hues and armour painted and chased with gold: the other was of a middling stature for a soldier, and his arms were but indifferent to look at, being suitable but not ornate.

> Latin: 10.4. tum dictator 'macte uirtute' inquit 'ac pietate in patrem patriamque, T. Manli, esto. perge et nomen Romanum inuictum iuuantibus dis praesta.' armant inde iuuenem aequales; pedestre scutum capit, Hispano cingitur gladio ad propiorem habili pugnam. armatum adornatumque aduersus Gallum stolide laetum et—quoniam id quoque memoria dignum antiquis uisum est—linguam etiam ab inrisu exserentem producunt.

[¶76] 10.6. He neither sang nor danced about with idle flourishes of his weapons, but his bosom swelled with courage and silent wrath, and all his ferocity was reserved for the crisis of the combat.

> Latin: 10.6. recipiunt inde se ad stationem; et duo in medio armati spectaculi magis more quam lege belli destituuntur, nequaquam uisu ac specie aestimantibus pares.

[¶77] 10.7. When they had taken their ground between the two embattled armies, while the hearts of the surrounding multitude were suspended betwixt hope and fear, the Gaul, whose huge bulk towered above the other, advanced his shield with the left arm, to parry the attack of his oncoming enemy, and delivered a slashing stroke with his sword, that made a mighty clatter but did

> Latin: 10.7. corpus alteri magnitudine eximium, uersicolori ueste pictisque et auro caelatis refulgens armis; media in altero militaris statura modicaque in armis habilibus magis quam decoris species; non cantus, non exsultatio armorumque agitatio uana sed pectus animorum iraeque tacitae plenum; omnem ferociam in discrimen ipsum certaminis distulerat.

[¶78] 10.9. no harm. The Roman, with the point of his weapon raised, struck up his adversary's shield with a blow from his own against its lower edge; and slipping in between the man's sword and his body, so close that no part of his own person was exposed, he gave one thrust and then immediately another, and gashing the groin and belly of his enemy brought him headlong to the ground, where he lay stretched out over a monstrous space.

> Latin: 10.9. ubi constitere inter duas acies tot circa mortalium animis spe metuque pendentibus, Gallus uelut moles superne imminens proiecto laeua scuto in aduenientis arma hostis uanum caesim cum ingenti sonitu ensem deiecit;

[¶79] 10.10. To the body of his fallen foe he offered no other indignity than to despoil it of one thing —a chain which, spattered with blood, he cast round his own neck. The Gauls were transfixed with fear and wonder, while the Romans, quitting their station, ran eagerly to meet their champion and brought him with praise and gratulation to the dictator.

> Latin: 10.10. Romanus mucrone subrecto, cum scuto scutum imum perculisset totoque corpore interior periculo uolneris factus insinuasset se inter corpus armaque, uno alteroque subinde ictu uentrem atque inguina hausit et in spatium ingens ruentem porrexit hostem. iacentis inde corpus ab omni alia uexatione intactum uno torque spoliauit, quem respersum cruore collo circumdedit suo.

[¶80] 10.12. Amidst the rude banter thrown out by the soldiers in a kind of verse, was heard the appellation of Torquatus, and thereafter this was given currency as an honoured surname, used even by descendants of the family.

> Latin: 10.12. defixerat pauor cum admiratione Gallos: Romani alacres ab statione obuiam militi suo progressi, gratulantes laudantesque ad dictatorem perducunt.

[¶81] 10.13. The dictator gave him, besides, a golden chaplet, and loudly extolled that fight of his in a public speech. And in fact the combat was of so great consequence to the issue of the whole war, that the army of the Gauls withdrew in trepidation from their camp on the succeeding night and crossed over into the territory of Tibur. There they formed a military alliance with the Tiburtes, and having been liberally assisted by them with provisions, they soon departed and went into Campania.

> Latin: 10.13. inter carminum prope modo incondita quaedam militariter ioculantes Torquati cognomen auditum; celebratum deinde posteris etiam familiae honori fuit. dictator coronam auream addidit donum mirisque pro contione eam pugnam laudibus tulit. et hercule tanti ea ad uniuersi belli euentum momenti dimicatio fuit, ut Gallorum exercitus proxima nocte relictis trepide castris in Tiburtem agrum atque inde societate belli facta commeatuque benigne ab Tiburtibus adiutus mox in Campaniam transierit.

[¶82] 11.2. This was the reason why in the following year the consul Gaius Poetelius Balbus, when his colleague Marcus Fabius Ambustus had been appointed to the campaign with the Hernici, was commanded by the people to march against the men of Tibur.

> Latin: 11.2. ea fuit causa cur proximo anno C. Poetelius Balbus consul, cum collegae eius M. Fabio Ambusto Hernici prouincia euenisset, aduersus Tiburtes iussu populi exercitum duceret.

[¶83] 11.3. To aid their allies, the Gauls returned from Campania, and the cruel devastations which ensued in the districts of Labici, Tusculum, and Alba were clearly instigated and directed by the Tiburtes.

> Latin: 11.3. ad quorum auxilium cum Galli ex Campania redissent, foedae populationes in Labicano Tusculanoque et Albano agro haud dubie Tiburtibus ducibus sunt factae;

[¶84] 11.4. Against the Tiburtine foe the state was satisfied to be commanded by a consul; but the Gallic invasion required the appointment of a dictator. The choice fell on Quintus Servilius Ahala, who designated Titus Quinctius master of the horse, and, instructed by the senate, made a vow to celebrate the great games, in the event of a successful termination of the war.

> Latin: 11.4. et, cum aduersus Tiburtem hostem duce consule contenta res publica esset, Gallicus tumultus dictatorem creari coegit. creatus Q. Seruilius Ahala T. Quinctium magistrum equitum dixit et ex auctoritate patrum, si prospere id bellum euenisset, ludos magnos uouit.

[¶85] 11.5. Directing the consular army to remain where they were, in order to confine the Tiburtes to their own field of action, the dictator administered the oath to all the young men, none of whom endeavoured to avoid the service.

> Latin: 11.5. dictator ad continendos proprio bello Tiburtes consulari exercitu iusso manere, omnes iuniores nullo detractante militiam sacramento adegit.

[¶86] 11.6. The battle was fought not far from the Colline Gate. The Romans put forth all their strength in full sight of their parents and their wives and children. These are powerful incentives to courage even when unseen, but being then in full view, set the soldiers on fire with a sense of honour and compassion.

> Latin: 11.6. pugnatum haud procul porta Collina est totius uiribus urbis in conspectu parentum coniugumque ac liberorum; quae magna etiam absentibus hortamenta animi tum subiecta oculis simul uerecundia misericordiaque militem accendebant.

[¶87] 11.7. The slaughter was great on both sides, but at last the Gallic army was driven off. In their flight they turned towards Tibur, as though it had been the stronghold of the Gallic war; as they straggled on, they encountered the consul Poetelius, not far from the town, and when the Tiburtes came out to their assistance they were beaten back through the gates along with the Gauls.

> Latin: 11.7. magna utrimque edita caede auertitur tandem acies Gallorum. fuga Tibur sicut arcem belli Gallici petunt; palati a consule Poetelio haud procul Tibure excepti, egressis ad opem ferendam Tiburtibus, simul cum iis intra portas compelluntur.

[¶88] 11.8. The affair was admirably handled by the consul as well as by the dictator. And the other consul Fabius defeated the Hernici —at first in little skirmishes, but ultimately in one remarkable battle, in which the enemy attacked with all their forces.

> Latin: 11.8. egregie cum ab dictatore tum ab consule res gesta est. et consul alter Fabius proeliis primum paruis, postremo una insigni pugna, cum hostes totis adorti copiis essent, Hernicos deuincit.

[¶89] 11.9. The dictator, having handsomely lauded the consuls in the senate and before the people, even giving them the credit for his own achievements, resigned his office. Poetelius celebrated a double triumph over the Gauls and the Tiburtes: it was thought enough for Fabius that he should enter the City in an ovation. The Tiburtes ridiculed the triumph of Poetelius. Where was it, they asked, that he had fought a battle with them?

> Latin: 11.9. dictator consulibus in senatu et apud populum magnifice conlaudatis et suarum quoque rerum illis remisso honore dictatura se abdicauit. Poetelius de Gallis Tiburtibusque geminum triumphum egit: Fabio satis uisum ut ouans urbem iniret.

[¶90] 11.10. A handful of people had gone outside the gates to look on at the flight and panic of the Gauls, and finding that they too were attacked and that all who came in the way of the Romans were cut down without discrimination, had retired within their walls; this was the great achievement that the Romans had deemed worthy of a triumph!

> Latin: 11.10. inridere Poeteli triumphum Tiburtes: ubi enim eum secum acie conflixisse? spectatores paucos fugae trepidationisque Gallorum extra portas egressos, postquam in se quoque fieri impetum uiderint et sine discrimine obuios caedi, recepisse se intra urbem;

[¶91] 11.11. That they might not regard it as too wonderful and great a thing to cause a flurry at their enemy's gates, they should themselves behold a greater panic in front of their own walls.

> Latin: 11.11. eam rem triumpho dignam uisam Romanis. ne nimis mirum magnumque censerent tumultum exciere in hostium portis, maiorem ipsos trepidationem ante moenia sua uisuros.

[¶92] 12.1. Accordingly, in the following year, when Marcus Popilius Laenas and Gnaeus Manlius were consuls, a hostile expedition set out from Tibur and arrived in the first silence of the night, at the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 12.1. itaque insequenti anno M. Popilio Laenate Cn. Manlio consulibus primo silentio noctis ab Tibure agmine infesto profecti ad urbem Romam uenerunt.

[¶93] 12.2. It was terrifying to be suddenly waked out of sleep by a surprise and a night alarm; moreover many of the people knew not who their enemies were nor whence they had come; nevertheless the call to arms was quickly given, and watches were set at the gates and the walls were manned.

> Latin: 12.2. terrorem repente ex somno excitatis subita res et nocturnus pauor praebuit, ad hoc multorum inscitia, qui aut unde hostes aduenissent;

[¶94] 12.3. And when the first light showed the enemy before the City to be in no great force, and only the men of Tibur, the consuls sallied out at two gates and assailed them on both flanks as they were now drawing near the walls.

> Latin: 12.3. conclamatum tamen celeriter ad arma est et portae stationibus murique praesidiis firmati. et ubi prima lux mediocrem multitudinem ante moenia neque alium quam Tiburtem hostem ostendit, duabus portis egressi consules utrimque aciem subeuntium iam muros adgrediuntur;

[¶95] 12.4. It was evident that in coming they had relied more on opportunity than on courage, for they scarcely withstood the first shock of the Roman onset. In fact their expedition was confessedly a good thing for the Romans, and the fear occasioned by so near an enemy repressed a quarrel that was already in the air, between the patricians and the plebs.

> Latin: 12.4. apparuitque occasione magis quam uirtute fretos uenisse: adeo uix primum impetum Romanorum sustinuere. quin etiam bono fuisse Romanis aduentum eorum constabat orientemque iam seditionem inter patres et plebem metu tam propinqui belli compressam. alius aduentus hostium fuit [proximo bello] agris [quam] terribilior [urbi]:

[¶96] 12.6. Another hostile incursion was more terrifying to the countryside. The Tarquinienses, bent on plundering, ranged over the Roman territory, particularly that part which adjoins Etruria; and demands for reparation proving futile, the new consuls, Gaius Fabius and Gaius Plautius, declared war against them, as commanded by the people. This campaign fell to Fabius, that against the Hernici to Plautius.

> Latin: 12.6. populabundi Tarquinienses fines Romanos, maxime qua ex parte Etruriam adiacent, peragrauere rebusque nequiquam repetitis noui consules C. Fabius et C. Plautius iussu populi bellum indixere; Fabioque ea prouincia, Plautio Hernici euenere.

[¶97] 12.7. Rumours of a Gallic war began also to be rife. But with many perils, there was this consolation, that they had granted peace to the Latins, at their desire, and had received a large force of soldiers from them, under the terms of an ancient treaty which the Latins had for many years disregarded.

> Latin: 12.7. Gallici quoque belli fama increbrescebat. sed inter multos terrores solacio fuit pax Latinis petentibus data et magna uis militum ab his ex foedere uetusto, quod multis intermiserant annis, accepta.

[¶98] 12.8. Thus strengthened, the Romans heard soon after with small concern that the Gauls had come to Praeneste and had then pitched their camp in the vicinity of Pedum.

> Latin: 12.8. quo praesidio cum fulta res Romana esset, leuius fuit quod Gallos mox Praeneste uenisse atque inde circa Pedum consedisse auditum est.

[¶99] 12.9. They resolved on making Gaius Sulpicius dictator, and sent for Gaius Plautius the consul to appoint him; Marcus Valerius was named as his master of the horse. These two marched against the Gauls, with the choicest troops from both the consular armies.

> Latin: 12.9. dictatorem dici C. Sulpicium placuit; consul ad id accitus C. Plautius dixit; magister equitum dictatori additus M. Ualerius. hi robora militum ex duobus consularibus exercitibus electa aduersus Gallos duxerunt.

[¶100] 12.10. The war was considerably more protracted than was pleasing to either side. At first only the Gauls had been eager for battle; but later the Romans far exceeded the Gauls in the ardour with which they would run to arm themselves and fight. Yet the dictator was by no means willing, being under no compulsion, to hazard his fortune against an enemy whom each day made less formidable, as he lingered on in an unfriendly country, without a magazine of food, and without adequate defences —an enemy, too, whose strength and courage lay wholly in attacking, and languished as soon as there came a slight delay.

> Latin: 12.10. lentius id aliquanto bellum quam parti utrique placebat fuit. cum primo Galli tantum auidi certaminis fuissent, deinde Romanus miles ruendo in arma ac dimicationem aliquantum Gallicam ferociam uinceret, dictatori neutiquam placebat, quando nulla cogeret res, fortunae se committere aduersus hostem, quem tempus deteriorem in dies faceret, locis alienis sine praeparato commeatu, sine firmo munimento morantem, ad hoc iis corporibus animisque quorum omnis in impetu uis esset, parua eadem languesceret mora.

[¶101] 12.12. Upon these considerations the dictator spun out the war and threatened to punish anyone severely who should fight the enemy without his orders. The soldiers were mortified at this. At first they grumbled among themselves about the dictator, when on picket-duty or watching in the night, and sometimes railed at the senators collectively for not having given the consuls charge of the war; a fine general they had chosen, a unique commander, who thought that without his lifting a finger victory would fly down from heaven into his lap!

> Latin: 12.12. his consiliis dictator bellum trahebat grauemque edixerat poenam, si quis iniussu in hostem pugnasset. milites aegre id patientes primo in stationibus uigiliisque inter se dictatorem sermonibus carpere, interdum patres communiter increpare quod non iussissent per consules geri bellum:

[¶102] 12.13. But they presently began to utter these same sentiments quite openly and in the light of day, and even bolder things than these: they would not wait, they declared, for the general's orders, but would either fight or go in a body to Rome.

> Latin: 12.13. electum esse eximium imperatorem, unicum ducem, qui nihil agenti sibi de caelo deuolaturam in sinum uictoriam censeat. eadem deinde haec interdiu propalam ac ferociora his iactare: se iniussu imperatoris aut dimicaturos aut agmine Romam ituros.

## 34. Book VII · chapters 12–23

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/34/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/34/#p-N

[¶0] 12.14. The centurions began to mingle with the soldiers; the murmuring was not confined to little knots of men, but in the main street and before the commander's tent there was now one general clamour; the throng increased to the bigness of an assembly, and on every side shouts were heard that they should go instantly to the dictator, and that Sextus Tullius should be spokesman for the army, as became his courage.

> Latin: 12.14. immiscerique militibus centuriones nec in circulis modo fremere sed iam in principiis ac praetorio in unum sermones confundi atque in contionis magnitudinem crescere turba et uociferari ex omnibus locis ut extemplo ad dictatorem iretur; uerba pro exercitu faceret Sex. Tullius, ut uirtute eius dignum esset.

[¶1] 13.1. It was now the seventh campaign in which Tullius had served as first centurion, nor was there anyone in the army, at least among the foot-soldiers, more distinguished for his services.

> Latin: 13.1. septimum primum pilum iam Tullius ducebat neque erat in exercitu, qui quidem pedestria stipendia fecisset, uir factis nobilior.

[¶2] 13.2. At the head of the men, who followed in a body, he approached the platform, where the amazement of Sulpicius on seeing the mob was not greater than at seeing it led by Tullius, a soldier most obedient to authority. “By your leave, Dictator,” he began, “the entire army, deeming itself condemned in your mind for cowardice and almost deprived of its arms by way of humiliation, has asked me to plead its cause with you.”

> Latin: 13.2. is praecedens militum agmen ad tribunal pergit mirantique Sulpicio non turbam magis quam turbae principem Tullium, imperiis oboedientissimum militem, 'si licet, dictator' inquit, 'condemnatum se uniuersus exercitus a te ignauiae ratus et prope ignominiae causa destitutum sine armis orauit me ut suam causam apud te agerem.

[¶3] 13.4. “For my part, even if we could be taunted with anywhere quitting a post, with turning our backs on the foe, with shamefully losing our standards, I should still think you ought to hearken to our entreaty that we be permitted to redeem our fault with valour, and by winning new renown blot out the memory of our disgrace.”

> Latin: 13.4. equidem, sicubi loco cessum, si terga data hosti, si signa foede amissa obici nobis possent, tamen hoc a te impetrari aequum censerem ut nos uirtute culpam nostram corrigere et abolere flagitii memoriam noua gloria patereris.

[¶4] 13.5. “Even the legions that were routed at the Allia afterwards set out from Veii and by manful conduct won back the very City their cowardice had lost. In our case, thanks to the kindness of the gods and to your good fortune and that of the Roman People, both our cause and our glory are unimpaired.”

> Latin: 13.5. etiam ad Alliam fusae legiones eandem quam per pauorem amiserant patriam profectae postea a Ueiis uirtute reciperauere. nobis deum benignitate, felicitate tua populique Romani, et res et gloria est integra;

[¶5] 13.6. “Yet I hardly dare to mention glory, since the enemy flout us with every species of insult, as though we were women cowering behind our rampart; and since you, our general —a thing far harder to bear —regard us as an army without spirit, without swords, and without hands, and ere you have given us a trial, have so despaired of us as to reckon yourself a commander of cripples and weaklings.”

> Latin: 13.6. quamquam de gloria uix dicere ausim, si nos et hostes haud secus quam feminas abditos intra uallum omnibus contumeliis eludunt, et tu imperator noster—quod aegrius patimur—exercitum tuum sine animis, sine armis, sine manibus iudicas esse et, priusquam expertus nos esses, de nobis ita desperasti ut te mancorum ac debilium ducem iudicares esse.

[¶6] 13.7. “For how else can we account for it, that you, an experienced and fearless general, should, as they say, be sitting down with folded hands? Indeed, however this may be, it is more reasonable that you should seem to distrust our bravery, than that we should seem to distrust yours.”

> Latin: 13.7. quid enim aliud esse causae credamus, cur ueteranus dux, fortissimus bello, compressis, quod aiunt, manibus sedeas? utcumque enim se habet res, te de nostra uirtute dubitasse uideri quam nos de tua uerius est.

[¶7] 13.8. “But if this is not your own but public policy, and if some agreement amongst the senators, and not the Gallic war, keeps us in exile from the City and from our homes, then I beg you to hear what I have to say, as though it were spoken not by his soldiers to a general but by the plebs to the patricians —for if the plebs, even as you have your policies, should assert that they proposed likewise to have theirs, who, pray, could be angry with them?”

> Latin: 13.8. sin autem non tuum istuc sed publicum est consilium, et consensus aliqui patrum, non Gallicum bellum, nos ab urbe, a penatibus nostris ablegatos tenet, quaeso, ut ea quae dicam non a militibus imperatori dicta censeas sed a plebe patribus—quae si, ut uos uestra habeatis consilia, sic se sua habituram dicat, quis tandem suscenseat?—milites nos esse non seruos uestros, ad bellum non in exsilium missos;

[¶8] 13.9. “I say, then, we are your soldiers, not your slaves; you have sent us to war, not into banishment; if anyone would give us the signal and lead us into battle, we are ready to quit us in the fight like men and Romans: but if there be no occasion for our arms, we had rather spend our leisure in Rome than in a camp.”

> Latin: 13.9. si quis det signum, in aciem educat, ut uiris ac Romanis dignum sit, pugnaturos: si nihil armis opus sit, otium Romae potius quam in castris acturos.

[¶9] 13.10. “Thus much we would say to the patricians. But of you, our general, we, your soldiers, beg that you give us an opportunity of fighting. We are eager not only to conquer, but to conquer under your leadership; to win for you the glorious laurel; to enter the City with you in the march of triumph; and following your chariot, to approach the throne of Jupiter Optimus Maximus with gratulations and rejoicings.”

> Latin: 13.10. haec dicta sint patribus. te, imperator, milites tui oramus ut nobis pugnandi copiam facias; cum uincere cupimus, tum te duce uincere, tibi lauream insignem deferre, tecum triumphantes urbem inire, tuum sequentes currum Iouis optimi maximi templum gratantes ouantesque adire.'

[¶10] 13.11. The speech of Tullius was supported by the entreaties of the crowd, who on all sides clamoured for the signal and the command to arm.

> Latin: 13.11. orationem Tulli exceperunt preces multitudinis et undique, ut signum daret, ut capere arma iuberet, clamabant.

[¶11] 14.1. Though the dictator felt that a good thing had been carried out in a way to set a bad example, yet he undertook to do as the soldiers wished.

> Latin: 14.1. dictator quamquam rem bonam exemplo haud probabili actam censebat tamen facturum quod milites uellent, <in> se recepit Tulliumque secreto quaenam haec res sit aut quo acta more percontatur.

[¶12] 14.2. In private he questioned Tullius what this proceeding meant and on what precedent he had acted. Tullius earnestly besought the dictator not to believe that he had forgotten the training of a soldier, nor forgotten himself and the honour due to his commander: the crowd, he said, had become excited; crowds were generally like their leaders, and he had not refused to lead it, for fear that some other might come forward, of the sort that an unruly mob was likely to choose; for his own part he would do nothing without the approval of his general.

> Latin: 14.2. Tullius magno opere a dictatore petere ne se oblitum disciplinae militaris, ne sui neue imperatoriae maiestatis crederet; multitudini concitatae, quae ferme auctoribus similis esset, non subtraxisse se ducem ne quis alius, quales mota creare multitudo soleret, exsisteret;

[¶13] 14.3. But Sulpicius, he continued, must none the less be very wary himself, to keep the army in hand; postponement would not do, where feelings were so exasperated; the men would choose for themselves a time and place for fighting, if their general did not provide them.

> Latin: 14.3. nam se quidem nihil non arbitrio imperatoris acturum. illi quoque tamen uidendum magno opere esse ut exercitum in potestate haberet; differri non posse adeo concitatos animos; ipsos sibi locum ac tempus pugnandi sumpturos, si ab imperatore non detur.

[¶14] 14.4. While they were talking thus, it chanced that a Gaul attempted to drive off certain sumpter animals that were grazing outside of the stockade, and two Roman soldiers took them away from him. These men were stoned by the Gauls. Whereupon a shout arose in the Roman outpost, and men ran forward on both sides.

> Latin: 14.4. dum haec loquuntur, iumenta forte pascentia extra uallum Gallo abigenti duo milites Romani ademerunt. in eos saxa coniecta a Gallis; deinde ab Romana statione clamor ortus ac procursum utrimque est.

[¶15] 14.5. And now the mellay was likely to end in a regular battle, had not the centurions speedily parted the combatants. Sulpicius was assured by this incident that Tullius spoke truth, and, the situation admitting of no delay, he announced a general engagement for the morrow. Yet the dictator was entering a struggle in which he relied more on the spirit of his troops than on their strength.

> Latin: 14.5. iamque haud procul iusto proelio res erat, ni celeriter diremptum certamen per centuriones esset; adfirmata certe eo casu Tulli apud dictatorem fides est; nec recipiente iam dilationem re, in posterum diem edicitur acie pugnaturos.

[¶16] 14.6. He began therefore to cast about and every way to consider how he might strike terror into the enemy by some stratagem. His cleverness produced a new expedient, which many generals both of our own and foreign countries —some even in the present age —have since employed.

> Latin: 14.6. dictator tamen, ut qui magis animis quam uiribus fretus ad certamen descenderet, omnia circumspicere atque agitare coepit ut arte aliqua terrorem hostibus incuteret. sollerti animo rem nouam excogitat, qua deinde multi nostri atque externi imperatores, nostra quoque quidam aetate, usi sunt:

[¶17] 14.7. Commanding the muleteers to remove the packsaddles from the mules, leaving only a pair of saddle-cloths on each, and arming them, partly with captured weapons, partly with those belonging to the sick, he mounted them.

> Latin: 14.7. mulis strata detrahi iubet binisque tantum centunculis relictis agasones partim captiuis, partim aegrorum armis ornatos imponit.

[¶18] 14.8. Having in this way made out near a thousand, he mixed a hundred cavalrymen with them and ordered them to go up by night on to the mountains above the camp and conceal themselves in the woods, and not to stir from thence until they received a signal from him.

> Latin: 14.8. his fere mille effectis centum admiscet equites et nocte super castra in montes euadere ac siluis se occultare iubet neque inde ante mouere quam ab se acceperint signum.

[¶19] 14.9. The dictator himself, as soon as it was light, began to deploy his front along the lower slopes, on purpose to make the enemy take their stand facing the mountains where the preparations had been made for inspiring them with a fear which, groundless though it was, yet served the Romans almost better than actual strength.

> Latin: 14.9. ipse, ubi inluxit, in radicibus montium extendere aciem coepit sedulo, ut aduersus montes consisteret hostis, instructo uani terroris apparatu, qui quidem terror plus paene ueris uiribus profuit.

[¶20] 14.10. At first the Gallic leaders supposed that the Romans would not come down into the plain; then, when they saw that they had suddenly begun to descend, they also, being themselves eager for the combat, rushed into battle, and the fighting began before the signal could be given by the generals.

> Latin: 14.10. primo credere duces Gallorum non descensuros in aequum Romanos; deinde, ubi degressos repente uiderunt, et ipsi auidi certaminis in proelium ruunt priusque pugna coepit quam signum ab ducibus daretur.

[¶21] 15.1. The right wing of the Gauls attacked fiercely, and it would have been impossible to stop them, if the dictator had not happened to be there. Calling out to Sextus Tullius by name, he chid him and asked if this was the kind of fighting he had promised that the men should do.

> Latin: 15.1. acrius inuasere Galli dextrum cornu; neque sustineri potuissent, ni forte eo loco dictator fuisset, Sex. Tullium nomine increpans rogitansque sicine pugnaturos milites spopondisset?

[¶22] 15.2. Where were those shouts with which they had called for arms? Where were their threats that they would begin the battle without the general's orders? Here was their general himself, who with a loud voice summoned them to fight, and advanced, sword in hand, in the very van!

> Latin: 15.2. ubi illi clamores sint arma poscentium, ubi minae iniussu imperatoris proelium inituros? en ipsum imperatorem clara uoce uocare ad proelium et ire armatum ante prima signa; ecquis sequeretur eorum qui modo ducturi fuerint, in castris feroces, in acie pauidi?

[¶23] 15.3. Of those who but now were ready to lead, was there none to follow? They might swagger in camp; in the field they were arrant cowards. What he said was the truth, and so stung them with shame that they rushed on the weapons of the enemy in utter forgetfulness of danger.

> Latin: 15.3. uera audiebant; itaque tantos pudor stimulos admouit, ut ruerent in hostium tela alienatis a memoria periculi animis. hic primo impetus prope uecors turbauit hostes, eques deinde emissus turbatos auertit.

[¶24] 15.4. This well-nigh frenzied onset first threw their enemies into disarray, and before they could recover their confusion the cavalry charged and routed them. The dictator himself, as soon as he saw that a part of their line was wavering, turned the infantry attack against their left, where he descried a throng of the enemy gathering, and made the appointed signal to those on the mountain.

> Latin: 15.4. ipse dictator, post quam labantem una parte uidit aciem, signa in laeuum cornu confert, quo turbam hostium congregari cernebat, et iis qui in monte erant signum quod conuenerat dedit.

[¶25] 15.5. And when they too raised a shout and were seen to be moving obliquely down the mountain in the direction of the Gallic camp, the enemy, fearing to be shut out, ceased fighting and rushed pell-mell for their entrenchments.

> Latin: 15.5. ubi inde quoque nouus clamor ortus et tendere obliquo monte ad castra Gallorum uisi sunt, tum metu ne excluderentur omissa pugna est cursuque effuso ad castra ferebantur.

[¶26] 15.6. There however they were met by Marcus Valerius, the master of the horse, who, having scattered the enemy's right wing, was then riding up to their works;

> Latin: 15.6. ubi cum occurrisset eis M. Ualerius magister equitum, qui profligato dextro cornu obequitabat hostium munimentis, ad montes siluasque uertunt fugam plurimique ibi a fallaci equitum specie agasonibusque excepti sunt;

[¶27] 15.7. whereupon they turned and fled towards the mountains and the woods, where very many of them were intercepted by the muleteers masquerading as cavalry; and those whose fright had carried them into the woods were pitilessly slaughtered, after the battle had died down. Not since the time of Marcus Furius has anyone celebrated a Gallic triumph that was better deserved than that of Gaius Sulpicius. He also collected from the spoils a considerable weight of gold, which he walled up with hewn stone in the Capitol, and so dedicated.

> Latin: 15.7. et eorum, quos pauor pertulerat in siluas, atrox caedes post sedatum proelium fuit. nec alius post M. Furium quam C. Sulpicius iustiorem de Gallis egit triumphum. auri quoque ex Gallicis spoliis satis magnum pondus saxo quadrato saeptum in Capitolio sacrauit.

[¶28] 15.9. In the same year the consuls, too, waged war with varying success. Gaius Plautius defeated the Hernici and reduced them to subjection; his colleague Fabius showed neither prudence nor skill in his battle with the Tarquinienses.

> Latin: 15.9. eodem anno et a consulibus uario euentu bellatum; nam Hernici a C. Plautio deuicti subactique sunt, Fabius collega eius incaute atque inconsulte aduersus Tarquinienses pugnauit.

[¶29] 15.10. And yet the disaster experienced on the field was overshadowed by the fact that the Tarquinienses slew three hundred and seven captured Roman soldiers as a sacrifice —an act of savage cruelty that greatly emphasized the humiliation of the Roman People.

> Latin: 15.10. nec in acie tantum ibi cladis acceptum quam quod trecentos septem milites Romanos captos Tarquinienses immolarunt; qua foeditate supplicii aliquanto ignominia populi Romani insignitior fuit.

[¶30] 15.11. In addition to this defeat, the Romans suffered the devastation of their fields in sudden incursions made by the Privernates, and afterwards by the Veliterni.

> Latin: 15.11. accessit ad eam cladem et uastatio Romani agri, quam Priuernates, Ueliterni deinde, incursione repentina fecerunt. eodem anno duae tribus, Pomptina et Publilia, additae;

[¶31] 15.12. In the same year two tribes were added; the Pomptine and the Publilian; the votive games, which Marcus Furius had vowed as dictator, were given; and a statute against bribery was then for the first time laid before the people by Gaius Poetelius, tribune of the plebs, with the approbation of the senate.

> Latin: 15.12. ludi uotiui, quos M. Furius dictator uouerat, facti; et de ambitu ab C. Poetelio tribuno plebis auctoribus patribus tum primum ad populum latum est;

[¶32] 15.13. By this measure they thought to have suppressed corrupt practices, particularly on the part of men risen from the people, who were wont to haunt the country fairs and gathering-places.

> Latin: 15.13. eaque rogatione nouorum maxime hominum ambitionem, qui nundinas et conciliabula obire soliti erant, compressam credebant.

[¶33] 16.1. Less agreeable to the senate was a measure which came up in the following year, in the consulship of Gaius Marcius and Gnaeus Manlius. It fixed the rate of interest at one per cent., and was carried through by Marcus Duillius and Lucius Menenius, tribunes of the plebs.

> Latin: 16.1. haud aeque laeta patribus insequenti anno C. Marcio Cn. Manlio consulibus de unciario fenore a M. Duillio L. Menenio tribunis plebis rogatio est perlata; et plebs aliquanto eam cupidius sciuit [accepit].

[¶34] 16.2. The commons ratified it much more eagerly than they had done the other law. Besides the new wars determined on in the previous year, the Faliscans also rose up as enemies. They were charged with two offences: their youth had fought on the side of the Tarquinienses; and they had refused the demand of the fetials that they should give up the Romans who had taken refuge in Falerii, after the defeat.

> Latin: 16.2. ad bella noua priore anno destinata Falisci quoque hostes exorti duplici crimine quod et cum Tarquiniensibus iuuentus eorum militauerat et eos qui Falerios perfugerant cum male pugnatum est, repetentibus fetialibus Romanis non reddiderant.

[¶35] 16.3. This command was assigned to Gnaeus Manlius. Marcius led an army into the territory of Privernum, unravaged during a long period of peace, and loaded his troops with booty. This abundance he administered bountifully, and sequestering nothing to the public treasury, encouraged the men to augment their private fortunes.

> Latin: 16.3. ea prouincia Cn. Manlio obuenit. Marcius exercitum in agrum Priuernatem, integrum pace longinqua, induxit militemque praeda impleuit. ad copiam rerum addidit munificentiam, quod nihil in publicum secernendo augenti rem priuatam militi fauit.

[¶36] 16.4. The Privernates having encamped in front of their town, within strong intrenchments, Marcius called his soldiers together and thus addressed them: “I give you now for booty the camp and city of our enemies, if you promise me that in the battle you will play the part of men, and be not more ready to plunder than to fight.”

> Latin: 16.4. Priuernates cum ante moenia sua castris permunitis consedissent, uocatis ad contionem militibus 'castra nunc' inquit 'uobis hostium urbemque praedae do, si mihi pollicemini uos fortiter in acie operam nauaturos nec praedae magis quam pugnae paratos esse.'

[¶37] 16.5. They clamoured loudly for the signal and entered the battle with spirit, emboldened by no uncertain expectations. There in the fore-front Sextus Tullius, who has been mentioned before, cried out, “Look, general, and see how your army keeps the promises it gave you!” Then, laying down his javelin, he drew his sword and charged the foe.

> Latin: 16.5. signum poscunt ingenti clamore celsique et spe haud dubia feroces in proelium uadunt. ibi ante signa Sex. Tullius, de quo ante dictum est, exclamat 'adspice, imperator' inquit, 'quemadmodum exercitus tuus tibi promissa praestet', piloque posito stricto gladio in hostem impetum facit.

[¶38] 16.6. All of the front line followed Tullius, and putting the enemy to flight at the first shock, pursued them to the town, where the Romans were already bringing up their scaling ladders to the wall, when the place surrendered. A triumph was celebrated over the Privernates.

> Latin: 16.6. sequuntur Tullium antesignani omnes primoque impetu auertere hostem; fusum inde ad oppidum persecuti, cum iam scalas moenibus admouerent, in deditionem urbem acceperunt. triumphus de Priuernatibus actus.

[¶39] 16.7. The other consul accomplished nothing worth recording, except that without precedent he got a law passed in his camp before Sutrium —the men voting by tribes —which levied a tax of one-twentieth on manumissions. The Fathers ratified this law, since it brought in no small revenue to the empty treasury; but the tribunes of the plebs, troubled less by the law than by the precedent established, had it made a capital offence for anyone thereafter to summon the people to the comitia away from Rome.

> Latin: 16.7. ab altero consule nihil memorabile gestum, nisi quod legem nouo exemplo ad Sutrium in castris tributim de uicensima eorum qui manumitterentur tulit. patres, quia ea lege haud paruum uectigal inopi aerario additum esset, auctores fuerunt;

[¶40] 16.8. If this should be permitted, there was nothing, they argued, however baneful to the people, which could not be carried through by the votes of soldiers sworn to obey their consul.

> Latin: 16.8. ceterum tribuni plebis, non tam lege quam exemplo moti, ne quis postea populum seuocaret, capite sanxerunt: nihil enim non per milites iuratos in consulis uerba, quamuis perniciosum populo, si id liceret, ferri posse.

[¶41] 16.9. In the same year Gaius Licinius Stolo was prosecuted under his own statute by Marcus Popilius Laenas, and condemned to pay a fine of ten thousand asses, on the charge that he held with his son a thousand iugera of land, and by emancipating his son had evaded the law.

> Latin: 16.9. eodem anno C. Licinius Stolo a M. Popilio Laenate sua lege decem milibus aeris est damnatus, quod mille iugerum agri cum filio possideret emancupandoque filium fraudem legi fecisset.

[¶42] 17.1. New consuls now came in, Marcus Fabius Ambustus and Marcus Popilius Laenas, each for the second time. They had two wars. One of these was easy; it was waged by Laenas against the Tiburtes, and he shut up the enemy within their city and pillaged their fields. The other consul was routed by the Faliscans and Tarquinienses in his first engagement.

> Latin: 17.1. noui consules inde, M. Fabius Ambustus iterum et M. Popilius Laenas iterum, duo bella habuere, facile alterum cum Tiburtibus, quod Laenas gessit, qui hoste in urbem compulso agros uastauit; Falisci Tarquiniensesque alterum consulem prima pugna fuderunt.

[¶43] 17.3. The panic was chiefly due to this, that their priests, bearing serpents and blazing torches before them, came rushing on like Furies, and utterly dismayed the Roman soldiers with the extraordinary sight. At first they were like men frantic and distraught, and flung themselves in a disordered mob into their own works.

> Latin: 17.3. inde terror maximus fuit quod sacerdotes eorum facibus ardentibus anguibusque praelatis incessu furiali militem Romanum insueta turbauerunt specie. et tum quidem uelut lymphati et attoniti munimentis suis trepido agmine inciderunt;

[¶44] 17.4. Then when the consul, the lieutenants and the tribunes laughed at them and upbraided them for being scared like children at idle tricks, shame caused a sudden revulsion in their feelings, and they rushed, as if blinded, on the very objects from which they had fled.

> Latin: 17.4. deinde, ubi consul legatique ac tribuni puerorum ritu uana miracula pauentes inridebant increpabantque, uertit animos repente pudor et in ea ipsa quae fugerant uelut caeci ruebant.

[¶45] 17.5. In this spirit they brushed aside the enemy's vain paraphernalia, and hurling themselves on his real fighting men, they routed the whole army, and even captured the camp that day. As they returned victorious with the rich plunder they had won, they jested in soldier-fashion and scoffed not only at the enemy's devices but at their own fright as well.

> Latin: 17.5. discusso itaque uano apparatu hostium, cum in ipsos armatos se intulissent, auerterunt totam aciem castrisque etiam eo die potiti praeda ingenti parta uictores reuerterunt, militaribus iocis cum apparatum hostium tum suum increpantes pauorem.

[¶46] 17.6. All who bore the Etruscan name then rose in arms, and led by the men of Tarquinii and Falerii, advanced as far as Salinae. To meet this fearful danger Gaius Marcius Rutulus was made dictator, the first that was ever appointed from the plebs, and he named a plebeian also, Gaius Plautius, to be master of the horse.

> Latin: 17.6. concitatur deinde omne nomen Etruscum et Tarquiniensibus Faliscisque ducibus ad Salinas perueniunt. aduersus eum terrorem dictator C. Marcius Rutulus primus de plebe dictus magistrum equitum item de plebe C. Plautium dixit.

[¶47] 17.7. But the patricians thought it shameful that even the dictatorship should now be common; and they exerted all their influence to prevent anything being decreed or made ready for the dictator, to carry on that war.

> Latin: 17.7. id uero patribus indignum uideri etiam dictaturam iam in promiscuo esse; omnique ope impediebant ne quid dictatori ad id bellum decerneretur parareturue. eo promptius cuncta ferente dictatore populus iussit.

[¶48] 17.8. For which reason the people voted the more promptly everything that the dictator proposed. Marching out from the City and setting his army across the Tiber by means of rafts, wherever a rumour of the enemy called him, he surprised many straggling pillagers as they roamed about the fields, on both sides of the river; he also captured their camp in a surprise attack, and with it eight thousand soldiers;

> Latin: 17.8. profectus ab urbe utraque parte Tiberis, ratibus exercitu, quocumque fama hostium ducebat, traiecto multos populatores agrorum uagos palantes oppressit; castra quoque necopinato adgressus cepit et octo milibus hostium captis, ceteris aut caesis aut ex agro Romano fugatis sine auctoritate patrum populi iussu triumphauit.

[¶49] 17.10. and having slain the rest, or driven them out of Roman territory, was granted a triumph by the people, but without the authorization of the senate.

> Latin: 17.10. quia nec per dictatorem plebeium nec per consulem comitia consularia haberi uolebant et alter consul Fabius bello retinebatur, res ad interregnum redit.

[¶50] 17.11. The patricians were not willing that a consular election should be held by a plebeian, whether dictator or consul, and the other consul being detained by the war, the state relapsed into an interregnum. The office of interrex was held successively by Quintus Servilius Ahala, Marcus Fabius, Gnaeus Manlius, Gaius Fabius, Gaius Sulpicius, Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Servilius, and Marcus Fabius Ambustus.

> Latin: 17.11. interreges deinceps Q. Seruilius Ahala M. Fabius Cn. Manlius C. Fabius C. Sulpicius L. Aemilius Q. Seruilius M. Fabius Ambustus.

[¶51] 17.12. In the second interregnum a controversy arose because two patricians were on the point of being named as consuls; and when the tribunes sought to veto the announcement, the interrex Fabius declared that the Twelve Tables enacted that whatsoever the people decreed last should have the binding force of law, and their votes were also a decree.

> Latin: 17.12. in secundo interregno orta contentio est, quod duo patricii consules creabantur, intercedentibusque tribunis interrex Fabius aiebat in duodecim tabulis legem esse ut, quodcumque postremum populus iussisset, id ius ratumque esset;

[¶52] 17.13. The tribunes gained nothing more by their intervention than a postponement of the comitia, and two patrician consuls were elected, namely Gaius Sulpicius Peticus (for the third time) and Marcus Valerius Publicola. They entered office that very day, in the four hundredth year from the founding of Rome and the thirty-fifth from its recovery from the Gauls, depriving the plebs of the consulship they had enjoyed for ten years.

> Latin: 17.13. iussum populi et suffragia esse. cum intercedendo tribuni nihil aliud quam ut differrent comitia ualuissent, duo patricii consules creati sunt, C. Sulpicius Peticus tertium M. Ualerius Publicola eodemque die magistratum inierunt, quadringentesimo anno quam urbs Romana condita erat, quinto tricesimo quam a Gallis reciperata, ablato post undecimum annum a plebe consulatu [patricii consules ambo ex interregno magistratum iniere, C. Sulpicius Peticus tertium M. Ualerius Publicola ].

[¶53] 18.2. Empulum was won that year from the Tiburtes without any memorable battle being fought; whether, as some writers state, the campaign was conducted there under the auspices of the two consuls; or whether the lands belonging to Tarquinii were ravaged by the consul Sulpicius at the same time that Valerius led his legions against the Tiburtes. The consuls had a harder struggle at home, with the plebs and the tribunes.

> Latin: 18.2. Empulum eo anno ex Tiburtibus haud memorando certamine captum, siue duorum consulum auspicio bellum ibi gestum est, ut scripsere quidam, seu per idem tempus Tarquiniensium quoque sunt uastati agri ab Sulpicio consule, quo Ualerius aduersus Tiburtes legiones duxit.

[¶54] 18.3. They held that honour as well as courage required of them that, even as two patricians had received the consulship, so they should hand it over to successors who were both patricians:

> Latin: 18.3. domi maius certamen consulibus cum plebe ac tribunis erat. fidei iam suae non solum uirtutis ducebant esse, ut accepissent duo patricii consulatum, ita ambobus patriciis mandare:

[¶55] 18.4. indeed they ought rather to withdraw from the consulship altogether, that it might at once become a plebeian magistracy, or else retain undivided that control which they had inherited entire from their fathers.

> Latin: 18.4. quin aut toto cedendum esse, si plebeius iam magistratus consulatus fiat, aut totum possidendum quam possessionem integram a patribus accepissent.

[¶56] 18.5. On the other side, the plebeians were asking angrily why they lived, why they were counted a part of the state, if they were unable by their collective efforts to maintain what the courage of two men, Lucius Sextius and Gaius Licinius, had won for them.

> Latin: 18.5. plebes contra fremit: quid se uiuere, quid in parte ciuium censeri, si, quod duorum hominum uirtute, L. Sexti ac C. Licini, partum sit, id obtinere uniuersi non possint?

[¶57] 18.6. It were better to put up with kings or decemvirs, or —if possible —a more stern type of government than theirs, rather than see the consuls both patricians and have no turns at obeying and commanding, while a part of the people thought themselves established forever in authority and the commons born for no other end than servitude.

> Latin: 18.6. uel reges uel decemuiros uel si quod tristius sit imperii nomen patiendum esse potius quam ambos patricios consules uideant nec in uicem pareatur atque imperetur sed pars altera in aeterno imperio locata plebem nusquam alio natam quam ad seruiendum putet.

[¶58] 18.8. There was no lack of tribunes to promote disturbances, but where all were so excited, to begin with, the leaders were hardly to be discerned.

> Latin: 18.8. non desunt tribuni auctores turbarum, sed inter concitatos per se omnes uix duces eminent.

[¶59] 18.9. After the people had several times gone down to the Campus Martius to no purpose, and many meeting days had been spent in rioting, the persistence of the consuls finally prevailed. The plebs, thereupon, in a burst of resentment, followed their tribunes, who cried out that liberty was lost and that they ought now to leave not only the voting-field but the City, too, which was taken captive and enslaved by the tyranny of the patricians.

> Latin: 18.9. aliquotiens frustra in campum descensum cum esset multique per seditiones acti comitiales dies, postremo uicit perseuerantia consulum: plebis eo dolor erupit, ut tribunos actum esse de libertate uociferantes relinquendumque non campum iam solum sed etiam urbem captam atque oppressam regno patriciorum maesta [plebs] sequeretur.

[¶60] 18.10. The consuls, being deserted by half the people, nevertheless, despite the paucity of voters, completed the election. The successful candidates were both patricians, Marcus Fabius Ambustus (for the third time) and Titus Quinctius. In certain annals I find Marcus Popilius given as consul instead of Titus Quinctius.

> Latin: 18.10. consules relicti a parte populi per infrequentiam comitia nihilo segnius perficiunt. creati consules ambo patricii, M. Fabius Ambustus tertium T. Quinctius. in quibusdam annalibus pro T. Quinctio M. Popilium consulem inuenio.

[¶61] 19.1. Two wars were successfully prosecuted this year, and the Tarquinienses and Tiburtes were forced to make submission. From the latter their city of Sassula was taken, and the rest of their towns would have met with the same fortune, had the whole nation not laid down their arms and cast themselves upon the mercy of the consul.

> Latin: 19.1. duo bella eo anno prospere gesta: cum Tarquiniensibus Tiburtibusque ad deditionem pugnatum. Sassula ex his urbs capta; ceteraque oppida eandem fortunam habuissent, ni uniuersa gens positis armis in fidem consulis uenisset.

[¶62] 19.2. A triumph was celebrated over them, but in all other respects the victory was used with clemency. The men of Tarquinii were shown no ruth; many were slain in the field of battle, and out of the vast number taken prisoners three hundred and fifty-eight were selected —the noblest of them all —to be sent to Rome, and the rest of the populace were put to the sword.

> Latin: 19.2. triumphatum de Tiburtibus; alioquin mitis uictoria fuit. in Tarquinienses acerbe saeuitum; multis mortalibus in acie caesis ex ingenti captiuorum numero trecenti quinquaginta octo delecti, nobilissimus quisque, qui Romam mitterentur;

[¶63] 19.3. Neither were the People less stern towards those who had been sent to Rome, but scourged them all with rods in the middle of the Forum and struck off their heads. Such was the vengeance they exacted of their enemies for the Romans sacrificed in the market-place of Tarquinii.

> Latin: 19.3. uolgus aliud trucidatum. nec populus in eos qui missi Romam erant mitior fuit: medio in foro omnes uirgis caesi ac securi percussi. id pro immolatis in foro Tarquiniensium Romanis poenae hostibus redditum.

[¶64] 19.4. Their success in war induced the Samnites also to apply for their friendship. The senate made a courteous answer to their ambassadors, and granted them a treaty of alliance.

> Latin: 19.4. res bello bene gestae ut Samnites quoque amicitiam peterent effecerunt. legatis eorum comiter ab senatu responsum; foedere in societatem accepti.

[¶65] 19.5. The Roman commons were not so fortunate at home as in the field. For notwithstanding they had been relieved of usury by the adoption of a one per cent. rate, the very poor found even the principal sum a crushing burden, and were being bound over to their creditors. Hence it was that neither the incumbency of two patrician consuls, nor concern for the elections or affairs of state, could divert the thoughts of the plebeians from their personal distresses.

> Latin: 19.5. non eadem domi quae militiae fortuna erat plebi Romanae. nam etsi unciario fenore facto leuata usura erat, sorte ipsa obruebantur inopes nexumque inibant; eo nec patricios ambo consules neque comitiorum curam publicaue studia prae priuatis incommodis plebs ad animum admittebat.

[¶66] 19.6. Accordingly both consulships continued in the hands of the patricians; Gaius Sulpicius Peticus was elected for the fourth time, and Marcus Valerius Publicola for the second. While the citizens were occupied with thoughts of an Etruscan war —for it was rumoured that the people of Caere, out of compassion for their kinsmen of Tarquinii, had made common cause with them —came envoys from the Latins and turned their thoughts upon the Volsci, with a report that they had mustered and equipped an army, which was even then descending upon Latium, from whence it would invade and devastate the territory of the Romans.

> Latin: 19.6. consulatus uterque apud patricios manet; consules creati C. Sulpicius Peticus quartum M. Ualerius Publicola iterum. in bellum Etruscum intentam ciuitatem, quia Caeritem populum misericordia consanguinitatis Tarquiniensibus adiunctum fama ferebat, legati Latini ad Uolscos conuertere, nuntiantes exercitum conscriptum armatumque iam suis finibus imminere; inde populabundos in agrum Romanum uenturos esse.

[¶67] 19.7. The senate therefore resolved that neither threat must be neglected; and ordered that legions should be enrolled for both campaigns, and that the consuls should decide the commands by lot.

> Latin: 19.7. censuit igitur senatus neutram neglegendam rem esse; utroque legiones scribi consulesque sortiri prouincias iussit.

[¶68] 19.8. But the Etruscan war afterwards came to be their chief concern, on the receipt of a dispatch from the consul Sulpicius, who had received the assignment to Tarquinii, with the news that the countryside lying near the Roman salt-works had been pillaged, and a part of the booty carried into the borders of the Caerites, whose soldiers had, without question, been amongst the depredators.

> Latin: 19.8. inclinauit deinde pars maior curae in Etruscum bellum, postquam litteris Sulpici consulis, cui Tarquinii prouincia euenerat, cognitum est depopulatum agrum circa Romanas salinas praedaeque partem in Caeritum fines auectam et haud dubie iuuentutem eius populi inter praedatores fuisse.

[¶69] 19.9. And so the senate recalled Valerius the consul, who was opposing the Volsci and had his camp close to the Tusculan frontier, and ordered him to nominate a dictator.

> Latin: 19.9. itaque Ualerium consulem, Uolscis oppositum castraque ad finem Tusculanum habentem, reuocatum inde senatus dictatorem dicere iussit. T. Manlium L. filium dixit.

[¶70] 19.10. His choice fell upon Titus Manlius, the son of Lucius, who appointed as master of the horse Aulus Cornelius Cossus. Asking for no more than the consular army, the dictator, by the senate's authority, and at the bidding of the people, proclaimed war on the Caerites.

> Latin: 19.10. is cum sibi magistrum equitum A. Cornelium Cossum dixisset, consulari exercitu contentus ex auctoritate patrum ac populi iussu Caeritibus bellum indixit.

[¶71] 20.1. It was then that the Caerites realized for the first time the full danger of war, as if the words of their enemies conveyed a more emphatic hint of it than their own acts, though they had pillaged the Romans and harried them. Beginning then to perceive how inadequate was their strength to such a quarrel, they repented of their raid, and cursed the Tarquinienses, who had encouraged them to fall away.

> Latin: 20.1. tum primum Caerites, tamquam in uerbis hostium uis maior ad bellum significandum quam in suis factis, qui per populationem Romanos lacessierant, esset, uerus belli terror inuasit, et quam non suarum uirium ea dimicatio esset cernebant;

[¶72] 20.2. Nobody made ready his arms and prepared for war, but one and all bade dispatch ambassadors to Rome, to beg forgiveness for their error. The envoys, having approached the senate, were sent by them to be dealt with by the people.

> Latin: 20.2. paenitebatque populationis et Tarquinienses exsecrabantur defectionis auctores; nec arma aut bellum quisquam apparare sed pro se quisque legatos mitti iubebat ad petendam erroris ueniam.

[¶73] 20.3. Calling on the gods whose sacred emblems they had received and religiously protected in the Gallic war, they besought them to inspire the Romans in their prosperity with such compassion for the men of Caere as they themselves had formerly shown for Rome in her time of tribulation. Then, turning to the shrine of Vesta, they invoked the flamens and Vestals whom they had entertained with a pure and scrupulous hospitality.

> Latin: 20.3. legati senatum cum adissent, ab senatu reiecti ad populum deos rogauerunt, quorum sacra bello Gallico accepta rite procurassent, ut Romanos florentes ea sui misericordia caperet quae se rebus adfectis quondam populi Romani cepisset;

[¶74] 20.4. Could anyone, they asked, believe that those who had deserved so well of the Romans had suddenly turned enemies without reason?

> Latin: 20.4. conuersique ad delubra Uestae hospitium flaminum Uestaliumque ab se caste ac religiose cultum inuocabant:

[¶75] 20.5. or that if they had in fact committed an act of hostility, it had been deliberately planned, and had not rather been owing to a fit of madness? Would they undo their own kindness of old, especially kindness to such grateful friends, with new misdeeds; and choose to be enemies of the Roman People in their flourishing state and at the height of their success in war, when they had sought their friendship in the hour of their adversity? Let them not give the name of “purpose” to what should properly be called “force” and “necessity.”

> Latin: 20.5. eane meritos crederet quisquam hostes repente sine causa factos? aut, si quid hostiliter fecissent, consilio id magis quam furore lapsos fecisse, ut sua uetera beneficia, locata praesertim apud tam gratos, nouis corrumperent maleficiis florentemque populum Romanum ac felicissimum bello sibi desumerent hostem, cuius adflicti amicitiam cepissent? ne appellarent consilium, quae uis ac necessitas appellanda esset.

[¶76] 20.6. The Tarquinienses, marching in hostile array through their territories, had sought nothing of them save permission to pass, but had drawn certain rustics after them in their train, who had borne a part in the pillaging with which the people of Caere were now taxed.

> Latin: 20.6. transeuntes agmine infesto per agrum suum Tarquinienses, cum praeter uiam nihil petissent, traxisse quosdam agrestium populationis eius, quae sibi crimini detur, comites.

[¶77] 20.7. If it pleased the Romans that these men should be surrendered, they would surrender them; if they would have them punished, they should be made to suffer. But Caere, the sanctuary of the Roman People, the hostel of its priests and refuge of the Roman religion, let them preserve intact and unstained by the imputation of making war, for the sake of the hospitality it had shown their Vestals and the reverence it had paid their gods.

> Latin: 20.7. eos seu dedi placeat, dedere se paratos esse, seu supplicio adfici, daturos poenas. Caere, sacrarium populi Romani, deuersorium sacerdotum ac receptaculum Romanorum sacrorum, intactum inuiolatumque crimine belli hospitio Uestalium cultisque dis darent.

[¶78] 20.8. The people were moved, not so much by their present claims as by their ancient merits, and chose rather to forget an injury than a kindness. So peace was granted to the people of Caere, and it was resolved that a truce of a hundred years be made, and recorded on a table of bronze.

> Latin: 20.8. mouit populum non tam causa praesens quam uetus meritum, ut maleficii quam beneficii potius immemores essent. itaque pax populo Caeriti data indutiasque in centum annos factas in senatus consultum referri placuit.

[¶79] 20.9. The brunt of the war was turned against the Faliscans, who lay under the same accusation; but the enemy were nowhere encountered. Having ranged over their lands and laid them waste, the Romans refrained from attacking their cities, and led their legions home. The rest of the year was consumed in repairing the walls and towers, and a temple was dedicated to Apollo.

> Latin: 20.9. in Faliscos eodem noxios crimine uis belli conuersa est; sed hostes nusquam inuenti. cum populatione peragrati fines essent, ab oppugnatione urbium temperatum; legionibusque Romam reductis reliquum anni muris turribusque reficiendis consumptum et aedis Apollinis dedicata est.

[¶80] 21.1. In the latter part of the year the consular election was broken off by a quarrel between the patricians and the plebs: the tribunes refused to permit the assembly to be held unless it were held agreeably to the Licinian law, and the dictator was obstinately determined rather to remove the consulship root and branch out of the state than to throw it open to patricians and plebs without distinction.

> Latin: 21.1. extremo anno comitia consularia certamen patrum ac plebis diremit, tribunis negantibus passuros comitia haberi ni secundum Liciniam legem haberentur, dictatore obstinato tollere potius totum e re publica consulatum quam promiscuum patribus ac plebi facere.

[¶81] 21.2. The assembly was therefore repeatedly adjourned, until the dictator's term had expired, and the state reverted to an interregnum. The interreges found the commons hostile to the patricians, and the factional struggle continued until there had been eleven interreges.

> Latin: 21.2. prolatandis igitur comitiis cum dictator magistratu abisset, res ad interregnum rediit. infestam inde patribus plebem interreges cum accepissent, ad undecimum interregem seditionibus certatum est.

[¶82] 21.3. The tribunes continually vaunted their backing of the Licinian law: the plebs were more concerned with the distress they suffered from the increasing weight of usury, and their private worries broke out into public quarrels.

> Latin: 21.3. legis Liciniae patrocinium tribuni iactabant: propior dolor plebi fenoris ingrauescentis erat curaeque priuatae in certaminibus publicis erumpebant.

[¶83] 21.4. Worn out with these, the senate ordered Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the interrex, for harmony's sake to observe the Licinian law at the consular election. Publius Valerius Publicola was elected, with a plebeian colleague named Gaius Marcius Rutulus.

> Latin: 21.4. quorum taedio patres L. Cornelium Scipionem interregem concordiae causa obseruare legem Liciniam comitiis consularibus iussere. P. Ualerio Publicolae datus e plebe collega C. Marcius Rutulus.

[¶84] 21.5. Now that the minds of men were once inclined to concord, the new consuls set themselves to obtain relief in the matter of usury also, which appeared to be the sole obstacle to harmony. They made the discharge of debts a concern of the state, appointing five commissioners, whom they called bankers, from their having the disposition of the money.

> Latin: 21.5. inclinatis semel in concordiam animis noui consules fenebrem quoque rem, quae distinere una animos uidebatur, leuare adgressi solutionem alieni aeris in publicam curam uerterunt quinqueuiris creatis quos mensarios ab dispensatione pecuniae appellarunt.

[¶85] 21.6. These men by their impartiality and diligence fairly earned the distinction which attaches, in all the histories, to the names of Gaius Duillius, Publius Decius Mus, Marcus Papirius, Quintus Publilius, and Titus Aemilius.

> Latin: 21.6. meriti aequitate curaque sunt, ut per omnium annalium monumenta celebres nominibus essent; fuere autem C. Duillius P. Decius Mus M. Papirius Q. Publilius et T. Aemilius.

[¶86] 21.7. In the discharge of a very difficult duty, involving always a hardship for one of the parties, and in most instances for both, they managed matters wisely in other respects, and, in particular, they expended without throwing away the public funds.

> Latin: 21.7. qui rem difficillimam tractatu et plerumque parti utrique, semper certe alteri grauem cum alia moderatione tum impendio magis publico quam iactura sustinuerunt.

[¶87] 21.8. For with long-standing accounts, embarrassed more by the debtors' neglect than by their lack of means, they dealt in one of the following ways: either they paid them out of the treasury —taking security for the people first —at the banking tables they had set up in the Forum; or they settled them upon a valuation, at fair prices, of the debtor's effects. And so, not only without injustice, but even without complaint from either side, a vast amount of indebtedness was cleared off.

> Latin: 21.8. tarda enim nomina et impeditiora inertia debitorum quam facultatibus aut aerarium mensis cum aere in foro positis dissoluit, ut populo prius caueretur, aut aestimatio aequis rerum pretiis liberauit, ut non modo sine iniuria sed etiam sine querimoniis partis utriusque exhausta uis ingens aeris alieni sit.

[¶88] 21.9. A groundless fear of war with Etruria, on a report that the twelve nations had conspired, compelled the appointment of a dictator. The appointment was made in camp —for thither had the resolution of the senate been sent to the consuls —and Gaius Julius became dictator, with Lucius Aemilius for master of the horse. But abroad all was serene, while at home an attempt, made through the dictator, to obtain the return of patricians to both consulships, brought the state to an interregnum.

> Latin: 21.9. terror inde uanus belli Etrusci, cum coniurasse duodecim populos fama esset, dictatorem dici coegit. dictus in castris —eo enim ad consules missum senatus consultum est— C. Iulius, cui magister equitum adiectus L. Aemilius. ceterum foris tranquilla omnia fuere: temptatum domi per dictatorem, ut ambo patricii consules crearentur, rem ad interregnum perduxit.

[¶89] 22.2. The two interreges who were put in, Gaius Sulpicius and Marcus Fabius, brought to pass what the dictator had vainly striven for; and the plebs being now grown more tractable, thanks to the help lately granted them in the relief of debt, both men elected consuls were patricians.

> Latin: 22.2. duo interreges, C. Sulpicius et M. Fabius, interpositi obtinuere quod dictator frustra tetenderat, mitiore iam plebe ob recens meritum leuati aeris alieni, ut ambo patricii consules crearentur.

[¶90] 22.3. These were that very Gaius Sulpicius Peticus, who was the earlier of the two interreges, and Titus Quinctius Poenus. (Some give Caeso, others Gaius, as the praenomen of Quinctius.) Both marched out to fight, Quinctius against the Faliscans, Sulpicius against the Tarquinienses; but nowhere encountering their enemies in battle, they warred rather with the land, which they burnt and pillaged, than with men;

> Latin: 22.3. creati ipse C. Sulpicius Peticus, qui prior interregno abiit, et T. Quinctius Poenus; quidam Caesonem, alii Gaium praenomen Quinctio adiciunt, ad bellum ambo profecti, Faliscum Quinctius, Sulpicius Tarquiniense, nusquam acie congresso hoste cum agris magis quam cum hominibus urendo populandoque gesserunt bella;

[¶91] 22.5. until the obstinacy of both peoples was overcome, as by the wasting of a lingering illness, and they requested a truce, first of the consuls, and later, by their permission, of the senate. They were granted one for forty years.

> Latin: 22.5. cuius lentae uelut tabis senio uicta utriusque pertinacia populi est, ut primum a consulibus, dein permissu eorum ab senatu indutias peterent. in quadraginta annos impetrauerunt.

[¶92] 22.6. The anxiety arising from two threatening wars being thus allayed, it was resolved that while there was some rest from arms they would take the census; for the settlement of debts had brought about the change of ownership in many properties.

> Latin: 22.6. ita posita duorum bellorum quae imminebant cura, dum aliqua ab armis quies esset, quia solutio aeris alieni multarum rerum mutauerat dominos, censum agi placuit.

[¶93] 22.7. But when notice had been given of an assembly for the election of censors, an announcement that he should be a candidate on the part of Gaius Marcius Rutulus, who had been the first plebeian dictator, played havoc with the harmony of the orders;

> Latin: 22.7. ceterum cum censoribus creandis indicta comitia essent, professus censuram se petere C. Marcius Rutulus, qui primus dictator de plebe fuerat, concordiam ordinum turbauit;

[¶94] 22.8. for he seemed to have taken this step at an untoward time, since both the consuls, as it fell out, were then patricians, who declared that they would receive no votes for him;

> Latin: 22.8. quod uidebatur quidem tempore alieno fecisse, quia ambo tum forte patricii consules erant, qui rationem eius se habituros negabant;

[¶95] 22.9. but Rutulus himself held firmly to his purpose, and the tribunes aided him with all their power, in the hope of recovering what they had lost in the election of consuls; and not only was the man's own greatness equal to any honour, however lofty, but the plebs desired that they might be called to share the censorship by the same man who had opened up for them a path to the dictatorship.

> Latin: 22.9. sed et ipse constantia inceptum obtinuit et tribuni omni ui <ut> reciperaturi ius consularibus comitiis amissum adiuuerunt, et cum ipsius uiri maiestas nullius honoris fastigium non aequabat, tum per eundem, qui ad dictaturam aperuisset uiam, censuram quoque in partem uocari plebes uolebat.

[¶96] 22.10. There was no dissenting opinion shown at the assembly, and Marcius was elected, along with Manlius Naevius. There was a dictator in this year also, namely, Marcus Fabius, not because of any threatened war, but to prevent the observance of the Licinian law in the consular election.

> Latin: 22.10. nec uariatum comitiis est, quin cum Manlio †Naeuio censor† Marcius crearetur. dictatorem quoque hic annus habuit M. Fabium, nullo terrore belli sed ne Licinia lex comitiis consularibus obseruaretur.

[¶97] 22.11. Quintus Servilius was assigned to the dictator as master of the horse. But the dictatorship made the unanimity of the patricians no more potent in the election of consuls than it had been in the election of censors.

> Latin: 22.11. magister equitum dictatori additus Q. Seruilius. nec tamen dictatura potentiorem eum consensum patrum consularibus comitiis fecit quam censoriis fuerat: M. Popilius Laenas a plebe consul, a patribus L. Cornelius Scipio datus.

[¶98] 23.2. Marcus Popilius Laenas was chosen from the plebs, Lucius Cornelius Scipio from the patricians. Fortune even made the plebeian consul the more illustrious, for the news that a huge army of Gauls had encamped in Latium found Scipio afflicted with a grave disorder, and the conduct of the war was entrusted by special arrangement to Popilius.

> Latin: 23.2. fortuna quoque inlustriorem plebeium consulem fecit; nam cum ingentem Gallorum exercitum in agro Latino castra posuisse nuntiatum esset, Scipione graui morbo implicito Gallicum bellum Popilio extra ordinem datum.

[¶99] 23.3. He levied troops with energy, and ordered all the young men to assemble under arms outside the Porta Capena, at the temple of Mars, commanding the quaestors to convey the standards thither, from the treasury. After filling up four legions, he turned over the supernumeraries to the praetor, Publius Valerius Publicola, urging the senators to enroll a second army as a national reserve against the uncertain emergencies of war. Having at length concluded all the necessary preparations, he himself marched against the enemy;

> Latin: 23.3. is impigre exercitu scripto, cum omnes extra portam Capenam ad Martis aedem conuenire armatos iuniores iussisset signaque eodem quaestores ex aerario deferre, quattuor expletis legionibus, quod superfuit militum P. Ualerio Publicolae praetori tradidit, auctor patribus scribendi alterius exercitus, quod ad incertos belli euentus subsidium rei publicae esset.

[¶100] 23.5. and that he might first learn their strength before putting it to the test of a decisive battle, he seized and began to fortify an eminence as close as he could find to the camp of the Gauls.

> Latin: 23.5. ipse iam satis omnibus instructis comparatisque ad hostem pergit; cuius ut prius nosceret uires quam periculo ultimo temptaret, in tumulo, quem proximum castris Gallorum capere potuit, uallum ducere coepit.

[¶101] 23.6. These, being a fierce people and by nature eager for the combat, on beholding the Roman ensigns in the distance, at once drew out their line, as if for instant battle. But perceiving that the Romans did not descend into the plain, but sought to protect themselves not only by their position but even with a rampart, they supposed them to be panic-stricken and at the same time the more open to attack for being just then taken up with their task. They advanced, therefore, with hideous yells.

> Latin: 23.6. gens ferox et ingenii auidi ad pugnam cum procul uisis Romanorum signis ut extemplo proelium initura explicuisset aciem, postquam neque in aequum demitti agmen uidit et cum loci altitudine tum uallo etiam tegi Romanos, perculsos pauore rata, simul opportuniores quod intenti tum maxime operi essent, truci clamore adgreditur.

[¶102] 23.7. The Romans without a pause in their work, on which the reserves were engaged, began the action with their troops of the first and second lines, who had been standing alert and armed in front of the working party.

> Latin: 23.7. ab Romanis nec opus intermissum— triarii erant, qui muniebant—et ab hastatis principibusque, qui pro munitoribus intenti armatique steterunt, proelium initum.

[¶103] 23.8. Besides their valour, they had an advantage from the elevation, for their javelins and spears, instead of falling without effect, as they mostly do when thrown on a level field, were steadied by their own weight and all struck home.

> Latin: 23.8. praeter uirtutem locus quoque superior adiuuit, ut pila omnia hastaeque non tamquam ex aequo missa uana, quod plerumque fit, caderent sed omnia librata ponderibus figerentur;

[¶104] 23.9. The Gauls were burdened with the missiles which had either transfixed their bodies, or, sticking in their shields, had made them very heavy; their dash had carried them almost up the slope, but first they halted, uncertain what to do, and then —for the mere delay had abated their ardour and increased that of their foes —they were thrown back, and falling one upon another wrought greater carnage than even their enemies had done; for so headlong was the rout, that more were trodden under foot than slain with the sword.

> Latin: 23.9. oneratique telis Galli, quibus aut corpora transfixa aut praegrauata inhaerentibus gerebant scuta, cum cursu paene in aduersum subissent, primo incerti restitere; dein, cum ipsa cunctatio et his animos minuisset et auxisset hosti, impulsi retro ruere alii super alios stragemque inter se caede ipsa foediorem dare; adeo praecipiti turba obtriti plures quam ferro necati.

## 35. Book VII · chapters 24–33

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/35/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/35/#p-N

[¶0] 24.1. But the Romans were not yet sure of victory; on descending into the plain they found another fight awaiting them.

> Latin: 24.1. necdum certa Romanis uictoria erat; alia in campum degressis supererat moles.

[¶1] 24.2. For the Gallic host, superior to any feeling for such losses, sprang up like a new army, and urged their fresh troops against the victorious foe.

> Latin: 24.2. namque multitudo Gallorum, sensum omnem talis damni exsuperans, uelut noua rursus exoriente acie integrum militem aduersus uictorem hostem ciebat;

[¶2] 24.3. The Romans, slowing down, came to a halt, for they were confronted, weary as they were, with a second struggle, and the consul, rashly exposing himself in the van, had received a javelin in his left shoulder that had like to have gone clean through it, and had withdrawn for a brief space from the fight.

> Latin: 24.3. stetitque suppresso impetu Romanus, et quia iterum fessis subeunda dimicatio erat et quod consul, dum inter primores incautus agitat, laeuo umero matari prope traiecto cesserat parumper ex acie.

[¶3] 24.4. And now the delay had almost lost them the victory, when the consul, whose wound had been dressed, rode up again to the front. “Why are you standing there, my men?” he exclaimed. “You have no Latin or Sabine foe to deal with, whom you may overcome in fight and transform from an enemy into an ally; we have drawn the sword against wild beasts, and we must have their blood or yield them ours.”

> Latin: 24.4. iamque omissa cunctando uictoria erat, cum consul uolnere alligato reuectus ad prima signa 'quid stas, miles?' inquit; 'non cum Latino Sabinoque hoste res est, quem uictum armis socium ex hoste facias;

[¶4] 24.5. “You have repulsed them from your camp, you have driven them headlong down a sloping valley, you stand on heaps of your slain enemies; cover the plain with the same carnage you have spread upon the mountains.”

> Latin: 24.5. in beluas strinximus ferrum; hauriendus aut dandus est sanguis. propulistis a castris, supina ualle praecipites egistis, stratis corporibus hostium superstatis; complete eadem strage campos qua montes replestis.

[¶5] 24.6. “Do not wait for the enemy to flee from you, while you stand still; you must move forward and attack them.”

> Latin: 24.6. nolite exspectare dum stantes uos fugiant; inferenda sunt signa et uadendum in hostem.'

[¶6] 24.7. Roused once more to action by these exhortations, they drove back the foremost of the Gallic maniples, and then, forming in wedges, burst through into the midst of the main array;

> Latin: 24.7. his adhortationibus iterum coorti pellunt loco primos manipulos Gallorum; cuneis deinde in medium agmen perrumpunt.

[¶7] 24.8. whereat the barbarians were thrown into confusion, having no definite orders nor commanders, and, turning, charged upon their fellows; and so, dispersed about the fields, and even carried past their own camp in the rout, they made for the highest point in the range of hills that met their eyes, namely, the Alban Citadel.

> Latin: 24.8. inde barbari dissipati, quibus nec certa imperia nec duces essent, uertunt impetum in suos; fusique per campos et praeter castra etiam sua fuga praelati, quod editissimum inter aequales tumulos occurrebat oculis, arcem Albanam petunt.

[¶8] 24.9. The consul did not pursue them beyond their camp, for his wound was troubling him, and he was unwilling to send his troops against the hills which the enemy had occupied. Giving over to his soldiers the entire booty of the camp, he led back his army, flushed with victory and enriched with the Gallic spoils, to Rome.

> Latin: 24.9. consul non ultra castra insecutus, quia et uolnus degrauabat et subicere exercitum tumulis ab hoste occupatis nolebat, praeda omni castrorum militi data uictorem exercitum opulentumque Gallicis spoliis Romam reduxit.

[¶9] 24.10. The consul's triumph was delayed by reason of his wound, which also made the senate wish for a dictator, that there might be someone —in the illness of the consuls —who could hold the election.

> Latin: 24.10. moram triumpho uolnus consulis attulit eademque causa dictatoris desiderium senatui fecit, ut esset qui aegris consulibus comitia haberet.

[¶10] 24.11. Lucius Furius Camillus was appointed to that office, and Publius Cornelius Scipio was made his master of the horse. Camillus restored to the patricians their ancient possession of the consulship, and in recognition of this service was himself, with their warm support, elected consul, and announced the election of Appius Claudius Crassus as his colleague.

> Latin: 24.11. dictator L. Furius Camillus dictus addito magistro equitum P. Cornelio Scipione reddidit patribus possessionem pristinam consulatus. ipse ob id meritum ingenti patrum studio creatus consul collegam Ap. Claudium Crassum dixit.

[¶11] 25.1. Before the new consuls entered office, Popilius celebrated his triumph over the Gauls, with great enthusiasm on the part of the plebeians, who, muttering low, would often ask each other if anyone regretted the choice of a plebeian consul.

> Latin: 25.1. prius quam inirent noui consules magistratum, triumphus a Popilio de Gallis actus magno fauore plebis; mussantesque inter se rogitabant num quem plebeii consulis paeniteret;

[¶12] 25.2. At the same time they railed against Camillus, who by declaring himself elected consul, when he was dictator, had got a reward, they said, for his contempt of the Licinian law more disgraceful for his personal cupidity than for the injury done the commonwealth.

> Latin: 25.2. simul dictatorem increpabant, qui legis Liciniae spretae mercedem [consulatum] priuata cupiditate quam publica iniuria foediorem cepisset, ut se ipse consulem dictator crearet.

[¶13] 25.3. The year was signalized by many and various disturbances. The Gauls came down from the Alban hills, having been unable to endure the sharpness of the winter, and ranging over the plains and sea-coast, laid waste the country.

> Latin: 25.3. annus multis uariisque motibus fuit insignis: Galli ex Albanis montibus, quia hiemis uim pati nequiuerant, per campos maritimaque loca uagi populabantur;

[¶14] 25.4. The sea was infested by fleets of Greeks, and so were the seaboard of Antium, the Laurentine district, and the mouth of the Tiber. It happened once that the sea-robbers encountered the land-raiders, and a hard-fought battle ensued, from which the Gauls withdrew to their camp and the Greeks to their ships, alike uncertain whether they had been defeated or victorious.

> Latin: 25.4. mare infestum classibus Graecorum erat oraque litoris Antiatis Laurensque tractus et Tiberis ostia, ut praedones maritimi cum terrestribus congressi ancipiti semel proelio decertarint dubiique discesserint in castra Galli, Graeci retro ad naues, uictos se an uictores putarent.

[¶15] 25.5. But by far the greatest of these alarms was occasioned by councils of the Latin tribes, assembled at the grove of Ferentina, and the unambiguous reply vouchsafed by them to a demand for soldiers.

> Latin: 25.5. inter hos longe maximus exstitit terror concilia populorum Latinorum ad lucum Ferentinae habita responsumque haud ambiguum imperantibus milites Romanis datum, absisterent imperare iis quorum auxilio egerent:

[¶16] 25.6. Let the Romans, they said, have done with issuing commands to those whose assistance they required: the Latins would sooner bear arms in behalf of their own liberty than of an alien domination.

> Latin: 25.6. Latinos pro sua libertate potius quam pro alieno imperio laturos arma.

[¶17] 25.7. Involved in two foreign wars at once, and worried besides by the defection of their allies, the senate perceived that those whom loyalty had not restrained must be restrained by fear, and bade the consuls exert the full extent of their authority in levying troops: for they must depend on a soldiery of citizens, when their allies were leaving them.

> Latin: 25.7. inter duo simul bella externa defectione etiam sociorum senatus anxius, cum cerneret metu tenendos quos fides non tenuisset, extendere omnes imperii uires consules dilectu habendo iussit: ciuili quippe standum exercitu esse, quando socialis [coetus] desereret.

[¶18] 25.8. They say that soldiers were enlisted everywhere, not in the City alone but in the country, and ten legions were embodied, each of four thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse. The raising of a new army of this size to-day, in case of any aggression from abroad, could not easily be compassed by the concentration on one object of the existing resources of the Roman People, though the world hardly contains them; so strictly has our growth been limited to the only things for which we strive, —wealth and luxury.

> Latin: 25.8. undique non urbana tantum sed etiam agresti iuuentute decem legiones scriptae dicuntur quaternum milium et ducenorum peditum equitumque trecenorum, quem nunc nouum exercitum, si qua externa uis ingruat, hae uires populi Romani, quas uix terrarum capit orbis, contractae in unum haud facile efficiant; adeo in quae laboramus sola creuimus, diuitias luxuriamque.

[¶19] 25.10. Among the untoward occurrences of this year was the death of one of the consuls, Appius Claudius, in the midst of the preparations for war. The administration of the state passed to Camillus, over whom, as sole consul, —whether owing to his general high standing, which deserved not to be subordinated to the dictatorship, or to the happy omen, in a Gallic rising, of his surname, —the Fathers concluded it not meet to set a dictator.

> Latin: 25.10. inter cetera tristia eius anni consul alter Ap. Claudius in ipso belli apparatu moritur; redieratque res ad Camillum, cui unico consuli, uel ob aliam dignationem haud subiciendam dictaturae uel ob omen faustum ad Gallicum tumultum cognominis, dictatorem adrogari haud satis decorum uisum est patribus.

[¶20] 25.12. The consul appointed two legions to defend the City, and divided the other eight with Lucius Pinarius the praetor. Having a lively recollection of his father's prowess, he took upon himself, without drawing lots, the conduct of the Gallic war, and commanded the praetor to secure the seaboard and prevent the Greeks from landing.

> Latin: 25.12. consul duabus legionibus urbi praepositis, octo cum L. Pinario praetore diuisis memor paternae uirtutis Gallicum sibi bellum extra sortem sumit, praetorem maritimam oram tutari Graecosque arcere litoribus iussit.

[¶21] 25.13. Then, marching down into the Pomptine district, he chose a suitable site for a permanent camp; for he had no mind to meet the enemy in the field, unless compelled to do so, believing that he should effectually subdue them if he kept them from making raids, since they subsisted necessarily on plunder.

> Latin: 25.13. et cum in agrum Pomptinum descendisset, quia neque in campis congredi nulla cogente re uolebat et prohibendo populationibus quos rapto uiuere necessitas cogeret satis domari credebat hostem, locum idoneum statiuis delegit.

[¶22] 26.1. While they were there quietly passing the time in guard-duty, a Gaul came out to them, remarkable for his great stature and his armour, and, smiting his spear against his shield and thereby obtaining silence, challenged the Romans, through an interpreter, to send a man to fight with him.

> Latin: 26.1. ubi cum stationibus quieti tempus tererent, Gallus processit magnitudine atque armis insignis; quatiensque scutum hasta cum silentium fecisset, prouocat per interpretem unum ex Romanis qui secum ferro decernat.

[¶23] 26.2. There was a young tribune of the soldiers, named Marcus Valerius, who, regarding himself as no less worthy of that honour than Titus Manlius had been, first ascertained the consul's wishes, and then armed himself and advanced into the midst.

> Latin: 26.2. M. erat Ualerius tribunus militum adulescens, qui haud indigniorem eo decore se quam T. Manlium ratus, prius sciscitatus consulis uoluntatem, in medium armatus processit.

[¶24] 26.3. But the human interest of the combat was eclipsed by the intervention of the gods; for the Roman was in the very act of engaging, when suddenly a raven alighted on his helmet, facing his adversary.

> Latin: 26.3. minus insigne certamen humanum numine interposito deorum factum; namque conserenti iam manum Romano coruus repente in galea consedit, in hostem uersus.

[¶25] 26.4. This the tribune first received with joy, as a heaven-sent augury, and then prayed that whosoever, be it god or goddess, had sent the auspicious bird might attend him with favour and protection.

> Latin: 26.4. quod primo ut augurium caelo missum laetus accepit tribunus, precatus deinde, si diuus, si diua esset qui sibi praepetem misisset, uolens propitius adesset.

[¶26] 26.5. Marvellous to relate, the bird not only held to the place it had once chosen, but as often as the combatants closed, it rose on its wings and attacked the enemy's face and eyes with beak and talons, till he was terror-struck with the sight of such a portent, and bewildered at once in his vision and his mind, was dispatched by Valerius, —whereupon the raven flew off towards the east and was lost to sight.

> Latin: 26.5. dictu mirabile, tenuit non solum ales captam semel sedem sed, quotienscumque certamen initum est, leuans se alis os oculosque hostis rostro et unguibus appetit, donec territum prodigii talis uisu oculisque simul ac mente turbatum Ualerius obtruncat; coruus ex conspectu elatus orientem petit.

[¶27] 26.6. Hitherto the outguards on either side had stood quietly by; but when the tribune began to despoil the corpse of his fallen foe, the Gauls remained no longer at their station, and the Romans ran up even more swiftly to the victor.

> Latin: 26.6. hactenus quietae utrimque stationes fuere; postquam spoliare corpus caesi hostis tribunus coepit, nec Galli se statione tenuerunt et Romanorum cursus ad uictorem etiam ocior fuit. ibi circa iacentis Galli corpus contracto certamine pugna atrox concitatur.

[¶28] 26.7. There a scuffle, arising over the body of the prostrate Gaul, led to a desperate fight that was not long confined to the maniples of the nearest outposts, for the legions, rushing out on both sides, carried on the battle. Camillus ordered his soldiers to fall on, elated as they were by the tribune's victory, elated too by the present assistance of the gods; and pointing to the tribune, decked out in his spoils, he cried, “Here is your pattern, soldiers!”

> Latin: 26.7. iam non manipulis proximarum stationum sed legionibus utrimque effusis res geritur. Camillus laetum militem uictoria tribuni, laetum tam praesentibus ac secundis dis ire in proelium iubet; ostentansque insignem spoliis tribunum, 'hunc imitare, miles' aiebat, 'et circa iacentem ducem sterne Gallorum cateruas.'

[¶29] 26.8. “Bring down the Gauls in troops around their prostrate leader!” Both gods and men helped in that battle, and they fought it out with the Gauls to a conclusion that was never doubtful, so clearly had each side foreseen the result implicit in the outcome of the single combat.

> Latin: 26.8. di hominesque illi adfuere pugnae depugnatumque haudquaquam certamine ambiguo cum Gallis est; adeo duorum militum euentum, inter quos pugnatum erat, utraque acies animis praeceperat.

[¶30] 26.9. Between those who began the fray, and by their conflict drew in the others, there was a bitter struggle; but the rest of the Gallic host turned tail ere they came within the cast of a javelin. At first they scattered among the Volsci and through the Falernian countryside; from there they made their way into Apulia or to the Tuscan Sea.

> Latin: 26.9. inter primos, quorum concursus alios exciuerat, atrox proelium fuit: alia multitudo, priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret, terga uertit. primo per Uolscos Falernumque agrum dissipati sunt; inde Apuliam ac mare inferum petierunt.

[¶31] 26.10. The consul assembled his soldiers, and having eulogized the tribune, bestowed on him ten oxen and a golden coronet; Camillus himself was commanded by the senate to take charge of the operations on the coast, and accordingly joined forces with the praetor.

> Latin: 26.10. consul contione aduocata laudatum tribunum decem bubus aureaque corona donat; ipse iussus ab senatu bellum maritimum curare cum praetore iunxit castra.

[¶32] 26.11. The campaign there seemed likely to be long drawn out, for the Greeks were poltroons and refused to risk an engagement.

> Latin: 26.11. ibi quia res trahi segnitia Graecorum non committentium se in aciem uidebantur, dictatorem comitiorum causa T. Manlium Torquatum ex auctoritate senatus dixit.

[¶33] 26.12. He therefore, on the authorization of the senate, appointed Titus Manlius Torquatus to be dictator, that an election might be held. The dictator, after naming Aulus Cornelius Cossus master of the horse, presided over a consular election, and announced, amid great popular rejoicings, that the choice had fallen —in his absence —upon a youth of twenty-three, the Marcus Valerius Corvus —for this was his surname from that time —who had rivalled Manlius's own glorious achievement.

> Latin: 26.12. dictator magistro equitum A. Cornelio Cosso dicto comitia consularia habuit aemulumque decoris sui absentem M. Ualerium Coruum — id enim illi deinde cognominis fuit—summo fauore populi, tres et uiginti natum annos, consulem renuntiauit.

[¶34] 26.13. As colleague of Corvus they elected the plebeian Marcus Popilius Laenas to be for the fourth time consul. With the Greeks, Camillus fought no memorable action; they were no warriors on land, nor were the Romans on the sea.

> Latin: 26.13. collega Coruo de plebe M. Popilius Laenas, quartum consul futurus, datus est. cum Graecis a Camillo nulla memorabilis gesta res; nec illi terra nec Romanus mari bellator erat.

[¶35] 26.14. In the end, being kept off shore, and their water giving out, as well as other necessaries, they abandoned Italy.

> Latin: 26.14. postremo cum litoribus arcerentur, aqua etiam praeter cetera necessaria usui deficiente Italiam reliquere.

[¶36] 26.15. To what people or race their fleet belonged is uncertain. I am most inclined to think that they were Sicilian tyrants; for Greece proper was at that time exhausted with civil wars and trembled, even then, at the power of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 26.15. cuius populi ea cuiusque gentis classis fuerit nihil certi est. maxime Siciliae fuisse tyrannos crediderim; nam ulterior Graecia ea tempestate intestino fessa bello iam Macedonum opes horrebat.

[¶37] 27.1. When the armies had been disbanded, and there was peace with other nations, and —thanks to the goodwill betwixt the orders —quietness at home, that the happiness of the citizens might not pass all bounds, a pestilence attacked them and the senate was compelled to order the ten commissioners to consult the Sibylline Books.

> Latin: 27.1. exercitibus dimissis, cum et foris pax et domi concordia ordinum otium esset, ne nimis laetae res essent, pestilentia ciuitatem adorta coegit senatum imperare decemuiris ut libros Sibyllinos inspicerent; eorumque monitu lectisternium fuit.

[¶38] 27.2. By their direction a lectisternium was held. In the same year a colony was sent out to Satricum by the Antiates, and that city, which had been destroyed by the Latins, was rebuilt.

> Latin: 27.2. eodem anno Satricum ab Antiatibus colonia deducta restitutaque urbs quam Latini diruerant. et cum Carthaginiensibus legatis Romae foedus ictum, cum amicitiam ac societatem petentes uenissent.

[¶39] 27.3. Further, a treaty was entered into at Rome with envoys of the Carthaginians, who had come seeking friendship and an alliance. The same peaceful conditions continued at home and abroad during the consulship of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Gaius Plautius. But the rate of interest was reduced from one to one-half per cent., and debts were made payable, one-fourth down and the remainder in three annual instalments; even so some of the plebeians were distressed, but the public credit was of greater concern to the senate than were the hardships of single persons.

> Latin: 27.3. idem otium domi forisque mansit T. Manlio Torquato ii† C. Plautio consulibus. Semunciarium tantum ex unciario fenus factum et in pensiones aequas triennii, ita ut quarta praesens esset, solutio aeris alieni dispensata est;

[¶40] 27.4. What did the most to lighten the burden was the omission of the war-tax and the levy. In the second year after the rebuilding of Satricum by the Volsci, Marcus Valerius Corvus became consul for the second time, with Gaius Poetelius. A report having come out of Latium that emissaries of the Antiates were circulating amongst the Latin peoples with a view to stir up war, Valerius was ordered to deal with the Volsci before more enemies should arise, and marched to the attack of Satricum. There he was opposed by the Antiates and the other Volsci, with forces which they had levied in advance, in case any measures should be taken by the Romans; and both sides being actuated by inveterate hatred, the battle was joined without delay.

> Latin: 27.4. et sic quoque parte plebis adfecta fides tamen publica priuatis difficultatibus potior ad curam senatui fuit. leuatae maxime res, quia tributo ac dilectu supersessum. tertium anno post Satricum restitutum a Uolscis M. Ualerius Coruus iterum consul cum C. Poetelio factus, cum ex Latio nuntiatum esset legatos ab Antio circumire populos Latinorum ad concitandum bellum, prius quam plus hostium fieret Uolscis arma inferre iussus, ad Satricum exercitu infesto pergit. quo cum Antiates aliique Uolsci praeparatis iam ante, si quid ab Roma moueretur, copiis occurrissent, nulla mora inter infensos diutino odio dimicandi facta est.

[¶41] 27.7. The Volsci, a race more spirited in beginning than in prosecuting war, were defeated in the struggle and fled in disorder to the walls of Satricum. Indeed, they put no great reliance even in their walls, for when the city had been encircled with troops and was on the point of being escaladed, they surrendered, being in number about four thousand soldiers, besides the unarmed populace.

> Latin: 27.7. Uolsci, ferocior ad rebellandum quam ad bellandum gens, certamine uicti fuga effusa Satrici moenia petunt; et ne in muris quidem satis firma spe, cum corona militum cincta iam scalis caperetur urbs, ad quattuor milia militum praeter multitudinem imbellem sese dedidere.

[¶42] 27.8. The town was dismantled and burnt; only the temple of Mater Matuta was saved from the flames. All the booty was given to the soldiers. The four thousand who had surrendered were not reckoned a part of the spoils; these the consul sent in chains before his chariot when he triumphed, and they were subsequently sold, and brought in a great sum to the treasury.

> Latin: 27.8. oppidum dirutum atque incensum: ab aede tantum Matris Matutae abstinuere ignem: praeda omnis militi data. extra praedam quattuor milia deditorum habita; eos uinctos consul ante currum triumphans egit; uenditis deinde magnam pecuniam in aerarium redegit.

[¶43] 27.9. Some think that this multitude of captives consisted of slaves, and this is more likely than that surrendered men were sold.

> Latin: 27.9. sunt qui hanc multitudinem captiuam seruorum fuisse scribant, idque magis ueri simile est quam deditos uenisse.

[¶44] 28.1. These consuls were succeeded by Marcus Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus. War then broke out with the Aurunci, in consequence of a raid which they unexpectedly executed.

> Latin: 28.1. hos consules secuti sunt M. Fabius Dorsuo Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus. Auruncum inde bellum ab repentina populatione coeptum;

[¶45] 28.2. It was feared that this act of a single nation might be the joint design of all of the Latin name, and a dictator was appointed —as though to oppose a Latium already up in arms —in the person of Lucius Furius.

> Latin: 28.2. metuque ne id factum populi unius consilium omnis nominis Latini esset, dictator—uelut aduersus armatum iam Latium— L. Furius creatus magistrum equitum Cn. Manlium Capitolinum dixit;

[¶46] 28.3. After naming Gnaeus Manlius Capitolinus to be his master of the horse, he suspended the courts, and having levied troops without exemptions —as was customary in great emergencies —he led them with all possible speed against the Aurunci. These he discovered to possess the spirit of freebooters rather than of enemies, and so brought the war to a conclusion in the first engagement.

> Latin: 28.3. et cum—quod per magnos tumultus fieri solitum erat—iustitio indicto dilectus sine uacationibus habitus esset, legiones quantum maturari potuit in Auruncos ductae. ibi praedonum magis quam hostium animi inuenti; prima itaque acie debellatum est.

[¶47] 28.4. Howbeit the dictator, considering that they had been the aggressors in the war and were accepting battle without shrinking, saw fit to summon even the gods to help him, and in the heat of the encounter vowed a temple to Juno Moneta. This vow the result made binding, and the dictator having returned to Rome victorious, resigned his authority.

> Latin: 28.4. dictator tamen, quia et ultro bellum intulerant et sine detractatione se certamini offerebant, deorum quoque opes adhibendas ratus inter ipsam dimicationem aedem Iunoni Monetae uouit; cuius damnatus uoti cum uictor Romam reuertisset, dictatura se abdicauit.

[¶48] 28.5. The senate ordered that two commissioners should be designated to erect the temple in a style becoming to the grandeur of the Roman People, and a site was appointed for it in the Citadel, where once had stood the house of Marcus Manlius Capitolinus.

> Latin: 28.5. senatus duumuiros ad eam aedem pro amplitudine populi Romani faciendam creari iussit; locus in arce destinatus, quae area aedium M. Manli Capitolini fuerat.

[¶49] 28.6. The consuls, employing the dictator's army for the Volscian war, made a surprise attack upon the enemy and captured Sora. The temple of Moneta was dedicated the next year after it was vowed, when Gaius Marcius Rutulus was consul for the third time and Titus Manlius Torquatus for the second.

> Latin: 28.6. consules dictatoris exercitu ad bellum Uolscum usi Soram ex hostibus, incautos adorti, ceperunt. anno postquam uota erat aedes Monetae dedicatur C. Marcio Rutulo tertium T. Manlio Torquato iterum consulibus.

[¶50] 28.7. The dedication was immediately followed by a prodigy like the one which had happened long before on the Alban Mount; for a shower of stones fell, and a curtain of night seemed to stretch across the sky; and when the Books had been consulted and the City was filled with forebodings of divine displeasure, the senate resolved on the appointment of a dictator, to establish days of worship.

> Latin: 28.7. prodigium extemplo dedicationem secutum, simile uetusto montis Albani prodigio; namque et lapidibus pluit et nox interdiu uisa intendi; librisque inspectis cum plena religione ciuitas esset, senatui placuit dictatorem feriarum constituendarum causa dici.

[¶51] 28.8. The choice fell on Publius Valerius Publicola, who was given Quintus Fabius Ambustus as master of the horse. They determined that not only the Roman tribes but the neighbouring peoples also should offer supplications; and they appointed an order for them, on what day each should make entreaty.

> Latin: 28.8. dictus P. Ualerius Publicola; magister equitum ei Q. Fabius Ambustus datus est. non tribus tantum supplicatum ire placuit sed finitimos etiam populos, ordoque iis, quo quisque die supplicarent, statutus.

[¶52] 28.9. It is handed down that during this year the people rendered severe judgments against usurers, who had been brought to trial by the aediles.

> Latin: 28.9. iudicia eo anno populi tristia in feneratores facta, quibus ab aedilibus dicta dies esset, traduntur; et res haud ulla insigni ad memoriam causa ad interregnum redit.

[¶53] 28.10. The state —for no specially memorable reason —reverted to an interregnum, which was followed —so that this might appear to have been intended —by the election to both consulships of patricians, namely Marcus Valerius Corvus, for the third time, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus.

> Latin: 28.10. ex interregno, ut id actum uideri posset, ambo patricii consules creati sunt, M. Ualerius Coruus tertium A. Cornelius Cossus.

[¶54] 29.1. Wars of greater magnitude, in respect both of the forces of our enemies and of the remoteness of their countries and the long periods of time involved, now fall to be related.

> Latin: 29.1. maiora iam hinc bella et uiribus hostium et longinquitate uel regionum uel temporum [spatio] quibus bellatum est dicentur. namque eo anno aduersus Samnites, gentem opibus armisque ualidam, mota arma;

[¶55] 29.2. For in that year the sword was drawn against the Samnites, a people powerful in arms and in resources; and hard upon the Samnite war, which was waged with varying success, came war with Pyrrhus, and after that with the Carthaginians. How vast a series of events! How many times the extremity of danger was incurred, in order that our empire might be exalted to its present greatness, hardly to be maintained!

> Latin: 29.2. Samnitium bellum ancipiti Marte gestum Pyrrhus hostis, Pyrrhum Poeni secuti. quanta rerum moles. quotiens in extrema periculorum uentum, ut in hanc magnitudinem quae uix sustinetur erigi imperium posset.

[¶56] 29.3. Now the cause of the war between the Romans and the Samnites, who had been united in friendship and alliance, was of external origin and not owing to themselves.

> Latin: 29.3. belli autem causa cum Samnitibus Romanis, cum societate amicitiaque iuncti essent, extrinsecus uenit, non orta inter ipsos est.

[¶57] 29.4. The Samnites had unjustly attacked the Sidicini, because they happened to be more powerful than they, and the Sidicini, driven in their need to fly for succour to a more wealthy nation, had attached themselves to the Campanians.

> Latin: 29.4. Samnites Sidicinis iniusta arma, quia uiribus plus poterant, cum intulissent, coacti inopes ad opulentiorum auxilium confugere Campanis sese coniungunt.

[¶58] 29.5. The Campanians had brought reputation rather than real strength to the defence of their allies; enervated by luxury, they had encountered a people made hardy by the use of arms, and being defeated in the territory of the Sidicini, had then drawn down the full force of the war upon themselves.

> Latin: 29.5. Campani magis nomen ad praesidium sociorum quam uires cum attulissent, fluentes luxu ab duratis usu armorum in Sidicino pulsi agro in se deinde molem omnem belli uerterunt.

[¶59] 29.6. For the Samnites, disregarding the Sidicini and attacking the Campanians —the very stronghold of their neighbours, —from whom they would gain full as easy a victory and more plunder and renown, had seized and with a strong force occupied Tifata — a range of hills looking down on Capua —and thence had descended in battle-order into the plain that lies between.

> Latin: 29.6. namque Samnites, omissis Sidicinis ipsam arcem finitimorum [Campanos] adorti, unde aeque facilis uictoria, praedae atque gloriae plus esset, Tifata, imminentes Capuae colles, cum praesidio firmo occupassent, descendunt inde quadrato agmine in planitiem quae Capuam Tifataque interiacet.

[¶60] 29.7. There a second battle had been fought, and the Campanians, being worsted, had been shut up within their walls; and having, after the loss of their choicest troops, no prospect of relief at hand, had been driven to seek assistance of the Romans.

> Latin: 29.7. ibi rursus acie dimicatum; aduersoque proelio Campani intra moenia compulsi, cum robore iuuentutis suae acciso nulla propinqua spes esset, coacti sunt ab Romanis petere auxilium.

[¶61] 30.1. Their ambassadors, on being introduced into the senate, spoke substantially as follows: "The Campanian people has sent us to you as ambassadors, Conscript Fathers, to solicit your lasting friendship and present help.

> Latin: 30.1. legati introducti in senatum maxime in hanc sententiam locuti sunt. 'populus nos Campanus legatos ad uos, patres conscripti, misit amicitiam in perpetuum, auxilium in praesens a uobis petitum.

[¶62] 30.2. Had we sought this amity when our affairs were prosperous, though it had been begun more quickly, yet had it been contracted with a weaker bond; for in that case, as those who remembered that they had joined with you in friendship on an equal footing, though perhaps as much your friends as now, we should have been less subject and beholden to you;

> Latin: 30.2. quam si secundis rebus nostris petissemus, sicut coepta celerius, ita infirmiore uinculo contracta esset; tunc enim, ut qui ex aequo nos uenisse in amicitiam meminissemus, amici forsitan pariter ac nunc, subiecti atque obnoxii uobis minus essemus;

[¶63] 30.3. as it is, attached to you by your compassion and defended in our time of trouble by your aid, we must lovingly remember the benefit also, lest we appear as ingrates and undeserving of any help, divine or human.

> Latin: 30.3. nunc, misericordia uestra conciliati auxilioque in dubiis rebus defensi, beneficium quoque acceptum colamus oportet, ne ingrati atque omni ope diuina humanaque indigni uideamur.

[¶64] 30.4. Nor do I think, in sober truth, that the circumstance of the Samnites having become your allies and friends before ourselves should make against our being received into your friendship, though it entitle them to an advantage over us in respect of priority and rank; and indeed there was no stipulation in your treaty with the Samnites that you should make no further treaties.

> Latin: 30.4. neque hercule, quod Samnites priores amici sociique uobis facti sunt, ad id ualere arbitror ne nos in amicitiam accipiamur sed ut ii uetustate et gradu honoris nos praestent; neque enim foedere Samnitium, ne qua noua iungeretis foedera, cautum est.

[¶65] 30.5. "It has ever been with you a sufficiently just cause for friendship that he who sought you desired to be friends with you.

> Latin: 30.5. fuit quidem apud uos semper satis iusta causa amicitiae, uelle eum uobis amicum esse qui uos appeteret:

[¶66] 30.6. We Campanians, though our present plight will not suffer us to boast, are inferior neither in the splendour of our city, nor yet in the fertility of our soil, to any people but yourselves; and in associating ourselves with you we bring, as I think, no small accession to your prosperity.

> Latin: 30.6. Campani, etsi fortuna praesens magnifice loqui prohibet, non urbis amplitudine, non agri ubertate ulli populo praeterquam uobis cedentes, haud parua, ut arbitror, accessio bonis rebus uestris in amicitiam uenimus uestram.

[¶67] 30.7. As often as the Aequi and the Volsci —perpetual enemies of this city —shall stir abroad, we shall be upon their backs, and what you will have done first for our preservation, that we will ever do for your empire and your glory.

> Latin: 30.7. Aequis Uolscisque, aeternis hostibus huius urbis, quandocumque se mouerint, ab tergo erimus, et quod uos pro salute nostra priores feceritis, id nos pro imperio uestro et gloria semper faciemus.

[¶68] 30.8. When once you have subdued these nations that lie between our boundaries and your own —a thing which your valour and good fortune guarantee will speedily come to pass —your rule will extend unbroken all the way to our frontier.

> Latin: 30.8. subactis his gentibus quae inter nos uosque sunt, quod propediem futurum spondet et uirtus et fortuna uestra, continens imperium usque ad nos habebitis.

[¶69] 30.9. Grievous and pitiful is the confession that our misfortune obliges us to make: to that pass, Conscript Fathers, are we Campanians come that we must be the chattels either of our friends or of our enemies.

> Latin: 30.9. acerbum ac miserum est quod fateri nos fortuna nostra cogit: eo uentum est, patres conscripti, ut aut amicorum aut inimicorum Campani simus.

[¶70] 30.10. Defend us, and we are yours; desert us, and the Samnites will possess us. Consider therefore whether it be your preference that Capua and all Campania augment Rome's power, or that of Samnium.

> Latin: 30.10. si defenditis, uestri, si deseritis, Samnitium erimus; Capuam ergo et Campaniam omnem uestris an Samnitium uiribus accedere malitis, deliberate.

[¶71] 30.11. "It is meet that your compassion, Romans, and your succour should be open to all mankind, but especially to those who in endeavouring beyond their strength to grant these blessings to the prayers of others, have come themselves to require them most of all.

> Latin: 30.11. omnibus quidem, Romani, uestram misericordiam, uestrum auxilium aequum est patere, iis tamen maxime, qui [eam] implorantibus aliis auxilium dum supra uires suas praestant, †omnes† ipsi in hanc necessitatem uenerunt.

[¶72] 30.12. And yet we fought but ostensibly for the Sidicini, in reality for ourselves, since we saw that a people on our borders was being cruelly despoiled by the brigand Samnites, and that, once that conflagration had consumed the Sidicini, it would spread to us.

> Latin: 30.12. quamquam pugnauimus uerbo pro Sidicinis, re pro nobis, cum uideremus finitimum populum nefario latrocinio Samnitium peti et, ubi conflagrassent Sidicini, ad nos traiecturum illud incendium esse.

[¶73] 30.13. Nor at this very moment are the Samnites come to attack us out of resentment for any injury received, but rejoicing rather that a pretext has been afforded them.

> Latin: 30.13. nec enim nunc, quia dolent iniuriam acceptam Samnites sed quia gaudent oblatam sibi esse causam, oppugnatum nos ueniunt.

[¶74] 30.14. Otherwise, if this were the satisfaction of revenge and not an opportunity to appease their greed, was it not enough that first in the territory of Sidicinum, and again in Campania itself, they made slaughter of our legions?

> Latin: 30.14. an, si ultio irae haec et non occasio cupiditatis explendae esset, parum fuit quod semel in Sidicino agro, iterum in Campania ipsa legiones nostras cecidere?

[¶75] 30.15. What wrath is this, that is so implacable that the blood two armies have poured out cannot appease it? Add to this the devastation of our lands and the booty they have driven off, both men and cattle; add the burning and destruction of our farm-houses and the general havoc fire and sword have wrought.

> Latin: 30.15. quae est ista tam infesta ira quam per duas acies fusus sanguis explere non potuerit? adde huc populationem agrorum, praedas hominum atque pecudum actas, incendia uillarum ac ruinas, omnia ferro ignique uastata.

[¶76] 30.16. Could not all this placate their wrath? Nay, but their greed must be appeased. It is this that hurries them to the siege of Capua; they must needs either destroy the fairest of cities, or themselves become its masters.

> Latin: 30.16. hiscine ira expleri non potuit? sed cupiditas explenda est. ea ad oppugnandam Capuam rapit; aut delere urbem pulcherrimam aut ipsi possidere uolunt.

[¶77] 30.17. But do you, Romans, sooner gain it by your generosity than suffer them to have it by their malice. I am not speaking before a people that refuses righteous wars; still, if you make but a show of helping us, you will have, I think, no need of going to war.

> Latin: 30.17. sed uos potius, Romani, beneficio uestro occupate eam quam illos habere per maleficium sinatis. non loquor apud recusantem iusta bella populum; sed tamen, si ostenderitis auxilia uestra, ne bello quidem arbitror uobis opus fore.

[¶78] 30.18. As far as to ourselves does the scorn of the Samnites reach, it mounts not higher; accordingly the shadow of your help is able, Romans, to protect us, and whatever thereafter we shall have, whatever we ourselves shall be, we shall consider wholly yours.

> Latin: 30.18. usque ad nos contemptus Samnitium peruenit, supra non ascendit; itaque umbra uestri auxilii, Romani, tegi possumus, quidquid deinde habuerimus, quidquid ipsi fuerimus, uestrum id omne existimaturi.

[¶79] 30.19. For you shall be ploughed the Campanian plain, for you shall the city of Capua be crowded; you shall be to us as founders, parents, and immortal gods; you shall have no colony that surpasses us in obedience and loyalty.

> Latin: 30.19. uobis arabitur ager Campanus, uobis Capua urbs frequentabitur; conditorum, parentium, deorum immortalium numero nobis eritis; nulla colonia uestra erit, quae nos obsequio erga uos fideque superet.

[¶80] 30.20. “Grant the favour of your countenance, Conscript Fathers, and of your unconquered might, to the Campanians, and bid them hope that Capua will be saved.”

> Latin: 30.20. adnuite, patres conscripti, nutum numenque uestrum inuictum Campanis et iubete sperare incolumem Capuam futuram.

[¶81] 30.21. “With what thronging crowds of every sort were we accompanied, think you, at our setting out? How did we leave on every hand prayers and tears!” “In what suspense are now the senate and the people of Campania, our wives and our children! Well I know that all the people are standing at the gates, their eyes fixed on the northern road. What message, Conscript Fathers, do you hid us carry back to their perplexed and troubled spirits?”

> Latin: 30.21. qua frequentia omnium generum multitudinis prosequente creditis nos illinc profectos? quam omnia uotorum lacrimarumque plena reliquisse? in qua nunc exspectatione senatum populumque Campanum, coniuges liberosque nostros esse? stare omnem multitudinem ad portas uiam hinc ferentem prospectantes certum habeo. quid illis nos, patres conscripti, sollicitis ac pendentibus animi renuntiare iubetis?

[¶82] 30.23. “One answer would bring salvation, victory, light, and liberty; the other —I shrink from the ominous prediction! Do you therefore deliberate regarding us, as regarding those who shall either be your allies and friends, or else have no being anywhere.”

> Latin: 30.23. alterum responsum salutem uictoriam lucem ac libertatem; alterum—ominari horreo quae ferat. proinde ut aut de uestris futuris sociis atque amicis aut nusquam ullis futuris nobis consulite.'

[¶83] 31.1. The ambassadors were then made to withdraw while the senate considered their request. It was evident to many that the largest and wealthiest city of Italy, with a very fertile territory near the sea, would in times of scarcity be a store-house for the Roman People.

> Latin: 31.1. summotis deinde legatis, cum consultus senatus esset, etsi magnae parti urbs maxima opulentissimaque Italiae, uberrimus ager marique propinquus ad uarietates annonae horreum populi Romani fore uidebatur, tamen tanta utilitate fides antiquior fuit responditque ita ex auctoritate senatus consul.

[¶84] 31.2. Yet this great advantage was of less moment with them than their honour, and the consul, being so instructed by the senate, returned the following answer to the ambassadors: “Men of Campania, the senate holds you worthy of assistance; but on such terms only can we become your friends as shall not violate an older friendship and alliance. The Samnites and we are united by a covenant; we must therefore refuse to make war in your behalf upon the Samnites, for this would be to wrong first gods, and then men; we will, however, dispatch envoys, as is right and just, to entreat our allies and friends to do you no violence.”

> Latin: 31.2. 'auxilio uos, Campani, dignos censet senatus; sed ita uobiscum amicitiam institui par est, ne qua uetustior amicitia ac societas uioletur. Samnites nobiscum foedere iuncti sunt; itaque arma, deos prius quam homines uiolatura, aduersus Samnites uobis negamus; legatos, sicut fas iusque est, ad socios atque amicos precatum mittemus, ne qua uobis uis fiat.'

[¶85] 31.3. To this the leader of the delegation answered —in accordance with instructions they had brought with them: — “Since you decline to use a righteous violence to protect from violence and injustice what belongs to us, you will at least defend your own;”

> Latin: 31.3. ad ea princeps legationis—sic enim domo mandatum attulerant—'quando quidem' inquit, 'nostra tueri aduersus uim atque iniuria iusta ui non uoltis, uestra certe defendetis;

[¶86] 31.4. “to your sovereignty, therefore, Conscript Fathers, and to the sovereignty of the Roman People, we surrender the people of Campania and the city of Capua, with our lands, the shrines of our gods, and all things else, whether sacred or profane; whatever we endure henceforth, we shall endure as your surrendered subjects.”

> Latin: 31.4. itaque populum Campanum urbemque Capuam, agros, delubra deum, diuina humanaque omnia in uestram, patres conscripti, populique Romani dicionem dedimus, quidquid deinde patiemur dediticii uestri passuri'.

[¶87] 31.5. When these words had been pronounced, they all stretched forth their hands in supplication to the consul, and weeping bitterly, threw themselves face downwards on the floor of the entrance to the Curia.

> Latin: 31.5. sub haec dicta omnes, manus ad consules tendentes, pleni lacrimarum in uestibulo curiae procubuerunt.

[¶88] 31.6. The Fathers were profoundly moved by the vicissitudes of human fortune, considering how that great and opulent people, famed for its luxury and pride, of whom a little while before its neighbours had sought assistance, was become so broken in spirit as to yield itself up with all its possessions to the dominion of another.

> Latin: 31.6. commoti patres uice fortunarum humanarum, si ille praepotens opibus populus, luxuria superbiaque clarus, a quo paulo ante auxilium finitimi petissent, adeo infractos gereret animos, ut se ipse suaque omnia potestatis alienae faceret.

[¶89] 31.7. They now held it to be a point of honour not to betray those who were become their subjects; neither did they think that the Samnite people would deal justly, if they attacked a country and a city, which, by surrendering, had become the property of the Roman People.

> Latin: 31.7. tum iam fides agi uisa deditos non prodi; nec facturum aequa Samnitium populum censebant, si agrum urbemque per deditionem factam populi Romani oppugnarent.

[¶90] 31.8. The senate accordingly voted to dispatch ambassadors to the Samnites, without loss of time. Their instructions were to inform the Samnites what the Campanians had asked, how the senate, mindful of the friendship of the Samnites, had replied to them, and lastly how they had surrendered;

> Latin: 31.8. legatos itaque extemplo mitti ad Samnites placuit. data mandata, ut preces Campanorum, responsum senatus amicitiae Samnitium memor, deditionem postremo factam Samnitibus exponerent;

[¶91] 31.9. they were then to request that the Samnites, out of regard for the friendship and alliance of the Romans, would spare their subjects, and make no hostile incursion into a territory which belonged now to the Roman People;

> Latin: 31.9. peterent pro societate amicitiaque, ut dediticiis suis parcerent neque in eum agrum qui populi Romani factus esset hostilia arma inferrent;

[¶92] 31.10. if soft words proved ineffectual, they were to warn the Samnites, in the name of the Roman People and the senate, not to meddle with the city of Capua or the Campanian domain.

> Latin: 31.10. si leniter agendo parum proficerent, denuntiarent Samnitibus populi Romani senatusque uerbis, ut Capua urbe Campanoque agro abstinerent.

[¶93] 31.11. But the Samnites, when these things were represented to them in their council by the envoys, behaved so insolently as not only to declare that they meant to carry on the war, but their magistrates stepping out of the senate-house —while the envoys stood by —summoned the commanders of their cohorts, and with a loud voice gave them orders to proceed at once to make a raid upon Campania.

> Latin: 31.11. haec legatis agentibus in concilio Samnitium adeo est ferociter responsum, ut non solum gesturos se esse dicerent id bellum sed magistratus eorum e curia egressi stantibus legatis praefectos cohortium uocarent iisque clara uoce imperarent ut praedatum in agrum Campanum extemplo proficiscerentur.

[¶94] 32.1. When the news of this embassy reached Rome, the Fathers, putting aside all other business, sent fetials to demand redress, and failing to obtain it, declared war after the customary fashion.

> Latin: 32.1. hac legatione Romam relata, positis omnium aliarum rerum curis patres fetialibus ad res repetendas missis, belloque, quia non redderentur, sollemni more indicto, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore de ea re ad populum ferretur;

[¶95] 32.2. They then voted that the people be asked to ratify this action at the earliest possible moment; and being commanded so to do, both consuls took the field; and Valerius marching into Campallia and Cornelius into Samnium, the one encamped at the foot of Mount Gaurus, the other near Saticula. It was Valerius whom the Samnite levies encountered first —for that was the direction which they expected the invasion to take.

> Latin: 32.2. iussuque populi consules ambo cum duobus exercitibus [ab urbe] profecti, Ualerius in Campaniam, Cornelius in Samnium, ille ad montem Gaurum, hic ad Saticulam castra ponunt.

[¶96] 32.3. The Campanians moreover had incurred their sharp resentment, having been so ready now to render aid against them, now to invoke it.

> Latin: 32.3. priori Ualerio Samnitium legiones—eo namque omnem belli molem inclinaturam censebant— occurrunt; simul in Campanos stimulabat ira tam promptos nunc ad ferenda, nunc ad accersenda aduersus se auxilia.

[¶97] 32.4. But when they beheld the Roman camp, they began, every man for himself, to call loudly on their leaders for the battle-signal, affirming that the Romans would have no better fortune in helping the Campanians than these had experienced in helping the Sidicini. Valerius, having delayed not many days for the purpose of testing the enemy in small skirmishes, hung out the signal for a battle.

> Latin: 32.4. ut uero castra Romana uiderunt, ferociter pro se quisque signum duces poscere, adfirmare eadem fortuna Romanum Campano laturum opem qua Campanus Sidicino tulerit.

[¶98] 32.5. But first he spoke a few words of encouragement to his soldiers, bidding them have no fear of a strange war and a strange enemy. With every advance of their arms from Rome, he said, they came to nations that were more and more unwarlike.

> Latin: 32.5. Ualerius leuibus certaminibus temptandi hostis causa haud ita multos moratus dies signum pugnae proposuit, paucis suos adhortatus ne nouum bellum eos nouusque hostis terreret: quidquid ab urbe longius proferrent arma, magis magisque in imbelles gentes eos prodire.

[¶99] 32.7. They must not judge of the courage of the Samnites by the defeats they had administered to the Sidicini and Campanians. Whatever their respective qualities, it was inevitable that when they fought together, one side should be vanquished. As for the Campanians, there was no question they had been beaten rather by the enervation resulting from excessive luxury and by their own effeminacy, than by the strength of their enemies.

> Latin: 32.7. ne Sidicinorum Campanorumque cladibus Samnitium aestimarent uirtutem; qualescumque inter se certauerint, necesse fuisse alteram partem uinci. Campanos quidem haud dubie magis nimio luxu fluentibus rebus mollitiaque sua quam ui hostium uictos esse.

[¶100] 32.8. Furthermore, what were the Samnites' two successful wars in so many ages, as against the many glorious achievements of the Roman People, who could count almost more triumphs than the years since their City had been founded;

> Latin: 32.8. quid autem esse duo prospera in tot saeculis bella Samnitium aduersus tot decora populi Romani, qui triumphos paene plures quam annos ab urbe condita numeret;

[¶101] 32.9. who had subjugated by their arms all the nations round about them, the Sabines, Etruria, the Latins, the Hernici, the Aequi, the Volsci, and the Aurunci; who after beating the Gauls time after time in battle, had ended by compelling them to flee to the sea-board and their ships?

> Latin: 32.9. qui omnia circa se, Sabinos Etruriam Latinos Hernicos Aequos Uolscos Auruncos, domita armis habeat; qui Gallos tot proeliis caesos postremo in mare ac naues fuga compulerit?

[¶102] 32.10. He said that they ought, as they went into action, not only to rely every man on his own courage and martial glory, but also to consider under whose command and auspices they would have to fight; whether he were one who only merited a hearing as a brilliant orator, warlike only in his words, and ignorant of military operations, or one who knew himself how to handle weapons, to advance before the standards, and to play his part in the press and turmoil of a battle.

> Latin: 32.10. cum gloria belli ac uirtute sua quemque fretos ire in aciem debere, tum etiam intueri cuius ductu auspicioque ineunda pugna sit, utrum qui, audiendus dumtaxat, magnificus adhortator sit, uerbis tantum ferox, operum militarium expers, an qui et ipse tela tractare, procedere ante signa, uersari media in mole pugnae sciat.

[¶103] 32.12. “Soldiers,” he cried, “it is my deeds and not my words I would have you follow, and look to me not only for instruction but for example. Not with factions, nor with the intrigues common amongst the nobles, but with this right hand, have I won for myself three consulships and the highest praise.”

> Latin: 32.12. 'facta mea, non dicta uos, milites' inquit, 'sequi uolo, nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam a me petere. non factionibus [modo] nec per coitiones usitatas nobilibus sed hac dextra mihi tres consulatus summamque laudem peperi.

[¶104] 32.13. “Time was when it might have been said: Ah, but you were a patrician and sprung from the liberators of your country, and your family held the consulship in the very year that saw the institution of that office.' ” “But now the consulship lies open on equal terms to us, the nobles, and to you plebeians, nor is it any longer a reward of birth, but of merit.

> Latin: 32.13. fuit cum hoc dici poterat: patricius enim eras et a liberatoribus patriae ortus, et eodem anno familia ista consulatum quo urbs haec consulem habuit:

[¶105] 32.14. Have regard, therefore, soldiers, in every instance, to great honours.” “Though you men have given me, with Heaven's sanction, my surname of Corvinus, I have not forgot the ancient surname of our family —the ” “Publicolae: at home and in the field, as a private citizen, in little magistracies and in great ones, as consul no less than as tribune, and with the same undeviating course through all my successive consulships, have I cherished, and cherish still, the Roman plebs.”

> Latin: 32.14. nunc iam nobis patribus uobisque plebei promiscuus consulatus patet nec generis, ut ante, sed uirtutis est praemium. proinde summum quodque spectate, milites, decus. non, si mihi nouum hoc Coruini cognomen dis auctoribus homines dedistis, Publicolarum uetustum familiae nostrae cognomen memoria excessit; semper ego plebem Romanam militiae domique, priuatus, in magistratibus paruis magnisque, aeque tribunus ac consul, eodem tenore per omnes deinceps consulatus colo atque colui.

[¶106] 32.17. “Now, with Heaven's good help, to the work we have in hand! Seek with me a novel triumph never yet won from the Samnites!”

> Latin: 32.17. nunc, quod instat, dis bene iuuantibus nouum atque integrum de Samnitibus triumphum mecum petite.'

[¶107] 33.1. There was never a commander who more endeared himself to his men by cheerfully sharing all their duties with the meanest of the soldiers.

> Latin: 33.1. non alias militi familiarior dux fuit omnia inter infimos militum haud grauate munia obeundo.

[¶108] 33.2. At the military sports, too, in which those of a like age contend with one another in strength and swiftness, he was easy-going and good-natured; he would win or lose without changing countenance, nor did he scorn to match himself with anyone who challenged him;

> Latin: 33.2. in ludo praeterea militari, cum uelocitatis uiriumque inter se aequales certamina ineunt, comiter facilis; uincere ac uinci uoltu eodem nec quemquam aspernari parem qui se offerret;

[¶109] 33.3. in his acts his kindness was suited to the circumstances, in his speech he had regard to the liberty of others no less than to his own dignity; finally —and nothing can be more popular than this —he was the same in office that he had been while a candidate.

> Latin: 33.3. factis benignus pro re, dictis haud minus libertatis alienae quam suae dignitatis memor; et, quo nihil popularius est, quibus artibus petierat magistratus, iisdem gerebat. itaque uniuersus exercitus incredibili alacritate adhortationem prosecutus ducis castris egreditur.

[¶110] 33.5. It was therefore with incredible eagerness that the whole army, after listening to the general's speech, marched out of camp. The battle began, if ever battle did, with like hopes on both sides and equal strength, and a self-confidence which yet was not mixed with contempt for the enemy.

> Latin: 33.5. proelium, ut quod maxime unquam, pari spe utrimque, aequis uiribus, cum fiducia sui sine contemptu hostium commissum est.

[¶111] 33.6. The Samnites were' emboldened by their recent exploits and by their double victory of a few days before, the Romans on their part by the glories of four centuries and a victorious career that dated from the founding of the City;

> Latin: 33.6. Samnitibus ferociam augebant nouae res gestae et paucos ante dies geminata uictoria, Romanis contra quadringentorum annorum decora et conditae urbi aequalis uictoria; utrisque tamen nouus hostis curam addebat.

[¶112] 33.7. each side nevertheless experienced some anxiety at meeting an untried foe. The engagement testified how resolute they were, for they so fought that for some time neither battle-line gave ground.

> Latin: 33.7. pugna indicio fuit quos gesserint animos; namque ita conflixerunt ut aliquamdiu in neutram partem inclinarent acies.

[¶113] 33.8. Then the consul, thinking that he must inspire his enemies with fear, since he could not drive them back by force, attempted by sending in the cavalry to 'throw their front ranks into disorder.

> Latin: 33.8. tum consul trepidationem iniciendam ratus, quando ui pelli non poterant, equitibus immissis turbare prima signa hostium conatur.

[¶114] 33.9. But when he saw that nothing came of the confused fighting of the squadrons, as they tried to manœuvre in a narrow space, and that they could not break the enemy's line, he rode back: to the front ranks of his legions, and, dismounting from his horse, exclaimed, “Soldiers, it is for us, the infantry, to accomplish yonder task!”

> Latin: 33.9. quos ubi nequiquam tumultuantes in spatio exiguo uoluere turmas uidit nec posse aperire in hostes uiam, reuectus ad antesignanos legionum, cum desiluisset ex equo, 'nostrum' inquit, 'peditum illud, milites, est opus;

## 36. Book VII · chapters 33–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/36/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/36/#p-N

[¶0] 33.10. “Come, as you shall see me making a path for myself with my sword wherever I advance against the enemy's line, so do you every man strike down whom you encounter; all that array where now uplifted spears are glancing you shall see laid open with great carnage.”

> Latin: 33.10. agitedum, ut me uideritis, quacumque incessero in aciem hostium, ferro uiam facientem, sic pro se quisque obuios sternite; illa omnia, qua nunc erectae micant hastae, patefacta strage uasta cernetis.' haec dicta dederat, cum equites consulis iussu discurrunt in cornua legionibusque in mediam aciem aperiunt uiam.

[¶1] 33.11. No sooner had he said these words, than the horsemen, by the consul's order, drew off towards the wings and left the legions room to attack the centre.

> Latin: 33.11. primus omnium consul inuadit hostem et cum quo forte contulit gradum obtruncat.

[¶2] 33.12. The consul was the very foremost in the charge, and slew the man he chanced to meet with. Kindled by this sight, the Romans on the right and on the left pushed forward, every man of them, and fought a memorable combat; the Samnites stood manfully at bay, but they took more strokes than they delivered.

> Latin: 33.12. hoc spectaculo accensi dextra laeuaque ante se quisque memorandum proelium cient; stant obnixi Samnites, quamquam plura accipiunt quam inferunt uolnera.

[¶3] 33.13. The battle had now lasted a considerable time; there was dreadful slaughter about the standards of the Samnites, but as yet no retreating anywhere, so determined were they to be overcome by naught but death.

> Latin: 33.13. aliquamdiu iam pugnatum erat; atrox caedes circa signa Samnitium, fuga ab nulladum parte erat: adeo morte sola uinci destinauerant animis.

[¶4] 33.14. And so the Romans, who saw that their strength was fast ebbing away in weariness and that little daylight yet remained, were filled with rage, and hurled themselves against the enemy.

> Latin: 33.14. itaque Romani cum et fluere iam lassitudine uires sentirent et diei haud multum superesse, accensi ira concitant se in hostem.

[¶5] 33.15. Then for the first time were there signs of giving way and the beginning of a rout; then were the Samnites captured or slain; nor would many have survived, if night had not ended what was now a victory rather than a battle.

> Latin: 33.15. tum primum referri pedem atque inclinari rem in fugam apparuit; tum capi, occidi Samnis; nec superfuissent multi, ni nox uictoriam magis quam proelium diremisset.

[¶6] 33.16. The Romans admitted that never had they fought with a more stubborn adversary; and the Samnites, on being asked what it was that first had turned them, resolute as they were, to flight, replied that it was the eyes of the Romans, which had seemed to blaze, and their frenzied expression and infuriated looks; this it was more than anything else that had caused their panic. And this panic stood confessed not alone in the outcome of the fight but in the night-retreat that followed.

> Latin: 33.16. et Romani fatebantur nunquam cum pertinaciore hoste conflictum, et Samnites, cum quaereretur quaenam prima causa tam obstinatos mouisset in fugam, oculos sibi Romanorum ardere uisos aiebant uesanosque uoltus et furentia ora; inde plus quam ex alia ulla re terroris ortum. quem terrorem non pugnae solum euentu sed nocturna profectione confessi sunt.

[¶7] 33.18. On the morrow the Romans took possession of the deserted camp, and thither the whole population of Capua streamed out to congratulate them.

> Latin: 33.18. postero die uacuis hostium castris Romanus potitur, quo se omnis Campanorum multitudo gratulabunda effudit.

[¶8] 34.1. But this rejoicing came near to being marred by a great reverse in Samnium. For the consul Cornelius, marching from Saticula, had unwarily led his army into a forest which was penetrated by a deep defile, and was there beset on either hand by the enemy; nor, until it was too late to withdraw with safety, did he perceive that they were posted on the heights above him.

> Latin: 34.1. ceterum hoc gaudium magna prope clade in Samnio foedatum est. nam ab Saticula profectus Cornelius consul exercitum incaute in saltum caua ualle peruium circaque insessum ab hoste induxit nec prius quam recipi tuto signa non poterant imminentem capiti hostem uidit.

[¶9] 34.3. While the Samnites were only holding back till he should send down the whole column into the bottom of the valley, Publius Decius, a tribune of the soldiers, espied a solitary hill, which rising above the pass, commanded the enemy's camp, and though arduous of access to an army encumbered with baggage, was not difficult for men in light marching order.

> Latin: 34.3. dum id morae Samnitibus est quoad totum in uallem infimam demitteret agmen, P. Decius tribunus militum conspicit unum editum in saltu collem, imminentem hostium castris, aditu arduum impedito agmini, expeditis haud difficilem.

[¶10] 34.4. He accordingly said to the consul, who was much perturbed: “Do you see, Aulus Cornelius, that summit that rises above the enemy?”

> Latin: 34.4. itaque consuli territo animi 'uidesne tu' inquit, ' A. Corneli, cacumen illud supra hostem? arx illa est spei salutisque nostrae, si eam, quoniam caeci reliquere Samnites, impigre capimus.

[¶11] 34.5. “It is the fortress of our hope and safety, if we are prompt to seize it, since the Samnites have been so blind as to neglect it. Give me no more than the first and second lines of a single legion; when with these I have mounted to the top, do you go forward fearlessly and save yourself and the army; for the enemy, exposed to all our missiles, will not be able to stir without bringing destruction on themselves.”

> Latin: 34.5. ne tu mihi plus quam unius legionis principes hastatosque dederis; cum quibus ubi euasero in summum, perge hinc omni liber metu, teque et exercitum serua; neque enim moueri hostis, subiectus nobis ad omnes ictus, sine sua pernicie poterit.

[¶12] 34.6. “As for us, thereafter the fortune of the Roman People or our own manhood will extricate us.”

> Latin: 34.6. nos deinde aut fortuna populi Romani aut nostra uirtus expediet.'

[¶13] 34.7. Being commended by the consul and receiving his detachment, he advanced under cover through the wood, nor did the enemy perceive him till he had nearly reached the place which he wished to gain.

> Latin: 34.7. conlaudatus ab consule accepto praesidio uadit occultus per saltum; nec prius ab hoste est uisus quam loco quem petebat appropinquauit.

[¶14] 34.8. They were then all overcome with astonishment and dread, and while they turned, every man of them, and gazed at him, the consul was given time to withdraw his army to more favourable ground, and Decius himself took his post on the top of the hill.

> Latin: 34.8. inde admiratione pauentibus cunctis, cum omnium in se uertisset oculos, et spatium consuli dedit ad subducendum agmen in aequiorem locum et ipse in summo constitit uertice.

[¶15] 34.9. The Samnites, turning their standards now this way and now that, threw away both opportunities; they could not pursue the consul, except through the same defile where a little before they -had held him at the mercy of their javelins, nor could they charge up the hill which Decius had captured over their heads.

> Latin: 34.9. Samnites dum huc illuc signa uertunt utriusque rei amissa occasione neque insequi consulem nisi per eandem uallem, in qua paulo ante subiectum eum telis suis habuerant, possunt, nec erigere agmen in captum super se ab Decio tumulum;

[¶16] 34.10. But not only did their resentment urge them rather against those who had snatched victory from their grasp, but so also did the nearness of the place and the fewness of its defenders;

> Latin: 34.10. sed cum ira in hos magis, qui fortunam gerendae rei eripuerant, tum propinquitas loci atque ipsa paucitas incitat;

[¶17] 34.11. and first they would be for surrounding the hill with troops, so as to cut Decius off from the consul, and next for leaving his road open, so that they might attack him when he was got down into the valley.

> Latin: 34.11. et nunc circumdare undique collem armatis uolunt, ut a consule Decium intercludant, nunc uiam patefacere, ut degressos in uallem adoriantur. incertos quid agerent nox oppressit.

[¶18] 34.12. Before they had made up their minds, night overtook them. Decius at first had hopes of fighting from the higher ground, as they mounted the hill; then he marvelled that they neither began to attack, nor, if they were deterred from that design by the difficulty of the ground, attempted to shut him in with trench and rampart.

> Latin: 34.12. Decium primum spes tenuit cum subeuntibus in aduersum collem ex superiore loco se pugnaturum; deinde admiratio incessit quod nec pugnam inirent nec, si ab eo consilio iniquitate loci deterrentur, opere se ualloque circumdarent.

[¶19] 34.13. Then, calling the centurions to him, he said: “What want of military skill, what slothfulness can that be? How did those people conquer the Sidicini and Campanians? You see their standards moving now this way, now that, first closing in together, then deploying, while no man falls to work, though we might ere this have been fenced in with a palisade.”

> Latin: 34.13. tum centurionibus ad se uocatis: 'quaenam illa inscitia belli ac pigritia est? aut quonam modo isti ex Sidicinis Campanisque uictoriam pepererunt? huc atque illuc signa moueri ac modo in unum conferri modo educi uidetis; opus quidem incipit nemo, cum iam circumdati uallo potuerimus esse.

[¶20] 34.14. “Then in truth should we be no better than they, were we to tarry here longer than suits our interest. Come on then and follow me, so that while there is yet a little light we may find out where they post their guards, and where the way out from this place lies open.”

> Latin: 34.14. tum uero nos similes istorum simus, si diutius hic moremur quam commodum sit. agitedum ite mecum ut, dum lucis aliquid superest, quibus locis praesidia ponant, qua pateat hinc exitus, exploremus.'

[¶21] 34.15. Wrapped in a common soldier's cloak and accompanied by his centurions, who were also dressed like privates, lest the enemy should notice that the general was on his rounds, he investigated all these matters.

> Latin: 34.15. haec omnia sagulo gregali amictus centurionibus item manipularium militum habitu ductis? ne ducem circumire hostes notarent, perlustrauit.

[¶22] 35.1. Next, having disposed the sentries, he commanded that the word be passed to everybody, that on hearing the trumpet sound for the second watch they should silently arm and present themselves before him.

> Latin: 35.1. uigiliis deinde dispositis ceteris omnibus tesseram dari iubet, ubi secundae uigiliae bucina datum signum esset, armati cum silentio ad se conuenirent.

[¶23] 35.2. When they had assembled there without a word, as he had ordered, he thus began: “You must preserve this silence, soldiers, as you listen to me, omitting all soldier-like acclaim. When I have finished explaining my plan, then those of you who find it good will quietly pass over to the right; on whichever side the majority shall be, we will abide by their decision.”

> Latin: 35.2. quo ubi, sicut edictum erat, taciti conuenerunt, 'hoc silentium, milites,' inquit, 'omisso militari adsensu in me audiendo seruandum est. ubi sententiam meam uobis peregero, tum quibus eadem placebunt in dextram partem taciti transibitis; quae pars maior erit, eo stabitur consilio.

[¶24] 35.3. “Hear now what I have in mind. The enemy has not invested you here as men who ran away or were left behind through laziness: it was by valour that you took the place, and by valour you must escape from it.”

> Latin: 35.3. nunc quae mente agitem audite. non fuga delatos nec inertia relictos hic uos circumuenit hostis: uirtute cepistis locum, uirtute hinc oportet euadatis.

[¶25] 35.4. “By coming hither you saved a splendid army for the Roman People; save yourselves by breaking out. You are worthy to have carried help, though few, to greater numbers, and to have needed no man's help yourselves.”

> Latin: 35.4. ueniendo huc exercitum egregium populo Romano seruastis: erumpendo hinc uosmet ipsos seruate; digni estis qui pauci pluribus opem tuleritis, ipsi nullius auxilio egueritis.

[¶26] 35.5. “You have an enemy to deal with who neglected yesterday through indolence an opportunity of destroying our whole army; who failed to see the importance of this hill by which he is commanded, until we had taken it; who, though we were so few and his own thousands so many, neither kept us from gaining the ascent, nor, when the place was ours and much daylight still remained, surrounded us with entrenchments.”

> Latin: 35.5. cum eo hoste res est, qui hesterno die delendi omnis exercitus fortuna per socordiam usus non sit, hunc tam opportunum collem imminentem capiti suo non ante uiderit quam captum a nobis, nos tam paucos tot ipse milibus hominum nec ascensu arcuerit nec tenentes locum, cum diei tantum superesset, uallo circumdederit.

[¶27] 35.6. “An enemy whom you thus eluded while he was wide awake and watching, you ought to baffle when he is overcome with sleep.”

> Latin: 35.6. quem uidentem ac uigilantem sic eluseritis, sopitum oportet fallatis, immo necesse est;

[¶28] 35.7. “Indeed it is necessary that you do so, for our situation is such that I am rather pointing out your necessity to you than advocating a plan.”

> Latin: 35.7. in eo enim loco res sunt nostrae ut uobis ego magis necessitas uestrae index quam consilii auctor sim.

[¶29] 35.8. “Nor truly can it be a debatable question whether you should stay or go away from here, since Fortune has left you nothing but your arms and the spirit to employ them, and we must die of hunger and thirst, if we dread the sword's point more than it is fitting men and Romans should.”

> Latin: 35.8. neque enim, maneatis an abeatis hinc, deliberari potest, cum praeter arma et animos armorum memores nihil uobis fortuna reliqui fecerit fameque et siti moriendum sit, si plus quam uiros ac Romanos decet ferrum timeamus.

[¶30] 35.9. “Our one way of safety, then, is to break through and get away. We must do this either in the day-time or at night.”

> Latin: 35.9. ergo una est salus erumpere hinc atque abire; id aut interdiu aut nocte faciamus oportet.

[¶31] 35.10. “But this, look you, is a question that is even less in doubt, for if we should wait for dawn, what hope is there that the enemy would not hem us in with a continuous trench and rampart, who has now, as you see, encompassed the hill on every hand with the bodies of his men lying below us. And yet, if night is favourable for our sally, as it is, this is surely the fittest hour of the night.”

> Latin: 35.10. ecce autem aliud minus dubium; quippe, si lux exspectetur, quae spes est non uallo perpetuo fossaque nos saepturum hostem, qui nunc corporibus suis subiectis undique cinxerit, ut uidetis, collem? atqui si nox opportuna est eruptioni, sicut est, haec profecto noctis aptissima hora est.

[¶32] 35.11. “You have come together on the signal of the second watch, when sleep lies heaviest on mortals;: you will make your way among drowsy forms, either eluding them unsuspected in your silence, or ready, if they should perceive you, to affright them with a sudden shout.”

> Latin: 35.11. signo secundae uigiliae conuenistis, quod tempus mortales somno altissimo premit; per corpora sopita uadetis uel silentio incautos fallentes uel sentientibus clamore subito pauorem iniecturi.

[¶33] 35.12. “Do but follow me, whom you have followed hitherto; I will follow that same Fortune that has led us hither. Now then let those who approve my plan step over-to the right.”

> Latin: 35.12. me modo sequimini, quem secuti estis; ego eandem quae duxit huc sequar fortunam. quibus haec salutaria uidentur, agitedum in dextram partem pedibus transite.'

[¶34] 36.1. They all crossed over. Decius then made his way through the spaces left unguarded, and they followed him.

> Latin: 36.1. omnes transierunt; uadentemque per intermissa custodiis loca Decium secuti sunt.

[¶35] 36.2. They had already got half way through the camp, when a soldier in stepping over the bodies of some sleeping sentries struck his shield and made a sound. A sentry was awakened by this, and having shaken his neighbour, they stood up and began to rouse the rest, not knowing whether they had to do with friends or foes, whether the party on the hill were escaping, or the consul had captured the camp. Decius, seeing that they were discovered, gave the order to his men, and they set up such a shout that the Samnites, who had been stupefied with sleep, were now in addition breathless with terror, which prevented them from either arming promptly or making a stand against the Romans or pursuing them.

> Latin: 36.2. iam euaserant media castra, cum superscandens uigilum strata somno corpora miles offenso scuto praebuit sonitum; quo excitatus uigil cum proximum mouisset erectique alios concitarent, ignari ciues an hostes essent, praesidium erumperet an consul castra cepisset, Decius, quoniam non fallerent, clamorem tollere iussis militibus torpidos somno insuper pauore exanimat, quo praepediti nec arma impigre capere nec obsistere nec insequi poterant. inter trepidationem tumultumque Samnitium praesidium Romanum obuiis custodibus caesis ad castra consulis peruadit.

[¶36] 36.5. During the fright and confusion amongst the Samnites, the Romans cut down such guards as they came across, and proceeded towards the consul's camp. It wanted yet some time till daylight, and they now appeared to be in safety, when Decius said, “All honour to your courage, Roman soldiers!”

> Latin: 36.5. aliquantum supererat noctis iamque in tuto uidebantur esse, cum Decius 'macte uirtute' inquit, 'milites Romani, este; uestrum iter ac reditum omnia saecula laudibus ferent;

[¶37] 36.6. “Your expedition and return shall be renowned through all the ages. But the light of day is needed to set off such gallantry, nor do you merit that your glorious return to camp should be accomplished in silence and under cover of night. Let us wait here quietly until the dawn.”

> Latin: 36.6. sed ad conspiciendam tantam uirtutem luce ac die opus est, nec uos digni estis quos cum tanta gloria in castra reduces silentium ac nox tegat; hic lucem quieti opperiamur.'

[¶38] 36.7. They did as he sail. With the first rays of light they sent forward a courier to the consul, and the camp was woke with loud rejoicings. When word was sent round that those were returning safe and sound, who in behalf of the general safety, had exposed their bodies to no uncertain peril, they all poured out to meet them, and, each for himself, praised and congratulated them, calling them their saviours, one and all. To the gods they offered praise and thanks, and Decius they extolled to the skies.

> Latin: 36.7. dictis obtemperatum; atque ubi primum inluxit, praemisso nuntio ad consulem castra ingenti gaudio concitantur; et tessera data incolumes reuerti, qui sua corpora pro salute omnium haud dubio periculo obiecissent, pro se quisque obuiam effusi laudant, gratulantur, singulos uniuersos seruatores suos uocant, dis laudes gratesque agunt, Decium in caelum ferunt.

[¶39] 36.8. Now followed a triumph for Decius in the camp, as he marched through the midst with his battalion under arms. All eyes were directed towards him, and paid the tribune equal homage with the consul.

> Latin: 36.8. hic Deci castrensis triumphus fuit incedentis per media castra cum armato praesidio coniectis in eum omnium oculis et omni honore tribunum consuli aequantibus.

[¶40] 36.9. When they reached headquarters, the consul bade the trumpet sound an assembly, and fell to lauding Decius, as he deserved. But Decius, interrupting him, induced him to defer his speech; then, urging that all other considerations should be postponed whilst they had such an opportunity at hand, he persuaded him to attack the enemy.

> Latin: 36.9. ubi ad praetorium uentum est, consul classico ad contionem conuocat orsusque meritas Deci laudes interfante ipso Decio distulit contionem;

[¶41] 36.10. They were now, he said, bewildered by the night alarm and dispersed about the: hill in separate detachments, and he doubted not that a party would have been sent out after him and would be wandering through the forest.

> Latin: 36.10. qui auctor omnia posthabendi dum occasio in manibus esset, perpulit consulem ut hostes et nocturno pauore attonitos et circa collem castellatim dissipatos adgrederetur: credere etiam aliquos ad se sequendum emissos per saltum uagari.

[¶42] 36.11. The troops were commanded to arm, and marching out of camp, were led by a more open route —for, thanks to their scouts, the forest was now better known to them —in the direction of the enemy.

> Latin: 36.11. iussae legiones arma capere egressaeque castris, cum per exploratores notior iam saltus esset, uia patentiore ad hostem ducuntur;

[¶43] 36.12. These they caught quite off their guard by a surprise attack, for the Samnite soldiers were scattered far and wide, and most of them were without their weapons, Unable either to assemble or to arm or to regain their works, they were first driven headlong into their camp, and then the outposts were routed and the camp itself was taken. The shouting was heard all round the hill and sent the detachments flying from their several stations.

> Latin: 36.12. quem incautum improuiso adortae, cum palati passim Samnitium milites, plerique inermes, nec coire in unum nec arma capere nec recipere intra uallum se possent, pauentem primum intra castra compellunt, deinde castra ipsa turbatis stationibus capiunt.

[¶44] 36.13. Thus a great part of the Samnites fled without coming into contact with the enemy. Those whom panic had driven within the? enclosure —to the number of some thirty thousand —were all put to the sword, and the camp was spoiled.

> Latin: 36.13. perfertur circa collem clamor fugatque ex suis quemque praesidiis. ita magna pars absenti hosti cessit: quos intra uallum egerat pauor—fuere autem ad triginta milia—omnes caesi: castra direpta.

[¶45] 37.1. The battle having sped thus, the consul called an assembly, and pronounced a panegyric upon Decius, in which he rehearsed, in addition to his former services, the fresh glories which his bravery had achieved. Besides other military gifts, he bestowed on him a golden chaplet and a hundred oxen, and one choice white one, fat, and with gilded horns.

> Latin: 37.1. ita rebus gestis consul aduocata contione P. Deci non coeptas solum ante sed cumulatas noua uirtute laudes peragit et praeter militaria alia dona aurea corona eum et centum bubus eximioque uno albo opimo auratis cornibus donat.

[¶46] 37.2. The soldiers who had been on the hill with him were rewarded with a double: ration in perpetuity, and for the present an ox apiece and two tunics. Following the consul's award, the legions, accompanying the gift with their cheers, placed on Decius's head a wreath of grass, to signify his rescuing them from a siege; and his own detachment crowned him with a second wreath, indicative of the same honour.

> Latin: 37.2. milites, qui in praesidio simul fuerant, duplici frumento in perpetuum, in praesentia priuis bubus binisque tunicis donati. secundum consulis donationem legiones gramineam coronam obsidialem, clamore donum approbantes, Decio imponunt; altera corona, eiusdem honoris index, a praesidio suo imposita est.

[¶47] 37.3. Adorned with these insignia, he sacrificed the choice ox to Mars, and presented the hundred others to the soldiers who had served with him on the expedition. To these same soldiers the legions contributed a pound of spelt and a pint of wine for each man. All these awards were carried out amid the greatest cheerfulness, the shouts of the soldiers testifying to the general approval.

> Latin: 37.3. his decoratus insignibus bouem eximium Marti immolauit, centum boues militibus dono dedit qui secum in expeditione fuerant. iisdem militibus legiones libras farris et sextarios uini contulerunt; omniaque ea ingenti alacritate per clamorem militarem, indicem omnium adsensus, gerebantur.

[¶48] 37.4. A third engagement was fought at Suessula, for the Samnites, after the rout inflicted on them by Marcus Valerius, had called out all the men they had of military age, determined to try their fortune in a final encounter.

> Latin: 37.4. tertia pugna ad Suessulam commissa est; quia fugatus a M. Ualerio Samnitium exercitus, omni robore iuuentutis domo accito, certamine ultimo fortunam experiri statuit.

[¶49] 37.5. From Suessula the alarming news was carried to Capua, whence gallopers were dispatched to Valerius the consul, to implore assistance.

> Latin: 37.5. ab Suessula nuntii trepidi Capuam, inde equites citati ad Ualerium consulem opem oratum ueniunt.

[¶50] 37.6. The troops were immediately set in motion, and leaving behind the baggage and a strong garrison for the camp, made a rapid march, and being got within a short distance of the enemy, encamped in a very small compass, for they had only their horses with them and neither beasts of burden nor a crowd of camp-followers.

> Latin: 37.6. confestim signa mota relictisque impedimentis castrorum cum ualido praesidio raptim agitur agmen; nec procul ab hoste locum perexiguum, ut quibus praeter equos ceterorum iumentorum calonumque turba abesset, castris cepit.

[¶51] 37.7. The Samnites, assuming that the battle would not be delayed, formed up in line; then, as no one came out to meet them, they advanced against the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 37.7. Samnitium exercitus, uelut haud ulla mora pugnae futura esset, aciem instruit; deinde, postquam nemo obuius ibat, infestis signis ad castra hostium succedit.

[¶52] 37.8. When they saw the soldiers on the rampart, and when the scouts whom they had dispatched to spy out the camp on every hand reported how straitened its dimensions were, inferring thence the paucity of their foes, the whole army began to murmur that they ought to fill up the trenches, breach the rampart, and burst into the enclosure;

> Latin: 37.8. ibi ut militem in uallo uidit missique ab omni parte exploratum quam in exiguum orbem contracta castra essent—paucitatem inde hostium colligentes—rettulerunt, fremere omnis acies complendas esse fossas scindendumque uallum et in castra inrumpendum;

[¶53] 37.9. and their rashness would have brought the war to a conclusion, had not the commanders restrained the ardour of their men.

> Latin: 37.9. transactumque ea temeritate bellum foret, ni duces continuissent impetum militum.

[¶54] 37.10. But since their numbers were a burden on the commissariat, and since, owing first to their sitting down before Suessula and afterwards to the delay in fighting, they were almost reduced to want for everything, they decided that while the enemy were cowering within their works, they would send their soldiers over the country-side to forage:

> Latin: 37.10. ceterum, quia multitudo sua commeatibus grauis et prius sedendo ad Suessulam et tum certaminis mora haud procul ab rerum omnium inopia esset, placuit, dum inclusus paueret hostis, frumentatum per agros militem duci:

[¶55] 37.11. meantime the Romans, remaining inactive, would be reduced to destitution, for they had come in light marching order, with only so much corn as they could carry, along with their armour, on their shoulders.

> Latin: 37.11. interim quieto Romano, qui expeditus quantum umeris inter arma geri posset frumenti secum attulisset, defutura omnia.

[¶56] 37.12. Seeing the Samnites dispersed about the fields, and their stations thinly manned, the consul addressed a few words of encouragement to his soldiers and led them to the assault of the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 37.12. consul palatos per agros cum uidisset hostes, stationes infrequentes relictas, paucis milites adhortatus ad castra oppugnanda ducit.

[¶57] 37.13. Having taken it at the first shout and rush, and slain more men in their tents than at the gates and on the breastworks, he ordered the captured standards to be collected in one spot. Then, leaving two legions to guard them and defend the place, — with strict injunctions to refrain from spoiling until he himself returned, —he marched out in serried column, and sending the cavalry on before to surround the scattered Samnites, as with a cordon of hunters, and so drive them in, he made a prodigious slaughter of them.

> Latin: 37.13. quae cum primo clamore atque impetu cepisset, pluribus hostium in tentoriis suis quam in portis ualloque caesis signa captiua in unum locum conferri iussit; relictisque duabus legionibus custodiae et praesidii causa, graui edicto monitis ut, donec ipse reuertisset, praeda abstinerent, profectus agmine instructo, cum praemissus eques uelut indagine dissipatos Samnites ageret, caedem ingentem fecit.

[¶58] 37.15. For in their terror they were unable to agree either under what standard they should rally, or whether they should make for their camp or direct their flight towards some more remote place;

> Latin: 37.15. nam neque quo signo coirent inter se neque utrum castra peterent an longiorem intenderent fugam, territis constare poterat;

[¶59] 37.16. and so great was their discomfiture and panic, that the Romans brought in to the consul no less than forty thousand shields —though not near so many men were slain —and of military standards, including those which had been captured in the camp, no fewer than a hundred and seventy.

> Latin: 37.16. tantumque fugae ac formidinis fuit, ut ad quadraginta milia scutorum—nequaquam tot caesis—et signa militaria cum iis quae in castris capta erant ad centum septuaginta ad consulem deferrentur.

[¶60] 37.17. The victors then returned to the enemy's camp and there the plunder was all given to the soldiers.

> Latin: 37.17. tum in castra hostium reditum ibique omnis praeda militi data.

[¶61] 38.1. The fortunate outcome of this war not only impelled the Faliscans, with whom there was a truce, to ask the senate for a treaty, but caused the Latins, whose armies were ready to take the field, to transfer their attack from Rome to the Paeligni.

> Latin: 38.1. huius certaminis fortuna et Faliscos, cum in indutiis essent, foedus petere ab senatu coegit et Latinos iam exercitibus comparatis ab Romano in Paelignum uertit bellum.

[¶62] 38.2. Nor was the fame of this success confined to Italy; even the Carthaginians sent their envoys to Rome, with congratulations and the gift of a golden crown, weighing five and twenty pounds, to be placed in the shrine of Jupiter on the Capitol.

> Latin: 38.2. neque ita rei gestae fama Italiae se finibus tenuit sed Carthaginienses quoque legatos gratulatum Romam misere cum coronae aureae dono, quae in Capitolio in Iouis cella poneretur; fuit pondo uiginti quinque.

[¶63] 38.3. Both consuls triumphed over the Samnites, and after them came Decius, conspicuous in his decorations and so renowned, that the soldiers in their rude jests named the tribune no less often than the consuls.

> Latin: 38.3. consules ambo de Samnitibus triumpharunt sequente Decio insigni cum laude donisque, cum incondito militari ioco haud minus tribuni celebre nomen quam consulum esset.

[¶64] 38.4. The deputations of the Campanians and the Suessulani were then heard, and a favourable reply was made to their petition that a garrison should be dispatched, to remain through the winter with them and protect them against inroads by the Samnites.

> Latin: 38.4. Campanorum deinde Suessulanorumque auditae legationes, precantibusque datum ut praesidium eo in hiberna mitteretur, quo Samnitium excursiones arcerentur.

[¶65] 38.5. Capua was even then a far from wholesome place for military discipline, and with its means for gratifying every pleasure proved so fascinating to the soldiers that they forgot their native land, and formed a project, while in winter quarters, for taking the city away from the Campanians by the same wicked practice by which the Campanians had taken it from its ancient inhabitants.

> Latin: 38.5. iam tum minime salubris militari disciplinae Capua instrumento omnium uoluptatium delenitos militum animos auertit a memoria patriae, inibanturque consilia in hibernis eodem scelere adimendae Campanis Capuae per quod illi eam antiquis cultoribus ademissent:

[¶66] 38.6. There would be a certain justice, they argued, in turning their own example against them. Besides, why should the most fertile land in Italy, and a city worthy of the land, belong to the Campanians, who were incapable of defending either themselves or their possessions? Why, rather, should it not belong to the conquering army, which had toiled and bled to drive the Samnites out of it?

> Latin: 38.6. neque immerito suum ipsorum exemplum in eos uersurum; cur autem potius Campani agrum Italiae uberrimum, dignam agro urbem, qui nec se nec sua tutari possent, quam uictor exercitus haberet qui suo sudore ac sanguine inde Samnites depulisset?

[¶67] 38.7. Was it fair that their surrendered subjects should enjoy that fertile and agreeable tract, while they, exhausted with campaigning, wrestled with the arid and noxious soil in the neighbourhood of Rome, or endured the ruinous usury that had fastened on the City and was increasing from one day to the next?

> Latin: 38.7. an aequum esse dediticios suos illa fertilitate atque amoenitate perfrui, se militando fessos in pestilenti atque arido circa urbem solo luctari aut in urbe insidentem labem crescentis in dies fenoris pati?

[¶68] 38.8. These schemes, discussed in secret cabals and not yet communicated to all the troops, were discovered by the new consul, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, to whom the lot had assigned Campania for his province, leaving Quintus Servilius, his colleague, in charge at Rome.

> Latin: 38.8. haec agitata occultis coniurationibus necdum uolgata in omnes consilia inuenit nouus consul C. Marcius Rutulus, cui Campania sorte prouincia euenerat, Q. Seruilio collega ad urbem relicto.

[¶69] 38.9. And so having found out through his tribunes exactly what had taken place, Rutulus, who was of ripe years and experience, —for the present consulship was his fourth and he had been both dictator and censor —thought that his best course would be to frustrate the men's impetuosity, by encouraging the hope that they would be able at any time they chose to carry out their plan.

> Latin: 38.9. itaque cum omnia ea, sicut gesta erant, per tribunos comperta haberet, et aetate et usu doctus quippe qui iam quartum consul esset dictatorque et censor fuisset, optimum ratus differendo spem quandocumque uellent consilii exsequendi militarem impetum frustrari, rumorem dissipat in iisdem oppidis et anno post praesidia hibernatura—diuisa enim erant per Campaniae urbes manauerantque a Capua consilia in exercitum omnem.

[¶70] 38.10. He accordingly set on foot a rumour that the garrisons would winter in the same towns in the following year also, —for they had been distributed among the cities of Campania and from Capua their designs had spread to the entire army, —and the conspirators being thus afforded time for breathing, the sedition subsided for the present. The consul having led out his troops to the summer encampment, and finding the Samnites quiet, resolved to purge the army of its troublemakers by discharging them.: Of some of them he said that they had served out their time; of others, that they were now too old or deficient in sturdiness.

> Latin: 38.10. eo laxamento cogitationibus dato quieuit in praesentia seditio. consul educto in aestiua milite, dum quietos Samnites habebat, exercitum purgare missionibus turbulentorum hominum instituit, aliis emerita dicendo stipendia esse, alios graues iam aetate aut uiribus parum ualidos;

[¶71] 39.2. To some he granted furlough, singling out individuals at first, but later dismissing certain cohorts, on the ground that they had passed the winter far from their homes and their affairs. Many, too, were sent off on some pretext of military employment, some one way, some another.

> Latin: 39.2. auidam in commeatus mittebantur, singuli primo, deinde et cohortes quaedam, quia procul ab domo ac rebus suis hibernassent; per speciem etiam militarium usuum, cum alii alio mitterentur, magna pars ablegati.

[¶72] 39.3. All these the other consul and the praetor detained at Rome, alleging a variety of reasons. And at first, not suspecting a trick, they were far from sorry to visit their homes again.

> Latin: 39.3. quam multitudinem consul alter Romae praetorque alias ex aliis fingendo moras retinebat.

[¶73] 39.4. Later on, when they saw that the first to go failed to rejoin the colours, and that practically none were dismissed but those who had wintered in Campania, and particularly such of these as had encouraged the conspiracy, they marvelled at first, and presently began to entertain very definite fears that their designs had come to light:

> Latin: 39.4. et primo quidem ignari ludificationis minime inuiti domos reuisebant; postquam neque reuerti ad signa primos nec ferme alium quam qui in Campania hibernassent praecipueque ex his seditionis auctores mitti uiderunt, primum admiratio, deinde haud dubius timor incessit animos consilia sua emanasse:

[¶74] 39.5. soon there would be investigations, soon informations would be lodged, they would soon be punished in secret, one by one, and would be made to feel the unrestrained and cruel despotism with which the consuls and the senate governed them.

> Latin: 39.5. iam quaestiones, iam indicia, iam occulta singulorum supplicia impotensque et crudele consulum ac patrum in se regnum passuros.

[¶75] 39.6. Such were the fears that were secretly put about by the soldiers in the camp, for they saw that the sinews of their plot had been plucked out by the consul's artifice.

> Latin: 39.6. haec qui in castris erant occultis sermonibus serunt, neruos coniurationis electos arte consulis cernentes.

[¶76] 39.7. One cohort which was stationed not far from Anxur went into camp near Lautulae, in the narrow pass between the sea and the mountains, where they could intercept those whom the consul continued to dismiss, on one pretext or another, as has been said before.

> Latin: 39.7. cohors una, cum haud procul Anxure esset, ad Lautulas saltu angusto inter mare ac montes consedit ad excipiendos quos consul aliis atque aliis, ut ante dictum est, causis mittebat.

[¶77] 39.8. They were soon a very numerous body, and lacked no essential element of an army except a general. And so, without order, and pillaging as they went, they proceeded as far as the Alban country, and under the ridge of Alba Longa encamped and threw up a rampart.

> Latin: 39.8. iam ualida admodum numero manus erat nec quicquam ad iusti exercitus formam praeter ducem deerat. incompositi itaque praedantes in agrum Albanum perueniunt et sub iugo Albae Longae castra uallo cingunt.

[¶78] 39.9. Having finished the work, they employed the remainder of the day in wrangling over the choice of a general, for they had no great confidence in anyone there present.

> Latin: 39.9. perfecto inde opere reliquum diei de imperatore sumendo sententiis decertant, nulli ex praesentibus satis fidentes:

[¶79] 39.10. But whom could they summon from Rome? What patrician or plebeian was there who would wittingly expose himself to so great a danger, or to whom the cause of the army, maddened by its wrongs, could fitly be committed?

> Latin: 39.10. quem autem ab Roma posse exciri? quem patrum aut plebis esse qui aut se tanto periculo sciens offerat aut cui ex iniuria insanientis exercitus causa recte committatur?

[¶80] 39.11. On the following day, while-they were debating the same question, certain of their roving foragers reported having learned that Titus Quinctius was living on a farm near Tusculum, with no thoughts of the City or its honours.

> Latin: 39.11. postero die cum eadem deliberatio teneret, ex praedatoribus uagis quidam compertum attulerunt T. Quinctium in Tusculano agrum colere, urbis honorumque immemorem.

[¶81] 39.12. This man, who belonged to a noble family, had won great distinction in the wars, but a lameness in one of his feet, resulting from a wound, had put an end to his campaigning, and had determined him to take up his residence in the country, far from the Forum and from politics.

> Latin: 39.12. patriciae hic uir gentis erat; cui cum militiae magna cum gloria actae finem pes alter ex uolnere claudus fecisset, ruri agere uitam procul ambitione ac foro constituit.

[¶82] 39.13. On hearing his name they remembered the man at once, and bade send for him, invoking a blessing on this step. But there being little prospect that he would voluntarily assist them, they resolved on employing threats and violence.

> Latin: 39.13. nomine audito extemplo agnouere uirum et, quod bene uerteret, acciri iusserunt. sed parum spei erat uoluntate quicquam facturum; uim adhiberi ac metum placuit.

[¶83] 39.14. Coming therefore to his farm-house in the silence of the night, those who had been dispatched upon this errand caught Quinctius sound asleep, and offering him no choice but authority and rank, or death, —with which, when he held back, they threatened him, unless he would go along with them —they carried him off to the camp.

> Latin: 39.14. itaque silentio noctis cum tectum uillae qui ad id missi erant intrassent, somno grauem Quinctium oppressum, nihil medium aut imperium atque honorem aut ubi restitaret mortem ni sequeretur denuntiantes, in castra pertraxerunt.

[¶84] 39.15. Once there they immediately hailed him General, and dazed as he was by the astounding suddenness of it all, conferred on him the insignia of that office and bade him lead them to the City.

> Latin: 39.15. imperator extemplo adueniens appellatus, insigniaque honoris exterrito subitae rei miraculo deferunt et ad urbem ducere iubent.

[¶85] 39.16. Then, more on their own impulse than by the counsel of their general, they pulled up their standards and marched in warlike array as far as the eighth milestone, on what is now the Appian Way;

> Latin: 39.16. suo magis inde impetu quam consilio ducis conuolsis signis infesto agmine ad lapidem octauum uiae, quae nunc Appia est, perueniunt;

[¶86] 39.17. whence they would at once have gone on to the City, had they not learned that an army was coming to oppose them, under Marcus Valerius Corvus, who had been created dictator for that purpose, with Lucius Aemilius Mamercus as master of the horse.

> Latin: 39.17. issentque confestim ad urbem, ni uenire contra exercitum dictatoremque aduersus se M. Ualerium Coruum dictum audissent et magistrum equitum L. Aemilium Mamercum.

[¶87] 40.1. As soon as they came within sight of one another and recognized one another's arms and ensigns, all were at once reminded of their fatherland, and their anger cooled.

> Latin: 40.1. ubi primum in conspectum uentum est <et> arma signaque agnouere, extemplo omnibus memoria patriae iras permulsit.

[¶88] 40.2. Men were not yet so hardy in shedding the blood of countrymen; they knew no wars but those with outside nations, and thought that frenzy could go no further than secession from their people.

> Latin: 40.2. nondum erant tam fortes ad sanguinem ciuilem nec praeter externa nouerant bella, ultimaque rabies secessio ab suis habebatur; itaque iam duces, iam milites utrimque congressus quaerere ac conloquia:

[¶89] 40.3. And so on either side both the leaders and their men began to seek for ways to meet and confer together. For Quinctius was sated with war, even war in behalf of his country, to say nothing of fighting against it; and the affection of Corvinus embraced all his fellow-citizens, particularly the soldiers, and above all others, his own army.

> Latin: 40.3. Quinctius, quem armorum etiam pro patria satietas teneret nedum aduersus patriam, Coruinus omnes caritate ciues, praecipue milites, et ante alios suum exercitum complexus. <is> ad conloquium processit.

[¶90] 40.4. He now came forward to parley, and being recognized, was instantly accorded a silent attention, in which his opponents showed as great respect for him as did his followers. “Soldiers,” he began, “as I was setting forth from the City, I adored your gods and mine, and humbly besought them of their goodness to vouchsafe to me the glory of reconciling, not of conquering you.”

> Latin: 40.4. cognito ei extemplo haud minore ab aduersariis uerecundia quam ab suis silentium datum. 'deos' inquit 'immortales, milites, uestros [publicos] meosque ab urbe proficiscens ita adoraui ueniamque supplex poposci ut mihi de uobis concordiae partae gloriam non uictoriam darent.

[¶91] 40.5. “There have been wars in plenty, and will be others, where men may win renown: in this crisis we must seek for peace.” “The petition which I made to the immortal gods, as I offered up my prayer, you are able of yourselves to grant me, if you are willing to reflect that your camp is pitched not in Samnium nor among the Volsci, but on Roman soil; that those hills which you see are in your native land; that this army is made up of your fellow-citizens; that I am your consul, under whose command and auspices you twice last year defeated the Samnite legions, and twice stormed their camp.”

> Latin: 40.5. satis fuit eritque unde belli decus pariatur: hinc pax petenda est. quod deos immortales inter nuncupanda uota expoposci, eius me compotem uoti uos facere potestis, si meminisse uoltis non uos in Samnio nec in Uolscis sed in Romano solo castra habere, si illos colles quos cernitis patriae uestrae esse, si hunc exercitum ciuium uestrorum, si me consulem uestrum, cuius ductu auspicioque priore anno bis legiones Samnitium fudistis, bis castra ui cepistis.

[¶92] 40.7. “I am Marcus Valerius Corvus, soldiers, whose patrician blood has declared itself in kindnesses done you, not in injuries; I have urged no insolent law against you, no cruel senatorial resolution; in every position of authority I have been sterner to myself than to you.”

> Latin: 40.7. ego sum M. Ualerius Coruus, milites, cuius uos nobilitatem beneficiis erga uos non iniuriis sensistis, nullius superbae in uos legis, nullius crudelis senatus consulti auctor, in omnibus meis imperiis in me seuerior quam in uos.

[¶93] 40.8. “And in truth if any man's family, if any man's own worth, if any man's dignities and honours have been able to inspire pride in him, my birth was such, I had given such proof of my capacity, and had achieved so young the highest magistracy, that I might easily, on becoming consul at the age of three and twenty, have been overbearing even towards the nobles, not merely towards the plebs.”

> Latin: 40.8. ac si cui genus, si cui sua uirtus, si cui etiam maiestas, si cui honores subdere spiritus potuerunt, iis eram natus, id specimen mei dederam, ea aetate consulatum adeptus eram, ut potuerim tres et uiginti annos natus consul patribus quoque ferox esse non solum plebi.

[¶94] 40.9. “But what have you heard that I said or did, when consul, more tyrannical than my words and deeds as tribune? In that same spirit I administered two subsequent consulships; in that same spirit shall this dictatorship with its dread power be administered; so that I shall be no gentler to these my soldiers and the soldiers of my country, than to you —I shudder to say the word, —our enemies.”

> Latin: 40.9. quod meum factum dictumue consulis grauius quam tribuni audistis? eodem tenore duo insequentes consulatus gessi, eodem haec imperiosa dictatura geretur; ut neque in hos meos et patriae meae milites <sim> mitior quam in uos—horreo dicere—hostes.

[¶95] 40.10. “You shall therefore sooner draw sword on me than I on you. It is on your side that the trumpets will sound, on your side that the battle-cry will be raised and the attack begin, if fight we must.”

> Latin: 40.10. ergo uos prius in me strinxeritis ferrum quam in uos ego; istinc signa canent, istinc clamor prius incipiet atque impetus, si dimicandum est.

[¶96] 40.11. “Steel your hearts to do that which neither your fathers nor yet your grandfathers could resolve upon —neither those who seceded to the Sacred Mount, nor those who later encamped upon the Aventine.”

> Latin: 40.11. inducite in animum quod non induxerunt patres auique uestri, non illi qui in Sacrum montem secesserunt, non hi qui postea Auentinum insederunt.

[¶97] 40.12. “Wait until to each of you —as once to Coriolanus —your mothers and wives come forth from the City with dishevelled hair. On that day the legions of the Volsci ceased fighting, because they had a Roman leader: will you, an army of Romans, not relinquish this impious war?”

> Latin: 40.12. exspectate, dum uobis singulis, ut olim Coriolano, matres coniugesque crinibus passis obuiae ab urbe ueniant. tum Uolscorum legiones, quia Romanum habebant ducem, quieuerunt: uos, Romanus exercitus, ne destiteritis impio bello.

[¶98] 40.13. “Titus Quinctius, whatever be your position over there —whether you have taken it voluntarily or against your will, —if we must do battle, do you retire to the rear; you will even flee with less discredit, turning your back upon your fellow-citizens, than you will incur in fighting against your country.”

> Latin: 40.13. T. Quincti, quocumque istic loco seu uolens seu inuitus constitisti, si dimicandum erit, tum tu in nouissimos te recipito; fugeris etiam honestius tergumque ciui dederis quam pugnaueris contra patriam.

[¶99] 40.14. “Now, however, to make peace you will stand with honour and credit amongst the foremost, and will be a salutary mediator at this conference. Let your men ask what is reasonable, and receive it; yet must we rather put up with what is not, than join together in impious strife.”

> Latin: 40.14. nunc ad pacificandum bene atque honeste inter primos stabis et conloquii huius salutaris interpres fueris. postulate aequa et ferte; quamquam uel iniquis standum est potius quam impias inter nos conseramus manus.'

[¶100] 40.15. Titus Quinctius turned with streaming eyes and addressed his people: “I, too, soldiers, if I am of any use to you, can better lead you to peace than into war.”

> Latin: 40.15. T. Quinctius plenus lacrimarum ad suos uersus 'me quoque' inquit, 'milites, si quis usus mei est, meliorem pacis quam belli habetis ducem.

[¶101] 40.16. “For it was no Volscian or Samnite that just spoke those words, but a Roman. It was your consul, your general, soldiers. You have proved his auspices in your own behalf; seek not to prove their worth against you.”

> Latin: 40.16. non enim illa modo Uolscus aut Samnis sed Romanus uerba fecit, uester consul, uester imperator, milites, cuius auspicia pro uobis experti nolite aduersus uos uelle experiri.

[¶102] 40.17. “The senate had other leaders who would have made more ruthless war on you; but they have chosen him who would deal most mercifully with you, his men; one in whom, as in your general, you might place the most utter confidence.”

> Latin: 40.17. qui pugnarent uobiscum infestius, et alios duces senatus habuit: qui maxime uobis, suis militibus, parceret, cui plurimum uos, imperatori uestro, crederetis, eum elegit.

[¶103] 40.18. “Peace is the goal desired even by those who are able to conquer: what then ought our desire to be?”

> Latin: 40.18. pacem etiam qui uincere possunt uolunt: quid nos uelle oportet?

[¶104] 40.19. “Nay, let us abandon wrath and hope —deceitful counsellors —and commit ourselves and all our cause to a man of known fidelity!”

> Latin: 40.19. quin omissis ira et spe, fallacibus auctoribus, nos ipsos nostraque omnia cognitae permittimus fidei?'

[¶105] 41.1. A shout of approval burst from every throat, and Titus Quinctius, advancing in front of the standards, announced that the soldiers would submit to the dictator's authority. He begged him to undertake the cause of his wretched fellow-citizens, and having done so to forward it with the same fidelity with which he had been used to deal with the interests of the state.

> Latin: 41.1. approbantibus clamore cunctis T. Quinctius ante signa progressus in potestate dictatoris milites fore dixit; orauit ut causam miserorum ciuium susciperet susceptamque eadem fide qua rem publicam administrare solitus esset tueretur:

[¶106] 41.2. For himself privately, he said, he demanded no assurance, he had no wish to found a hope on aught but innocence. But the soldiers must be assured, as in their fathers' day the plebs had been, and, on a second occasion, the legions, that they should not be punished for secession.

> Latin: 41.2. sibi se priuatim nihil cauere; nolle alibi quam in innocentia spem habere; militibus cauendum, quod apud patres semel plebi, iterum legionibus cautum sit ne fraudi secessio esset.

[¶107] 41.3. After praising Quinctius and bidding the rest be of good cheer, the dictator galloped back to the City, and having secured the authority of the Fathers, got the people to enact a law, in the Peteline Wood, that none of the soldiers should be held to answer for the secession.

> Latin: 41.3. Quinctio conlaudato, ceteris bonum animum habere iussis, dictator equo citato ad urbem reuectus auctoribus patribus tulit ad populum in luco Petelino ne cui militum fraudi secessio esset. orauit etiam bona uenia Quirites ne quis eam rem ioco serioue cuiquam exprobraret.

[¶108] 41.4. He begged them also, as citizens, to grant him the favour that none would make the incident a matter of reproach to any, either in jest or in earnest. There was also passed a military law, under penalty of devotion, to the effect that the name of no one enrolled as a soldier might be struck off the list, except with his own consent.

> Latin: 41.4. lex quoque sacrata militaris lata est ne cuius militis scripti nomen nisi ipso uolente deleretur; additumque legi ne quis, ubi tribunus militum fuisset, postea ordinum ductor esset.

[¶109] 41.5. To this a provision was added that no one might later command a century in the legion where he had been a military tribune.

> Latin: 41.5. id propter P. Salonium postulatum est ab coniuratis, qui alternis prope annis et tribunus militum et primus centurio erat, quem nunc primi pili appellant.

[¶110] 41.6. This clause was demanded by the conspirators on account of Publius Salonius, who in almost regular alternation was tribune of the soldiers one year, and chief centurion —whom they now call “centurion of the first javelin” —the next. The men were incensed at Salonius because lie had always opposed their mutinous schemes, and had fled from Lautulae that he might not share in them.

> Latin: 41.6. huic infensi milites erant, quod semper aduersatus nouis consiliis fuisset et, ne particeps eorum esset, [qui] ab Lautulis fugisse[n]t.

[¶111] 41.7. And so, when this one provision would have failed of enactment by the senate, out of consideration for Salonius, he himself besought the Fathers not to think more highly of his distinction than of harmony in the state, and induced them to pass this also.

> Latin: 41.7. itaque cum hoc unum propter Salonium ab senatu non impetraretur, tum Salonius obtestatus patres conscriptos ne suum honorem pluris quam concordiam ciuitatis aestimarent, perpulit ut id quoque ferretur.

[¶112] 41.8. An equally shameless demand was made that the pay of the cavalry should be reduced —they served at that time for treble pay —on the ground that they had opposed the conspiracy.

> Latin: 41.8. aeque impotens postulatum fuit ut de stipendio equitum—merebant autem triplex ea tempestate—aera demerentur, quod aduersati coniurationi fuissent.

[¶113] 42.1. In addition to these transactions, I find in certain writers that Lucius Genucius, a tribune of the plebs, proposed to the plebs that it should be unlawful to lend at interest.

> Latin: 42.1. praeter haec inuenio apud quosdam L. Genucium tribunum plebis tulisse ad plebem ne fenerare liceret;

[¶114] 42.2. Also that it was provided in other plebiscites that no one might hold the same office twice within ten years, nor two offices in one year; and that it should be legal for both consuls to be chosen from the plebs. If all these concessions were made to the commons, it is evident that the revolt possessed no little strength.

> Latin: 42.2. item aliis plebi scitis cautum ne quis eundem magistratum intra decem annos caperet neu duos magistratus uno anno gereret utique liceret consules ambos plebeios creari. quae si omnia concessa sunt plebi, apparet haud paruas uires defectionem habuisse.

[¶115] 42.3. Other annalists have recorded that Valerius was not made dictator, but that the whole affair was managed through the consuls, and that it was not before they came to Rome, but in Rome, that this great company of conspirators was dismayed into arming;

> Latin: 42.3. aliis annalibus proditum est neque dictatorem Ualerium dictum sed per consules omnem rem actam neque antequam Romam ueniretur sed Romae eam multitudinem coniuratorum ad arma consternatam esse nec in T.

[¶116] 42.4. further, that the night attack was made, not on the farm of Titus Quinctius, but on the town house of Gaius Manlius, and that it was he whom the conspirators seized and made their leader. Thence they proceeded —according to this account —to the fourth milestone, where they entrenched a camp.

> Latin: 42.4. Quincti uillam sed in aedes C. Manli nocte impetum factum eumque a coniuratis comprehensum ut dux fieret; inde ad quartum lapidem profectos loco munito consedisse;

[¶117] 42.5. Nor was it the leaders who suggested a reconciliation, but suddenly, when the two armies had marched out in battle array, salutations were exchanged, and the soldiers, mingling together, began tearfully to clasp hands and embrace each other, so that the consuls, seeing the men to be in no mood for fighting, had been compelled to lay proposals before the senate for the re-establishment of harmony.

> Latin: 42.5. nec ab ducibus mentionem concordiae ortam sed repente, cum in aciem armati exercitus processissent, salutationem factam et permixtos dextras iungere ac complecti inter se lacrimantes milites coepisse coactosque consules, cum uiderent auersos a dimicatione militum animos, rettulisse ad patres de concordia reconcilianda.

[¶118] 42.7. Thus in no single instance do the ancient authorities agree, except that there was a sedition, and that it was composed.

> Latin: 42.7. adeo nihil praeterquam seditionem fuisse eamque compositam inter antiquos rerum auctores constat.

[¶119] 42.8. The report of this sedition, in conjunction with the dangerous war entered upon with the Samnites, caused several nations to forsake their alliance with the Romans, and not only were the Latins unfaithful to the treaty —as they had been for some time —but the Privernates even, in a sudden raid, laid waste the neighbouring Roman colonies of Norba and Setia.

> Latin: 42.8. et huius fama seditionis et susceptum cum Samnitibus graue bellum aliquot populos ab Romana societate auertit, et praeter Latinorum infidum iam diu foedus Priuernates etiam Norbam atque Setiam, finitimas colonias Romanas, incursione subita depopulati sunt. IAM consules erant C. Plautius iterum L. Aemilius Mamercus, cum Setini Norbanique Romam nuntii defectionis Privernatium cum querimoniis acceptae cladis venerunt.

## 37. Book VIII · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/37/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/37/#p-N

[¶0] 1.2. THE consuls were now Gaius Plautius (for the second time) and Lucius Aemilius Mamercus, when the men of Setium and Norba brought tidings to Rome that the Privernates were in revolt, with complaints of a defeat suffered at their hands. was also reported that a Volscian army, conducted by the Antiates, had encamped at Satricum. wars were by lot assigned to Plautius. marched first on Privernum and at once gave battle. much ado he overcame the enemy, captured Privernum, and putting in it a strong garrison, restored it to the inhabitants, but deprived them of two —thirds of their territory.

> Latin: 1.2. Volscorum item exercitum duce Antiati populo consedisse ad Satricum allatum est. bellum Plautio sorte evenit. ad Privernum profectus extemplo acie conflixit. magno certamine devicti hostes; oppidum captum redditumque Privernatibus praesidio valido imposito; agri partes duae ademptae.

[¶1] 1.4. he led his victorious army towards Satricum, to oppose the Antiates. The battle there, which was desperately fought, with heavy losses on both sides, was interrupted by a storm before victory had inclined to either army.

> Latin: 1.4. victor exercitus Satricum contra Antiates ductus. magna utrimque caede atrox proelium fuit; et cum tempestas eos neutro inclinata spe dimicantes diremisset, Romani nihil eo certamine tam ambiguo fessi in posterum diem proelium parant.

[¶2] 1.5. The Romans, not a whit discouraged by so indecisive a struggle, prepared to do battle on the morrow; but the Volsci, when they reckoned up the men they had lost in the fighting, were by no means so eager to incur the danger a second time, and in the night marched off like beaten men for Antium, with fear and trembling, abandoning their wounded and a part of their baggage.

> Latin: 1.5. Volscis recensentibus quos viros in acie amisissent haudquaquam idem animus ad iterandum periculum fuit; nocte pro victis Antium agmine trepido sauciis ac parte impedimentorum relicta abierunt.

[¶3] 1.6. great quantity of arms was found, not only amongst the slain but also in the enemy's camp. that he gave these arms to Lua Mater, the consul proceeded to lay waste the enemy's country as far as the coast.

> Latin: 1.6. magna vis cum inter caesa hostium corpora tum in castris inventa est. Luae Matri dare se consul dixit finesque hostium usque ad oram maritimam est depopulatus.

[¶4] 1.7. The other consul, Aemilius, having entered the Sabellian territory, nowhere encountered a Samnite camp or levies. he was ravaging their fields with fire and sword, he was approached by Samnite envoys, who begged for peace.

> Latin: 1.7. consuli Aemilio ingresso Sabellum agrum non castra Samnitium, non legiones usquam oppositae. ignique vastantem agros legati Samnitium pacem orantes adeunt;

[¶5] 1.8. referred by Aemilius to the senate, they obtained an audience, and giving over their air of arrogance, besought the Romans to grant them peace and the right to war against the Sidicini. These requests, they said, were the more justifiable, inasmuch as they had become friends of the Roman People when their state was flourishing and not, like the Campanians, in their adversity;

> Latin: 1.8. a quo reiecti ad senatum, potestate facta dicendi, positis ferocibus animis pacem sibi ab Romanis bellique ius adversus Sidicinos petierunt, quae se eo iustius petere, quod et in amicitiam populi Romani secundis suis rebus, non adversis ut Campani, venissent, et adversus Sidicinos sumerent arma, suos semper hostes, populi Romani nunquam amicos,

[¶6] 1.10. moreover, it was against the Sidicini that they were drawing the sword, a people always their enemies and never friendly to the Romans, of whom they had never, like the Samnites, sought friendship in time of peace, nor assistance, like the Campanians, in time of war; neither were they under the protection of the Roman People, nor yet their subjects. Titus Aemilius the praetor laid the petition of the Samnites before the senate, and the Fathers voted to renew the treaty with them. The praetor then replied to the ambassadors that the Roman People had not been to blame for the interruption of the friendship, and that, since the Samnites were themselves grown weary of a war contracted through their own fault, they had no objection to renewing the covenant;

> Latin: 1.10. qui nec ut Samnites in pace amicitiam nec ut Campani auxilium in bello petissent, nec in fide populi Romani nec in dicione essent. de postulatis Samnitium T. Aemilius praetor senatum consuluisset reddendumque iis foedus patres censuissent, praetor Samnitibus respondit nec quo minus perpetua cum eis amicitia esset per populum Romanum stetisse, nec contradici quin, quoniam ipsos belli culpa sua contracti taedium ceperit, amicitia de integro reconcilietur;

[¶7] 2.3. as for the Sidicini, the Romans would not interfere with the free judgment of the Samnite People regarding peace and war.

> Latin: 2.3. quod ad Sidicinos attineat, nihil intercedi quo minus Samniti populo pacis bellique liberum arbitrium sit.

[¶8] 2.4. the ratification of the treaty, the ambassadors went home, and the Roman army was at once recalled, after receiving a year's pay and rations for three months, which the consul had stipulated should be the price of a truce, to last until the envoys should return.

> Latin: 2.4. icto cum domum revertissent, extemplo inde exercitus Romanus deductus, annuo stipendio et trium mensum frumento accepto, quod pepigerat consul ut tempus indutiis daret quoad legati redissent.

[¶9] 2.5. The Samnites marched against the Sidicini with the same forces which they had employed in the war with Rome, and were confidently hoping to capture the city of their enemies in a little while, when the Sidicini attempted to anticipate them by surrendering to the Romans.

> Latin: 2.5. Samnites copiis iisdem quibus usi adversus Romanum bellum fuerant contra Sidicinos profecti, haud in dubia spe erant mature urbis hostium potiundae, cum ab Sidicinis deditio prius ad Romanos coepta fieri est;

[¶10] 2.6. , after the Fathers had rejected their offer, on the ground that it came too late and had been wrung from them only by the direst necessity, they carried it to the Latins, who had already risen in arms on their own account.

> Latin: 2.6. dein, postquam patres ut seram eam ultimaque tandem necessitate expressam aspernabantur, ad Latinos iam sua sponte in arma motos facta est.

[¶11] 2.7. the Campanians —so much more vivid was their recollection of the injury done them by the Samnites than of the kindness of the Romans —could not refrain from joining in this expedition.

> Latin: 2.7. Campani quidem—adeo iniuriae Samnitium quam beneficii Romanorum memoria praesentior erat—his se armis abstinuere.

[¶12] 2.8. great army, gathered out of all these nations, invaded the borders of the Samnites, under a Latin general, but wrought more havoc by pillage than in battle; and although the Latins came off best in all encounters, they were not unwilling to retire from the enemy's country, that they might not have to fight so often.

> Latin: 2.8. his tot populis unus ingens exercitus duce Latino fines Samnitium ingressus plus populationibus quam proeliis cladium fecit; et quamquam superiores certaminibus Latini erant, haud inviti, ne saepius dimicandum foret, agro hostium excessere.

[¶13] 2.9. The Samnites thus had time to send ambassadors to Rome. before the senate, they complained that they were suffering the same treatment as allies that they had experienced while enemies, and besought the Romans, with the utmost humility, that they would be satisfied to have snatched from the grasp of the Samnites a victory over their Campanian and Sidicinian foes, and not suffer them actually to be conquered by the most cowardly of nations.

> Latin: 2.9. spatium Samnitibus datum est Romam legatos mittendi; qui cum adissent senatum, conquesti eadem se foederatos pati quae hostes essent passi, precibus infimis petiere ut satis ducerent Romani victoriam quam Samnitibus ex Campano Sidicinoque hoste eripuissent, ne vinci etiam se ab ignavissimis populis sinerent;

[¶14] 2.11. the Latins and Campanians were subject to the Roman People, let the Romans use their authority and keep them from invading Samnium; but if they rejected that authority, let them hold them in check by force of arms.

> Latin: 2.11. Latinos Campanosque, si sub dicione populi Romani essent, pro imperio arcerent Samniti agro, sin imperium abnuerent, armis coercerent.

[¶15] 2.12. this plea the Romans returned an ambiguous reply, since they were loath to confess that the Latins were no longer under their control, and feared to estrange them if they censured them.

> Latin: 2.12. haec responsum anceps datum, quia fateri pigebat in potestate sua Latinos iam non esse, timebantque, ne arguendo abalienarent:

[¶16] 2.13. The Campanians, they said, were upon a different footing, having come under their protection not by treaty but by surrender; accordingly the Campanians, whether willing or not, should keep the peace; but there was nothing in their treaty with the Latins which entitled them to prevent their going to war with whom they chose.

> Latin: 2.13. Campanorum aliam condicionem esse, qui non foedere sed per deditionem in fidem venissent; itaque Campanos, seu velint seu nolint, quieturos; in foedere Latinos nihil esse quod bellare cum quibus ipsi velint prohibeant. responsum sicut dubios Samnites quidnam facturum Romanum censerent dimisit, ita Campanos metu abalienavit, Latinos velut nihil iam non concedentibus Romanis ferociores fecit.

[¶17] 3.2. answer, as it left the Samnites quite at a loss to forecast the Roman policy, so it alienated the Campanians with fear, while it persuaded the Latins that there was no longer any concession the Romans would not make them, and rendered them yet more audacious. their leaders, under colour of forwarding the war against the Samnites, appointed numerous councils, and in all their deliberations secretly concocted war with Rome. this war, too, the Campanians took part, against their preservers.

> Latin: 3.2. per speciem adversus Samnites belli parandi crebra concilia indicentes omnibus consultationibus inter se principes occulte Romanum coquebant bellum. quoque adversus servatores suos bello Campanus aderat.

[¶18] 3.3. though all their measures were sedulously concealed —for they wished to shake off the Samnite foe behind them before the Romans should take the alarm —yet through certain persons connected by private ties of hospitality and kinship, information of the conspiracy leaked out and was brought to Rome.

> Latin: 3.3. quamquam omnia de industria celabantur—priusquam moverentur Romani, tolli ab tergo Samnitem hostem volebant—tamen per quosdam privatis hospitiis necessitudinibusque coniunctos indicia coniurationis eius Romam emanarunt;

[¶19] 3.4. The consuls were commanded, before their time was up, to resign their office, in order that new consuls might the sooner be chosen to confront so momentous an invasion; but a scruple arose at allowing the election to be held by those whose authority had been abridged, and so they had an interregnum.

> Latin: 3.4. iussisque ante tempus consulibus abdicare se magistratu, quo maturius novi consules adversus tantam molem belli crearentur, religio incessit, ab eis quorum imminutum imperium esset comitia haberi. interregnum initum.

[¶20] 3.5. were two interreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius: the latter announced the election to the consulship of Titus Manlius Torquatus (for the third time) and Publius Decius Mus.

> Latin: 3.5. interreges fuere, M. Valerius ac M. Fabius; is creavit consules T. Manlium Torquatum tertium, P. Decium Murem.

[¶21] 3.6. is believed to have been in this year that Alexander, king of Epirus, sailed with a fleet to Italy —a war which, had it prospered in its beginning, would doubtless have extended to the Romans.

> Latin: 3.6. anno Alexandrum Epiri regem in Italiam classes appulisse constat; quod bellum, si prima satis prospera fuissent, haud dubie ad Romanos pervenisset.

[¶22] 3.7. was also the era of the exploits of Alexander the Great, who was the son of this man's sister, and was doomed to be cut off by sickness while a young man, in another quarter of the world, after proving himself to be invincible in war.

> Latin: 3.7. aetas rerum magni Alexandri est, quem sorore huius ortum in alio tractu orbis, invictum bellis, iuvenem fortuna morbo exstinxit.

[¶23] 3.8. the Romans, though quite certain that the allies and all the Latins were going to revolt, nevertheless, as if concerned not for themselves but for the Samnites, summoned to Rome the ten chief men of the Latins, that they might give them such commands as they might wish.

> Latin: 3.8. Romani, etsi defectio sociorum nominisque Latini haud baud dubia erat, tamen tamquam de Samnitibus non de se curam agerent, decem principes Latinorum Romam evocaverunt, quibus imperarent quae vellent.

[¶24] 3.9. Latium at that time had two praetors, Lucius Annius Setinus and Lucius Numisius Circeiensis, both from Roman colonies, through whose contrivance, besides Signia and Velitrae —likewise Roman colonies —even the Volsci had been induced to draw the sword.

> Latin: 3.9. tum duos Latium habebat, L. Annium Setinum et L. Numisium Circeiensem, ambo ex coloniis Romanis, per quos praeter Signiam Velitrasque et ipsas colonias Romanas Volsci etiam exciti ad arma erant; eos nominatim evocari placuit.

[¶25] 3.10. was determined to summon these men by name. could be in doubt why they were sent for; accordingly, before setting out for Rome the praetors held a council, and explaining how they had been summoned by the Roman senate, asked instructions touching the answers they should give to the questions which they supposed would be put to them.

> Latin: 3.10. cuiquam dubium erat super qua re accirentur; itaque concilio prius habito praetores quam Romam proficiscerentur evocatos se ab senatu docent Romano et quae actum iri secum credant, quidnam ad ea responderi placeat referunt. aliud alii censerent, tum Annius: ipse ego rettuli quid responderi placeret, tamen magis ad summam rerum nostrarum pertinere arbitror quid agendum nobis quam quid loquendum sit. erit explicatis consiliis accommodare rebus verba.

[¶26] 4.2. one was suggesting this thing and another that, Annius arose. “I have myself referred to you,” said he, “the question as to what our reply should be, nevertheless I consider that what we are to do is of more importance to the welfare of our nation than what we are to say.” “will be easy, when we have straightened out our plans, to frame words suitable to our conduct. if we are able even now to endure slavery under a shadowy pretence of equal treaty —rights, what is left for us but to give up the Sidicini, and obeying the behest not of the Romans only but also of the Samnites, make answer to the Romans that we are ready to lay down our arms at their beck and call?”

> Latin: 4.2. si etiam nunc sub umbra foederis aequi servitutem pati possumus, quid abest quin proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samnitium quoque dicto pareamus respondeamusque Romanis nos, ubi innuerint, posituros arma?

[¶27] 4.3. if our hearts are pricked at last with a longing for liberty; if treaties, if alliances, mean equality of rights; if we may now glory in the kinship of the Romans, of which we were formerly ashamed; if they mean by “allied army” one which added to their own doubles its numbers, one which they would not wish to make its own war and peace, apart from them; —if “these things are so, I say, why are not all things equalized?”

> Latin: 4.3. autem tandem libertatis desiderium remordet animos, si foedus, si societas aequatio iuris est, si consanguineos nos Romanorum esse, quod olim pudebat, nunc gloriari licet, si socialis illis exercitus is est quo adiuncto duplicent vires suas, quem secernere ab se consilia bellis propriis ponendis sumendisque nolint, cur non omnia aequantur? non alter ab Latinis consul datur? pars virium, ibi et imperii pars esto.

[¶28] 4.5. “is not one consul furnished by the Latins? a portion of the strength is, there, too, should be a portion of the authority.”

> Latin: 4.5. quidem nobis hoc per se haud nimis amplum, quippe concedentibus Romam caput Latio esse; sed ut amplum videri posset, diuturna patientia fecimus.

[¶29] 4.6. “us, indeed, this is not in itself any too great an honour, since we suffer Rome to be the capital of Latium; but we have made it seem an honour by our prolonged submissiveness.”

> Latin: 4.6. si quando unquam consociandi imperii, usurpandae libertatis tempus optastis, en hoc tempus adest, et virtute vestra et deum benignitate vobis datum.

[¶30] 4.7. “yet, if ever at any time you have desired to share in the government and to use your freedom, behold, now is your opportunity, bestowed on you by your valour and by Heaven's favour!”

> Latin: 4.7. patientiam negando militem; quis dubitat exarsisse eos, cum plus ducentorum annorum morem solveremus? tamen hunc dolorem.

[¶31] 4.8. “have tried their patience by denying them troops; who can doubt that they were enraged when we broke the tradition of two hundred years? they swallowed their resentment. waged war on our own account with the Paeligni; those who aforetime withheld from us even the right to defend our own borders by ourselves, never interposed.”

> Latin: 4.8. nostro nomine cum Paelignis gessimus; qui ne nostrorum quidem finium nobis per nos tuendorum ius antea dabant nihil intercesserunt.

[¶32] 4.9. “have heard how we received the Sidicini into our protection, how the Campanians have left them and joined us, how we are raising armies against the Samnites, their confederates, —and have not stirred from the City.”

> Latin: 4.9. Sidicinos in fidem receptos, Campanos ab se ad nos descisse, exercitus nos parare adversus Samnites, foederatos suos, audierunt nec moverunt se ab urbe.

[¶33] 4.10. “comes this great restraint on their part, if it come not from the consciousness of our strength —and their own? I have good authority for saying that when the Samnites were complaining of us, the Roman senate answered in such wise that it might readily appear that even the Romans themselves no longer demanded that Latium should be under their authority.”

> Latin: 4.10. haec illis tanta modestia, nisi a conscientia virium et nostrarum et suarum? auctores habeo querentibus de nobis Samnitibus ita responsum ab senatu Romano esse ut facile appareret ne ipsos quidem iam postulare ut Latium sub Romano imperio sit. modo postulando quod illi vobis taciti concedunt.

[¶34] 4.11. “but take up in your demands what they tacitly concede to you. there is any man whom fear prevents from saying this, lo, I declare that I myself will say it, in the hearing not of the Roman People only and their senate, but of Jupiter himself, who dwells in the Capitol; that if they wish us to observe the treaty of alliance, they must receive from us one consul and a moiety of the senate.”

> Latin: 4.11. quem hoc metus dicere prohibet, en ego ipse audiente non populo Romano modo senatuque sed Iove ipso, qui Capitolium incolit, profiteor me dicturum, ut si nos in foedere ac societate esse velint, consulem alterum ab nobis senatusque partem accipiant.

[¶35] 4.12. These bold encouragements, and even promises, were received with a general shout of approval, and Annius was empowered to act and speak as might seem conducive to the welfare of the Latin state and befitting his own honour. the arrival of the Latins in Rome, they were given audience of the senate in the Capitol., after Titus Manlius the consul had pleaded with them, as directed by the senate, to make no war upon the Samnites, united as they were by treaty with the Romans, Annius held forth like some conqueror who had taken the Capitol by storm, not like an envoy protected by the law of nations.

> Latin: 4.12. ferociter non suadenti solum sed pollicenti clamore et adsensu omnes permiserunt ut ageret diceretque quae e re publica nominis Latini fideque sua viderentur. est Romam ventum, in Capitolio eis senatus datus est. cum T. Manlius consul egisset cum eis ex auctoritate patrum, ne Samnitibus foederatis bellum inferrent, Annius, tamquam victor armis Capitolium cepisset, non legatus iure gentium tutus loqueretur,

[¶36] 5.3. “was high time, Titus Manlius,” he said, “and you, Conscript Fathers, that you should cease at length to deal with us as in any sort our rulers, perceiving, as you have, that Latium, by Heaven's blessing, is flourishing exceedingly in arms and men, after vanquishing the Samnites in war and receiving as allies the Sidicini and Campanians, and now even the Volsci besides, and that your own colonies as well have preferred the Latin to the Roman sway.”

> Latin: 5.3. erat, inquit, T. Manli vosque, patres conscripti, tandem iam vos nobiscum nihil pro imperio agere, cum florentissimum deum benignitate Latium armis virisque, Samnitibus bello victis, Sidicinis Campanisque sociis, nunc etiam Volscis adiunctis, videretis; colonias quoque vestras Latinum Romano praetulisse imperium.

[¶37] 5.4. “, since you cannot make up your minds to bring your impotent sovereignty to a close, we —though able by force of arms to give Latium her freedom —will ” “nevertheless concede so much to kinship as to offer terms of peace fair and equal to both sides, since the immortal gods have willed that we should be of equal strength.”

> Latin: 5.4. quoniam vos regno impotenti finem ut imponatis non inducitis in animum, nos, quamquam armis possumus adserere Latium in libertatem, consanguinitati tamen hoc dabimus ut condiciones pacis feramus aequas utrisque, quoniam vires quoque aequari dis immortalibus placuit. alterum Roma, alterum ex Latio creari oportet, senatus partem aequam ex utraque gente esse, unum populum, unam rem publicam fieri;

[¶38] 5.6. “consul should be chosen from Rome, the other from Latium, the senate should be drawn in equal proportions from both nations, there should be one people and one state; and that we may have the same seat of empire and the same name for all, by all means let this rather be our city, since one side must make concessions, —and may good come of it to both peoples!”

> Latin: 5.6. et ut imperii eadem sedes sit idemque omnibus nomen, quoniam ab altera utra parte concedi necesse est, quod utrisque bene vertat, sit haec sane patria potior, et Romani omnes vocemur.

[¶39] 5.7. “—and let us all be known as Romans.” so happened that the Romans had, in their consul Titus Manlius, a man who was a match for Annius in boldness. far was he from controlling his indignation, that he openly declared that if the Fathers were so demented as to receive terms from a Setine, he would gird on his sword, and entering the senate would slay with his own hand any Latin he might see within the Curia.

> Latin: 5.7. ita accidit ut parem ferociae huius et Romani consulem T. Manlium haberent, qui adeo non tenuit iram ut, si tanta dementia patres conscriptos cepisset ut ab Setino homine leges acciperent, gladio cinctum in senatum venturum se esse palam diceret, et quemcumque in curia Latinum vidisset, sua manu interempturum.

[¶40] 5.8. turning to the statue of the god, “, Jupiter,” he cried, “these wicked words! ye, Law and Right!” “thou behold, O Jupiter, alien consuls and an alien senate in thy consecrated temple, thyself overpowered and taken captive?”

> Latin: 5.8. conversus ad simulacrum Iovis,, Iuppiter, haec scelera inquit; audite, Ius Fasque. consules et peregrinum senatum in tuo, Iuppiter, augurato templo captus atque ipse oppressus visurus es! foedera Tullus, Romanus rex, cum Albanis, patribus vestris, Latini, haec L. Tarquinius vobiscum postea fecit?

[¶41] 5.10. “these the covenants, Latins, that Tullus, the Roman king, made with your Alban forefathers, that Lucius Tarquinius afterwards made with you? you not the battle at Lake Regillus? you so forgot your old disasters. and our goodness to you?”

> Latin: 5.10. venit in mentem pugna apud Regillum lacum? et cladium veterum vestrarum et beneficiorum nostrorum erga vos obliti estis? consulis vocem subsecuta patrum indignatio esset, proditur memoriae memorial adversus crebram implorationem deum, quos testes foederum saepius invocabant consules, vocem Anni spernentis numina iovis lovis Romani auditam.

[¶42] 6.2. The consul's speech having been warmly seconded by the indignant senators, it is recorded that in answer to the numerous supplications of the gods, whom the consuls repeatedly invoked as the witnesses of treaties, the voice of Annius was heard spurning the power of the Roman Jupiter. all events, as he hurried, beside himself with rage, from the entrance of the temple, he slipped on the stairs, and struck his head so hard on the lowest stone that he lost consciousness. he was killed is not asserted by all writers, wherefore I, too, may leave the question undecided, as also the tradition that while men were calling on the gods to witness the breaking of the treaty, there was a loud crash in the heavens, and a hurricane burst forth; for these things may be true, or they may be apt inventions to express in a lively manner the wrath of Heaven.

> Latin: 6.2. , cum commotus ira se a vestibulo templi citato gradu proriperet, lapsus per gradus capite graviter offenso impactus imo ita est saxo ut sopiretur. auctores quoniam non omnes sunt, mihi quoque qaoque in incerto relictum sit, sicut inter foederum ruptorum testationem ingenti fragore caeli procellam effusam; nam et vera esse et apte ad repraesentandam iram deum ficta possunt.

[¶43] 6.4. Torquatus, who had been sent by the senate to dismiss the envoys, saw Annius lying there, and exclaimed in a voice that was heard alike by the people and the senators: “is well; the gods have begun a righteous war.”

> Latin: 6.4. Torquatus missus ab senatu ad dimittendos legatos cum iacentem Annium vidisset, exclamat, ita ut populo patribusque audita vox pariter sit: habet;

[¶44] 6.5. “is a heavenly power; thou dost exist, great Jupiter; not in vain have we established thee in this holy seat, the Father of gods and men.”

> Latin: 6.5. di pium movere bellum. caeleste numen; es, magne Iuppiter; haud frustra te patrem deum hominumque hac sede sacravimus.

[¶45] 6.6. “do you hesitate to arm, Quirites, and you Conscript Fathers, with the gods to lead you? you behold their ambassador brought low, even so will I cast down the Latin legions.”

> Latin: 6.6. cessatis, Quirites, vosque patres conscripti, arma capere deis ducibus? stratas legiones Latinorum dabo, quemadmodum legatum iacentem videtis.

[¶46] 6.7. The consul's words were received with approval by the people, and so enraged them, that the envoys, at their setting out, owed their protection from men's wrath and fury more to the care of the magistrates —who attended them at the consul's bidding —than to the law of nations.

> Latin: 6.7. populi excepta vox consulis tantum ardoris animis fecit, ut legatos proficiscentes cura magistratuum magis, qui iussu consulis prosequebantur, quam ius gentium ab ira impetuque hominum tegeret.

[¶47] 6.8. The senate also agreed on war; and the consuls, enrolling two armies, marched out through the country of the Marsi and Paeligni, and having added to their forces the army of the Samnites, went into camp near Capua, where the Latins and their allies had already assembled.

> Latin: 6.8. et senatus bellum; consulesque duobus scriptis exercitibus per Marsos Paelignosque profecti adiuncto Samnitium exercitu ad Capuam, quo iam Latini sociique convenerant, castra locant.

[¶48] 6.9. in the stillness of the night both consuls are said to have been visited by the same apparition, a man of greater than human stature and more majestic, who declared that the commander of one side, and the army of the other, must be offered up to the Manes and to Mother Earth; and that in whichever host the general should devote to death the enemy's legions, and himself with them, that nation and that side would have the victory.

> Latin: 6.9. in quiete utrique consuli eadem dicitur visa species viri maioris quam pro humano habitu augustiorisque, dicentis ex una acie imperatorem, ex altera exercitum Deis Manibus Matrique Terrae deberi; utrius exercitus imperator legiones hostium superque eas se devovisset, eius populi partisque victoriam fore.

[¶49] 6.11. the consuls had compared these visions of the night, they resolved that victims should be slain to tum away the wrath of Heaven; and, at the same time, that if the warning of the entrails should coincide with what thay had seen in their dream, one or other of the consuls should fulfil the decrees of fate.

> Latin: 6.11. ubi nocturnos visus inter se consules contulerunt, placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi; simul ut, si extis eadem quae in somnio visa fuerant portenderentur, alter uter consulum fata impleret.

[¶50] 6.12. The report of the soothsayers agreed with the secret conviction which had already found lodgment in their breasts; whereupon they sent for their lieutenants and the tribunes, and having openly declared the pleasure of the gods, that so the consul's voluntary death might not terrify the soldiers in the fray, they agreed with one another that on whichever flank the Roman army should begin to yield, there the consul should devote himself in behalf of the Roman People and Quirites.

> Latin: 6.12. responsa haruspicum insidenti iam animo tacitae religioni congruerunt, tum adhibitis legatis tribunisque et imperiis deum propalam expositis, ne mors voluntaria consulis exercitum in acie terreret, comparant inter se ut ab utra parte cedere Romanus exercitus coepisset, inde se consul devoveret pro populo Romano Quiritibusque.

[¶51] 6.14. was also urged in the council that if ever any war had been conducted with stern authority, now was the occasion of all others for recalling military descipline to its ancient courses.

> Latin: 6.14. etiam in consilio est ut, si quando unquam severo ullum imperio bellum administratum esset, tunc tune utique disciplina militaris ad priscos redigeretur mores.

[¶52] 6.15. anxiety was sharpened by the fact that they must fight against the Latins, who were like themselves in language, customs, fashion of arms, and above all in military institutions; soldiers had mingled with soldiers, centurions with centurions, tribunes with tribunes, as equals and colleagues in the same garrisons and often in the same maniples. this might betray the soldiers into some blunder, the consuls proclaimed that no man should quit his place to attack the foe.

> Latin: 6.15. acuebat quod adversus Latinos bellandum erat, lingua, moribus, armorum genere, institutis ante omnia militaribus, congruentes; milites militibus, centurionibus centuriones, tribuni tribunis compares collegaeque iisdem in praesidiis, saepe iisdem manipulis permixti fuerant. haec ne quo errore milites caperentur, edicunt consoles, ne quis extra ordinem in hostem pugnaret. inter ceteros turmarum praefectos, qui exploratum in omnes partes dimissi erant, T. Manlius consulis filius super castra hostium cum suis turmalibus evasit, ita ut vix teli iactu ab statione proxima abesset.

[¶53] 7.2. chanced that amongst the other squadron —leaders who had been sent off in all directions to reconnoitre, Titus Manlius the consul's son had ridden out with his troopers beyond the enemy's camp, till he was hardly the cast of a spear from their nearest outpost. the Tusculan horse were stationed, under the command of Geminus Maecius, who enjoyed a reputation amongst his fellows for his achievements no less than for his noble birth. man recognized the Roman cavalry, and, conspicuous in their van, the consul's son —for they were all known to one another, particularly the men of mark.

> Latin: 7.2. Tusculani erant equites; praeerat Geminus Maecius, vir cum genere inter suos tum factis clarus. ubi Romanos equites insignemque inter eos praecedentem consulis filium —nam omnes inter se, utique illustres viri, noti erant—cognovit, , ait, turma, Romani, cum Latinis sociisque bellum gesturi estis?

[¶54] 7.4. “now,” he cried, “will you Romans wage war on the Latins and their allies with a single squadron? will the consuls, what will two consular armies be doing in the meantime?” “will be here soon enough,” said Manlius, “and with them will be Jupiter himself, the witness of those covenants which you have violated, who is mightier and more powerful than they.”

> Latin: 7.4. interea consules, quid duo exercitus consulares agent? in tempore, Manlius inquit, et cum illis aderit Iuppiter ipse, foederum a vobis violatorum testis, qui plus potest polletque.

[¶55] 7.6. “at Lake Regillus we gave you your fill of fighting, here likewise we shall certainly see to it that you have no great joy of meeting us in the serried ranks of battle.”

> Latin: 7.6. ad Regillum lacum ad satietatem vestram pugnavimus, hic quoque efficiemus profecto ne nimis acies vobis et conlata signa nobiscum cordi sint.

[¶56] 7.7. this, Geminus rode out a little in front of his men, and asked, “you like then, while waiting for that great day to come, when with a mighty effort you are to set your hosts in motion —would you like meanwhile, I say, to do battle with me, yourself, that from the outcome of our duel men may see at once how far the Latin horse surpass the Roman?”

> Latin: 7.7. ea Geminus paulum ab suis equo provectus: igitur, dum dies ista venit, qua magno conatu exercitus moveatis, interea tu ipse congredi mecum, ut nostro duorum iam hinc eventu cernatur, quantum eques Latinus Romano praestet?

[¶57] 7.8. The youth's bold heart was stirred, whether by anger, or by shame at the thought of refusing the combat, or by the irresistible force of destiny. so, forgetting the commands of his father and the edict of the consuls, he allowed himself to be swept headlong into an encounter where it would make little difference to him whether he won or lost.

> Latin: 7.8. ferocem animum iuvenis seu ira seu detractandi certaminis pudor seu inexsuperabilis vis fati. itaque imperii patrii consulumque edicti, praeceps ad id certamen agitur, quo vinceret an vinceretur haud multum interesset.

[¶58] 7.9. caused the rest of the horsemen to stand back, as though it had been a spectacle, and spurred their steeds against one another across the vacant space between.

> Latin: 7.9. ceteris velut ad spectaculum submotis, spatio quod vacui interiacebat campi adversos concitant equos; et cum infestis cuspidibus concurrissent, Manli cuspis super galeam hostis, Maeci trans cervicem equi elapsa est.

[¶59] 7.10. lances levelled they rushed together; but the lance of Manlius glanced off the helmet of his enemy, and that of Maecius passed over the neck of the other's horse., as they pulled their horses round, Manlius, who was the first to gather himself up for a second thrust, pricked his enemy's charger between the ears. The smart of this wound made the horse rear and toss his head so violently that he threw off his rider, who, raising himself with spear and shield, was struggling to his feet after the heavy fall, when Manlius plunged his lance into his throat so that it came out between the ribs and pinned him to the ground.

> Latin: 7.10. deinde equis cum prior ad iterandum ictum Manlius consurrexisset, spiculum inter aures equi fixit. cuius volneris sensum cum equus prioribus pedibus erectis magna vi caput quateret, excussit equitem, quem cuspide parmaque innixum attollentem se ab gravi casu Manlius ab iugulo, ita ut per costas ferrum emineret, terrae adfixit; spoliisque lectis ad suos revectus, cum ovante gaudio turma in castra atque inde ad praetorium ad patrem tendit, ignarus ignaru fati futurique, laus an poena merita esset.

[¶60] 7.13. then gathered up the spoils and rode back to his troopers, who attended him with shouts of triumph to the camp, where he sought at once the headquarters of his father, knowing not what doom the future held for him, or whether praise or punishment were his appointed guerdon.

> Latin: 7.13. me omnes, inquit, pater, tuo sanguine ortum vere ferrent, provocatus equestria haec spolia capta ex hoste caeso porto.

[¶61] 7.14. “Father,” he said, “that all men might truly report me to be your son, I bring these equestrian spoils, stripped from the body of an enemy who challenged me.”

> Latin: 7.14. ubi audivit consul, extemplo filium aversatus contionem classico advocari iussit.

[¶62] 7.15. hearing this, the consul straightway turned from his son and commanded a trumpet to sound the assembly. the men had gathered in full numbers, the consul said, “, Titus Manlius, as you ” “have held in reverence neither consular authority nor a father's dignity, and despite our edict have quitted your place to fight the enemy, and so far as in you lay, have broken military discipline, whereby the Roman state has stood until this day unshaken, thus compelling me to forget either the republic or myself, we will sooner endure the punishment of our wrong —doing ”

> Latin: 7.15. ubi frequens convenit,, inquit, tu, T. Manli, neque imperium consulare neque maiestatem patriam veritus adversus edictum nostrum extra ordinem in hostem pugnasti, et quantum in te fuit, disciplinam militarem, qua stetit ad hanc diem Romana res, solvisti, meque in eam necessitatem adduxisti, ut aut rei publicae mihi aut mei obliviscendum sit,

[¶63] 7.17. “than suffer the republic to expiate our sins at a cost so heavy to herself; we will set a stern example, but a salutary one, for the young men of the future.”

> Latin: 7.17. nos potius nostro delicto plectemur quam res publica tanto suo damno nostra peccata luat. exemplum sed in posterum salubre iuventuti erimus.

[¶64] 7.18. “my own part, I am moved, not only by a man's instinctive love of his children, but by this instance you have given of your bravery, perverted though it was by an idle show of honour.”

> Latin: 7.18. quidem cum ingenita caritas liberum tum specimen istud virtutis deceptum vana imagine decoris in te movet;

[¶65] 7.19. “since the authority of the consuls must either be established by your death, or by your impunity be forever abrogated, and since I think that you yourself, if you have a drop of my blood in you, would not refuse to raise up by your punishment the military discipline which through your misdemeanour has slipped and fallen, —go, lictor, bind him to the stake.”

> Latin: 7.19. sed cum aut morte tua sancienda sint consulum imperia aut impunitate in perpetuum abroganda, nec te quidem, si quid in te nostri sanguinis est, recusare censeam quin disciplinam militarem culpa tua prolapsam poena restituas—i, lictor, deliga ad palum.

[¶66] 7.20. were astounded at so shocking a command; every man looked upon the axe as lifted against himself, and they were hushed with fear more than with reverence.

> Latin: 7.20. omnes tam atroci imperio nec aliter quam in se quisque destrictam cernentes securem, metu magis quam modestia quievere.

[¶67] 7.21. so, after standing, as if lost in wonder, rooted to the spot, suddenly, when the blood gushed forth from the severed neck, their voices burst out in such unrestrained upbraiding that they spared neither laments nor curses; and covering the young man's body with his spoils, they built a pyre outside the rampart, where they burned it with all the honours that can possibly attend a soldier's funeral; and the “orders of Manlius” not only caused men to shudder at the time, but became a type of severity with succeeding ages.

> Latin: 7.21. velut demerso ab admiratione animo cum silentio defixi stetissent, repente, postquam cervice caesa fusus est cruor, tam libero conquestu coortae voces sunt ut neque lamentis neque exsecrationibus parceretur, spoliisque contectum iuvenis corpus, quantum militaribus studiis funus ullum concelebrari potest, structo extra vallum rogo cremaretur, Manlianaque imperia non in praesentia modo horrenda sed exempli etiam tristis in posterum essent. tamen atrocitas poenae oboedientiorem duci militem, et praeterquam quod custodiae vigiliaeque et ordo stationum intentioris ubique curae erant, in ultimo etiam certamine, cum descensum in aciem est, ea severitas profuit.

[¶68] 8.2. the brutality of the punishment made the soldiers more obedient to their general; and not only were guard —duties, watches, and the ordering of outposts, everywhere more carefully observed, but in the final struggle, as well, when the troops had gone down into battle, that stern act did much good. the battle was exceedingly like the battles in a civil war, so little did the Latins differ from the Romans in anything but courage. The Romans had formerly used small round shields; then, after they began to serve for pay, they made oblong shields instead of round ones;

> Latin: 8.2. autem civili maxime bello pugna similis; adeo nihil apud Latinos dissonum ab Romana re praeter animos erat. antea Romani usi sunt; dein, postquam stipendiarii facti sunt, scuta pro clipeis fecere; et quod antea phalanx similis Macedonicis, hoc postea manipulatim structa acies coepit esse:

[¶69] 8.4. and what had before been a phalanx, like the Macedonian phalanxes, came afterwards to be a line of battle formed by maniples, with the rearmost troops drawn up in a number of companies. The first line, or hastati, comprised fifteen maniples, stationed a short distance apart; the maniple had twenty light —armed soldiers, the rest of their number carried oblong shields; moreover those were called “light —armed” who carried only a spear and javelins.

> Latin: 8.4. postremi in plures ordines instruebantur. acies hastati erant, manipuli quindecim, distantes inter se modicum spatium; manipulus leves vicenos milites, aliam turbam scutatorum habebat; leves autem qui hastam tantum gaesaque gererent vocabantur.

[¶70] 8.6. front line in the battle contained the flower of the young men who were growing ripe for service. These came a line of the same number of maniples, made up of men of a more stalwart age; these were called the principes; they carried oblong shields and were the most showily armed of all.

> Latin: 8.6. prima frons in acie florem iuvenum pubescentium ad militiam habebat. inde aetas totidem manipulorum,quibus principibus est nomen, hos sequebantur, scutati omnes, insignibus maxime armis.

[¶71] 8.7. body of thirty maniples they called antepilani, because behind the standards there were again stationed other fifteen companies, each of which had three sections, the first section in every company being known as pilus.

> Latin: 8.7. triginta manipulorum agmen antepilanos appellabant, quia sub signis iam alii quindecim ordines locabantur, ex quibus ordo unusquisque tres partes habebat—earum unam quamque primam pilum vocabant;

[¶72] 8.8. The company consisted of three vexilla or “banners”; a single vexillum had sixty soldiers, two centurions, one vexillarius, or colourbearer; the company numbered a hundred and eighty —six men. The first banner led the triarii, veteran soldiers of proven valour; the second banner the rorarii, younger and less distinguished men; the third banner the accensi, who were the least dependable, and were, for that reason, assigned to the rear most line.

> Latin: 8.8. tribus ex vexillis constabat ordo; sexagenos milites, duos centuriones, vexillarium unum habebat vexillum; centum octoginta sex homines erant; primum vexillum triarios ducebat, veteranum militem spectatae virtutis, secundum rorarios, minus roboris aetate factisque, tertium accensos, minimae fiduciae manum; eo et in postremam aciem reiciebantur.

[¶73] 8.9. an army had been marshalled in this fashion, the hastati were the first of all to engage. the hastati were unable to defeat the enemy, they retreated slowly and were received into the intervals between the companies of the principes. The principes then took up the fighting and the hastati followed them.

> Latin: 8.9. his ordinibus exercitus instructus esset, hastati omnium primi pugnam inibant. hastati profligare hostem non possent, pede presso eos retro cedentes in intervalla ordinum principes recipiebant. principum pugna erat; hastati sequebantur.

[¶74] 8.10. The triarii knelt beneath their banners, with the left leg advanced, having their shields leaning against their shoulders and their spears thrust into the ground and pointing obliquely upwards, as if their battle—line were fortified with a bristling palisade.

> Latin: 8.10. sub vexillis considebant sinistro crure porrecto,scuta innixa umeris, hastas suberecta cuspide in terra fixas, haud baud secus quam vallo saepta inhorreret acies, tenentes.

[¶75] 8.11. the principes, too, were unsuccessful in their fight, they fell back slowly from the battle—line on the triariifriarii. (From this arose the adage, “to have come to the triarii,” when things are going badly.)

> Latin: 8.11. apud principes quoque haud satis prospere esset pugnatum, a prima acie ad triarios se sensim referebant. (Inde rem ad triarios redisse,cum laboratur,proverbio increbruit.

[¶76] 8.12. The triariifriarii, rising up after they had received the principes and hastati into the intervals between their companies, would at once draw their companies together and close the lanes, as it were; then, with no more reserves behind to count on, they would charge the enemy in one compact array.

> Latin: 8.12. ) Triarii consurgentes, ubi in intervalla ordinum suorum principes et hastatos recepissent, extemplo compressis ordinibus velut claudebant vias, unoque continenti agmine iam nulla spe post relicta in hostem incidebant;

[¶77] 8.13. was a thing exeedingly disheartening to the enemy, who, pursuing those whom they supposed they had conquered, all at once beheld a new line rising up, with augmented numbers.

> Latin: 8.13. id erat formidolosissimum hosti, cum velut victos insecuti novam repente aciem exsurgentem, auctam numero, cernebant.

[¶78] 8.14. were customarily four legions raised of five thousand foot each, with three hundred horse to every legion. An equivalent contingent used to be added from the levy of the Latins, who were now the enemies of the Romans and had drawn up their battle —line in the same formation; and they knew that not only must section meet in battle with section, hastati with hastati, principes with principles, but even —if the companies were not disordered —centurion with centurion.

> Latin: 8.14. autem quattuor fere legiones quinis milibus peditum, equitibus in singulas legiones trecenis. tantum ex Latino dilectu adiciebatur qui ea tempestate hostes erant Romanis eodemque ordine instruxerant aciem; nec vexilla cum vexillis tantum, universi hastati cum hastatis, principes cum principibus, sed centurio quoque cum centurione, si ordines turbati non essent, concurrendum sibi esse sciebat.

[¶79] 8.16. either army the primus pilus, or chief centurion, was with the triarii. The Roman was far from strong in body, but was an energetic man and an experienced soldier; the Latin was a man of might and a first —rate warrior; they were well acquainted with each other, because they had always commanded companies of equal rank.

> Latin: 8.16. primi pili ex utraque acie inter triarios erant, Romanus corpore haudquaquam satis validus, ceterum strenuus vir peritusque militiae, Latinus viribus ingens bellatorque primus, notissimi inter se, quia pares semper ordines duxerant.

[¶80] 8.18. The Roman, putting no confidence in his strength, had obtained permission from the consuls before leaving Rome to choose whom he liked for his deputy —centurion, to defend him from the one man marked out for his opponent. youth, encountering the Latin centurion in the battle, won the victory over him.

> Latin: 8.18. Romano haud satis fidenti viribus iam Romae permissum erat ab consulibus, ut subcenturionem sibi quem vellet legeret qui tutaretur eum ab uno destinato hoste; isque iuvenis in acie oblatus ex centurione Latino victoriam tulit.

[¶81] 8.19. The engagement came off not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, where the road led to Veseris. The Roman consuls before leading their troops into battle offered sacrifices. is said that the soothsayer pointed out to Decius that the head of the liver was wounded on the friendly side; but that the victim was in all other respects acceptable to the gods, and that the sacrifice of Manlius had been greatly successful. “is well enough,” said Decius, “if my colleague has received favourable tokens.” the formation already described they advanced into the field. Manlius commanded the right wing, Decius the left.

> Latin: 8.19. est haud procul radicibus Vesuvii montis, qua via ad Veserim ferebat. Romani consules, priusquam educerent in aciem, immolaverunt. Decio caput iocineris a familiari parte caesum haruspex dicitur ostendisse: alioqui acceptam dis hostiam esse; Manlium egregie litasse. bene habet inquit Decius, si ab collega litatum est. , sicut ante dictum est, ordinibus processere in aciem. Manlius dextro, Decius laevo cornu praeerat.

[¶82] 9.3. the beginning the strength of the combatants and their ardour were equal on both sides; but after a time the Roman hastati on the left, unable to withstand the pressure of the Latins, fell back upon the principes.

> Latin: 9.3. utrimque aequis viribus, eodem ardore animorum gerebatur res; deinde ab laevo cornu hastati Romani, non ferentes impressionem Latinorum, se ad principes recepere.

[¶83] 9.4. the confusion of this movement Decius the consul called out to Marcus Valerius in a loud voice: “have need of Heaven's help, Marcus Valerius. therefore, state pontiff of the Roman People, dictate the words, that I may devote myself to save the legions.”

> Latin: 9.4. hac trepidatione Decius consul M. Valerium magna voce inclamat: inquit ope, M. Valeri, opus est; agedum, pontifex publicus populi Romani, praei verba quibus me pro legionibus devoveam.

[¶84] 9.5. The pontiff bade him don the purple —bordered toga, and with veiled head and one hand thrust out from the toga and touching his chin, stand upon a spear that was laid under his feet, and say as follows:

> Latin: 9.5. eum togam praetextam sumere iussit et velato capite, manu subter togam ad mentum meltum exserta, super telum subiectum pedibus stantem sic dicere:

[¶85] 9.6. “, Jupiter, Father Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, Lares, divine Novensiles, divine Indigites, ye gods in whose power are both we and our enemies, and you, divine Manes, —I ” “invoke and worship you, I beseech and crave your favour, that you prosper the might and the victory of the Roman People of the Quirites, and visit the foes of the Roman People of the Quirites with fear, shuddering, and death.”

> Latin: 9.6. iane lane Iuppiter Mars pater Quirine Bellona Lares Divi Novensiles Di Indigetes Divi quorum est potestas nostrorum hostiumque Dique Manes, vos precor veneror veniam peto oroque uti populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriam prosperetis, hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine morteque adficiatis.

[¶86] 9.8. “I have pronounced the words, even so in behalf of the republic of the Roman People of the Quirites, and of the army, the legions, the auxiliaries of the Roman People of the Quirites, do I devote the legions and auxiliaries of the enemy, together with myself, to the divine Manes and to Earth.”

> Latin: 9.8. verbis nuncupavi, ita pro re publica populi Romani Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum Deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo.

[¶87] 9.9. uttered this prayer he bade the lictors go to Titus Manlius and lose no time in announcing to his colleague that he had devoted himself for the good of the army. then girded himself with the Gabinian cincture, and vaulting, armed, upon his horse, plunged into the thick of the enemy, a conspicuous object from either army and of an aspect more august than a man's, as though sent from heaven to expiate all anger of the gods, and to tum aside destruction from his people and bring it on their adversaries.

> Latin: 9.9. ita precatus lictores ire ad T. Manlium iubet matureque collegae se devotum pro exercitu nuntiare. incinctus cinctu Gabino, armatus in equum insiluit ac se in medios hostes immisit, conspectus ab utraque acie, aliquanto augustior humano visu, sicut caelo missus piaculum omnis deorum irae, qui pestem ab suis aversam in hostes ferret.

[¶88] 9.11. every terror and dread attended him, and throwing the Latin front into disarray, spread afterwards throughout their entire host.

> Latin: 9.11. omnis terror pavorque cum illo latus signa prima Latinorum turbavit, deinde in totam penitus aciem pervasit.

[¶89] 9.12. was most clearly seen in that, wherever he rode, men cowered as though blasted by some baleful star; but when he fell beneath a rain of missiles, from that instant there was no more doubt of the consternation of the Latin cohorts, which everywhere abandoned the field in flight.

> Latin: 9.12. id fuit, quod quacumque equo invectus est, ibi haud secus quam pestifero sidere icti pavebant; ubi vero corruit obrutus telis, inde iam haud dubie consternatae cohortes Latinorum fugam ac vastitatem late fecerunt.

[¶90] 9.13. the same time the Romans —their spirits relieved of religious fears —pressed on as though the signal had just then for the first time been given, and delivered a fresh attack;

> Latin: 9.13. et Romani exsolutis religione animis velut tum primum signo dato coorti pugnam integram ediderunt;

[¶91] 9.14. for the rorarii were running out between the antepilani and were joining their strength to that of the hastati and the principles, and the triarii, kneeling on the right knee, were waiting till the consul signed to them to rise. the struggle continued, and in some parts of the field the Latins were prevailing by reason of their numbers, the consul Manlius learned of his colleague's end, and having paid to so memorable a death —as justice and piety demanded —its well —merited meed of tears as well as praise, he was for a little while in doubt whether the moment were yet come for the triarii to rise; but afterwards deeming it better to keep them fresh for the final push, he commanded the accensi to advance from the rear before the standards.

> Latin: 9.14. nam et rorarii procurrebant inter antepilanos addebantque vires hastatis ac principibus, et triarii genu dextro innixi nutum consulis ad consurgendum exspectabant. deinde certamine cum aliis partibus multitudo superaret Latinorum, Manlius consul audito eventu collegae cum, ut ius fasque erat, lacrimis non minus quam laudibus debitis prosecutus tam memorabilem mortem esset, paulisper addubitavit an consurgendi iam triariis tempus esset; deinde melius ratus integros eos ad ultimum discrimen servari, accensos ab novissima acie ante signa procedere iubet.

[¶92] 10.3. sooner had they gone up, than the Latins, supposing their enemies had done the same, sent in their own triarii. These having fought fiercely for some time, and worn themselves out and broken or blunted their spears, yet were driving back the foe, and supposed that they had already won the field and penetrated the last line, when the consul cried out to the Roman triarii: “up now, and with fresh strength confront the weary enemy, remembering your country and your parents, your wives and your children, remembering the consul who lies dead that you may conquer.”

> Latin: 10.3. ubi subiere, extemplo Latini, tamquam idem adversarii fecissent, triarios suos excitaverunt; qui aliquamdiu pugna atroci cum et semet ipsi fatigassent et hastas aut praefregissent aut hebetassent, pellerent tamen hostem, debellatum iam rati perventumque ad extremam aciem, tum consul triariis nunc inquit, integri adversus fessos, memores patriae parentumque et coniugum ac liberorum, memores consulis pro vestra victoria morte occubantis.

## 38. Book VIII · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/38/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/38/#p-N

[¶0] 10.5. the triarii had got to their feet, fresh and sound in their glittering armour, a new and unforeseen array, they received the antepilani into the gaps between their files, and, raising a shout, threw the enemy's front ranks into disorder, and thrusting their spears into their faces, disposed of the fine flower of their manhood and went through the other maniples almost scatheless, as though their opponents had been unarmed, penetrating their masses with such slaughter as scarce to leave a fourth part of their enemies alive.

> Latin: 10.5. triarii consurrexerunt integri refulgentibus armis, nova ex inproviso improvise exorta acies, receptis in intervalla ordinum antepilanis, clamore sublato principia Latinorum perturbant hastisque ora fodientes primo robore virorum caeso per alios manipulos velut inermes prope intacti evasere tantaque caede perrupere cuneos ut vix quartam partem relinquerent hostium.

[¶1] 10.7. The Samnites, too, drawn up a little way off at the base of the mountain, were a source of terror to the Latins. the rest, of all the citizens and allies, the chief glory of that war went to the consuls; of whom the one had drawn all the threats and menaces of the supernal and infernal gods upon himself alone, and the other had shown such valour and ability in the battle that it is readily agreed by both Romans and Latins who have handed down an account of this engagement that whichever side had been led by Titus Manlius would undoubtedly have been victorious.

> Latin: 10.7. Samnites quoque sub radicibus montis procul instructi praebuere terrorem Latinis. inter omnes cives sociosque praecipua laus eius belli penes consules fuit, quorum alter omnes minas periculaque ab deis superis inferisque in se unum vertit, alter ea virtute eoque consilio in proelio fuit ut facile convenerit inter Romanos Latinosque qui eius pugnae memoriam posteris tradiderunt, utrius partis T. Manlius dux fuisset, eius futuram haud dubie fuisse victoria.

[¶2] 10.9. The Latins fled to Minturnae. camp was captured after the battle and many men — chiefly Campanians —were caught and slain there.

> Latin: 10.9. Latini ex fuga se Minturnas contulerunt. secundum proelium capta, multique mortales ibi vivi oppressi, maxime Campani.

[¶3] 10.10. The body of Decius could not be found that day, for night overtook the searchers; on the following day it was fond, covered with missiles, in a great heap of enemies, and was given burial by his colleague in a manner befitting his death.

> Latin: 10.10. Deci corpus ne eo die inveniretur, nox quaerentes oppressit; postero die inventum inter maximam hostium stragem coopertum telis; funusque ei par morti celebrante collega factum est.

[¶4] 10.11. seems proper to add here that the consul, dictator, or praetor who devotes the legions of the enemy need not devote himself, but may designate any citizen he likes from a regularly enlisted Roman legion if the man who has been devoted dies, it is deemed that all is well;

> Latin: 10.11. adiciendum videtur, licere consuli dictatorique et praetori, cum legiones hostium devoveat, non utique se, sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta civem devovere;

[¶5] 10.12. if he does not die, then an image of him is buried seven feet or more under ground and a sin —offering is slain; where the image has been buried tither a Roman magistrate may not go up.

> Latin: 10.12. si is homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum videri; ni moritur, tum signum septem pedes altum aut maius in terram defodi et piaculum caedi; ubi illud signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse.

[¶6] 10.13. if he shall choose to devote himself, as Decius did, if he does not die, he cannot sacrifice either for himself or for the people without sin, whether with a victim or with any other offering he shall choose. who devotes himself has the right to dedicate his arms to Vulcan, or to any other god he likes.

> Latin: 10.13. autem sese devovere volet, sicuti Decius devovit, ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum divinum pure faciet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet. sese devoverit, Volcano arma sive cui alii divo vovere volet ius est;

[¶7] 10.14. The spear on which the consul has stood and prayed must not fall into the hands of an enemy; should this happen, expiation must be made to Mars with the sacrifice of a swine, a sheep, and an ox. These particulars, even though the memory of every religious and secular usage has been wiped out by men's preference of the new and outlandish to the ancient and homebred, I have thought it not foreign to my purpose to repeat, and in the very words in which they were formulated and handed down. find in certain writers that it was not until the battle was over that the Samnites, who had been waiting for the outcome of the engagement, came up to support the Romans.

> Latin: 10.14. telo super quod stans consul precatus est hostem potiri fas non est; si potiatur, Marti suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri., etsi omnis divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre. Romanis post proelium demum factum Samnites venisse subsidio, exspectato eventu pugnae, apud quosdam auctores invenio. Latinis quoque ab Lavinio auxilium, dum deliberando terunt tempus, victis demum ferri coeptum;

[¶8] 11.4. The Latins, too, were already defeated when the Lavinians, who were consuming time in deliberation, began to march to their assistance; and receiving word of the disaster to the Latins just as their foremost ensigns and a portion of their column had passed out through the gates, they faced about and returned into the city, their praetor, Milionius, remarking, so it is said, that they would have to pay a large price to the Romans for that little march.

> Latin: 11.4. et, cum iam portis prima signa et pars agminis esset egressa, nuntio allato de clade Latinorum cum conversis signis retro in urbem rediretur, praetorem eorum nomine Milionium dixisse ferunt pro paulula via magnam mercedem esse Romanis solvendam.

[¶9] 11.5. of the Latins as survived the battle, after being dispersed over many roads, were reunited, and took refuge in the town of Vescia. the councils which they held there, Numisius, their commander —inchief, asserted that the fortune of war had in truth been common, overwhelming both armies with equal carnage.

> Latin: 11.5. Latinorum pugnae superfuerant multis itineribus dissipati cum se in unum conglobassent, Vescia urbs eis receptaculum fuit. in conciliis Numisius imperator eorum adfirmabat communem vere Martem belli utramque aciem pari caede prostravisse victoriaeque nomen tantum penes Romanos esse, ceteram pro victis fortunam et illos gerere; funesta duo consulum praetoria, alterum parricidio filii, alterum consulis devoti caede;

[¶10] 11.7. The Romans, he said, were victorious only in name, in all else they too were as though they had been defeated; both consular headquarters were polluted, the one by the blood of a son, the other by the death of the devoted consul; their whole army had been cut to pieces, their first and second lines had been massacred, and the slaughter had extended from the troops before the standards to those behind them; finally the veterans had restored the day; but though the Latin forces had been equally cut up, yet, for recruiting, either Latium or the Volscian country was nearer than Rome;

> Latin: 11.7. trucidatum exercitum omnem, caesos hastatos principesque, stragem et ante signa et post signa factam, triarios postremo rem restituisse; Latinorum etsi pariter accisae copiae sint, tamen supplemento vel Latium propius esse vel Volscos quam Romam;

[¶11] 11.9. if therefore it seemed good to then, he would speedily summon the fighting men front the Latin and Volscian tribes, and would return with an embattled host to Capua, where the unexpectedness of his arrival would strike dismay into the Romans, who just then were looking for anything rather than a battle.

> Latin: 11.9. itaque, si videatur eis, se ex Latinis et ex Volscis populis iuventute propere excita, rediturum infesto exercitu Capuam esse Romanosque nihil tum minus quam proelium exspectantes necopinato adventu perculsurum.

[¶12] 11.10. letters were sent out to all parts of Latium and the country of the Volsci, and since those who received them had not been present at the battle, gained ready credence; and an army of militia was levied in hot haste and brought together from every quarter.

> Latin: 11.10. litteris circa Latium nomenque Volscum missis, quia qui non interfuerant pugnae ad credendum temere faciliores erant, tumultuarius undique exercitus raptim conscriptus convenit. agmini Torquatus consul ad Trifanum— inter Sinuessam Minturnasque is locus est—occurrit. castris locus caperetur, sarcinis utrimque in acervum coniectis pugnatum debellatumque est;

[¶13] 11.11. force Torquatus the consul met near Trifanum, a place situated between Sinuessa and Minturnae. armies, without waiting to choose sites for their camps, piled their baggage and fell to fighting, and the war was ended then and there;

> Latin: 11.11. adeo enim accisae res sunt ut consuli victorem exercitum ad depopulandos agros eorum ducenti dederent se omnes Latini deditionemque eam Campani sequerentur.

[¶14] 11.12. for the enemy's strength was brought so low that, when the consul led his victorious army to pillage their fields, the Latins all surrendered, and the Campanians followed their example. Latium and Capua were deprived of territory.

> Latin: 11.12. Latium Capuaque agro multati. Latinus ager Privernati addito agro et Falernus, qui populi 'Campani fuerat, usque ad Volturnum flumen plebi Romanae dividitur.

[¶15] 11.13. The Latin territory, with the addition of that belonging to Privernum, together with the Falernian —which had belonged to the Campanian people —as far as the river Volturnus, was parcelled out amongst the Roman plebs.

> Latin: 11.13. in Latino iugera, ita ut dodrante ex Privernati complerent, data, terna in Falerno quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adiectis.

[¶16] 11.14. The assignment was two iugera in Latium supplemented with three —fourths of a iugerum from the land of Privernum, or three iugera in the Falernian district, —a fourth of a iugerum being added to compensate for its remoteness.

> Latin: 11.14. poenam fuere Latinorum Laurentes Campanorumque equites, quia non desciverant. Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum, renovaturque ex eo quotannis post diem decimum Latinarum.

[¶17] 11.15. The Laurentes and the Campanian knights were exempted from the punishment inflicted on the Latins, because they had not revolted; it was ordered that the treaty with the Laurentes should be renewed, and it has been renewed every year from that time, on the tenth day after the Latin Festival. The Campanian knights received Roman citizenship, and to commemorate the occasion a bronze tablet was fastened up in the temple of Castor at Rome., the Campanian people were commanded to pay them each a yearly stipend —there were sixteen hundred of them —amounting to four hundred and fifty denarii.

> Latin: 11.15. Campanis civitas Romana data, monumentoque ut esset, aeneam tabulam in aede Castoris Romae fixerunt. quoque eis Campanus populus iussus pendere in singulos quotannis—fuere autem mille et sexcenti—denarios nummos quadringenos quinquagenos. bello gesto, praemiis poenaque pro cuiusque merito persolutis, T. Manlius Romam rediit. venienti seniores tantum obviam exisse constat, iuventutem et tunc tune et omni vita deinde aversatam eum exsecratamque.

[¶18] 12.2. The war being thus dispatched, and rewards and penalities distributed in accordance with everyone's deserts, Titus Manlius returned to Rome; it is said that on his approach only the seniors went out to meet him, and that the young men, then and for all the remainder of his days, abhorred and execrated him. The Antiates committed depredations upon the lands of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonium. Manlius, the consul, having been unable himself to conduct this war because of ill —health, appointed as dictator Lucius Papirius Crassus, who at that time happened to be praetor, and he in tum named Lucius Papirius Cursor master of the horse.

> Latin: 12.2. Antiates in agrum Ostiensem Ardeatem Solonium incursiones fecerunt. Manlius consul, quia ipse per valetudinem id bellum exsequi nequierat, dictatorem L. Papirium Crassum, qui tum forte erat praetor, dixit; ab eo magister equitum L. Papirius Cursor dictus.

[¶19] 12.3. The dictator accomplished nothing noteworthy against the Antiates, though he lay some months encamped in their territory.

> Latin: 12.3. memorabile adversus Antiates ab dictatore gestum est, cum aliquot menses stativa in agro Antiati habuisset.

[¶20] 12.4. a year that was famous for its victory over so many and so powerful nations, and also for the glorious death of one of the consuls and the other's severity of discipline, which though cruel was nevertheless renowned through the ages, succeeded the consulship of Tiberius Aemilius Mamercinus and Quintus Publilius Philo.

> Latin: 12.4. insigni victoria de tot ac tam potentibus populis, ad hoc consulum alterius nobili morte, alterius sicut truci ita claro ad memoriam imperio, successere consules Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus Q. Publilius Philo, neque in similem materiam rerum, et ipsi aut suarum rerum aut partium in re publica magis quam patriae memores.

[¶21] 12.5. These men had no such opportunities, and were, besides, more concerned for their own or their party's interests than for the country. The Latins took up arms again, being incensed at the confiscation of their land, and suffered a defeat and the loss of their camp, in the Fenectane Plains. Publilius, under whose command and auspices the campaign had been conducted, was receiving the surrender of the Latin peoples whose soldiers had fallen there, Aemilius led his army against Pedum. The Pedani were supported by the people of Tibur, Praeneste, and Velitrae, and auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium.

> Latin: 12.5. Latinos ob iram agri amissi rebellantes in campis Fenectanis fuderunt castrisque exuerunt. Publilio, cuius ductu auspicioque res gestae erant erait, in deditionem accipiente Latinos populos, quorum ibi iuventus caesa erat, Aemilius ad Pedum exercitus duxit.

[¶22] 12.7. the Romans proved superior in certain engagements, yet the town of Pedum and the camp of the allied nations, which adjoined it, still remained intact to be dealt with, when suddenly the consul, hearing that his colleague had been decreed a triumph, left the war unfinished and returned to Rome to demand a triumph for himself as well, without staying to obtain a victory. self —seeking disgusted the Fathers, who denied him a triumph, unless he should capture Pedum or receive its surrender.

> Latin: 12.7. tuebatur Tiburs Praenestinus Veliternusque populus; venerant et ab Lanuvio Antioque auxilia. cum proeliis quidem superior Romanus esset, ad urbem ipsam Pedum castraque sociorum populorum, quae urbi adiuncta erant, integer labor restaret, bello infecto repente omisso consul, quia collegae decretum triumphum audivit, ipse quoque triumphi ante victoriam flagitator Romam rediit.

[¶23] 12.10. from the senate by this rebuff, Aemilius thereafter administered his consulship in the spirit of a seditious tribune.

> Latin: 12.10. cupiditate offensis patribus negantibusque nisi Pedo capto aut dedito triumphum, hinc alienatus ab senatu Aemilius seditiosis tribunatibus similem deinde consulatum gessit.

[¶24] 12.11. , all the time that he was consul, he ceased not to accuse the senators to the people, while his colleague. since he too was of the plebs, offered not the smallest opposition. The ground of his accusations was the niggardly apportionment of land to the plebeians in the Latin and Falernian districts. when the senate, desiring to put an end to the authority of the consuls, ordered that a dictator should be appointed to oppose the rebellious Latins, Aemilius, who then had the rods, named his colleague dictator, by whom Junius Brutus was designated master of the horse.

> Latin: 12.11. neque, quoad fuit consul, criminari apud populum patres destitit collega haudquaquam adversante, quia et ipse de plebe erat—materiam autem praebebat criminibus ager in Latino Falernoque maligne plebei divisus—et postquam senatus finire imperium consulibus cupiens dictatorem adversus rebellantes Latinos dici iussit, Aemilius, cuius tum fasces erant, collegam dictatorem dixit; ab eo magister equitum Iunius Brutus dictus.

[¶25] 12.14. Publilius was a popular dictator, both because of his denunciation of the senate and because he carried through three laws very advantageous to the plebs and prejudicial to the nobles:

> Latin: 12.14. popularis et orationibus in patres criminosis fuit, et quod tres leges secundissimas plebei, adversas nobilitati tulit:

[¶26] 12.15. one, that the decisions of the plebs should be binding on all the Quirites; another, that the Fathers should ratify the measures proposed at the centuriate comitia before they were voted on; and a third, that at least one censor should be chosen from the plebs —since they had gone so far as to make it lawful for both to be plebeians.

> Latin: 12.15. unam, ut plebiscita omnes Quirites tenerent; alteram, ut legum, quae comitiis centuriatis ferrentur, ante initum suffragium patres auctores fierent; tertiam, ut alter utique ex plebe —cum eo ventum sit ut utrumque plebeium fieri liceret—censor crearetur.

[¶27] 12.17. The harm that was wrought at home in that year by the consuls and the dictator outweighed —in the belief of the patricians —the increase in empire that resulted from their victory and their management of the war. the following year, when Lucius Furius Camillus and Gaius Maenius were consuls, the senators, in order to render more conspicuous the negligence of Aemilius in the year before, insisted angrily that men and arms and every kind of force must be employed to capture Pedum and destroy it; and the new consuls were forced to put aside all other matters and set out for that place. The Latins were now come to such a pass that they could endure neither war nor peace; for war they lacked the means, and they scorned peace, for they still smarted under the confiscation of their land.

> Latin: 12.17. eo anno domi acceptum cladis ab consulibus ac dictatore quam ex victoria eorum bellicisque rebus foris auctum imperium patres credebant. insequenti, L. Furio Camillo C. Maenio consulibus, quo insignitius omissa res Aemilio, superioris anni consuli, exprobraretur, Pedum armis virisque et omni vi expugnandum ac delendum senatus fremit; coactique novi consules omnibus eam rem praeverti proficiscuntur. Latio is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque pacem pati possent. bellum opes deerant; pacem ob agri adempti dolorem aspernabantur.

[¶28] 13.3. seemed necessary to adopt a compromise, and keep to their towns —lest they might provoke the Romans and afford them a pretext for hostilities —and if tidings were brought that any town was beleaguered, to send in help to the besieged from all the surrounding peoples.

> Latin: 13.3. consiliis standum videbatur—ut oppidis se tenerent, ne lacessitus Romanus causam belli haberet—et si cuius oppidi obsidio nuntiata esset, undique ex omnibus populis auxilium obsessis ferretur.

[¶29] 13.4. all that, the cities that aided Pedum were very few. The Tiburtes and Praenestini, whose territories lay near by, reached Pedum; the Aricini, Lanuvini, and Veliterni, as they were effecting a juncture with the Antiate Volsci at the river Astura, were suddenly attacked by Maenius and routed. Camillus dealt with the very powerful army of the Tiburtes in the vincinity of Pedum; the struggle was harder, but the issue was equally successful.

> Latin: 13.4. tamen nisi admodum a paucis populis Pedani adiuti sunt. Tiburtes Praenestinique, quorum ager propior erat, Pedum pervenere; Lanuvinosque et Veliternos Antiatibus Volscis se coniungentes ad Asturae flumen Maenius improviso adortus fudit. Camillus ad Pedum cum Tiburtibus, maxime valido exercitu, maiore mole quamquam aeque prospero eventu pugnat.

[¶30] 13.7. The greatest confusion was occasioned by a sudden sally of the townsfolk during the battle; but Camillus, sending a part of his army against them, not only drove them back into their city, but having discomfited both them and their allies, even took the place by escalade that very day.

> Latin: 13.7. maxime repentina inter proelium eruptio oppidanorum fecit; in quos parte exercitus conversa Camillus non compulit solum eos intra moenia, sed eodem etiam die, cum ipsos auxiliaque eorum perculisset, oppidum scalis cepit.

[¶31] 13.8. The consuls then resolved, with the added energy and courage that came with the capture of one city, to proceed with their victorious army to the thorough conquest of the Latins; nor did they rest until, by storming every city or receiving its surrender, they had brought all Latium under their dominion.

> Latin: 13.8. inde iam maiore conatu animoque ab unius expugnatione urbis ad perdomandum Latium victorem circumducere exercitum. quievere antequam expugnando aut in deditionem accipiendo singulas urbes Latium omne subegere.

[¶32] 13.9. , distributing garrisons amongst the recovered towns, they departed for Rome, to enjoy the triumph by general consent awarded them. addition to the triumph, they were granted the honour —a rare one in those days —of equestrian statues put up in the Forum.

> Latin: 13.9. inde dispositis per recepta oppida Romam ad destinatum omnium consensu triumphum decessere. triumpho honos, ut statuae equestres eis—rara illa aetate res—in foro ponerentur.

[¶33] 13.10. the consular elections for the following year were held, Camillus referred to the senate the disposition of the Latin peoples, and spoke as follows:

> Latin: 13.10. comitiis in insequentem annum consules rogarent, Camillus de Latinis populis ad senatum rettulit atque ita disseruit:

[¶34] 13.11. “Conscript Fathers, what was needful to be done in Latium in the way of war and arms has now by Heaven's favour and the valour of our troops been brought to a conclusion.”

> Latin: 13.11. conscripti, quod bello armisque in Latio agendum fuit, id iam deum benignitate ac virtute militum ad finem venit. ad Pedum Asturamque sunt exercitus hostium;

[¶35] 13.12. “The armies of our enemies have been cut to pieces at Pedum and on the Astura; all the Latin towns, and Antium in the land of the Volsci, have either been carried by storm or have made submission, and are in the keeping of your garrisons.”

> Latin: 13.12. oppida Latina omnia et Antium ex Volscis aut vi capta aut recepta in deditionem praesidiis tenentur vestris.

[¶36] 13.13. “remains to consider, since they so often occasion us anxiety by a renewal of hostilities, how we may hold them quietly to a lasting peace.”

> Latin: 13.13. consultatio est, quoniam rebellando saepius nos sollicitant, quonam modo perpetua pace quietos obtineamus.

[¶37] 13.14. “The immortal gods have given you such absolute control of the situation as to leave the decision in your hands whether Latium is henceforward to exist or not. are therefore able to assure yourselves of a permanent peace, in so far as the Latins are concerned, by the exercise of either cruelty or forgiveness, at your discretion.”

> Latin: 13.14. Di immortales ita vos potentes huius consilii fecerunt ut, sit Latium deinde an non sit, in vestra manu posuerint; itaque pacem vobis, quod ad Latinos attinet, parare in perpetuum vel saeviendo vel ignoscendo potestis.

[¶38] 13.15. “you adopt stern measures against those who have surrendered or been vanquished? may blot out all Latium, and make vast solitudes of those places where you have often raised a splendid army of allies and used it through many a momentous war.”

> Latin: 13.15. crudeliter consulere in deditos victosque? delere omne Latium, vastas inde solitudines facere, unde sociali egregio exercitu per multa bella magnaque saepe usi estis.

[¶39] 13.16. “you follow the example of your fathers, and augment the Roman state by receiving your conquered enemies as citizens? have at hand the means of waxing great and supremely glorious. government is certainly by far the strongest to which its subjects yield obedience gladly.”

> Latin: 13.16. exemplo maiorum augere rem Romanam victos in civitatem accipiendo? crescendi per summam gloriam suppeditat. id firmissimum longe imperium est quo oboedientes gaudent. maturato opus est quidquid statuere placet;

[¶40] 13.17. “whatever it pleases you to do, you must determine promptly; you are holding so many peoples in suspense betwixt hope and fear, that it behoves you both to resolve your own anxiety regarding them as soon as may be, and to be beforehand with them, whether in the way of punishment or kindness, while they are waiting in a dull amazement.”

> Latin: 13.17. tot populos inter spem metumque suspensos animi. habetis; et vestram itaque de eis curam quam primum absolvi, et illorum animos, dum exspectatione stupent, seu poena seu beneficio praeoccupari oportet.

[¶41] 13.18. “task has been to give you the power to decide regarding everything; it is yours to determine what is best for yourselves and for the state.” The leading senators praised the motion of Camillus on the national policy, but said that, since the Latins were not all in like case, his advice could best be carried out if the consuls would introduce proposals concerning the several peoples by name, as each should seem to merit. were therefore taken up and disposed of separately. The Lanuvini were given citizenship, and their worship was restored to them, with the stipulation that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be held in common by the burghers of Lanuvium and the Roman People.

> Latin: 13.18. fuit efficere ut omnium rerum vobis ad consulendum potestas esset; vestrum est decernere quod optimum vobis reique publicae sit. Principes senatus relationem consulis de summa rerum laudare, sed, cum aliorum causa alia esset, ita expediri posse consilium dicere, si, ut pro merito cuiusque statueretur, de singulis nominatim referrent populis. igitur de singulis decretumque. Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita, cum eo ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset.

[¶42] 14.3. The Aricini, Nomentani, and Pedani were received into citizenship on the same terns as the Lanuvini.

> Latin: 14.3. Aricini Nomentanique et Pedani eodem iure quo Lanuvini in civitatem accepti.

[¶43] 14.4. The Tusculans were allowed to retain the civic rights which they enjoyed, and the charge of renewing the war' was laid to a few ringleaders, without endamaging the community.

> Latin: 14.4. Tusculanis servata civitas quam habebant, crimenque rebellionis a publica fraude in paucos auctores versum.

[¶44] 14.5. The Veliterni, Roman citizens of old, were severely punished, because they had so often revolted: not only were their walls thrown down, but their senate was carried off and commanded to dwell across the Tiber, with this understanding: that if any should be caught on the hither side, his redemption should be set at a thousand pounds of bronze, and that he who had captured him might not release his prisoner from bondage until the fine was paid. were settled on the senators' lands, and on their enrolment Velitrae regained its former appearance of populousness.

> Latin: 14.5. Veliternos, veteres cives Romanos, quod totiens rebellassent, graviter saevitum: et muri deiecti et senatus inde abductus iussique trans Tiberim habitare, ut eius qui cis Tiberim deprehensus esset usque ad mille pondo assium clarigatio esset nec priusquam aere persoluto is qui cepisset extra vincula capture haberet.

[¶45] 14.7. Antium likewise a colony was dispatched, with an understanding that the Antiates might be permitted, if they liked, themselves to enroll as colonists; their war —ships were taken from them and their people were forbidden the sea; they were granted

> Latin: 14.7. agrum senatorum coloni missi, quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae frequentiae Velitrae receperunt. Antium nova colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent; naves inde longae abactae interdictumque mari Antiati populo est et civitas data.

[¶46] 14.9. citizenship. The Tiburtes and Praenestini were deprived of territory, not only because of the fresh charge of rebellion brought against them in common with the other Latins, but because they had once, in disgust at the power of Rome, united in arms with the Gauls, a race of savages. The rest of the Latin peoples were deprived of the rights of mutual trade and intermarriage and of holding common councils.

> Latin: 14.9. Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati, neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen, sed quod taedio imperii Romani cum Gallis, gente efferata, arma quondam consociassent.

[¶47] 14.10. The Campanians, out of compliment to their knights, because they had not consented to revolt along with the Latins, were granted citizenship without the suffrage; so too were the Fundani and Formiani, because they had always afforded a safe and peaceful passage through their territories. was voted to give the people of Cumae and Suessula the same rights and the same terms as the Capuans.

> Latin: 14.10. Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt. Campanis equitum honoris causa, quia cum Latinis rebellare noluissent, Fundanisque et Formianis, quod per fines eorum tuta pacataque semper fuisset via, civitas sine suffragio data.

[¶48] 14.11. The ships of the Antiates were some of them laid up in the Roman dockyards, and some were burnt and a motion passed to employ their beaks for the adornment of a platform erected in the Forum.

> Latin: 14.11. Suessulanosque eiusdem iuris condicionisque cuius Capuam esse placuit.

[¶49] 14.12. place was dedicated with augural ceremonies and given the name of Rostra or The Beaks. the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Aelius Paetus the good —will which their generous conduct had procured for the Romans had been no less efficacious than their power in maintaining a general peace, when a war broke out between the Sidicini and the Aurunci. The Aurunci had surrendered in the consulship of Titus Manlius and had given no trouble since that time, for which reason they had the better right to expect assistance from the Romans.

> Latin: 14.12. Antiatium partim in navalia Romae subductae, partim incensae, rostrisque earum suggestum in foro exstructum adornari placuit, Rostraque id templum appellatum. C. Sulpicio Longo P. Aelio Paeto consulibus cum omnia non opes magis Romanae quam beneficiis parta gratia bona pace obtineret, inter Sidicinos Auruncosque bellum ortum. Aurunci, T. Manlio consule in deditionem accepti, nihil deinde moverant; eo petendi auxilii ab Romanis causa iustior fuit.

[¶50] 15.3. before the consuls marched from Rome —for the Senate had directed them to defend the Aurunci —tidings were brought that the Aurunci had abandoned their town, in their alarm, and had taken refuge, with their wives and children, in Suessa —now called Aurunca —which they had fortified: and that their ancient walls and their city had been destroyed by the Sidicini.

> Latin: 15.3. priusquam consules ab urbe—iusserat enim senatus defendi Auruncos—exercitum educerent, fama adfertur Auruncos metu oppidum deseruisse profugosque cum coniugibus ac liberis Suessam communisse, quae nunc Aurunca appellatur, moenia antiqua eorum urbemque ab Sidicinis deletam.

[¶51] 15.5. news made the senate angry with the consuls, by whose tardiness the allies had been betrayed, and they ordered a dictator to be appointed. The nomination fell to Gaius Claudius Inregillensis, who named as his master of horse Gaius Claudius Hortator.

> Latin: 15.5. ea infensus consulibus senatus, quorum cunctatione proditi socii essent, dictatorem dici iussit. C. Claudius Inregillensis magistrum equitum C. Claudium Hortatorem dixit.

[¶52] 15.6. A religious difficulty was then raised about the dictator, and on the augurs' reporting that there seemed to have been a flaw in his appointment, the dictator and his master of the horse resigned.

> Latin: 15.6. inde iniecta de dictatore, et cum augures vitio creatum videri dixissent, dictator magisterque equitum se magistratu abdicarunt.

[¶53] 15.7. that year the Vestal Minucia, suspected in the first instance because of her dress, which was more ornate than became her station, was subsequently accused before the pontiffs on the testimony of a slave, and having been by their decree commanded to keep aloof from the sacred rites and to retain her slaves in her own power, was convicted and buried alive near the Colline Gate, to the right of the paved road in the Polluted Field —so called, I believe, on account of her unchastity.

> Latin: 15.7. anno Minucia Vestalis suspecta primo propter mundiorem iusto cultum, insimulata deinde apud pontifices ab indice servo, cum decreto eorum iussa esset sacris abstinere familiamque in potestate habere, facto iudicio viva sub terram ad portam Collinam dextra viam stratam defossa Scelerato campo; credo ab incesto id ei loco nomen factum.

[¶54] 15.9. the same year Quintus Publilius Philo was made praetor, —the first to be chosen from the plebs. Sulpicius the Consul opposed his election and declared that he would receive no votes for him; but the senate, having failed in its opposition to plebeian candidates for the highest magistracies, was less obstinate in the matter of the praetorship.

> Latin: 15.9. anno Q. Publilius Philo praetor primum de plebe adversante Sulpicio consule, qui negabat rationem eius se habiturum, est factus, senatu, cum in summis imperiis id non obtinuisset, minus in praetura tendente. annus, L. Papirio Crasso K. Duillio consulibus, Ausonum magis novo quam magno bello fuit insignis.

[¶55] 16.2. The following year, being the consulship of Lucius Papirius Crassus and Caeso Duillius, was remarkable for a war more novel than important, to wit with the Ausonians, who inhabited the city of Cales.

> Latin: 16.2. gens Cales urbem incolebat; Sidicinis finitimis arma coniunxerat, unoque proelio haud sane memorabili duorum populorum exercitus fusus propinquitate urbium et ad fugam pronior et in fuga ipsa tutior fuit.

[¶56] 16.3. had joined forces with their neighbours, the Sidicini, and the army of the two peoples having suffered a defeat in one —by no means memorable — battle, was by the nearness of their cities not only the more disposed to flight, but found in that same flight the readier safety. The senators, however, did not cease to be concerned over this war, so many times before had the Sidicini either drawn the sword themselves, or lent aid to those who were drawing it, or been the occasion of hostilities. accordingly bent every effort to elect to his fourth consulship the greatest soldier of that age, Marcus Valerius Corvus.

> Latin: 16.3. tamen omissa eius belli cura patribus, quia totiens iam Sidicini aut ipsi moverant bellum aut moventibus auxilium tulerant aut causa armorum fuerant. omni ope adnisi sunt, ut maximum ea tempestate imperatorem M. Valerium Corvum consulem quartum facerent;

[¶57] 16.5. be his colleague, they gave him Marcus Atilius Regulus; and lest there should by chance be some miscarriage, they requested of the consuls that Corvus be given the command, without the drawing of lots.

> Latin: 16.5. collega additus Corvo M. Atilius Regulus; et ne forte casu erraretur, petitum ab consulibus ut extra sortem Corvi ea provincia esset.

[¶58] 16.6. over the victorious army from the previous consuls, he marched on Cales, where the war had originated, and routing the enemy —who had as yet not even recovered from the panic of the earlier encounter —at the first cheer and onset, he attacked the town itself.

> Latin: 16.6. victore a superioribus consulibus accepto, ad Cales, unde bellum ortum erat, profectus, cum hostes ab superioris etiam certaminis memoria pavidos clamore atque impetu primo fudisset, moenia ipsa oppugnare est adgressus.

[¶59] 16.7. The soldiers, for their part, were so eager that they wished to attempt the walls at once with scaling —ladders, and insisted that they could carry the place; but Corvus, since this would have been an arduous achievement, preferred to accomplish his purpose at the cost of labour rather than of danger to his men.

> Latin: 16.7. militum quidem is erat ardor ut iam inde cum scalis succedere ad muros vellent evasurosque contenderent;

[¶60] 16.8. therefore constructed a terrace and brought up mantlets, and moved his towers close to the walls, but a fortunate circumstance made it unnecessary to employ them. Marcus Fabius, a Roman prisoner, being neglected by his guards on a day of merrymaking, broke his bonds, let himself down by the wall, hand over hand, into the Roman works, by a rope which he had made fast to a battlement, and induced the general to attack the enemy while they were overcome with feasting and drinking.

> Latin: 16.8. Corvus, quia id arduum factu erat, labore militum potius quam periculo peragere inceptum voluit. aggerem et vineas egit turresque muro admovit, quarum usum forte oblata opportunitas praevertit. M. Fabius, captivus Romanus, cum per neglegentiam custodum festo die vinculis ruptis per murum inter opera Romanorum, religata ad pinnam muri reste suspensus,

[¶61] 16.10. The result was that the Ausonians and their city were captured with no greater effort than they had been defeated in the field. spoils were taken, a garrison was established in the town, and the legions were led back to Rome.

> Latin: 16.10. manibus se demisisset, perpulit imperatorem ut vino epulisque sopitos hostes adgrederetur; nec maiore certamine capti cum urbe Ausones sunt quam acie fusi erant. capta ingens est, praesidioque imposito Calibus reductae Romam legiones.

[¶62] 16.11. The consul triumphed, in pursuance of a senatorial decree, and lest Atilius should go without his meed of glory, both consuls were directed to march against the Sidicini.

> Latin: 16.11. Consul ex senatus consulto triumphavit, et, ne Atilius expers gloriae esset, iussi ambo consules adversus Sidicinos ducere exercitum.

[¶63] 16.12. first —being so instructed by the senate —they named a dictator to preside at the elections, their choice falling on Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus, who selected Quintus Publilius Philo to be master of the horse. the presidency of the dictator, Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius were chosen consuls.

> Latin: 16.12. ante ex senatus consulto comitiorum habendorum causa dixerunt L. Aemilium Mamercinum; is magistrum equitum Q. Publilium Philonem dixit. comitia habente consules creati sunt T. Veturius Sp. Postumius.

[¶64] 16.13. These men, although a half of the war —with the Sidicini —yet remained, nevertheless, in order to anticipate the desires of the plebs by doing them a service, brought in a proposal for sending out a colony to Cales.

> Latin: 16.13. , etsi belli pars cum Sidicinis restabat, tamen, ut beneficio praevenirent desiderium plebis, de colonia deducenda Cales rettulerunt;

[¶65] 16.14. The senate resolved that twenty —five hundred men should be enrolled for it, and appointed Caeso Duillius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius a commission of three to conduct the settlers to the land and apportion it amongst them.

> Latin: 16.14. factoque senatus consulto ut duo milia quingenti homines eo scriberentur, tres viros coloniae deducendae agroque dividundo creaverunt K. Duillium T. Quinctium M. Fabium. deinde consules a veteribus exercitu accepto ingressi hostium fines populando usque ad moenia atque urbem pervenerunt.

[¶66] 17.2. The new consuls then took over the army from their predecessors, and entering the enemy's territory laid it waste as far as their city walls. this juncture, since the Sidicini had themselves raised an enormous army and seemed likely to make a desperate struggle in behalf of their last hope, and since the rumour went that Samnium was arming, the senate authorized the consuls to nominate a dictator.

> Latin: 17.2. quia ingenti exercitu comparato Sidicini et ipsi pro extrema spe dimicaturi enixe videbantur et Samnium fama erat conciri ad bellum, dictator ab consulibus ex auctoritate senatus dictus P.

[¶67] 17.3. appointed Publius Cornelius Rufinus, and Marcus Antonius was made master of the horse.

> Latin: 17.3. Cornelius Rufinus, magister equitum M.

[¶68] 17.4. was subsequently raised about the regularity of their appointment, and they resigned their office; and when a pestilence ensued, it was supposed that all the auspices were affected by that irregularity, and the state reverted to an interregnum.

> Latin: 17.4. Antonius. Religio deinde incessit vitio eos creatos, magistratuque se abdicaverunt; et quia pestilentia insecuta est, velut omnibus eo vitio contactis auspiciis, res ad interregnum rediit.

[¶69] 17.5. Marcus Valerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the beginning of the interregnum, achieved the election to the consulship of Aulus Cornelius (for the second time) and Gnaeus Domitius.

> Latin: 17.5. interregno inito per quintum demum interregem, M. Valerium Corvum, creati consules A. Cornelius iterum et Cn. Domitius.

[¶70] 17.6. , as it did, when all was tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic war worked like an actual rising, and caused the senate to have recourse to a dictator. Marcus Papirius Crassus was the man, and he named Publius Valerius Publicola master of the horse.

> Latin: 17.6. rebus fama Gallici belli pro tumultu valuit ut dictatorem dici placeret. M. Papirius Crassus et magister equitum P. Valerius Publicola.

[¶71] 17.7. they were conducting their levy, more strenuously than they would have done for a war against a neighbouring state, scouts were sent out, and returned with the report that all was quiet amongst the Gauls.

> Latin: 17.7. quibus cum dilectus intentius quam adversus finitima bella haberetur, exploratores missi attulerunt quieta omnia apud Gallos esse.

[¶72] 17.8. Samnium likewise had now for two years been suspected of hatching revolutionary schemes, for which reason the Roman army was not withdrawn from the Sidicine country.

> Latin: 17.8. Samnium quoque iam alterum annum turbari novis consiliis suspectum erat; eo ex agro Sidicino exercitus Romanus non deductus.

[¶73] 17.9. an invasion by Alexander of Epirus drew the Samnites off into Lucania, and these two peoples engaged in a pitched battle with the King, as he was marching up from Paestum.

> Latin: 17.9. Samnites bellum Alexandri Epirensis in Lucanos traxit; qui duo populi adversus regem escensionem a Paesto facientem signis conlatis pugnaverunt.

[¶74] 17.10. The victory remained with Alexander, who then made a treaty of peace with the Romans; with what faith he intended to keep it, had the rest of his campaign been equally successful, is a question.

> Latin: 17.10. certamine superior Alexander, incertum qua fide culturus, si perinde cetera processissent, pacem cum Romanis fecit.

[¶75] 17.11. this same year the census was taken and new citizens were assessed. their account the Maecian and Scaptian tribes were added. The censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius.

> Latin: 17.11. anno census actus novique cives censi. propter eos additae Maecia et Scaptia; censores addiderunt Q. Publilius Philo Sp. Postumius.

[¶76] 17.12. The people of Acerra became Romans under a statute, proposed by the praetor Lucius Papirius, which granted them citizenship without the suffrage. were the events of this year at home and in the field.

> Latin: 17.12. Romani facti Acerrani lege ab L. Papirio praetore lata, qua civitas sine suffragio data. eo anno domi militiaeque gesta. insequens annus seu intemperie caeli seu humana fraude fuit, M. Claudio Marcello C. Valerio consulibus.

[¶77] 18.2. terrible year succeeded, whether owing to the unseasonable weather or to man's depravity. The consuls were Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Gaius Valerius. find Flaccus and Potitus severally given in the annals, as the surname of Valerius; but it does not greatly signify where the truth lies in regard to this.

> Latin: 18.2. Potitumque varie in annalibus cognomen consulis invenio; ceterum in eo parvi refert quid veri sit; illud pervelim—nec omnes auctores sunt—proditum falso esse, venenis absumptos quorum mors infamem annum pestilentia fecerit;

[¶78] 18.3. thing, however, I should be glad to believe had been falsely handed down —and indeed not all the authorities avouch it —namely, that those whose deaths made the year notorious for pestilence were in reality destroyed by poison; still, I must set forth the story as it comes to us, that I may not deprive any writer of his credit. the leading citizens were falling ill with the same kind of malady, which had, in almost every case the same fatal termination, a certain serving —woman came to Quintus Fabius Maximus, the curule aedile, and declared that she would reveal the cause of the general calamity, if he would give her a pledge that she should not suffer for her testimony.

> Latin: 18.3. sicut proditur tamen res, ne cui auctorum fidem abrogaverim, exponenda est. primores civitatis similibus morbis eodemque ferme omnes eventu morerentur, ancilla quaedam ad Q. Fabium Maximum aedilem curulem indicaturam se causam publicae pestis professa est, si ab eo fides sibi data esset haud futurum noxae indicium.

[¶79] 18.5. Fabius at once referred the matter to the consuls, and the consuls to the senate, and a pledge was given to the witness with the unanimous approval of that body.

> Latin: 18.5. Fabius confestim rem ad consules, consules ad senatum referunt, consensuque ordinis fides indici data. patefactum muliebri fraude civitatem premi matronasque ea venena coquere, et si sequi extemplo velint, manifesto deprehendi posse.

[¶80] 18.7. then disclosed the fact that the City was afflicted by the criminal practices of the women; that they who prepared these poisons were matrons, whom, if they would instantly attend her, they might take in the very act.

> Latin: 18.7. indicem et coquentes quasdam medicamenta et recondita alia invenerunt.

[¶81] 18.8. followed the informer and found certain women brewing poisons, and other poisons stored away. These concoctions were brought into the Forum, and some twenty matrons, in whose houses they had been discovered, were summoned thither by an apparitor. of their number, Cornelia and Sergia, of patrician houses both, asserted that these drugs were salutary. the informer giving them the lie, and bidding them drink and prove her charges false in the sight of all, they took time to confer, and after the crowd had been dismissed they referred the question to the rest, and finding that they, like themselves, would not refuse the draught, they all drank off the poison and perished by their own wicked practices.

> Latin: 18.8. in forum delatis et ad viginti matronis, apud quas deprehensa erant, per viatorem accitis, duae ex eis, Cornelia ac Sergia, patriciae utraque gentis, cum ea medicamenta salubria esse contenderent, ab confutante indice bibere iussae, ut se falsum commentam in conspectu omnium arguerent, spatio ad conloquendum sumpto, cum submoto populo rem ad ceteras rettulissent, haud abnuentibus et illis bibere, epoto medicamento suamet ipsae fraude omnes interierunt.

[¶82] 18.10. attendants being instantly arrested informed against a large number of matrons, of whom one hundred and seventy were found guilty;

> Latin: 18.10. extemplo earum comites magnum numerum matronarum indicaverunt; ex quibus ad centum septuaginta damnatae.

[¶83] 18.11. yet until that day there had never been a trial for poisoning in Rome. act was regarded as a prodigy, and suggested madness rather than felonious intent.

> Latin: 18.11. de veneficiis ante eam diem Romae quaesitum est. ea res loco habita captisque magis mentibus quam consceleratis similis visa;

[¶84] 18.12. when a tradition was revived from the annals how formerly in secessions of the plebs a nail had been driven by the dictator, and how men's minds, which had been distracted by dissension, had by virtue of that expiation regained their self —control, they resolved on the appointment of a dictator to drive the nail.

> Latin: 18.12. itaque memoria ex annalibus repetita in secessionibus quondam plebis clavum ab dictatore fixum alienatasque discordia mentes hominum eo piaculo compotes sui fuisse, dictatorem clavi figendi causa creari placuit.

[¶85] 18.13. The appointment went to Gnaeus Quinctilius, who named Lucius Valerius master of the horse. The nail was driven and they resigned their posts. The consular election resulted in the choice of Lucius Papirius Crassus (for the second time) and Lucius Plautius Venox. the outset of this year Volscian ambassadors from Fabrateria and Luca came to Rome asking protection, and promising that, if defended from Samnite aggressions, they would be loyal and obedient subjects of the Roman People. The senate thereupon sent envoys to the Samnites and warned them to do no violence to the territories of those cities.

> Latin: 18.13. Cn. Quinctilius magistrum equitum L. Valerium dixit, qui fixo clavo magistratu se abdicaverunt. consules L. Papirius Crassus iterum L. Plautius Venox; cuius principio anni legati ex Volscis Fabraterni et Lucani Romam venerunt, orantes ut in fidem reciperentur: si a Samnitium armis defensi essent, se sub imperio populi Romani fideliter atque oboedienter futuros.

[¶86] 19.3. The embassy was effective, not so much because the Samnites desired peace, as because they were unprepared, as yet, for war. The same year saw the beginning of the war with Privernum.

> Latin: 19.3. tum ab senatu legati denuntiatumque Samnitibus ut eorum populorum finibus vim abstinerent; valuitque ea legatio, non tam quia pacem volebant Samnites quam quia nondum parati erant ad bellum.

[¶87] 19.4. The enemy had the Fundanians for allies, and even a Fundanian general, by the name of Vitruvius Vaccus. was a man of distinction, not only in his own city, but in Rome as well, where he had a house on the Palatine, at the place which, after the building had been demolished and the area confiscated, was known as the Meadows of Vaccus.

> Latin: 19.4. anno Privernas bellum initum, cuius socii Fundani, dux etiam fuit Fundanus, Vitruvius Vaccus, vir non domi solum sed etiam Romae clarus; aedes fuere in Palatio eius, quae Vacci prata diruto aedificio publicatoque solo appellata.

[¶88] 19.5. was spoiling, far and wide, the territories of Setia, Norba, and Cora, when Lucius Papirius marched out to confront him, and took up a position not far from the other's camp.

> Latin: 19.5. hunc vastantem effuse Setinum Norbanumque et Coranum agrum L. Papirius profectus haud procul castris eius consedit.

[¶89] 19.6. Vitruvius had neither the strength of mind to remain behind his rampart in the face of a more powerful opponent, nor the courage to fight at a distance from his works.

> Latin: 19.6. Vitruvio nec ut vallo se teneret adversus validiorem hostem hosted sana constare mens, nec ut longius a castris dimicaret animus suppetere;

[¶90] 19.7. The last of his troops were scarcely clear of the camp gates and his line deployed, and the soldiers were thinking more of flight than of battle or the enemy, when he began, without showing either prudence or audacity, a critical engagement.

> Latin: 19.7. vix tota extra portam castrorum explicata acie, fugam magis retro quam proelium aut hostem spectante milite, sine consilio, sine audacia depugnat.

[¶91] 19.8. was easily and decisively defeated; yet, because his camp was so near and so readily accessible, he was able without great difficulty to save his men from heavy losses; indeed, there were hardly any slain in the battle itself, and in the flight only a few amongst the stragglers, as they rushed into the camp.

> Latin: 19.8. et levi momento nec ambigue est victus, ita brevitate ipsa loci facilique receptu in tam propinqua castra haud aegre militem a multa caede est tutatus;

[¶92] 19.9. cover of the earliest dusk they sought Privernum in a panic —stricken throng, to obtain for themselves the protection of walls in place of a rampart. Privernum the other consul Plautius, after everywhere pillaging the fields and driving off the cattle, led his army into the domain of Fundi.

> Latin: 19.9. nec fere quisquam in ipso certamine, pauci in turba fugae extremae, cum in castra ruerent, caesi; primisque tenebris Privernum inde petitum agmine trepido, ut muris potius quam vallo sese tutarentur. Priverno Plautius alter consul pervastatis passim agris praedaque abacta in agrum Fundanum exercitum inducit.

[¶93] 19.10. he crossed the border he was met by the Fundanian senate, who said that they had come to plead, not for Vitruvius and his followers, but for the people of Fundi, whom even Vitruvius himself had cleared of responsibility for the war, when he sought refuge in Privernum and not in his native city.

> Latin: 19.10. fines senatus Fundanorum occurrit; negant se pro Vitruvio sectamque eius secutis precatum venisse, sed pro Fundano populo, quem extra culpam belli esse ipsum Vitruvium iudicasse, cum receptaculum fugae Privernum habuerit, non patriam.

[¶94] 19.11. was therefore in Privernum that the Roman People should seek out and punish its enemies, who had fallen away at the same time from Fundi and from Rome, unmindful of either allegiance: the Fundani were peaceful, their sympathies were Roman, and they held in grateful recollection the gift of citizenship.

> Latin: 19.11. Priverni igitur hostes populi Romani quaerendos persequendosque esse, qui simul a Fundanis ac Romanis utriusque patriae immemores defecerint: Fundanis pace esse et animos Romanos et gratam memoriam acceptae civitatis.

[¶95] 19.12. begged the consul to make no war upon an innocent people, and declared that their lands, their city, their persons, and those of their wives and children were subject to the dominion of the Roman People and would so remain.

> Latin: 19.12. se consulem ut bellum ab innoxio populo abstineat; agros urbem corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque.

[¶96] 19.13. The consul heartily commended them, and announcing in a dispatch to Rome that the Fundanians were loyal, turned aside and marched against Privernum.

> Latin: 19.13. Fundanis consul litterisque Romam missis in officio Fundanos esse ad Privernum flexit iter. animadversum in eos qui capita coniurationis fuerant a consule scribit Claudius;

[¶97] 19.14. Claudius writes that before he set out, the consul executed the leaders of the plot, and sent some three hundred and fifty of the conspirators in chains to Rome; but that the senate would not accept of their surrender, being persuaded that the people of Fundi sought to escape with the punishment of their poor and lowly.

> Latin: 19.14. ad trecentos quinquaginta ex coniuratis vinctos Romam missos, eamque deditionem ab senatu non acceptam, quod egentium atque humilium poena defungi velle Fundanum populum censuerint. Privernum duobus consularibus exercitibus cum obsideretur, alter consul comitiorum causa Romam revocatus.

[¶98] 20.2. the two consular armies were laying siege to Privernum, the other consul was recalled to Rome to hold the elections. cells were built this year for the first time in the Circus. The war with Privernum was not yet out of the way, when there came an alarming report of a Gallic rising, a warning which the senate almost never disregarded.

> Latin: 20.2. eo anno in circo primum statuti. perfunctos cura Privernatis belli tumultus Gallici fama atrox invasit, haud ferme unquam neglecta patribus.

[¶99] 20.3. , without a moment's hesitation, the new consuls, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus and Gaius Plautius, were directed, on the very day on which they entered office —the Kalends of July —to divide the commands between them, and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war had fallen, was bidden to enlist an army without granting a single exemption;

> Latin: 20.3. igitur consules novi L. Aemilius Mamercinus et C. Plautius, eo ipso die, Kalendis Quinctilibus, quo magistratum inierunt, comparare inter se provincias iussi, et Mamercinus, cui Gallicum bellum evenerat, scribere exercitum sine ulla vacationis venia;

[¶100] 20.4. indeed it is said that a rabble of craftsmen even, and sedentary mechanics, was called out —a type the least qualified of all for military service.

> Latin: 20.4. quin opificum quoque volgus et sellularii, minime militiae idoneum genus, exciti dicuntur; Veiosque ingens exercitus contractus, ut inde obviam Gallis iretur;

## 39. Book VIII · chapters 20–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/39/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/39/#p-N

[¶0] 20.5. An enormous army was brought together at Veii, which was to be the base for the campaign against the Gauls; further afield they would not go, lest the enemy, advancing upon the City, might slip by them on another road. a few days it became quite evident that no disturbance on the part of the Gauls was to be apprehended at that time, whereupon the whole array was directed against Privernum.

> Latin: 20.5. longius discedi, ne alio itinere hostis falleret ad urbem incedens, non placuit. deinde post dies satis explorata temporis eius quiete a Gallis Privernum omnis conversa vis.

[¶1] 20.6. this point there is a twofold tradition: some say that the city was carried by storm, and that Vitruvius was taken alive; others, that before the final assault was made, the people came out with a flag of truce to the consul and surrendered, and that Vitruvius was betrayed by his own followers.

> Latin: 20.6. inde fama est: alii vi captam urbem Vitruviumque vivum in potestatem venisse, alii priusquam ultima adhiberetur vis, ipsos se in deditionem consuli caduceum praeferentes permisisse auctores sunt Vitruviumque ab suis traditum.

[¶2] 20.7. The senate, being consulted regarding Vitruvius and the Privernates, commanded the consul Plautius to raze the walls of Privernum, and placing a strong garrison in the town, to come to Rome and triumph.

> Latin: 20.7. de Vitruvio Privernatibusque consultus consulem Plautium dirutis Priverni muris praesidioque valido imposito ad triumphum accersit: Vitruvium in carcere adservari iussit, quoad consul redisset, tum verberatum necari.

[¶3] 20.8. Vitruvius was to be held a prisoner till the consul should return, and then scourged and put to death; his house on the Palatine was to be pulled down, and his goods dedicated to Semo Sangus. of the bronze which his chattels realized were fashioned bronze disks, which were placed in the shrine of Sangus, over against the temple of Quirinus.

> Latin: 20.8. eius, quae essent in Palatio, diruendas, bona Semoni Sango censuerunt consecranda; quodque aeris ex eis redactum est, ex eo aenei orbes facti positi in sacello Sangus adversus aedem Quirini.

[¶4] 20.9. the senate of Privernum, it was decreed that any senator who had remained in Privernum after its defection from the Romans should dwell across the Tiber on the same terms as the Veliterni.

> Latin: 20.9. senatu Privernate ita decretum, ut qui senator Priverni post defectionem ab Romanis mansisset trans Tiberim lege eadem qua Veliterni habitaret.

[¶5] 20.10. These decrees having been promulgated, no more was said about the Privernates, until Plautius had triumphed. his triumph the consul caused Vitruvius and his associates in wrongdoing to be executed, and deeming it now safe to take up the question of the Privernates with men who were already sated with the punishment of the guilty, spoke as follows: “the authors of rebellion have now received the reward they merited, at the hands of the immortal gods, and at your own hands, Conscript Fathers, what is your pleasure regarding the ”

> Latin: 20.10. ita decretis usque ad triumphum Plauti silentium de Privernatibus fuit; post triumphum consul necato Vitruvio sociisque eius noxae apud satiatos iam suppliciis nocentium tutam mentionem de Privernatibus ratus, auctores defectionis inquit, meritas poenas et ab dis immortalibus et a vobis habent, patres conscripti, quid placet de innoxia multitudine fieri?

[¶6] 20.12. “innocent multitude? my own part, though it becomes me rather to ask opinions than to offer one, yet when I see that the Privernates are neighbours to the Samnites, whose peaceful relations with ourselves are at this time most precarious, I could wish that as little bad feeling as possible might be left between them and us.”

> Latin: 20.12. , etsi meae partes exquirendae magis sententiae quam dandae sunt, tamen, cum videam Privernates vicinos Samnitibus esse, unde nunc nobis incertissima pax est, quam minimum irarum inter nos illosque relinqui velim. ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout cuiusque ingenium erat atrocius mitiusve suadentibus, tum incertiora omnia unus ex Privernatibus legatis fecit, magis condicionis in qua natus esset quam praesentis necessitatis memor;

[¶7] 21.2. The question was of itself a hard one to decide, and every senator argued, as his own nature prompted him, for severity or mercy; but the whole situation was rendered even more uncertain by one of the deputation from Privernum, who possessed a livelier sense of the condition in which he had been born than of the exigencies of the actual crisis. man, on being asked by a certain advocate of harsher measures what punishment he thought the Privernates merited, replied, “punishment which is merited by those who deem themselves worthy to be free.” The consul perceived that this proud answer had increased the hostility of those who were before assailing the cause of the Privernates.

> Latin: 21.2. qui interrogatus a quodam tristioris sententiae auctore quam poenam meritos Privernates censeret, inquit quam merentur qui se libertate dignos censent. cum feroci responso infestiores factos videret consul eos qui ante Privernatium causam impugnabant, ut ipse benigna interrogatione mitius responsum eliceret, si poenam inquit remittimus vobis?

[¶8] 21.4. the hope that he might himself, by putting a more kindly question, elicit a friendlier response, “,” said lie, “if we remit your punishment? sort of peace may we hope to have with you?”

> Latin: 21.4. nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus? bonam dederitis inquit, et fidam et perpetuam; si malam, haud diuturnam.

[¶9] 21.5. “you grant us a good one,” was the answer, “you may look to find it faithfully and permanently kept; if a bad one, you must not expect that it will long endure.”

> Latin: 21.5. vero minari, nec id ambigue, Privernatem quidam, et illis vocibus ad rebellandum incitari pacatos populos;

[¶10] 21.6. some cried out that the Privernate was threatening them, and in no ambiguous terms, and asserted that by such words as those pacified peoples were roused up to rebellion. the more merciful party in the senate put a better construction on his answer, and pronounced it the utterance of a man, and a man free —born. it credible, they asked, that any nation, or for that matter any man, should abide longer than he must in a condition that was painful?

> Latin: 21.6. pars mitior senatus ad meliora responsum trahere et dicere viri et liberi vocem auditam: an credi posse ullum populum aut hominem denique in ea condicione cuius eum paeniteat diutius quam necesse sit mansurum?

[¶11] 21.7. peace, they asserted, was faithfully observed where the terms were willingly accepted; they must not hope for loyalty in a quarter where they sought to impose servitude.

> Latin: 21.7. pacem esse fidam ubi voluntarii pacati sint, neque eo loco ubi servitutem esse velint, fidem sperandam esse.

[¶12] 21.8. The consul himself did the most to bring about the adoption of these views, by remarking repeatedly to the consulars, who led in the expression of opinion, in a voice loud enough for many to overhear, that only those who took no thought for anything save.

> Latin: 21.8. hanc sententiam maxime consul ipse inclinavit animos, identidem ad principes sententiarum consulares, uti exaudiri posset a pluribus, dicendo eos demum qui nihil praeterquam de libertate cogitent dignos esse qui Romani fiant.

[¶13] 21.10. liberty were worthy of becoming Romans. they gained their cause in the senate, and on the authorization of the Fathers a measure was brought before the people conferring citizenship on the Privernates.

> Latin: 21.10. et in senatu causam obtinuere, et ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum est ut Privernatibus civitas daretur.

[¶14] 21.11. that same year three hundred colonists were sent to Anxur, where they received each two iugera of land. The following year, when Publius Plautius Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula were consuls, was not signalised by any military or domestic event, except that a colony was sent out to Fregellae —the territory had belonged to the people of Signia, and afterwards to the Volsci —and a dole of meat was given to the people by Marcus Flavius, at the funeral of his mother.

> Latin: 21.11. anno Anxur trecenti in coloniam missi sunt; bina iugera agri acceperunt. est annus nulla re belli domive insignis, P. Plautio Proculo P. Cornelio Scapula consulibus, praeterquam quod Fregellas-Signinorum is ager, deinde Volscorum fuerat—colonia deducta et populo visceratio data a M. Flavio in funere matris.

[¶15] 22.3. thought that under colour of honouring his mother he had paid a price that he owed the people, because they had acquitted him, when brought to trial by the aediles, of the charge of corrupting a married woman.

> Latin: 22.3. qui per speciem honorandae parentis meritam mercedem populo solutam interpretarentur, quod eum die dicta ab aedilibus crimine stupratae matris familiae absolvisset.

[¶16] 22.4. the dole was made for the past favour shown him in the trial, it was also the cause of his receiving an office; and at the next election he was chosen tribune of the plebs in his absence, in preference to some who canvassed.

> Latin: 22.4. visceratio in praeteritam iudicii gratiam honoris etiam ei causa fuit. plebei proximis comitiis absens petentibus praefertur.

[¶17] 22.5. was a city called Palaepolis, not far from the spot where Neapolis is now, and the two cities were inhabited by one people. Cumae was their mother city, and the Cumani derive their origin from Chalcis in Euboea.

> Latin: 22.5. Palaepolis fuit haud baud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat.

[¶18] 22.6. to the fleet in which they had sailed from their home, they enjoyed much power on the coast of that sea by which they dwell; having landed first on the island of Aenaria and the Pithecusae, they afterwards ventured to transfer their seat to the mainland.

> Latin: 22.6. erant oriundi; Cumani Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt., qua advecti ab domo fuerant, multum in ora maris eius quod accolunt potuere, primo in insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre.

[¶19] 22.7. nation, relying in part on its own strength, in part on the faithlessness shown by the Samnites in their alliance with the Romans, or perhaps on the plague which was reported as having assailed the City of Rome, committed many hostile acts against the Romans dwelling in the districts of Campania and Falerii.

> Latin: 22.7. civitas cum suis viribus tum Samnitium infidae adversus Romanos societati freta, sive pestilentiae quae Romanam urbem adorta nuntiabatur fidens, multa hostilia adversus Romanos agrum Campanum Falernumque incolentes fecit.

[¶20] 22.8. therefore Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Quintus Publilius Philo (for the second time) were consuls, fetials were dispatched to Palaepolis to demand redress; and on their bringing back a spirited answer from the Greeks — a race more valiant in words than in deeds —the people acted upon a resolution of the senate and commanded that war be made upon Palaepolis.

> Latin: 22.8. L. Cornelio Lentulo Q. Publilio Philone iterum consulibus, fetialibus Palaepolim ad res repetendas missis, cum relatum esset a Graecis, gente lingua magis strenua quam factis, ferox responsum, ex auctoritate patrum populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit.

[¶21] 22.9. the division of the commands between the consuls, the war with the Greeks fell to Publilius; Cornelius, with another army, was ordered to be ready for the Samnites, in case they should take the field;

> Latin: 22.9. consules provinciis comparatis bello Graeci persequendi Publilio evenerunt; Cornelius altero exercitu Samnitibus, si qua se moverent, oppositus—fama autem erat defectioni Campanorum imminentes admoturos castra—ibi optimum visum Cornelio stativa habere.

[¶22] 22.10. and since it was rumoured that they were only waiting to bring up their army the moment the Campanians began a revolt, that seemed to be the best place for the permanent encampment of Cornelius.

> Latin: 22.10. utroque consule exiguam spem pacis cum Samnitibus esse certior fit senatus: Publilius duo milia Nolanorum militum et quattuor Samnitium magis Nolanis cogentibus quam voluntate Graecorum recepta Palaepoli;

[¶23] 23.2. consuls informed the senate that there was very little hope of peace with the Samnites: Publilius reported that two thousand soldiers from Nola and four thousand Samnites had been received into Palaepolis, —rather under compulsion from the Nolani than by the good —will of the Greeks; Cornelius, that the Samnite magistrates had proclaimed a levy, and that all Samnium was up, while the neighbouring cities of Privernum, Fundi, and Formiae were being openly solicited to join.

> Latin: 23.2. Cornelius dilectum indictum a magistratibus universumque Samnium erectum ac vicinos populos, Privernatem Fundanumque et Formianum, haud ambigue sollicitari.

[¶24] 23.3. The senate having, in view of these facts, voted to send ambassadors to the Samnites before declaring war, received a defiant answer from them.

> Latin: 23.3. haec cum legatos mitti placuisset prius ad Samnites quam bellum fieret, responsum redditur ab Samnitibus ferox.

[¶25] 23.4. they actually accused the Romans of improper conduct, yet without neglecting to clear their own skirts —if they could —of the charges brought against them:

> Latin: 23.4. incusabant iniurias Romanorum, neque eo neglegentius ea quaeipsis obicerentur purgabant:

[¶26] 23.5. the Greeks, they said, were receiving no public counsel or support from them, nor had they asked the Fundani or Formiani to revolt; indeed they were quite strong enough to look out for themselves, if they chose to fight;

> Latin: 23.5. haud ullo publico consilio auxiliove iuvari Graecos nec Fundanum Formianumve a se sollicitatos; quippe minime paenitere se virium suarum, si bellum placeat.

[¶27] 23.6. on the other hand, they could not dissemble the chagrin of the Samnite nation that Fregellae, which they had captured from the Volsci and destroyed, should have been restored by the Roman People, and a colony planted in the territory of the Samnites which the Roman settlers called by that name;

> Latin: 23.6. non posse dissimulare aegre pati civitatem Samnitium quod Fregellas ex Volscis captas dirutasque ab se restituerit Romanus populus, coloniamque in Samnitium agro imposuerint, quam coloni eorum Fregellas appellent;

[¶28] 23.7. this was an insult and an injury, which, if its authors did not themselves recall it, they proposed to resist with might and main.

> Latin: 23.7. eam se contumeliam iniuriamque, ni sibi ab iis qui fecerint dematur, ipsos omni vi depulsuros esse.

[¶29] 23.8. the Roman legate invited them to discuss the question with the common allies and friends of both, the Samnite spokesman said, “do we beat about the bush? differences, Romans, will be decided, not by the words of envoys nor by any man's arbitration, but by the Campanian plain —where we must meet in battle, —by the sword, and by the common chance of war.”

> Latin: 23.8. Romanus legatus ad disceptandum eos ad communes socios atque amicos vocaret, perplexe agimus? inquit; certamina, Romani, non verba legatorum nec hominum quisquam disceptator, sed campus Campanus, in quo concurrendum est, et arma et communis Mars belli decernet.

[¶30] 23.9. “us encamp then face to face betwixt Suessula and Capua, and settle the question whether Samnite or Roman is to govern Italy.”

> Latin: 23.9. inter Capuam Suessulamque castra castris conferamus, et Samnis Romanusne imperio Italiam regat decernamus.

[¶31] 23.10. The Roman legates having replied that they should go, not where the enemy summoned them, but where their generals led then... taking up a favourable position between Palaepolis and Neapolis, Publilius had already deprived the enemy of that mutual exchange of assistance which they had made use of, as one place after another was hard pressed.

> Latin: 23.10. Romanorum cum se non quo hostis vocasset sed quo imperatores sui duxissent ituros esse respondissent.. Publilius inter Palaepolim Neapolimque loco opportune capto diremerat hostibus societatem auxilii mutui qua, ut quisque locus premeretur, inter se usi fuerant.

[¶32] 23.11. , since the time drew near for the elections, and it was not for the advantage of the state that Publilius, who was threatening the enemy's walls, should be called away from the prospective capture of their city, which might happen any day, the senate got the tribunes to propose a popular enactment, providing that Quintus Publilius Philo should, on the expiration of his consulship, conduct the campaign as proconsul until the Greeks should have been conquered.

> Latin: 23.11. cum et comitiorum dies instaret et Publilium imminentem hostium muris avocari ab spe capiendae in dies urbis haud e re publica esset, actum cum tribunis est, ad populum ferrent ut, cum Q. Publilius Philo consulatu abisset, pro consule rem gereret quoad debellatum cum Graecis esset.

[¶33] 23.13. Lucius Cornelius, who had already entered Samnium, and whom they were equally unwilling to withdraw from the vigorous prosecution of the war, they sent a letter directing him to name a dictator for conducting the elections.

> Latin: 23.13. L. Cornelio, quia ne eum quidem in Samnium iam ingressum revocari ab impetu belli placebat, litterae missae ut dictatorem comitiorum causa diceret. M. Claudium Marcellum;

[¶34] 23.14. named Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who named Spurius Postumius master of the horse. the comitia were not held by the dictator, inasmuch as the regularity of his appointment was called in question. The augurs were consulted, and announced that the procedure appeared faulty.

> Latin: 23.14. ab eo magister equitum dictus Sp. Postumius. tamen ab dictatore comitia sunt habita, quia vitione creatus esset in disquisitionem venit. augures vitiosum videri dictatorem pronuntiaverunt.

[¶35] 23.15. sentence the tribunes by their accusations made suspect and infamous; for the flaw, as they pointed out, could not easily have been discovered, since the consul rose in the night and appointed the dictator in silence, neither had the consul written to anyone regarding the transaction, whether officially or privately, nor was there a single mortal living who could say that he had seen or heard a thing that would bring to naught the auspices;

> Latin: 23.15. rem tribuni suspectam infamemque criminando fecerunt: nam neque facile fuisse id vitium nosci, cum consul oriens de nocte silentio diceret dictatorem, neque ab consule cuiquam publice privatimve de ea re scriptum esse nec quemquam mortalium exstare qui se vidisse aut audisse quid dicat quod auspicium dirimeret, neque augures divinare Romae sedentes potuisse quid in castris consuli vitii obvenisset;

[¶36] 23.16. nor yet could the augurs have divined, as they sat in Rome, what obstacle the consul had met with in the camp. there anyone, they would like to know, who could not see that the plebeian standing of the dictator was the thing which had seemed irregular to the augurs?

> Latin: 23.16. cui non apparere, quod plebeius dictator sit, id vitium auguribus visum? aliaque ab tribunis nequiquam iactata;

[¶37] 23.17. These and other objections were made by the tribunes to no purpose; the state at length reverted to an interregnum, and after the comitia had been again and again postponed, on one pretext or another, at last the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Aemilius, procured the election of consuls, viz. Gaius Poetelius and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus —in other annals I find the name of Cursor.

> Latin: 23.17. tandem ad interregnum res redit, dilatisque alia atque alia de causa comitiis quartus decimus demum interrex L. Aemilius consules creat C. Poetelium L. Papirium Mugillanum; Cursorem in aliis annalibus invenio. anno Alexandream in Aegypto proditum conditam, Alexandrumque Epiri regem ab exsule Lucano interfectum sortes Dodonaei iouis lovis eventu adfirmasse.

[¶38] 24.2. is recorded that in that same year Alexandria in Egypt was founded, and that Alexander, king of Epirus, being murdered by a Lucanian exile, fulfilled by his death the oracle of Jupiter at Dodona. his being summoned to Italy by the Tarentines, the oracle had warned him to beware of the Acherusian water and the city Pandosia, for there he was destined to end his days. this account he had passed over with the more speed into Italy, that he might be as far removed as possible from the city of Pandosia in Epirus and from the river Acheron, which, debouching from Molossis into the Infernal Marshes, discharges its waters into the Thesprotian Gulf.

> Latin: 24.2. ab Tarentinis in Italiam data dictio erat, caveret Acherusiam aquam Pandosiamque urbem: ibi fatis eius terminum dari. ocius transmisit in Italiam ut quam maxime procul abesset urbe Pandosia in Epiro et Acheronte amni, quem ex Molosside fluentem in Stagna Inferna accipit Thesprotius sinus.

[¶39] 24.4. , as generally happens, in seeking to escape his doom he ran full upon it. repeatedly defeated the Bruttian and Lucanian levies; having taken Heraclea, a Tarentine colony, from the Lucanians, and Sipontum belonging to the Apulians, and the Bruttian towns Consentia and Terina, and after that other towns of the Messapians and Lucanians; and having sent to Epirus three hundred illustrious families, to be held as hostages, he took up his station not far from the city Pandosia, which looks down upon the borders of Lucania and Bruttium, on three hills that stand some little distance apart from one another, that he might thence make incursions into every quarter of the enemy's country.

> Latin: 24.4. ut ferme fugiendo in media fata ruitur, cum saepe Bruttias Lucanasque legiones fudisset, Heracleam Tarentinorum coloniam ex Lucanis, Sipontum Apulorum, Consentiamque Bruttiorum ac Terinam, alias inde Messapiorum ac Lucanorum cepisset urbes et trecentas familias illustres in Epirum, quas obsidum numero haberet, misisset, haud procul Pandosia urbe, imminente Lucanis ac Bruttiis finibus, tres tumulos aliquantum inter se distantes insedit, ex quibus incursiones in omnem partem parterm agri hostilis faceret;

[¶40] 24.6. had about him some two hundred Lucanian exiles, whom he trusted; but their loyalty, like that of most men of that nation, was prone to change with the change of fortune.

> Latin: 24.6. et ducentos ferme Lucanorum exsules circa se pro fidis habebat, ut pleraque eius generis ingenia sunt, cum fortuna mutabilem gerentes fidem.

[¶41] 24.7. rains, which flooded all the fields, having isolated the three divisions of the army and cut them off from mutual assistance, the two bodies other than the king's were surprised and overpowered by the enemy, who, after putting them all to the sword, proceeded with their entire strength to blockade Alexander himself.

> Latin: 24.7. continui campis omnibus inundatis cum interclusissent trifariam exercitum a mutuo inter se auxilio, duo praesidia, quae sine rege erant, improviso hostium adventu opprimuntur; deletisque eis ad ipsius obsidionem omnes conversi.

[¶42] 24.8. the Lucanian exiles sent messengers to their countrymen, and promised that, if assured of restoration, they would give up the king, alive or dead, into their hands.

> Latin: 24.8. ab Lucanis exsulibus ad suos nuntii missi sunt, pactoque reditu promissum est regem aut vivum aut mortuum in potestatem daturos.

[¶43] 24.9. Alexander, with a chosen band, made a daring attempt, and broke out through the midst of his foes, cutting down the Lucanian general in a hand —to —hand encounter.

> Latin: 24.9. cum delectis ipse egregium facinus ausus per medios erumpit hostes, et ducem Lucanorum comminus congressum obtruncat;

[¶44] 24.10. , rallying his followers, who had become scattered in the flight, he came to a river, where the fresh ruins of a bridge, which the violence of the current had swept away, pointed out the road.

> Latin: 24.10. contrahensque suos ex fuga palatos pervenit ad amnem, ruinis recentibus pontis, quem vis aquae abstulerat, indicantem iter.

[¶45] 24.11. his company were making their way across the stream by a treacherous ford, a discouraged and exhausted soldier cried out, cursing the river's ill —omened name, “are rightly called the Acheros!” When the king heard this, he at once bethought him of the oracle, and stopped, undecided whether he should cross or not.

> Latin: 24.11. cum incerto vado transiret agmen, fessus metu ac labore miles, increpans nomen abominandum fluminis, Acheros vocaris inquit. ubi ad aures accidit regis, adiecit extemplo animum fatis suis substititque, dubius an transiret.

[¶46] 24.12. Sotimus, one of the young nobles who attended him, asked why he hesitated in so dangerous a crisis, and pointed out the Lucanians, who were looking for a chance to waylay him.

> Latin: 24.12. Sotimus, minister ex regiis pueris, quid in tanto discrimine periculi cunctaretur interrogans, indicat Lucanos insidiis quaerere locum.

[¶47] 24.13. a backward glance the king perceived them at a little distance coming towards him in a body, and drawing his sword, urged his horse through the middle of the stream. had already gained the shallow water, when a Lucanian exile cast a javelin that transfixed him.

> Latin: 24.13. ubi respexit rex procul grege facto venientes, stringit gladium, et per medium amnem transmittit equum; iamque in vadum egressum eminus veruto Lucanus exsul transfigit.

[¶48] 24.14. fell with the javelin in his lifeless body, and the current carried him down to the enemy's guard. them his corpse was barbarously mangled, for they cut it in two through the middle, and sending a half to Consentia, kept the other half to make sport for themselves.

> Latin: 24.14. inde cum inhaerente telo corpus exanime detulit amnis in hostium praesidia. foeda laceratio corporis facta. praeciso medio partem Consentiam misere, pars ipsis retenta ad ludibrium. cum iaculis saxisque procul incesseretur, mulier una ultra humanarum irarum fidem saevienti turbae immixta, ut parumper sustinerent precata, flens ait virum sibi liberosque captos apud hostes esse;

[¶49] 24.15. were standing off and pelting it with javelins and stones, when a solitary woman, exposing herself to the inhuman savagery of the raging crowd, besought them to forbear a little, and with many tears declared that her husband and children were prisoners in the hands of the enemy, and that she hoped that with the body of the king, however much disfigured, she might redeem them. ended the mutilation. was left of the corpse was cremated at Consentia by the care of none other than the woman, and the bones sent back to Metapontum, to the enemy; whence they were conveyed by ship to Epirus, to his wife Cleopatra and his sister Olympias, of whom the latter was mother, the former sister, to Alexander the

> Latin: 24.15. sperare corpore regio utcumque mulcato se suos redempturam. finis lacerationi fuit, sepultumque Consentiae quod membrorum reliquum fuit cura mulieris unius, ossaque Metapontum ad hostes remissa, inde Epirum devecta ad Cleopatram uxorem sororemque Olympiadem, quarum mater magni Alexandri altera, soror altera fuit.

[¶50] 24.18. Great. brief account of the sad end of Alexander may be excused on the score of his having warred in Italy, albeit Fortune held him back from attacking the Romans.

> Latin: 24.18. de Alexandri Epirensis tristi eventu, quamquam Romano bello fortuna eum abstinuit, tamen, quia in Italia bella gessit, paucis dixisse satis sit. anno lectisternium Romae, quintum post conditam urbem, iisdem quibus ante placandis habitum est deis.

[¶51] 25.2. lectisternium, the fifth since the founding of the City, was held this year, to propitiate the same deities as before. the new consuls, having sent fetials, as commanded by the people, to declare war on the Samnites, not only began themselves to make ready for it, on a much greater scale in every respect than they had done against the Greeks, but received new and at that time quite unlooked for help.

> Latin: 25.2. deinde consules iussu populi cum misissent qui indicerent Samnitibus bellum, ipsi maiore conatu quam adversus Graecos cuncta parabant; et alia nova nihil tum animo tale agitantibus accesserunt auxilia.

[¶52] 25.3. the Lucanians and Apulians, nations which until then had had no dealings with the Roman People, put themselves under their protection and promised arms and men for the war, and were accordingly received into a treaty of friendship.

> Latin: 25.3. Lucani atque Apuli, quibus gentibus nihil ad eam diem cum Romano populo fuerat, in fidem venerunt, arma virosque ad bellum pollicentes; foedere ergo in amicitiam accepti. tempore etiam in Samnio res prospere gesta.

[¶53] 25.4. the same time, the Romans conducted a successful campaign in Samnium. towns —Allifae, Callifae, and Rufrium —fell into their hands, and the rest of the country was devastated far and wide at the first coming of the consuls.

> Latin: 25.4. oppida in potestatem venerunt, Allifae Callifae Rufrium, aliusque ager primo adventu consulum longe lateque est pervastatus.

[¶54] 25.5. this war was beginning in so prosperous a fashion, the other, against the Greeks, was in a fair way to be concluded. not only were a part of the besieged cut off from the rest by the intervening entrenchments of the Romans, but things were going on within their walls much more dreadful than the perils with which the enemy threatened them; and as though the inhabitants had been made prisoners by their own defenders, they were subjected to outrage even in the persons of their children and their wives, and suffered all the horrors of captured cities.

> Latin: 25.5. bello tam prospere commisso, alteri quoque bello, quo Graeci obsidebantur, iam finis aderat. praeterquam quod intersaeptis munimentis hostium pars parti abscisa erat, foediora aliquanto intra muros iis quibus hostis territabat fiebant, et velut capti a suismet ipsi praesidiis indigna in liberis quoque ac coniugibus et quae captarum urbium extrema sunt patiebantur.

[¶55] 25.7. so, on a report that reinforcements were on their way, both from Tarentum and from the Samnites, they felt that they had within their city more Samnites than they wanted, but being Greeks, looked forward to the coming of their fellow Greeks, the young men of Tarentum, to enable them to resist the Samnites and the Nolani, no less than their enemies, the Romans.

> Latin: 25.7. cum et a Tarento et a Samnitibus fama esset nova auxilia ventura, Samnitium plus quam vellent intra moenia esse rebantur, Tarentinorum iuventutem, Graeci Graecos, haud minus per quos Samniti Nolanoque quam ut Romanis hostibus resisterent, exspectabant;

[¶56] 25.8. the end it appeared to them that surrender to the Romans was the least intolerable evil. Charilaus and Nymphius, their principal citizens, took counsel together, and arranged the part that each should play in order to bring this about. was to go over to the Roman general, the other to remain behind and make the city ready for the accomplishment of their design.

> Latin: 25.8. postremo levissimum malorum deditio ad Romanos visa: Charilaus et Nymphius, principes civitatis, communicato inter se consilio partes ad rem agendam divisere, ut alter ad imperatorem Romanorum transfugeret, alter subsisteret ad praebendam opportunam consilio urbem.

[¶57] 25.10. was Charilaus who went to Publilius Philo, and praying that it might tum out a good and favourable and fortunate thing for Palaepolis and for the Roman People, announced that he had resolved to deliver up the walls.

> Latin: 25.10. Charilaus fuit qui ad Publilium Philonem venit, et quod bonum faustum felix Palaepolitanis populoque Romano esset, tradere se ait moenia statuisse;

[¶58] 25.11. depended, he said, upon the honour of the Romans whether, having accomplished his intention, he should appear to have betrayed his country or to have saved it. himself in particular he neither stipulated nor requested anything; for his people he requested — though he did not stipulate —that if the enterprise succeeded, the Roman People should consider with what eagerness they had resumed the friendship, and the hazard which they ran, rather than the folly and temerity which had led them to forget their duty.

> Latin: 25.11. eo facto, utrum ab se prodita an servata patria videatur, in fide Romana positum esse; sibi privatim nec pacisci quicquam nec petere; publice petere quam pacisci magis ut, si successisset inceptum, cogitaret populus Romanus potius cum quanto studio periculoque reditum in amicitiam suam esset, quam qua stultitia et temeritate de officio decessum.

[¶59] 25.13. The general commended him, and gave him three thousand soldiers to seize that part of the city where the Samnites were established, appointing Lucius Quinctius, a military tribune, to command the force. the same time Nymphius for his part had gone craftily to work with the Samnite commander, and pointing out that all the forces of the Romans were either about Palaepolis or in Samnium, got him to consent that he should take a fleet and sail round them to the Roman seaboard, where he proposed, so he said, to ravage not only the coastal region, but the vicinity of Rome itself; it would however be necessary, in order to slip past the enemy unobserved, to put out at night, and the ships must be drawn down at once.

> Latin: 25.13. ab imperatore tria trial milia militum ad occupandam eam partem urbis: quam Samnites insidebant accepit; praesidio ei L. Quinctius tribunus militum praepositus. tempore et Nymphius praetorem Samnitium arte adgressus perpulerat, ut, quoniam omnis Romanus exercitus aut circa Palaepolim aut in Samnio esset, sineret se classe circumvehi ad Romanum agrum, non oram modo maris sed ipsi urbi propinqua loca depopulaturum. ut falleret, nocte proficiscendum esse extemploque naves deducendas. quo maturius fieret, omnis iuventus Samnitium praeter necessarium urbis praesidium ad litus missa.

[¶60] 26.3. this might be accomplished the more expeditiously, all the Samnite soldiers, except the few who were needed to mount guard in the city, were sent down to the shore. Nymphius was killing time there in the darkness, purposely issuing contradictory orders to confuse the throng, which was so large as to get in its own way, Charilaus, having been received into the city, as agreed upon by the conspirators, had occupied the highest part of it with Roman soldiers, whom he now commanded to give a cheer.

> Latin: 26.3. dum Nymphius in tenebris et multitudine semet ipsa impediente, sedulo aliis alia imperia turbans, terit tempus, Charilaus ex composito ab sociis in urbem receptus, cum summa urbis Romano milite implesset, tolli clamorem iussit: ad quem Graeci signo accepto a principibus quievere, Nolani per aversam partem urbis via Nolam ferente effugiunt.

[¶61] 26.4. hearing this, the Greeks, who had received a signal from their leaders, remained still, but the Nolani fled through the opposite quarter of the city by the road that leads to Nola. The Samnites, being shut out from the town, enjoyed a momentary advantage in the ease with which they fled, but appeared in a more disgraceful light, when the danger had been left behind. —for they had abandoned everything to the enemy —they returned to their homes despoiled and destitute, a laughingstock not only to strangers but to their own countrymen.

> Latin: 26.4. Samnitibus exclusis ab urbe, ut expeditior in praesentia fuga, ita foedior, postquam periculo evaserunt, visa, quippe qui inermes nulla rerum suarum non relicta inter hostes, ludibrium non externis modo sed etiam popularibus, spoliati atque egentes domos rediere.

[¶62] 26.6. am not unaware of the other tradition which ascribes the capture to betrayal by the Samnites, but have followed the authorities who are more deserving of credence; moreover, the treaty with Neapolis —to which place the Greeks now transferred the seat of government —makes it more likely that they renewed the friendship voluntarily. Publilius was decreed a triumph, in consequence of a belief that the enemy had surrendered because they were forced to do so by the siege. was the first to enjoy these two distinctions: an extension of his command, never before granted to any, and a triumph after the expiration of his term.

> Latin: 26.6. ignarus opinionis alterius, qua haec proditio ab Samnitibus facta traditur, cum auctoribus hoc dedi quibus dignius credi est, tum foedus Neapolitanum—eo enim deinde summa rei Graecorum venit—similius vero facit ipsos in amicitiam redisse. Publilio triumphus decretus, quod satis credebatur obsidione domitos hostes in fidem venisse. singularia haec ei viro primum contigere, prorogatio imperii imperil non ante in ullo facta et acto honore triumphus. subinde bellum cum alterius orae Graecis exortum.

[¶63] 27.2. war was immediately followed by the outbreak of another, with the Greeks of the eastern coast. the Tarentines, after sustaining the people of Palaepolis for some time with delusive hopes of succour, when they learned that the Romans had got possession of the city, inveighed against the Palaepolitans, as though, instead of deserting them, they themselves had been deserted, and were raging with hatred and envy against the Romans: the more so, because they learnt that the Lucanians and Apulians had made their submission to the Roman People —for an alliance was formed that year with both these nations.

> Latin: 27.2. Tarentini, cum rem Palaepolitanam vana spe auxilii aliquamdiu sustinuissent, postquam Romanos urbe potitos accepere, velut destituti ac non qui ipsi destituissent, increpare Palaepolitanos, ira atque invidia in Romanos furere, eo etiam magis, quod Lucanos et Apulos— nam utraque eo anno societas coepta est—in fidem populi Romani venisse allatum est:

[¶64] 27.3. The Romans, they said, were almost at the gates of Tarentum, and matters would soon be come to such a pass, that they must needs have them for enemies or masters;

> Latin: 27.3. quippe propemodum perventum ad se esse, iamque in eo rem fore, ut Romani aut hostes aut domini habendi sint.

[¶65] 27.4. it was clear that their own future hinged on the outcome of the war then being waged by the Samnites;

> Latin: 27.4. profecto rerum suarum in bello Samnitium eventuque eius verti; eam solam gentem restare, nec eam ipsam satis validam, quando Lucanus defecerit;

[¶66] 27.5. this was the only nation that continued to hold out, and indeed that nation was none too strong since the defection of the Lucanians; but the latter might even yet be brought back and induced to repudiate the Roman alliance, if a little art were employed in sowing discord.

> Latin: 27.5. quem revocari adhuc impellique ad abolendam societatem Romanam posse, si qua ars serendis discordiis adhibeatur.

[¶67] 27.6. These counsels having prevailed —for they were eager to fall in with novel schemes —they bribed certain young Lucanians, of greater prominence among their countrymen than respectability, who lacerated one another with rods and then exhibited their naked bodies before a concourse of their fellow citizens, crying out that for having dared to enter the Roman camp they had been ordered by the consuls to be scourged, and had narrowly escaped losing their heads.

> Latin: 27.6. consilia cum apud cupidos rerum novandarum valuissent, ex iuventute quidam Lucanorum pretio adsciti, clari magis inter populares quam honesti, inter se mulcati ipsi virgis, cum corpora nuda intulissent in civium coetum, vociferati sunt se, quod castra Romana ingredi ausi essent, a consulibus virgis caesos ac prope securi percussos esse.

[¶68] 27.8. spectacle, so hideous in itself, pointed clearly to injury and not to guile. an uproar of excitement, the people obliged their magistrates to convoke the senate.

> Latin: 27.8. suapte natura res cum speciem iniuriae magis quam doli prae se ferret, concitati homines cogunt count clamore suo magistratus senatum vocare;

[¶69] 27.9. the meeting some crowded round and clamoured for war against the Romans, while others hurriedly departed this way and that, to rouse the inhabitants of the countryside to arms, till even the prudent lost their heads in the tumult, and it was voted to renew the alliance with the Samnites; and ambassadors were sent off to arrange it.

> Latin: 27.9. et alii circumstantes concilium bellum in Romanos poscunt, alii ad concitandam in arma multitudinem agrestium discurrunt, tumultuque etiam sanos consternante animos decernitur ut societas cum Samnitibus renovaretur, legatique ad eam rem mittuntur.

[¶70] 27.10. impulsive action, as it had no cause, so it carried no conviction; they were forced by the Samnites both to give hostages and also to admit garrisons within their strongholds; but, blinded by the cheat and by resentment, they stuck at nothing.

> Latin: 27.10. res quia quam causam nullam tam ne fidem quidem habebat, coacti a Samnitibus et obsides dare et praesidia in loca munita accipere, caeci fraude et ira nihil recusarunt.

[¶71] 27.11. little later, when the false witnesses had retired to Tarentum, they began to see through the imposition; but having lost all power of independent action, they could only indulge in vain regrets. that year the liberty of the Roman plebs had as it were a new beginning; for men ceased to be imprisoned for debt. The change in the law was occasioned by the notable lust and cruelty of a single usurer, Lucius Papirius, to whom Gaius Publilius had given himself up for a debt owed by his father. The debtor's youth and beauty, which might well have stirred the creditor's compassion, did but inflame his heart to lust and contumely.

> Latin: 27.11. deinde brevi fraus coepit, postquam criminum falsorum auctores Tarentum commigravere; sed amissa omni de se potestate, nihil ultra quam ut paeniteret frustra restabat. anno plebei Romanae velut aliud initium libertatis factum est, quod necti desierunt; mutatum autem ius ob unius feneratoris simul libidinem simul crudelitatem insignem. L. Papirius is fuit, cui cum se C. Publilius ob aes alienum paternum nexum dedisset, quae aetas formaque misericordiam elicere poterant, ad libidinem et contumeliam animum accenderunt.

[¶72] 28.3. the lad's youthful prime as additional compensation for the loan, he sought at first to seduce him with lewd conversation; later, finding he turned a deaf ear to the base proposal, he began to threaten him and now and again to remind him of his condition;

> Latin: 28.3. aetatis eius fructum adventicium crediti ratus, primo perlicere adulescentem sermone incesto est conatus; dein, postquam aspernabantur flagitium aures, minis territare atque identidem admonere fortunae;

[¶73] 28.4. at last, when he saw that the youth had more regard to his honourable birth than to his present plight, he had him stripped and scourged.

> Latin: 28.4. postremo, cum ingenuitatis magis quam praesentis condicionis memorem videret, nudari iubet verberaque adferri.

[¶74] 28.5. The boy, all mangled with the stripes, broke forth into the street, crying out upon the money —lender's lust and cruelty; and a great throng of people, burning with pity for his tender years, and with rage for the shameful wrong he had undergone, and considering, too, their own condition and their children's, rushed down into the Forum, and from there in a solid throng to the Curia.

> Latin: 28.5. laceratus iuvenis cum se in publicum proripuisset, libidinem crudelitatemque conquerens feneratoris, ingens vis hominum cum aetatis miseratione atque indignitate iniuriae accensa, tum suae condicionis liberumque suorum respectu, in forum atque inde agmine facto ad curiam concurrit;

[¶75] 28.7. The consuls were forced by the sudden tumult to convene the senate; and as the Fathers entered the Curia, the people threw themselves at the feet of each, and pointed to the young lad's mutilated back.

> Latin: 28.7. et cum consules tumultu repentino coacti senatum vocarent, introeuntibus in curiam patribus laceratum iuvenis tergum, procumbentes ad singulorum pedes, ostentabant.

[¶76] 28.8. that day, owing to one man's outrageous injury, was broken a strong bond of credit, and the consuls were ordered to carry a proposal to the people that none should be confined in shackles or in the stocks, save those who, having been guilty of some crime, were waiting to pay the penalty; and that for money lent, the debtor's goods, but not his person, should be distrainable.

> Latin: 28.8. eo die ob impotentem iniuriam unius ingens vinculum fidei; iussique consules ferre ad populum ne quis, nisi qui noxam meruisset, donec poenam lueret, in compedibus aut in nervo teneretur;

[¶77] 28.9. those in confinement were released, and it was forbidden that any should be confined thereafter. that same year, though the Samnite war and the sudden revolt of the Lucanians, together with the Tarentines their abettors, were enough of themselves to fill the senators with concern, yet the Vestini added to their cares by uniting with the Samnites. action was widely discussed in private conversations, without being made the subject, in that year, of any public deliberations; but the consuls of the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus (for the second time) and Junius Brutus Scaeva, deemed it a matter that should take precedence over all other business to come before the senate.

> Latin: 28.9. pecuniae creditae bona debitoris, non corpus obnoxium esset. nexi soluti, cautumque in posterum ne necterentur. anno, cum satis per se ipsum Samnitium bellum et defectio repens Lucanorum auctoresque defectionis, Tarentini, sollicitos haberent patres, accessit ut et Vestinus populus Samnitibus sese coniungeret. res sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum iactata quam in publico ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni consulibus, L. Furio Camillo iterum Iunio Bruto Scaevae, nulla prior potiorque visa est, de qua ad senatum referrent.

[¶78] 29.3. , notwithstanding it was no news to them, the situation occasioned the Fathers so great anxiety as to make them equally afraid to deal with it or to let it alone, lest the impunity of the Vestini might inspire the neighbouring tribes with licence and insolence, or a punitive war inflame them with apprehensions of imminent danger and with resentment;

> Latin: 29.3. quamquam non nova res erat, tamen tanta cura patres incessit, ut pariter eam earn susceptam neglectamque timerent, ne aut impunitas eorum lascivia superbiaque aut bello poenae expetitae metu propinquo atque ira concirent finitimos populos;

[¶79] 29.4. moreover the race as a whole was fully equal to the Samnites in military power, comprising, as it did, the Marsi, and the Paeligni and Marrucini, —all of whom must be had for enemies, should the Vestini be molested.

> Latin: 29.4. et erat genus omne abunde bello Samnitibus par, Marsi Paelignique et Marrucini, quos, si Vestinus attingeretur, omnes habendos hostes.

[¶80] 29.5. The day, however, was carried by that party which might have seemed at the moment to have on its side a greater share of courage than of wisdom; but the sequel showed that Fortune favours the brave.

> Latin: 29.5. tamen pars quae in praesentia videri potuit maioris animi quam consilii; sed eventus docuit fortes fortunam iuvare.

[¶81] 29.6. authorized by the senate, the people voted a war against the Vestini.

> Latin: 29.6. ex auctoritate patrum populus adversus Vestinos iussit. ea Bruto, Samnium Camillo sorte evenit.

[¶82] 29.7. command was assigned by lot to Brutus, that against the Samnites to Camillus. were dispatched in both directions, and the enemy, concerned to protect their borders, were kept from joining forces.

> Latin: 29.7. utroque ducti, et cura tuendorum tuendorun finium hostes prohibiti coniungere arma.

[¶83] 29.8. one of the consuls, Lucius Furius, on whom the heavier burden had been laid, had the misfortune to fall dangerously ill and was compelled to relinquish his command;

> Latin: 29.8. alterum consulem L. Furium, cui maior moles rerum imposita erat, morbo gravi implicitum fortuna bello subtraxit;

[¶84] 29.9. being ordered to nominate a dictator for the purpose of carrying on the war, he named by far the most distinguished soldier of that time, Lucius Papirius Cursor, by whom Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus was appointed master of the horse. were a pair famous for the victories won while they were magistrates; but their quarrelling, which almost went the length of a mortal feud, made them more famous still.

> Latin: 29.9. iussusque dictatorem dicere rei gerendae causa, longe clarissimum bello ea tempestate dixit, L. Papirium Cursorem, a quo Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus magister equitum est dictus, par nobile rebus in eo magistratu gestis, discordia tamen, qua prope ad ultimum dimicationis ventum est, nobilius.

[¶85] 29.11. The other consul, in the country of the Vestini, carried on a war of many phases, but of unvarying success at every point. he ravaged their farms, and by pillaging and burning their houses and their crops, compelled them against their will to take the field; and then in a single battle wrought such havoc with the Vestinian power —though his own troops came off by no means scatheless —that the enemy not only retreated to their camp, but, no longer trusting to their parapet and trenches, slipped away to their several towns, seeking protection in the situation of the places and their walls.

> Latin: 29.11. altero consule in Vestinis multiplex bellum nec usquam vario eventu gestum est. et pervastavit agros et populando atque urendo tecta hostium sataque in aciem invitos extraxit, et ita proelio uno accidit Vestinorum res, haudquaquam tamen incruento milite suo, ut non in castra solum refugerent hostes, sed iam ne vallo quidem ac fossis freti dilaberentur in oppida, situ urbium moenibusque se defensuri.

[¶86] 29.13. , the consul addressed himself to the capture of these towns. The soldiers fought with great fury to revenge their wounds, for hardly a man had come unhurt out of the battle; and first Cutina was carried by escalade, and then Cingilia.

> Latin: 29.13. oppida quoque vi expugnare adortus, primo Cutinam ingenti ardore militum a volnerum ira, quod haud fere quisquam integer proelio excesserat, scalis cepit, deinde Cingiliam.

[¶87] 29.14. The consul gave the booty of both these cities to his men, because neither the gates nor the walls of the enemy had held them back. The expedition into Samnium was attended with ambiguous auspices; but the flaw in them took effect, not in the outcome of the war, which was waged successfully, but in the animosities and madness of the generals. Papirius, the dictator, as he was setting out for Rome, on the advice of the keeper of the sacred chickens, to take the auspices afresh, warned the master of the horse to remain in his position, and not to engage in battle with the enemy while he himself was absent.

> Latin: 29.14. urbis praedam militibus, quod eos neque portae nec muri hostium arcuerant, concessit. Samnium incertis itum auspiciis est; cuius rei vitium non in belli eventum, quod prospere gestum est, sed in rabiem atque iras imperatorum vertit. Papirius dictator a pullario monitus, cum ad auspicium repetendum Romam proficisceretur, magistro equitum denuntiavit ut sese loco teneret, neu absente se cum hoste manum consereret.

[¶88] 30.3. Quintus Fabius had ascertained from his scouts —after the departure of the dictator —that the enemy were in all respects as careless and unguarded as if there had been not a single Roman in Samnium, whether it was that the spirited young man felt aggrieved that all power should seem to be vested in the dictator, or that lie was tempted by the opportunity of striking a successful blow, he put the army in fighting trim, and advancing upon a place they call Imbrinium, engaged in a pitched battle with the Samnites.

> Latin: 30.3. Q. Fabius cum post profectionem dictatoris per exploratores comperisset perinde omnia soluta apud hostes esse ac si nemo Romanus in Samnio esset, seu ferox adulescens indignitate accensus, quod omnia in dictatore viderentur reposita esse, seu occasione bene gerendae rei inductus, exercitu instructo paratoque profectus ad Imbrinium—ita vocant locum—acie cum Samnitibus conflixit.

[¶89] 30.5. engagement was so fortunate that no greater success could have been gained, had the dictator been present; the general failed not his men, nor the men their general.

> Latin: 30.5. fortuna pugnae fuit ut nihil relictum sit quo, si adfuisset dictator, res melius geri potuerit; non dux militi, non miles duci defuit;

[¶90] 30.6. The cavalry, too —at the suggestion of Lucius Cominius, a tribune of the soldiers —after charging a number of times without being able to break the enemy's lines, pulled the bridles off their horses and spurred them on so hotly that nothing could resist the shock, and arms and men went down before them over a wide front.

> Latin: 30.6. eques etiam auctore L. Cominio tribuno militum, qui aliquotiens impetu capto perrumpere non poterat hostium agmen, detraxit frenos equis, atque ita concitatos calcaribus permisit ut sustinere eos nulla vis posset; per arma, per viros late stragem dedere;

[¶91] 30.7. The foot soldiers, following up the cavalry charge, advanced on the disordered enemy, of whom it is said that twenty thousand were slain that day. find it stated by certain writers that Quintus Fabius twice fought the enemy while the dictator was absent, and twice gained a brilliant victory. The oldest historians give but this one battle, and in certain annals the story is omitted altogether.

> Latin: 30.7. secutus pedes impetum equitum turbatis hostibus intulit signa. milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur. habeo bis cum hoste signa conlata dictatore absente, bis rem egregie gestam; apud antiquissimos scriptores una haec pugna invenitur; in quibusdam annalibus tota res praetermissa est.

[¶92] 30.8. The master of the horse found himself, after so great a slaughter, in possession of extensive spoils. piled the enemy's arms in a great heap, applied a torch to them, and burnt them. may have been done in fulfilment of a vow to one of the gods, or —if one chooses to accept the account of Fabius —to prevent the dictator reaping the harvest of his glory and inscribing his name on the arms, or having them carried in his triumph.

> Latin: 30.8. equitum, ut ex tanta caede multis potitus spoliis, congesta in ingentem acervum hostilia arma subdito igne concremavit, seu votum id deorum cuipiam fuit, seu credere libet Fabio auctori eo factum, ne suae gloriae fructum dictator caperet nomenque ibi scriberet aut spolia in triumpho ferret.

[¶93] 30.10. dispatch, too, reporting the victory, which Fabius sent to the senate and not to the dictator, argues that he had no mind to share the credit with him. all events, the dictator so received the news, that while everyone else was rejoicing at the victory, he showed no uncertain signs of anger and discontent.

> Latin: 30.10. quoque de re prospere gesta ad senatum, non ad dictatorem, missae argumentum fuere minime cum eo communicantis laudes. certe dictator id factum accepit, ut laetis aliis victoria parta prae se ferret iram tristitiamque.

[¶94] 30.11. so, having hastily dismissed the senate, he rushed out of the Curia, repeatedly asserting that in that battle the master of the horse had defeated and overthrown the prestige of the dictatorship and military discipline not less decisively than the Samnite legions, should it end in his having flouted orders with impunity.

> Latin: 30.11. itaque repente senatu se ex curia proripuit, tum vero non Samnitium Samnitiu m magis legiones quam maiestatem dictatoriam et disciplinam militarem a magistro equitum victam et eversam dictitans, si illi impune spretum imperium fuisset.

[¶95] 30.12. so lie set out for the camp, breathing wrath and menaces; but though he travelled by exceedingly long stages, he was unable to arrive before the report of his being on the way.

> Latin: 30.12. plenus minarum iraeque profectus in castra, cum maximis itineribus isset, non tamen praevenire famam adventus sui potuit;

[¶96] 30.13. couriers had hastened from the City, bringing word that the dictator was coming, athirst for vengeance and praising with almost every other word the deed of Titus Manlius. Fabius at once convened an assembly of the soldiers, and reminding them how their bravery had saved the state from the most determined of enemies, conjured them to be no less brave in defending him —under whose command and auspices they had gained the victory —from the ungovernable wrath of the dictator. was coming, said Fabius, crazed with jealousy, and exasperated that another should have been both brave and fortunate; it enraged him that the state should have won a glorious victory in his absence; he would prefer —could he effect a change of fortune —that the Samnites and not the Romans had been the victors; he repeatedly declared that his authority had been despised, as though his orders against fighting had not been inspired by the same motive as was his grief over the battle!

> Latin: 30.13. praecucurrerant enim ab urbe qui nuntiarent dictatorem avidum poenae venire, alternis paene verbis T. Manli factum laudantem. Fabius contione extemplo advocata obtestatus milites est ut, qua virtute rem publicam ab infestissimis hostibus defendissent, eadem se, cuius ductu auspicioque vicissent, ab impotenti crudelitate dictatoris tutarentur: venire amentem invidia, iratum virtuti alienae felicitatique; furere quod se absente res publica egregie gesta esset; malle, si mutare fortunam posset, apud Samnites quam Romanos victoriam esse; imperium dictitare spretum, tamquam non eadem mente pugnari vetuerit qua pugnatum doleat. tunc tune invidia impedire virtutem alienam voluisse cupidissimisque arma ablaturum fuisse militibus, ne se absente moveri possent;

## 40. Book VIII · chapters 31–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/40/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/40/#p-N

[¶0] 31.4. the former occasion envy had made him wish to thwart the bravery of others; he would have stripped the most willing of soldiers of their arms, that they might be unable to use them in his absence. present his rage and resentment were due to this, that his troops, though lacking the help of Lucius Papirius, had lacked neither swords nor hands to wield them, and that Quintus Fabius had regarded himself as master of the horse, and not as the dictator's orderly.

> Latin: 31.4. et nunc id furere, id aegre pati, quod sine L. Papirio non inermes, non manci milites fuerint, quod se Q. Fabius magistrum equitum duxerit ac non accensum dictatoris.

[¶1] 31.5. would he have done, had the chances of war and the common lot of armies resulted in defeat? the conquest of the enemy and a campaign so well directed that not even his own peerless leadership could have bettered it, he was now threatening the master of the horse with punishment, victorious though he was.

> Latin: 31.5. illum facturum fuisse, si, quod belli casus ferunt Marsque communis, adversa pugna evenisset, qui sibi devictis hostibus, re publica bene gesta, ita ut non ab illo unico duce melius geri potuerit, supplicium magistro equitum tunc victori minetur?

[¶2] 31.6. that matter, he was no angrier with the master of the horse than with the tribunes of the soldiers, the centurions, and the men. he been able, he would have vented his rage upon them all: this being imposible, he was pouring it out on one.

> Latin: 31.6. illum magistro equitum infestiorem quam tribunis militum, quam centurionibus, quam militibus esse. posset, in omnes saeviturum fuisse:

[¶3] 31.7. The truth is that envy, like lightning, seeks out the highest places; he was hurling himself upon the head of their counsels, upon their general; should he succeed in destroying Fabius, and with him the glory of their achievement, he would then follow up his victory —as though lording it over a captured army —and would visit upon the soldiers all the cruelty he had been permitted to inflict upon the master of the horse.

> Latin: 31.7. quia id nequeat, in unum saevire; etenim invidiam tamquam ignem summa petere; in caput consilii, in ducem incurrere; si se simul cum gloria rei gestae exstinxisset, tunc tune victorem velut in capto exercitu dominantem, quidquid licuerit in magistro equitum, in militibus ausurum.

[¶4] 31.8. them defend, he cried, the liberty of all by defending him. that same singleness of purpose which the army had displayed in battle should appear in the way they stood up for their victory and made one man's safety the safety of them all, the dictator would incline his heart to a more merciful determination.

> Latin: 31.8. adessent in sua causa omnium libertati. consensum exercitus eundem qui in proelio fuerit in tuenda victoria videat et salutem unius omnibus curae esse, inclinaturum ad clementiorem sententiam animum.

[¶5] 31.9. ended by committing himself, his life, and his fortunes to their loyalty and valour. shout arose from the whole concourse, bidding him be of good courage; no one, they cried, should do him violence, while the Roman legions were safe. long after came the dictator, and forthwith by sound of trumpet summoned an assembly. a herald, having obtained silence, cited Quintus Fabius the master of the horse, who was no sooner come up from below to the tribunal, than the dictator cried out:

> Latin: 31.9. se vitam fortunasque suas illorum fidei virtutique permittere. e tota contione ortus, uti bonum animum haberet: neminem illi vim allaturum salvis legionibus Romanis. multo post dictator advenit classicoque extemplo ad contionem advocavit. silentio facto praeco Q. Fabium magistrum equitum citavit. simul ex inferiore loco ad tribunal accessit, tum dictator inquit, de te, Q.

[¶6] 32.3. “ask you, Quintus Fabius, seeing that the dictator's authority is paramount, and the consuls obey him, though they possess the might of kings, and the praetors, too, who have been elected under the same auspices with the consuls, whether or no you deem it to be reasonable that the master of the horse should hearken to his word;”

> Latin: 32.3. Fabi, cum summum imperium dictatoris sit pareantque ei consules, regia potestas, praetores, iisdem auspiciis quibus consules creati, aequum censeas necne, ei magistrum equitum dicto audientem esse;

[¶7] 32.4. “and I put this further question to you —whether, when I knew that I had set out from home with uncertain auspices, it was my duty, in view of our troubled relations with the gods, to jeopardize the public safety, or to seek auspices again, that I might take no steps while the will of Heaven was in doubt;”

> Latin: 32.4. itemque illud interrogo, cum me incertis auspiciis profectum ab domo scirem, utrum mihi turbatis religionibus res publica in discrimen committenda fuerit an auspicia repetenda, ne quid dubiis dis agerem? illud, quae dictatori religio impedimento ad rem gerendam fuerit, num ea magister equitum solutus ac liber potuerit esse?

[¶8] 32.5. “and I likewise ask whether that which a religious scruple has prevented the dictator from doing can be freely and unrestrainedly undertaken by the master of the horse. why do I put these questions, since, had I gone off without a word, nevertheless your thoughts should have been directed to the interpretation of my will?”

> Latin: 32.5. quid ego haec interrogo, cum, si ego tacitus abissem, tamen tibi ad voluntatis interpretationem meae dirigenda tua sententia fuerit?

[¶9] 32.6. “, answer me: Did I forbid you to take any measures in my absence? I forbid you to engage the enemy?”

> Latin: 32.6. tu respondes, vetuerimne te quicquam rei me absente agere, vetuerimne signa cum hostibus conferre?

[¶10] 32.7. “you spurned this order; and notwithstanding the uncertainty of the auspices and our uneasy scruples, you had the hardihood, against all military precedent, and the discipline of our fathers, and the divine will of the gods, to encounter with the enemy.”

> Latin: 32.7. tu imperio meo spreto, incertis auspiciis, turbatis religionibus adversus morem militarem disciplinamque maiorum et numen deorum ausus es cum hoste confligere.

[¶11] 32.8. “these questions I have put to you; but have a care that you utter no word besides' Stand ready, lictor.” answer the separate indictments was far from easy.

> Latin: 32.8. haec quae interrogatus es responde; at extra ea cave vocem mittas., lictor.

[¶12] 32.9. complaining that the same man was his accuser and his judge in a matter of life and death, and again crying out that he could more easily be robbed of his life than of the glory of his deeds, he defended himself and accused the general by turns, until Papirius in a fresh burst of anger bade them strip the master of the horse and make ready rods and axes.

> Latin: 32.9. singula cum respondere haud facile esset, et nunc quereretur eundem accusatorem capitis sui ac iudicem esse, modo vitam sibi eripi citius quam gloriam rerum gestarum posse vociferaretur purgaretque se in vicem atque ultro accusaret, tunc Papirius redintegrata ira spoliari magistrum equitum ac virgas et secures expediri iussit.

[¶13] 32.11. Fabius, imploring the protection of the soldiers, escaped from the clutches of the lictors with his clothes in tatters, and sought refuge in the midst of the triarii, who were stirring up riot in the rear of the assembly.

> Latin: 32.11. Fabius fidem militum implorans lacerantibus vestem lictoribus ad triarios tumultum ultima in contione miscentes sese recepit.

[¶14] 32.12. the outcry spread to the entire host. one place were heard entreaties, in another threats. who chanced to be standing next to the tribunal, and being under the general's eyes were able to be marked by him, implored him to spare the master of the horse, and not condemn the army with him.

> Latin: 32.12. clamor in totam contionem est perlatus; alibi preces, alibi minae audiebantur. proximi forte tribunali steterant, quia subiecti oculis imperatoris noscitari poterant, orabant ut parceret magistro equitum, neu cum eo exercitum damnaret;

[¶15] 32.13. in the outskirts of the meeting, and the crowd that surrounded Fabius, railed at the dictator's cruelty, and were near to mutiny.

> Latin: 32.13. extrema contio et circa Fabium globus increpabant inclementem dictatorem nec procul seditione aberant. tribunal quidem satis quietum erat;

[¶16] 32.14. even the tribunal itself was quiet; the lieutenants, standing about the dictator's chair, besought him to put the matter off until the morrow and allow time for consideration and for his anger to cool;

> Latin: 32.14. legati circumstantes sellam orabant ut rem in posterum diem differret et irae suae spatium et consilio tempus daret:

[¶17] 32.15. he had sufficiently chastened the youth of Fabius, they said, and discredited his victory; it would not be well to carry out his punishment to the end, nor to fasten such humiliation upon a young man of extraordinary merit, nor on that most distinguished man, his father, and the Fabian family.

> Latin: 32.15. satis castigatam adulescentiam Fabi esse, satis deformatam victoriam; ne ad extremum finem supplicii tenderet, neu unico iuveni neu patri eius, clarissimo viro, neu Fabiae genti eam iniungeret ignominiam.

[¶18] 32.16. that neither prayers nor arguments did any good, they bade him look at the turmoil in the assembly; when the passions of the soldiers were so overwrought, it was not, they said, for one of his years and discretion to furnish fuel to the flames of mutiny;

> Latin: 32.16. parum precibus, parum causa proficerent, intueri saevientem contionem iubebant: ita inritatis militum animis subdere ignem ac materiam material seditioni non esse aetatis, non prudentiae eius;

[¶19] 32.17. no one would ascribe the fault to Quintus Fabius —who was but deprecating his own punishment —but all would blame the dictator, if, blinded with resentment, he should bring down the angry multitude upon himself by an ill —judged contention.

> Latin: 32.17. neminem id Q. Fabio poenam deprecanti suam vitio versurum, sed dictatori, si occaecatus ira infestam multitudinem in se pravo certamine movisset.

[¶20] 32.18. , that he might not suppose that they argued thus out of any personal regard for Fabius, they were ready, they said, to take an oath that it appeared to be inconsistent with the interests of the state that Quintus Fabius should then be punished.

> Latin: 32.18. , ne id se gratiae dare Q. Fabi crederet, se ius iurandum dare paratos esse non videri e re publica in Q. Fabium eo tempore animadverti. vocibus cum in se magis incitarent dictatorem quam magistro equitum placarent, iussi de tribunali descendere legati;

[¶21] 33.2. the lieutenants by these words rather stirred up the wrath of the dictator against themselves than lessened his rancour against the master of the horse, and he ordered them to go down from the tribunal. then sought by the mouth of a herald to procure silence, but without success, for the din and uproar were so great that it was impossible for the dictator himself or his attendants to be heard;

> Latin: 33.2. et silentio nequiquam per praeconem temptato, cum prae strepitu ac tumultu nec ipsius dictatoris nec apparitorum eius vox audiretur, nox velut in proelio certamini finem fecit.

[¶22] 33.3. and it was left for darkness, as though descending on a battle —field, to end the struggle. The master of the horse was commanded to appear next day; but since everyone assured him that Papirius would be more violent than ever, aroused as he was and exasperated by the opposition he had met with, he slipped out of the camp and fled to Rome.

> Latin: 33.3. equitum, iussus postero die adesse, cum omnes adfirmarent infestius Papirium exarsurum, agitatum contentione ipsa exacerbatumque, clam ex castris Romam profugit; et patre auctore M. Fabio, qui ter iam consul dictatorque fuerat, vocato extemplo senatu, cum maxime conquereretur apud patres vim atque iniuriam dictatoris, repente strepitus ante curiam lictorum summoventium auditur, et ipse infensus aderat, postquam comperit profectum ex castris, cum expedito equitatu secutus.

[¶23] 33.5. , with the approval of his father, who had thrice been consul, and dictator to boot, he at once assembled the senate, and had reached, in his speech to the senators, the very point where he was complaining of the violence and injury offered him by the dictator, when a sudden noise was heard outside the Curia, as the lictors cleared the way, and Papirius himself, in high dudgeon, appeared before them; for he had learned of the other's departure from the camp, and taking a troop of light horse had pursued him. The dispute was now renewed, and the dictator ordered Fabius to be seized. the leading members and the senate as a body sought to pacify his wrath; but he would not relent, and persisted in his purpose. the father of the young man said: “as neither the senate's authority nor my old age —which you are going about to bereave —nor the merits and noble lineage of a master of the horse whom you yourself appointed, are of any weight with you, nor yet entreaties, which have often moved an enemy to mercy, which can persuade the gods to put away their anger, —I invoke the tribunes of the plebs, and appeal to the people; and since you would shun the judgment of your own army and shun the judgment of the senate, I propose to you a judge that singly has more might and power —be well assured —than has your dictatorship.”

> Latin: 33.5. deinde contentio, et prendi Fabium Papirius iussit. cum deprecantibus primoribus patrum atque universo senatu perstaret in incepto immitis animus, tum pater M. Fabius quidem inquit, apud te nec auctoritas senatus nec aetas mea, cui orbitatem paras, nec virtus nobilitasque magistri equitum a te ipso nominati valet nec preces, quae saepe hostem mitigavere, quae deorum iras placant, tribunos plebis appello et provoco ad populum eumque tibi, fugienti exercitus tui, fugienti senatus iudicium, iudicem fero, qui certe unus plus quam tua dictatura potest polletque., cessurusne provocationi sis, cui rex Romanus Tullus Hostilius cessit.

[¶24] 33.9. “shall see whether you will submit to an appeal to which a Roman king, Tullus Hostilius, submitted!” the senate —house, they repaired to the speaker's platform, which the dictator mounted with only a few attendants, while the master of the horse was accompanied thither by the whole body of the leading men.

> Latin: 33.9. curia in contionem itur. cum paucis dictator, cum omni agmine principum magister equitum cum escendisset, deduci eum de rostris Papirius in partem inferiorem inferiorern iussit. pater agis inquit, cum eo nos deduci iussisti, unde et privati vocem mittere possemus. primo non tam perpetuae orationes quam altercatio exaudiebatur;

[¶25] 33.11. Papirius bade Fabius be removed from the Rostra to the ground below; and his father followed him, exclaiming, “do well to bid us be removed to a place where even as private citizens we can say our say!”

> Latin: 33.11. vicit deinde strepitum vox et indignatio Fabi senis increpantis superbiam crudelitatemque Papiri:

[¶26] 33.12. first there were not so much set speeches to be heard above the tumult as an interchange of angry words.

> Latin: 33.12. se quoque dictatorem Romae fuisse, nec a se quemquam, ne plebis quidem hominem, non centurionem, non militem violatum;

[¶27] 33.13. presently the strong voice and the indignation of the elder Fabius prevailed over the din, as he inveighed against the pride and cruelty of Papirius. reminded him that he too had been dictator at Rome, and that no man —not even a plebeian, a centurion, or a common soldier —had been misused by him; but Papirius was seeking a victory and triumph over a Roman general, as if over commanders of the enemy.

> Latin: 33.13. Papirium tamquam ex hostium ducibus, sic ex Romano imperatore victoria et triumphum petere. interesse inter moderationem antiquorum et novam superbiam crudelitatemque!

[¶28] 33.14. great was the difference betwixt the moderation of the ancients and this new —fangled arrogance and ruthlessness!

> Latin: 33.14. Quinctium Cincinnatum in L. Minucium consulem ex obsidione a se ereptum non ultra saevisse quam ut legatum eum ad exercitum pro consule relinqueret.

[¶29] 33.15. Quinctius Cincinnatus had been dictator, and had rescued the consul Lucius Minucius from the toils of the enemy, his anger had gone no further than to leave Minucius in command of the army as his lieutenant, in place of being consul. Marcus Furius Camillus, when Lucius Furius, in contempt of his great age and his authority, had fought a battle, with the direst results, not only controlled his indignation at the moment and made no animadversions upon his colleague in writing to the senate or the people, but, on being permitted by the senate, after his return, to choose a partner in command, selected Lucius Furius in preference to all the other consular tribunes, his associates.

> Latin: 33.15. M. Furium Camillum in L. Furio, qui contempta sua senectute et auctoritate foedissimo cum eventu pugnasset, non solum in praesentia moderatum irae esse, ne quid de collega secus populo aut senatui scriberet, sed cum revertisset, potissimum ex tribunis consularibus habuisse quem ex collegis optione ab senatu data socium sibi imperii deligeret.

[¶30] 33.17. to the people, who had all power in their hands, their indignation against those who by recklessness or lack of skill had lost their armies had never burned so fiercely that they punished them with anything worse than a fine; a capital charge on account of a defeat had never until that day been lodged against a general.

> Latin: 33.17. populi quidem, penes quem potestas omnium rerum esset, ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent quam ut pecunia eos multaret: capite anquisitum ob rem bello male gestam de imperatore nullo ad eam diem esse.

[¶31] 33.18. now the generals of the Roman People, who even if beaten might not be so dealt with without sin, were, despite their victories and their well —earned title to a triumph, being threatened with scourging and decapitation.

> Latin: 33.18. ducibus populi Romani, quae ne victis quidem bello fas fuerit, virgas et secures victoribus et iustissimos meritis triumphos intentari.

[¶32] 33.19. , pray, would his son have suffered, if he had lost his army, if he had been discomfited, routed, and driven from his camp? what higher pitch could the passionate violence of Papirius have mounted than to scourge him and put him to death?

> Latin: 33.19. enim tandem passurum fuisse filium suum, si exercitum amisisset, si fusus, fugatus, castris exutus fuisset? ultra iram violentiamque eius excessuram fuisse, quam ut verberaret necaretque?

[¶33] 33.20. proper it was that because of Quintus Fabius the citizens should exult in victory with thanksgivings and rejoicings; while he on whose account the shrines of the gods were open, and the altars smoked with sacrifices and were heaped high with incense and with offerings, should be stripped and mangled with rods in full sight of the Roman People, as he looked up to the Capitol and the Citadel and the gods whose help in battle he had twice invoked, and not in vain!

> Latin: 33.20. conveniens esse, propter Q. Fabium civitatem in laetitia victoria supplicationibus ac gratulationibus esse, eum propter quem deum delubra pateant, arae sacrificiis fument, honore donis cumulentur, nudatum virgis lacerari in conspectu populi Romani, intuentem Capitolium atque arcem deosque ab se duobus proeliis haud frustra advocatos!

[¶34] 33.22. what spirit would this be taken by the army, which under his conduct and his auspices had gained the victory? grief would there be in the Roman camp, what rejoicings amongst their enemies!

> Latin: 33.22. id animo exercitum, qui eius ductu auspiciisque vicisset, laturum? luctum in castris Romanis, quam laetitiam inter hostes fore!

[¶35] 33.23. he made his plea, now chiding and now complaining, now calling on gods and men to help him, now bursting into tears, as he embraced his son.

> Latin: 33.23. simul iurgans, querens, deum hominumque fidem obtestans et complexus filium, plurimis cum lacrimis agebat. cum eo senatus maiestas, favor populi, tribunicium auxilium, memoria absentis exercitus;

[¶36] 34.2. his side were ranged the countenance of the senate, the favour of the populace, the assistance of the tribunes, the remembrance of the absent army. opponent urged the invincible authority of the Roman People, and military discipline, and the edict of a dictator —which had ever been revered as the will of Heaven —and the severity of Manlius, who had preferred the general good to the love he bore his son, even as Lucius Brutus, the founder of Roman liberty, had done before, in the case of his two children.

> Latin: 34.2. ex parte altera imperium invictum populi Romani et disciplina rei militaris et dictatoris edictum pro numine semper observatum et Manliana imperia et posthabita filii caritas publicae utilitati iactabantur:

[¶37] 34.3. nowadays —the dictator proceeded —fathers were indulgent; and the older generation, little caring if another man's authority were flouted, excused the young for overturning military discipline, as a thing of no importance.

> Latin: 34.3. hoc etiam L. Brutum, conditorem Romanae libertatis, antea in duobus liberis fecisse; nunc patres comes et senes faciles de alieno imperio spreto, tamquam rei parvae, disciplinae militaris eversae iuventuti gratiam facere.

[¶38] 34.4. should nevertheless persist in his undertaking, nor remit an iota of his due punishment to one who had fought against his orders, while the rites of religion were confused and the auspices uncertain.

> Latin: 34.4. tamen perstaturum in incepto, nec ei qui adversus dictum suum turbatis religionibus ac dubiis auspiciis pugnasset quicquam ex iusta poena remissurum.

[¶39] 34.5. the majesty of the supreme authority were to endure or not was beyond his power to determine; but Lucius Papirius would do nothing to diminish it.

> Latin: 34.5. imperii perpetuane esset non esse in sua potestate:

[¶40] 34.6. prayed that the tribunes might not employ their power —itself inviolate —to violate by their interference the authority of Rome; that the people might not single out the very time of his holding that office to extinguish the lawful might of the dictatorship.

> Latin: 34.6. L. Papirium nihil de eius iure deminuturum; optare ne potestas tribunicia, inviolata ipsa, violet intercessione sua Romanum imperium, neu populus in se potissimum dictatore vim et ius dictaturae exstinguat.

[¶41] 34.7. they do so, it would not be Lucius Papirius, but the tribunes and the crooked judgment of the people, that posterity would censure, and censure without avail. let military discipline be once broken, and soldier would not obey centurion, nor centurion tribune, nor tribune lieutenant, nor lieutenant consul, nor master of the horse dictator —none would have respect for men, none reverence for the gods;

> Latin: 34.7. si fecisset, non L. Papirium sed tribunos, sed pravum populi iudicium nequiquam posteros accusaturos, cum polluta semel militari disciplina non miles centurionis, non centurio tribuni, non tribunus legati, non legatus consulis, non magister equitum dictatoris pareat imperio, nemo hominum, nemo deorum verecundiam habeat, non edicta imperatorum, non auspicia observentur, sine commeatu vagi milites in pacato, in hostico errent,

[¶42] 34.9. neither edicts of generals nor auspices would be regarded; the soldiers, without leave, would roam in hostile as in peaceful territory; with no thought of their oath they would quit the service by their own permission, when they pleased; the standards would be deserted, the men would not come together at command; they would fight without reference to night or day, to the advantage or disadvantage of the ground, to the orders or prohibition of the general; they would neither wait for the word nor keep to their ranks; blind and haphazard brigandage would supplant the time —honoured and hallowed ways of war.

> Latin: 34.9. immemores sacramenti licentia sua se ubi velint exauctorent, infrequentia deserantur signa neque conveniatur ad edictum nec discernatur interdiu nocte, aequo iniquo loco, iussu iniussu imperatoris pugnent, et non signa, non ordines servent, latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni et sacrata militia sit;

[¶43] 34.11. — “such charges, tribunes of the plebs, expose yourselves to be arraigned through all the ages! your own heads bear the guilt of the licence of Quintus Fabis!” The tribunes were dumbfounded, more troubled now on their own account than on his, for whom their help was being solicited; but the Roman People relieved them of their burden of responsibility, when they turned as one man to the dictator, and entreated and adjured him to remit for their sake the punishment of the master of the horse. The tribunes, too, fell in with the prevailing mood, and earnestly besought Papirius to allow for human frailty, to allow for the youth of Quintus Fabius, who had suffered punishment enough.

> Latin: 34.11. — criminum vos reos in omnia saecula offerte, tribuni plebi, vestra obnoxia capita pro licentia Q. Fabi obicite. tribunos et suam iam vicem magis anxios quam eius cui auxilium ab se petebatur, liberavit onere consensus populi Romani, ad preces et obtestationem versus, ut sibi poenam magistri equitum dictator remitteret. quoque inclinatam rem in preces subsecuti orare dictatorem insistunt ut veniam errori humano, veniam adulescentiae Q. Fabi daret; satis eum poenarum dedisse.

[¶44] 35.3. the young man himself, now his father Marcus Fabius, forgetting all contention, threw themselves down at the dictator's knees and attempted to avert his anger.

> Latin: 35.3. ipse adulescens, iam pater M. Fabius, contentionis obliti procumbere ad genua et iram deprecari dictatoris.

[¶45] 35.4. said the dictator, when silence was obtained, “is well, Quirites. The discipline of war, the majesty of government, have got the victory, despite the danger that this day would see the end of them.”

> Latin: 35.4. dictator silentio facto habet inquit, Quirites. Vicit disciplina militaris, vicit imperii maiestas, quae in discrimine fuerunt an ulla post hanc diem essent.

[¶46] 35.5. “Quintus Fabius is not found guiltless, seeing that he fought against the orders of his general; but, convicted of that guilt, is granted as a boon to the Roman People, is granted to the authority of the tribunes, who plead for him but can bring him no legal relief.”

> Latin: 35.5. noxae eximitur Q. Fabius, qui contra edictum imperatoris pugnavit, sed noxae damnatus donatur populo Romano, donatur tribuniciae potestati precarium non iustum auxilium ferenti.

[¶47] 35.6. “, Quintus Fabius, more blest in this consent of your fellow citizens to save you, than in the victory over which, a little while ago, you were exulting!, though you dared a deed which not even your sire would have pardoned, had he been in the place of Lucius Papirius!”

> Latin: 35.6. , Q. Fabi, felicior hoc consensu civitatis ad tuendum te quam qua paulo ante exsultabas victoria; vive, id facinus ausus cuius tibi ne parens quidem, si eodem loco fuisset quo fuit L. Papirius, veniam dedisset.

[¶48] 35.7. “me you shall again be on good terms when you will; for the Roman People, to whom you owe your life, you can do nothing greater than to show that you have learned what this day clearly teaches —to submit in war and in peace to lawful authority.”

> Latin: 35.7. , ut voles, reverteris in gratiam; populo Romano, cui vitam debes, nihil maius praestiteris quam si hic tibi dies satis documenti dederit ut bello ac pace pati legitima imperia imperial possis.

[¶49] 35.8. , declaring that the master of the horse was free to depart, he descended from the platform, and the joyful senators and yet more joyful people thronged about them and attended them, congratulating now the master of the horse and now the dictator.

> Latin: 35.8. se nihil morari magistrum equitum pronuntiasset, degressum eum templo laetus senatus, laetior populus, circumfusi ac gratulantes hinc hine magistro equitum, hinc dictatori, prosecuti sunt, firmatumque imperium militare haud hand minus periculo Q.

[¶50] 35.9. seemed that the peril of Fabius had been not less efficacious than the pitiful punishment of young Manlius in the establishment of military authority.

> Latin: 35.9. Fabi quam supplicio miserabili adulescentis Manli videbatur.

[¶51] 35.10. so fell out that year, that as often as the dictator left the army, there was a rising of the enemy in Samnium. with the example of Quintus Fabius before his eyes, Marcus Valerius, the lieutenant who commanded in the camp, could not fear any violence of the enemy more than the dread displeasure of the dictator.

> Latin: 35.10. ita eo anno evenit ut quotienscumque dictator ab exercitu recessisset, hostes in Samnio moverentur. in oculis exemplum erat Q. Fabius M. Valerio legato, qui castris praeerat, ne quam vim hostium magis quam trucem dictatoris iram timeret.

[¶52] 35.11. so when a party of foragers had fallen into an ambush and fighting at a disadvantage had been slain, it was commonly believed that the lieutenant might have rescued them, had he not quailed at the thought of those harsh orders.

> Latin: 35.11. frumentatores cum circumventi ex insidiis caesi loco iniquo essent, creditum volgo est subveniri eis ab legato potuisse, ni tristia edicta exhorruisset.

[¶53] 35.12. resentment of this still further estranged the soldiers from the dictator, angry as they already were at his unwillingness to pardon Quintus Fabius, and his having granted to the Roman People a boon he had denied to their own entreaties. the dictator had set Lucius Papirius Crassus over the City and had forbidden Quintus Fabius, the master of the horse, to exercise his magistracy in any way, he returned to the camp, where his arrival occasioned no great satisfaction to the Romans nor the slightest apprehension to their enemies. on the following day, whether unaware that the dictator was come or caring little whether he were there or not, the Samnites formed in order of battle and approached the camp.

> Latin: 35.12. quoque ira alienavit a dictatore militum animos, iam ante infensos, quod implacabilis Q. Fabio fuisset et, quod suis precibus negasset, eius populo Romano veniam dedisset. dictator praeposito in urbe L. Papirio Crasso, magistro equitum Q. Fabio vetito quicquam pro magistratu agere, in castra rediit, neque civibus satis laetus adventus eius fuit nec hostibus quicquam attulit terroris. postero die, seu ignari venisse dictatorem seu adesset an abesset parvi facientes, instructa acie ad castra accesserunt.

[¶54] 36.3. great however was the importance of one man, Lucius Papirius, that if the goodwill of the soldiers had seconded the measures taken by their general, it was held as certain that the war with Samnium might that day have been brought to a successful termination —so skilfully did he dispose his army, so well secure it with every advantage of position and reserves, and with every military art.

> Latin: 36.3. tantum momenti in uno viro L. Papirio fuit ut, si ducis consilia favor subsecutus militum foret, debellari eo die cum Samnitibus potuisse pro haud dubio habitum sit;

[¶55] 36.4. the men were listless, and, on purpose to discredit their commander, threw away the victory. were more Samnites killed, more Romans wounded.

> Latin: 36.4. ita instruxit aciem, ita loco ac subsidiis, ita omni arte bellica firmavit; cessatum a milite ac de industria, ut obtrectaretur laudibus ducis, impedita victoria est. Samnitium cecidere, plures Romani volnerati sunt.

[¶56] 36.5. The experienced general perceived what stood in the way of his success: he must qualify his native disposition, and mingle geniality with his sternness.

> Latin: 36.5. peritus dux quae res victoriae obstaret: temperandum ingenium suum esse et severitatem miscendam comitati.

[¶57] 36.6. , calling together his lieutenants, he made the round of his wounded soldiers in person, and putting his head into their tents and asking each how he was doing, he commended them by name to the care of the lieutenants, the tribunes, and the prefects.

> Latin: 36.6. adhibitis legatis ipse circuit saucios milites, inserens in tentoria caput, singulosque ut sese haberent rogitans curam eorum nominatim norinatim legatis tribunisque et praefectis demandabat.

[¶58] 36.7. of itself was a popular thing to do, and Papirius managed it with such tact, that in healing their bodies he gained their affections much more rapidly; and indeed there was nothing that more promoted their recovery than the pleasurable feelings with which they accepted these attentions.

> Latin: 36.7. per se popularem ita dextere egit ut medendis corporibus animi multo prius militum imperatori reconciliarentur, nec quicquam ad salubritatem efficacius fuerit quam quod grato animo ea cura accepta est.

[¶59] 36.8. the army was restored, he met the enemy, with no doubt as to the result, either on his own part or on that of his soldiers, and so routed and dispersed the Samnites that this was the last time they joined battle with the dictator.

> Latin: 36.8. exercitu cum hoste congressus, haud dubia spe sua militumque, ita fudit fugavitque Samnites, ut ille ultimus eis dies conferendi signa cum dictatore fuerit.

[¶60] 36.9. The victorious army then marched on where the prospect of booty beckoned them, and traversed the territories of the enemy without encountering any armed resistance whatsoever, either face to face or from an ambush.

> Latin: 36.9. deinde qua duxit praedae spes victor exercitus perlustravitque hostium agros, nulla arma, nullam vim nec apertam nec ex insidiis expertus.

[¶61] 36.10. The dictator had increased the alacrity of his troops by proclaiming that the booty should all be theirs, and private gain did as much as the public resentment to whet their zeal against the enemy.

> Latin: 36.10. alacritatem quod dictator praedam omnem edixerat militibus; nec ira magis publica quam privatum compendium in hostem acuebat.

[¶62] 36.11. by these reverses, the Samnites sought peace of Papirius, and agreed with him to give every soldier a garment and a year's pay. directed them to go before the senate, but they replied that they would attend him thither, committing their cause wholly to his honour and integrity. the army was withdrawn from Samnium.

> Latin: 36.11. cladibus subacti Samnites pacem a dictatore petiere; cum quo pacti, ut singula vestimenta militibus et annuum stipendium darent, cum ire ad senatum iussi essent, secuturos se dictatorem responderunt, unius eius fidei virtutique causam suam commendantes. deductus ex Samnitibus exercitus. triumphans urbem est ingressus; et cum se dictatura abdicare vellet, iussu patrum, priusquam abdicaret, consules creavit C. Sulpicium Longum iterum Q. Aemilium Cerretanum.

[¶63] 37.2. The dictator, having entered the City in triumph, would have laid down his office, but was commanded by the senate first to hold a consular election; he announced that Gaius Sulpicius Longus had been chosen for the second time, together with Quintus Aemilius Cerretanus. The treaty was not completed, owing to a disagreement over terms, and the Samnites left the City with a truce for a year; nor did they scrupulously hold even to that; so encouraged were they to make war, on learning that Papirius had resigned.

> Latin: 37.2. Samnites infecta pace, quia de condicionibus ambigebatur, indutias annuas ab urbe rettulerunt. earumipsarum sancta fides fuit; adeo, postquam Papirium abisse magistratu nuntiatum est, arrecti ad bellandum animi sunt.

[¶64] 37.3. the consulship of Gaius Sulpicius and Quintus Aemilius —some annals have Aulius —the defection of the Samnites was followed by a new war with Apulia. were sent out in both directions.

> Latin: 37.3. C. Sulpicio Q. Aemilio—Aulium quidam annales habent—consulibus ad defectionem Samnitium Apulum novum bellum accessit. exercitus missi. Sulpicio Samnites, Apuli Aemilio sorte evenerunt.

[¶65] 37.4. The lots assigned the Samnites to Sulpicius, the Apulians to Aemilius. say that the war was not waged against the Apulians, but in defence of some of the allies of that people whom the Samnites had wantonly invaded;

> Latin: 37.4. qui non ipsis Apulis bellum inlatum, sed socios eius gentis populos ab Samnitium vi atque iniuriis defensos scribant;

[¶66] 37.5. but the circumstances of the Samnites, who at that time could hardly ward off invasion from themselves, render it more probable that they did not attack the Apulians but that they and the Apulians were at war with Rome simultaneously.

> Latin: 37.5. ceterum fortuna Samnitium, vix a se ipsis eo tempore propulsantium bellum, propius ut sit vero facit non Apulis ab Samnitibus arma inlata, sed cum utraque simul gente bellum Romanis fuisse.

[¶67] 37.6. was, however, no memorable engagement. The Romans laid waste Apulia and Samnium, without encountering the enemy in either country. Rome a nocturnal alarm awoke the sleeping citizens with such a fright that Capitol and Citadel, walls and gates, were crowded with armed men; and after all the hurrying to posts and crying “to arms!”

> Latin: 37.6. tamen res ulla memorabilis mnemorabilis acta; ager Apulus Samniumque Samnniumque evastatum; hostes nec hic nec illic inventi. Romae nocturnus terror ita ex somno trepidam repente civitatem excivit ut Capitolium atque arx moeniaque et portae plena armatorum fuerint;

[¶68] 37.7. in every quarter, day broke and discovered neither author nor occasion of the panic. the same year, the Tusculans were tried before the people in accordance with the Flavian rogation.

> Latin: 37.7. et cum concursatum clamatumque ad arma omnibus locis esset, prima luce nec auctor nec causa terroris comparuit.

[¶69] 37.8. Marcus Flavius, a plebeian tribune, had proposed to the people that the Tusculans be punished for having lent their countenance and aid to the Veliterni and Privernates in their war with the Roman People.

> Latin: 37.8. anno de Tusculanis Flavia rogatione populi fuit iudicium. M. Flavius tribunus plebis tulit ad populum ut in Tusculanos animadverteretur, quod eorum ope ac consilio Veliterni Privernatesque populo Romano bellum fecissent.

[¶70] 37.9. The citizens of Tusculum, with their wives and children, came to Rome; and the great throng, putting on the sordid raiment of defendants, went about amongst the tribes and clasped the knees of the citizens in supplication.

> Latin: 37.9. Tusculanus cum coniugibus ac liberis Romam venit. multitudo multitude veste mutata et specie reorum tribus circuit, genibus se omnium advolvens;

[¶71] 37.10. so it happened that pity was more effective in gaining them remission of their punishment than were their arguments in clearing away the charges.

> Latin: 37.10. plus itaque misericordia ad poenae veniam impetrandam quam causa ad crimen purgandum valuit.

[¶72] 37.11. the tribes rejected the proposal, save only the Pollian, which voted that the grown men should be scourged and put to death, and their wives and children sold at auction under the laws of war.

> Latin: 37.11. omnes praeter Polliam antiquarunt legem. sententia fuit puberes verberatos necari, coniuges liberosque sub corona lege belli venire.

[¶73] 37.12. seems that the resentment engendered in the Tusculans by so cruel a proposal lasted down to our fathers' time, and that a candidate of the Pollian tribe almost never got the vote of the Papirian. the following year, when Quintus Fabius and Lucius Fulvius were consuls, the dread of a serious war with the Samnites —who were said to have gathered an army of mercenaries from neighbouring tribes —occasioned the appointment of Aulus Cornelius Arvina as dictator and Marcus Fabius Ambustus as master of the horse. a vigorous levy these men raised an excellent army, and marching against the Samnites, went into camp on hostile soil with as little regard to their position as if the enemy had been far away. the Samnite legions appeared, and advancing with great hardihood entrenched themselves close to the Roman outposts.

> Latin: 37.12. eius irae Tusculanis in poenae tam atrocis auctores mansisse ad patrum aetatem constat, nec quemquam ferme ex Pollia tribu candidatum Papiriam ferre solitum. anno, Q. Fabio L. Fulvio consulibus, A. Cornelius Arvina dictator et M. Fabius Ambustus magister equitum metu gravioris in Samnio belli—conducta enim pretio a finitimis iuventus dicebatur—intentiore dilectu habito egregium exercitum adversus Samnites duxerunt. in hostico incuriose ita posita tamquam procul abesset hostis, cum subito advenere Samnitium legiones tanta ferocia ut vallum usque ad stationem Romanam inferrent.

[¶74] 38.3. was now drawing on, which prevented them from assaulting the Roman works; but they made no secret of their intention to do so with the morrow's earliest light.

> Latin: 38.3. iam appetebat; id prohibuit munimenta adoriri; nec dissimulabant orta luce postero die facturos.

[¶75] 38.4. The dictator saw that the battle was coming sooner than he had anticipated, and feared that the courage of his men would be affected by their cramped position., leaving behind him numerous fires to deceive the enemy, he silently led the legions out. the camps were so near each other that he could not elude their observation.

> Latin: 38.4. ubi propiorem spe dimicationem vidit, ne militum virtuti damno locus esset, ignibus crebris relictis, qui conspectum hostium frustrarentur, silentio legiones educit; nec tamen fallere propter propinquitatem castrorum potuit.

[¶76] 38.5. cavalry at once pursued him, but though they hung upon the fringe of his column, they refrained from attacking until the day began to break; as for the infantry, they did not even leave their stockade before the dawn.

> Latin: 38.5. extemplo insecutus ita institit agmini ut, donec done lucesceret, proelio abstineret; ne pedestres quidem copiae ante lucem castris egressae.

[¶77] 38.6. , when it was light, the cavalry ventured to charge the Romans, and by harassing their rear and pressing them when they came to places that were difficult to cross, delayed their march.

> Latin: 38.6. luce demum ausus incursare in hostem, carpendo novissimos premendoque iniquis ad transitum locis, agmen detinuit. pedes equitem adsecutus, et totis iam copiis Samnis urgebat.

[¶78] 38.7. the foot had caught up with the horse, and the Samnites were throwing all their forces into the assault. the dictator, finding that he could make no headway without great distress, gave orders to lay out a camp on the very spot where he had halted. enveloped, as they were, by the enemy's horse, it was impossible to gather stakes and begin the work.

> Latin: 38.7. dictator, postquam sine magno incommodo incolmmodo progredi non poterat, eum ipsum in quo constiterat locum castris dimetari iussit. vero circumfuso undique equitatu—ut vallum peteretur opusque inciperet—fieri non poterat.

[¶79] 38.8. so, when he saw that he could neither advance nor encamp, he removed the baggage from his column and formed a line of battle. The enemy then formed up against him, being inferior neither in spirit nor in strength.

> Latin: 38.8. ubi neque eundi neque manendi copiam esse videt, instruit aciem, impedimentis ex agmine remotis. contra et hostes, et animis et viribus pares.

[¶80] 38.9. encouragement was due chiefly to ignorance that their enemies had retreated from an awkward position, and not from them; for they assumed that their own doughty appearance had driven the Romans before them in a panic.

> Latin: 38.9. id maxime animos quod ignari loco iniquo, non hosti cessum, velut fugientes ac territos terribiles ipsi secuti fuerant.

[¶81] 38.10. held the fighting in balance for a while, though the Samnites had now for some time been unused to abide the battle —cry of a Roman army. it is said that on that day from the third hour to the eighth the outcome was so much in doubt, that there was never a second cheer after that which was once given when the armies rushed together; nor were standards either moved forward or withdrawn; nor did the combatants anywhere give ground.

> Latin: 38.10. aliquamdiu aequavit pugnam, iam pridem desueto Samnite clamorem Romani exercitus pati; et hercule illo die ab hora diei tertia ad octavam ita anceps dicitur certamen stetisse, ut neque clamor, ut primo semel concursu est sublatus, iteratus sit, neque signa promota loco retrove recepta, neque recursum ab ulla sit parte.

[¶82] 38.11. each other with every man squarely in his place, they pressed forward with their shields and fought without stopping to breathe or to look behind. The monotonous din and changeless tenor of the battle made it seem probable that sheer exhaustion or the night would put an end to it.

> Latin: 38.11. suo quisque gradu obnixi, urgentes scutis, sine respiratione ac respectu pugnabant; fremitus aequalis tenorque idem pugnae in defatigationem ultimam aut noctem spectabat.

[¶83] 38.12. now men's strength was ebbing, and the sword was forgetting its keenness and the generals their strategy; —when the Samnite horsemen, learning from one of their squadrons that had pushed on ahead how the baggage of the Romans lay remote from their fighting men, without defenders or a rampart to protect it, were seized with the lust of pillaging, and made a sudden dash for it.

> Latin: 38.12. viris vires, iam ferro sua vis, iam consilia ducibus deerant, cum subito Samnitium equites, cum turma una longius provecta accepissent impedimenta Romanorum procul ab armatis sine praesidio, sine munimento stare, aviditate praedae impetum faciunt.

[¶84] 38.13. when a frightened messenger brought word of this to the dictator, he said, “let them cumber themselves with spoil!” that came others and still others, crying aloud that the soldiers' possessions were being plundered and carried clean away.

> Latin: 38.13. ubi dictatori trepidus nuntius attulit, modo inquit, sese praeda praepediant. deinde super alios diripi passim ferrique fortunas militum vociferabantur.

[¶85] 38.14. Cornelius called the master of the horse and said, “you not see, Marcus Fabius, how the enemy's cavalry have ceased to fight?”

> Latin: 38.14. magistro equitum accito tu inquit, M. Fabi, ab hostium equite omissam pugnam? impediti impedimentis nostris.

[¶86] 38.15. “are caught fast and entangled in our baggage. at them while they are dispersed, as any body of men will be in pillaging! shall find few in the saddle, few sword in hand; while they are loading themselves and their horses with spoils, cut them down unarmed and make it a bloody booty for them.”

> Latin: 38.15. , quod inter praedandum omni multitudini evenit, dissipatos dissipates; raros equis insidentes, raros, quibus ferrum in manu sit, invenies; sese equosque dum praeda onerant, caede inermes cruentamque illis praedam redde.

[¶87] 38.16. “will see to the legions and the battle of the infantry; be yours the glory of the cavalry fight.” The cavalry, drawn up in the most perfect order, charged their scattered and embarrassed enemies and cut them down on every hand. had hastily flung aside their packs —which lay all about and impeded the terrified horses as they tried to run away —and, powerless either to resist or to escape, were massacred where they stood.

> Latin: 38.16. legiones peditumque pugna curae erunt; penes te equestre sit decus. acies, qualis quae esse instructissima potest, invecta in dissipatos dissipates impeditosque hostes caede omnia replet. sarcinas omissas repente, obiacentes pedibus fugientium consternatorumque equorum, neque pugnae neque fugae satis potentes caeduntur.

[¶88] 39.3. Marcus Fabius, having almost annihilated the enemy's cavalry, fetched a short compass with his squadrons and attacked from behind their line of infantry.

> Latin: 39.3. deleto prope equitatu hostium M. Fabius circumductis paulum alis ab tergo pedestrem aciem adoritur.

[¶89] 39.4. The shouts that were now heard in that quarter struck terror into the hearts of the Samnites; and the dictator, seeing the men in their fighting line glance nervously behind them, and their standards become disordered, and their line begin to waver, then cried out to his men, then urged them on, and called by name on tribunes and company —commanders to join him in a new attack.

> Latin: 39.4. inde novus accidens et Samnitium terruit animos, et dictator, ubi respectantes hostium antesignanos turbataque signa et fluctuantem aciem vidit, tum appellare, tum adhortari milites, tribunos principesque ordinum nominatim ad iterandam secum pugnam vocare. clamore signa inferuntur;

[¶90] 39.5. a fresh cheer the ranks pressed forward, and at each advance perceived the Samnites to be more and more confused. The horse themselves could now be seen by those in the van; and Cornelius, looking back on the maniples of soldiers, made them understand as best he could with hand and voice that he saw the banners and round shields of their comrades.

> Latin: 39.5. et quidquid progrediebantur, magis magisque turbatos, hostes cernebant. ipse iam primis erat in conspectu, et Cornelius respiciens ad manipulos militum, quod manu, quod voce poterat, monstrabat vexilla se suorum parmasque cernere equitum.

[¶91] 39.7. hearing and at the same time seeing them, they straightway forgot the toil they had endured for well —nigh the entire day, and forgot their wounds, and, like troops who were but that moment fresh from camp and had received the battle —signal, they flung themselves upon the enemy.

> Latin: 39.7. ubi auditum simul visumque est, adeo repente laboris per diem paene totum tolerati volnerumque obliti sunt, ut haud secus quam si tum integri e castris signum pugnae accepissent concitaverint se in hostem hosted.

[¶92] 39.8. The Samnites could support no longer the fury of the cavalry and the violent onset of the foot; some were slaughtered in the midst, others were scattered abroad in flight.

> Latin: 39.8. ultra Samnis tolerare terrorem equitum peditumque vim potuit; partim in medio caesi, partim in fugam dissipati sunt.

[¶93] 39.9. The foot —soldiers surrounded those who resisted and put them to the sword; the cavalry made havoc of the fugitives, amongst whom perished their general himself.

> Latin: 39.9. restantes ac circumventos cecidit: ab equite fugientium strages est facta, inter quos et ipse imperator cecidit.

[¶94] 39.10. defeat, after all that had gone before, so broke the spirit of the Samnites, that in all their councils they began to murmur that it was no wonder if they met with no success in an impious war, undertaken in violation of a treaty, for the gods had even more right than men to be incensed with them.

> Latin: 39.10. demum proelium Samnitium res ita infregit, ut omnibus conciliis fremerent minime id quidem mirum esse, si impio bello et contra foedus suscepto, infestioribus merito deis quam hominibus nihil prospere agerent; expiandum id bellum magna mercede luendumque esse;

[¶95] 39.11. would have to pay a heavy price to expiate this war and atone for it; the only question was, should they offer atonement with the blood of the guilty few or with that of the innocent multitude? ventured at this juncture to name those who had been responsible for the war.

> Latin: 39.11. id referre tantum, utrum supplicia noxio paucorum an omnium innoxio praebeant sanguine; audebantque iam quidam nominare auctores armorum.

[¶96] 39.12. name in particular could be distinguished; for all agreed in denouncing Papius Brutulus, a powerful noble who had without question been the breaker of the latest truce.

> Latin: 39.12. maxime nomen per consensum clamantium Brutuli Papi exaudiebatur. nobilis potensque erat, haud baud dubie proximarum indutiarum ruptor.

[¶97] 39.13. The praetors were compelled to refer his case to the council, which decreed that Papius Brutulus should be surrendered to the Romans, and that all the Roman booty and all the prisoners should be sent with him to Rome; and further, that all the property which the fetials had sought to recover under the provisions of the treaty should be restored in compliance with law and with religion.

> Latin: 39.13. eo coacti referre, praetores decretum fecerunt, ut Brutulus Papius Romanis dederetur et cum eo praeda omnis Romana captivique ut Romam mitterentur, quaeque res per fetiales ex foedere repetitae essent secundum ius fasque restituerentur.

[¶98] 39.14. The fetials proceeded to Rome, in accordance with this resolution, taking with them the lifeless body of Brutulus, who had escaped the humiliation and punishment by a voluntary death.

> Latin: 39.14. Romam, ut censuerunt, missi, et corpus Brutuli exanime; ipse morte voluntaria ignominiae se ac supplicio subtraxit.

[¶99] 39.15. was voted to surrender his goods also with his body. of all these things the Romans would accept none but the prisoners and such articles of booty as they recognized as theirs; the surrender of all the rest was of no effect. The dictator triumphed by resolution of the senate.

> Latin: 39.15. cum corpore bona quoque eius dedi. tamen earum rerum praeter captivos ac si qua cognita ex praeda sunt acceptum est; ceterarum rerum inrita fuit deditio. ex senatus consulto triumphavit. bellum a consulibus bellatum quidam auctores sunt, eosque de Samnitibus triumphasse; Fabium etiam in Apuliam processisse atque inde magnas praedas egisse.

[¶100] 40.2. writers hold that this war was waged by the consuls, and that it was they who triumphed over the Samnites; they say that Fabius even advanced into Apulia and thence drove off much booty. that Aulus Cornelius was dictator in that year is not disputed, and the doubt is only whether he was appointed to administer the war, or in order that there might be somebody to give the signal to the chariots at the Roman Games —since the praetor, Lucius Plautius, happened to be very sick —and whether, having discharged this office, which is, to be sure, no very noteworthy exercise of power, he resigned the dictatorship.

> Latin: 40.2. discrepat quin dictator eo anno A. Cornelius fuerit; id ambigitur, belline gerendi causa creatus sit, an ut esset qui ludis Romanis, quia L. Plautius praetor gravi morbo forte implicitus erat, signum mittendis quadrigis daret functusque eo haud sane memorandi imperii ministerio se dictatura abdicaret.

[¶101] 40.3. is not easy to choose between the accounts or the authorities.

> Latin: 40.3. facile est aut rem rei aut auctorem auctori praeferre.

[¶102] 40.4. The records have been vitiated, I think, by funeral eulogies and by lying inscriptions under portraits, every family endeavouring mendaciously to appropriate victories and magistracies to itself —a practice which has certainly wrought confusion in the achievements of individuals and in the public memorials of events.

> Latin: 40.4. memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque imaginum titulis, dum familiae ad se quaeque famam rerum gestarum honorumque fallenti mendacio trahunt;

[¶103] 40.5. is there extant any writer contemporary with that period, on whose authority we may safely take our stand. IN the following year came the Caudine Peace, the notorious sequel of a disaster to the Roman arms. Titus Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius were consuls. The Samnites had that year for their general Gaius Pontius, whose father Herennius far excelled them all in wisdom, while the son was their foremost warrior and captain.

> Latin: 40.5. inde certe et singulorum gesta et publica monumenta rerum confusa. quisquam aequalis temporibus illis scriptor exstat, quo satis certo auctore stetur. SEQUITUR hunc annum nobilis clade Romana Caudina pax T. Veturio Calvino Sp. Postumio consulibus. Samnites eo anno imperatorem C. Pontium Herenni filium habuerunt, patre longe prudentissimo natum, primum ipsum bellatorem ducemque.

## 41. Book IX · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/41/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/41/#p-N

[¶0] 1.3. the envoys who had been dispatched to make restitution returned without having achieved a peace, Pontius said: “must not think that this embassy has been of no avail: whatever divine resentment we incurred by breaking the treaty has been appeased.”

> Latin: 1.3. , ubi legati qui ad dedendas res missi erant pace infecta redierunt, nihil actum inquit hac legatione censeatis, expiatum est quidquid ex foedere rupto irarum in nos caelestium fuit.

[¶1] 1.4. “do I know that whatever gods desired that we might be compelled to restore the spoils which had been demanded again of us in accordance with the treaty did not desire that our expiation of the treaty should be so scornfully rejected by the Romans.”

> Latin: 1.4. scio quibuscumque discordi fuit subigi nos ad necessitatem dedendi res quae ab nobis ex foedere repetitae fuerant, iis non fuisse cordi tam superbe ab Romanis foederis expiationem spretam.

[¶2] 1.5. “what more could have been done to mollify the gods and to placate men than we have done? The goods of the enemy which we had taken as booty, and regarded as our own by the laws of war, we restored to them;”

> Latin: 1.5. enim ultra fieri ad placandos deos mitigandosque homines potuit quam quod nos fecimus? hostium in praeda captas, quae belli iure nostrae videbantur, remisimus; auctores belli, quia vivos non potuimus, perfunctos iam fato dedidimus;

[¶3] 1.6. “the authors of the war, whom we could not surrender living, we surrendered dead; their possessions —that no guilt might remain with us from touching them —we carried to Rome.”

> Latin: 1.6. bona eorum, ne quid ex contagione noxae remaneret penes nos, Romam portavimus.

[¶4] 1.7. “more do I owe to you, Romans, or to the treaty, or to the gods, its witnesses? can I proffer as umpire betwixt your anger and my punishment? refuse no nation, no private citizen.”

> Latin: 1.7. ultra tibi, Romane, quid foederi, quid dis arbitris foederis debeo? tibi tuarum irarum, quem meorum suppliciorum iudicem feram? neque populum neque privatum fugio.

[¶5] 1.8. “if, in dealing with the mighty, the weak are left no human rights, yet will I seek protection of the gods, who visit retribution on intolerable pride, and will beseech them that they tum their anger against those who are not content with the restitution of their own possessions, nor the heaping up in addition of ” “other men's; whose rage is not sated with the death of the guilty, nor with the surrender of their lifeless bodies, nor with the master's goods going with that surrender —unless we yield them our blood to drink and our flesh to rend.”

> Latin: 1.8. si nihil cum potentiore iuris humani relinquitur inopi, at ego ad deos vindices intolerandae superbiae confugiam et precabor ut iras suas vertant in eos quibus non suae redditae res, non alienae accumulatae satis sint; quorum saevitiam non mors noxiorum, non deditio exanimatorum corporum, non bona sequentia domini deditionem exsatient, nisi hauriendum sanguinem laniandaque viscera nostra praebuerimus.

[¶6] 1.10. “Samnites, that war is just which is necessary, and righteous are their arms to whom, save only in arms, no hope is left.”

> Latin: 1.10. est bellum, Samnites, quibus necessarium, et pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes.

[¶7] 1.11. “, therefore, it is of the utmost moment in the affairs of men whether what they undertake be pleasing in the sight of Heaven or whether it be offensive, be well assured that you waged your former war rather against gods than men, but that you will wage this war now threatening with the gods themselves for your leaders.”

> Latin: 1.11. , cum rerum humanarum maximum momentum sit, quam propitiis rem, quam adversis agant dis, pro certo habete priora bella adversus deos magis quam homines gessisse, hoc quod instat ducibus ipsis dis gesturos. non laeta magis quam vera vaticinatus exercitu educto circa Caudium castra quam potest occultissime locat.

[¶8] 2.2. pronounced these words, as prophetic as they were encouraging, he led his army out and encamped with all possible secrecy in the vicinity of Caudium. he dispatched in the direction of Calatia, where he heard that the Roman consuls were already in camp, ten soldiers in the guise of shepherds, with orders to graze their flocks —dispersed one here another there —at no great distance from the Romans.

> Latin: 2.2. ad Calatiam, ubi iam consules Romanos castraque esse audiebat, milites decem pastorum habitu mittit pecoraque diversos, alium alibi, haud procul Romanis pascere iubet praesidiis;

[¶9] 2.3. encountering pillagers, they were all to tell one story; namely, that the Samnite levies were in Apulia, where they were laying siege with all their forces to Luceria, and were on the point of taking it by assault.

> Latin: 2.3. ubi inciderint in praedatores, ut idem omnibus sermo constet, legiones Samnitium in Apulia esse, Luceriam omnibus copiis circumsedere nec procul abesse quin vi capiant.

[¶10] 2.4. rumour, which had designedly been given out before, had already come to the ears of the Romans, but the prisoners strengthened their belief in it, especially since they all gave the same account.

> Latin: 2.4. is rumor et ante de industria volgatus venerat ad Romanos, sed fidem auxere captivi eo maxime quod sermo inter omnes congruebat.

[¶11] 2.5. The Romans did not hesitate about helping the Lucerini, their good and faithful allies, and preventing Apulia at the same time from a general defection in the face of instant peril: the only subject of deliberation was by what route they should march.

> Latin: 2.5. erat dubium quin Lucerinis opem Romanus ferret, bonis ac fidelibus sociis, simul ne Apulia omnis ad praesentem terrorem deficeret: ea modo qua irent consultatio fuit.

[¶12] 2.6. were two roads to Luceria. skirted the Adriatic, and though open and unobstructed, was long almost in proportion to its safety.

> Latin: 2.6. ad Luceriam ferebant viae, altera praeter oram superi maris, patens apertaque sed quanto tutior tanto fere longior, altera per furculas Caudinas, brevior;

[¶13] 2.7. The other led through the Caudine Forks, and was shorter, but this is the nature of the place: two deep defiles, narrow and wooded, are connected by an unbroken range of mountains on either hand; shut in between them lies a rather extensive plain, grassy and well —watered, with the road running through the middle of it;

> Latin: 2.7. sed ita natus locus est: saltus duo alti angusti silvosique sunt montibus circa perpetuis inter se iuncti; iacet inter eos satis patens clausus in medio campus herbidus aquosusque, per quem medium iter est;

[¶14] 2.8. but before you come to it, you must enter the first defile, and afterwards either retrace the steps by which you made your way into the place, or else —should you go forward —pass out by another ravine, which is even narrower and more difficult.

> Latin: 2.8. sed antequam venias ad eum, intrandae primae angustiae sunt, et aut eadem qua te insinuaveris retro via repetenda aut, si ire porro pergas, per alium saltum artiorem impeditioremque, evadendum.

[¶15] 2.9. this plain the Romans debouched from the rocky gorge of one of the two passes; and advancing forthwith to the other pass, found it blocked with a barrier of felled trees and huge boulders. The enemy's stratagem now stood revealed, and indeed a body of troops was descried at the head of the defile.

> Latin: 2.9. eum campum via alia per cavam rupem Romani demisso agmine cum ad alias angustias protinus pergerent, saeptas deiectu arborum saxorumque ingentium obiacente mole invenere. fraus hostilis apparuisset, praesidium etiam in summo saltu conspicitur.

[¶16] 2.10. The Romans thereupon hastened back to regain the road by which they had come, but found that this was likewise closed with its own barricade and armed men. this they came to a halt, without any command, and a stupor came over the minds of all, and a strange kind of numbness over their bodies; and looking at one another —for every man supposed his neighbour more capable of thinking and planning than himself —they stood for a long time motionless and silent.

> Latin: 2.10. inde retro, qua venerant pergunt repetere viam; eam quoque clausam sua obice armisque inveniunt. inde gradum sine ullius imperio, stuporque omnium animos ac velut torpor quidam insolitus membra tenet, intuentesque alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem magis mentis ac consilii ducerent, diu immobiles silent;

[¶17] 2.12. , when they saw the tents of the consuls going up and some of the men getting out entrenching tools, although they perceived that in their desperate plight, deprived of every hope, it would be ridiculous for them to entrench themselves, nevertheless, that they might not add a fault to their misfortunes, they fell to digging —each for himself with no encouragement or command from anyone —and fortified a camp close to the water;

> Latin: 2.12. deinde, ubi praetoria consulum erigi videre et expedire quosdam utilia operi, quamquam ludibrio fore munientes perditis rebus ac spe omni adempta cernebant, tamen, ne culpam malis adderent, pro se quisque nec hortante ullo nec imperante ad muniendum versi castra propter aquam vallo circumdant,

[¶18] 2.14. meanwhile not only did their enemies insolently scoff at them, but they jested themselves, with pathetic candour, at the futility of their works and the pains they took.

> Latin: 2.14. sua ipsi opera laboremque inritum, praeterquam quod hostes superbe increpabant, cum miserabili confessione eludentes.

[¶19] 2.15. The dejected consuls did not even call a council, for the situation admitted neither of discussion nor of help, but the lieutenants and tribunes assembled of their own accord, and the soldiers, turning to the headquarters tent, called on their generals for help, which the immortal gods could scarce have given them.

> Latin: 2.15. consules maestos, ne advocantes quidem in consilium, quando nec consilio nec auxilio locus esset, sua sponte legati ac tribuni conveniunt, militesque ad praetorium versi opem open, quam vix di immortales ferre poterant, ab ducibus exposcunt. magis quam consultantes nox oppressit, cum pro ingenio quisque fremerent: obices viarum, alius, per adversa montium, per silvas, qua ferri arma poterunt, eamus, modo ad hostem pervenire liceat, quem per annos iam prope triginta vincimus;

[¶20] 3.2. came, and found them not so much consulting as lamenting, while each murmured as his nature prompted him. “us force the barriers of the road,” said one, “let us scale the mountains, penetrate the forests, go wherever we can carry ” “arms, if only we may come at the enemy, whom we have now been conquering for close upon thirty years; any field will be smooth and level to a Roman who fights against a treacherous Samnite!”

> Latin: 3.2. omnia aequa et plana erunt Romano in perfidum Samnitem pugnanti; alius: aut qua eamus? montes moliri sede sua paramus? haec imminebunt iuga, qua tu ad hostem venias? inermes, fortes ignavi, pariter omnes capti atque victi sumus; ne ferrum quidem ad bene moriendum oblaturus est hostis; sedens bellum conficiet.

[¶21] 3.3. Another would ask: “or by what way can we go? we think to remove the mountains from their seat? long as these ridges tower over you, how shall you come at the enemy? and unarmed, the brave and the cowardly, we are all alike captured and beaten men. The foe will not even draw his sword on us, that we may die with honour; he will end the war by sitting still.”

> Latin: 3.3. in vicem sermonibus qua cibi qua quietis immemor nox traducta est. Samnitibus quidem consilium in tam laetis suppetebat rebus; itaque universi Herennium Pontium, patrem imperatoris, per litteras consulendum censent.

[¶22] 3.4. such —like exchange of talk the night wore on, neither was there any thought of food or sleep. the Samnites were at a loss what course to follow in such happy circumstances; and accordingly they agreed unanimously to dispatch a letter to Herennius Pontius, the father of their general, asking his advice.

> Latin: 3.4. is gravis annis non militaribus solum sed civilibus quoque abscesserat muneribus; in corpore tamen adfecto vigebat vis animi consiliique.

[¶23] 3.5. man, bowed down with years, had already withdrawn not only from military but even from civic duties; yet, despite his bodily infirmity, his mind and judgment retained their vigour.

> Latin: 3.5. ubi accepit ad furculas Caudinas inter duos saltus clausos esse exercitus Romanos, consultus ab nuntio filii censuit omnes inde quam primum inviolatos dimittendos.

[¶24] 3.6. he learned that the Roman armies had been hemmed in between two defiles at the Caudine Forks, and was asked by his son's messenger for his opinion, he advised that they should all be dismissed unscathed, at the earliest possible moment.

> Latin: 3.6. ubi spreta sententia est iterumque eodem remeante nuntio consulebatur, censuit ad unum omnes ones interficiendos.

[¶25] 3.7. policy having been rejected, and the messenger returning a second time to seek his counsel, he recommended that all, to the last man, be slain. received these answers, as inconsistent as the riddling responses of an oracle, the younger Pontius was among the first to conclude that his father's mind had now given way along with his failing body, but yielded to the general desire and sent for him to advise with them in person.

> Latin: 3.7. ubi tam discordia inter se velut ex ancipiti oraculo responsa data sunt, quamquam filius ipse in primis iam animum quoque patris consenuisse in adfecto corpore rebatur, tamen consensu omnium victus est ut ipsum in consilium acciret. gravatus senex plaustro in castra dicitur advectus vocatusque in consilium ita ferme locutus esse ut nihil sententiae suae mutaret, causas tantum adiceret:

[¶26] 3.9. The old man made no objection; he was brought to the camp in a waggon —so the story runs —and being invited to join the council of war, spoke to such purpose as merely, without changing his opinion, to add thereto his reasons: If, he said, they adopted his first proposal —which he held to be the best —they would establish lasting peace and friendship with a very powerful people by conferring an enormous benefit upon them; by adopting the other plan they would postpone the war for many generations, in which time the Roman State, having lost two armies, would not easily regain its strength; there was no third plan.

> Latin: 3.9. priore se consilio, quod optimum duceret, cum potentissimo populo per ingens beneficium perpetuam firmare pace amicitiamque; altero consilio in multas aetates, quibus amissis duobus exercitibus haud facile receptura vires Romana res esset, bellum differre; tertium nullum consilium esse. filius aliique principes percontando exsequerentur, quid si media via consilii caperetur, ut et dimitterentur incolumes et leges iis iure belli victis imponerentur, quidem sententia inquit ea est, quae neque amicos parat nec inimicos tollit.

[¶27] 3.11. his son and the other leading men pressed him to say what would happen if they took a middle course, and while letting them go unhurt imposed terms upon them by the rights of war, as upon the vanquished, “,” he answered, “is in sooth a policy that neither wins men friends nor rids them of their enemies.” “, if you will, those whom you have stung to anger with humiliation; the Roman race is one that knows not how to be still under defeat.” “shame you brand them with in their present necessity, the wound will ever rankle in their bosoms, nor will it suffer them to rest until they have exacted many times as heavy a penalty of you.” proposal was accepted, and Herennius was carried home from the camp.

> Latin: 3.11. modo quos ignominia inritaveritis: ea est Romana gens quae victa quiescere nesciat. semper in pectoribus illorum quidquid istuc praesens necessitas inusserit, nec eos ante multiplices poenas expetitas a vobis quiescere sinet. sententia accepta Herennius domum e castris est avectus. in castris Romanis cum frustra multi conatus ad erumpendum capti essent et iam omnium rerum inopia esset, victi necessitate legatos mittunt qui primum pacem aequam peterent;

[¶28] 4.2. the other camp the Romans, finding themselves now, after many fruitless efforts to break out, in want of everything, were reduced to the necessity of sending envoys; who were first to treat for an equal peace, and, if peace could not be had, to provoke the enemy to fight. them Pontius made answer, that the war was already fought and won; and since they knew not how to admit their plight, even when beaten and made prisoners, he intended to send them unarmed and with a single garment each under the yoke;

> Latin: 4.2. si pacem non impetrarent, uti provocarent ad pugnam. Pontius debellatum esse respondit; et, quoniam ne victi quidem ac capti fortunam fateri scirent, inermes cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum; alias condiciones pacis aequas victis ac victoribus fore:

[¶29] 4.4. in all else the peace should be one of equal terms to the vanquished and the victors; for if the Romans would evacuate the Samnite territory and withdraw their colonies, Romans and Samnites should thenceforward live by their own laws in an equal alliance.

> Latin: 4.4. si agro Samnitium decederetur, coloniae abducerentur, suis inde legibus Romanum ac Samnitem aequo foedere victurum;

[¶30] 4.5. these terms he was ready to conclude a treaty with the consuls; if they were any of them unacceptable, he forbade the envoys to return to him.

> Latin: 4.5. his condicionibus paratum se esse foedus cum consulibus ferire; si quid eorum displiceat, legatos redire ad se vetuit.

[¶31] 4.6. the upshot of this embassy was made known to the Romans, they all straightway fell to groaning, and so overcome were they with sorrow that it seemed as though they could not possibly take it more to heart if they should be told that they must all die in that place., after a long silence —for the consuls were incapable of uttering a word, either for a treaty so disgraceful or against a treaty so necessary —

> Latin: 4.6. cum legatio renuntiaretur, tantus gemitus omnium subito exortus est tantaque maestitia incessit ut non gravius accepturi viderentur si nuntiaretur omnibus eo loco mortem oppetendam esse. diu silentium fuisset nec consules aut pro foedere tam turpi aut contra foedus tam necessarium hiscere possent, tum L. Lentulus, qui princeps legatorum virtute atque honoribus erat:

[¶32] 4.8. Lucius Lentulus, at that time first of the lieutenants both for his valour and his dignities, spoke as follows: “, I have often heard my father say that on the Capitol he was the only man who would not have the senate ransom the City from the Gauls with gold, since their enemies, who were most indolent besiegers, had not shut them in with trench and rampart, and they were able to make a sortie, if not without great danger, yet without certain destruction.”

> Latin: 4.8. meum inquit, consules, saepe audivi memorantem se in Capitolio unum non fuisse auctorem senatui redimendae auro a Gallis civitatis, quando nec fossa valloque ab ignavissimo ad opera ac muniendum hoste clausi essent et erumpere, si non sine magno periculo tamen sine certa pernicie, possent.

[¶33] 4.9. “if, in like manner as they had it in their power to run down from the Capitol, sword in hand, against their enemy, even as the besieged have often sallied out against the besiegers, so we were able, whether on favourable ground or no, only to come to grips with our antagonist, I should not lack my father's spirit in advising you.”

> Latin: 4.9. si, ut illis decurrere ex Capitolio armatis in hostem licuit, quo saepe modo obsessi in obsidentes eruperunt, ita nobis aequo aut iniquo loco dimicandi tantummodo cum hoste copia esset, non mihi paterni animi indoles in consilio dando deesset.

[¶34] 4.10. “do indeed confess that it is glorious to die for one's country, and I am ready to devote myself for the Roman People and the legions, or to throw myself into the midst of the enemy;”

> Latin: 4.10. mortem pro patria praeclaram esse fateor et me vel devovere pro populo Romano legionibusque vel in medios immittere hostes paratus sum;

[¶35] 4.11. “but it is here I see my country, here all the legions Rome possesses, and unless they would rush on death to please themselves, what have they to save by dying?”

> Latin: 4.11. sed hic patriam video, hic quidquid Romanarum legionum est, quae nisi pro se ipsis ad mortem ruere volunt, quid habent quod morte sua servent?

[¶36] 4.12. 'The roof —trees of the City,' someone may say, 'and its walls, and the multitude by whom it is inhabited.', not so! all these are betrayed, not saved, if this army is wiped out!

> Latin: 4.12. 'Tecta urbis' dicat aliquis 'et moenia et eam turbam a qua urbs incolitur.' hercule produntur ea omnia deleto hoc exercitu, non servantur.

[¶37] 4.13. “who shall preserve them? The unwarlike, unarmed rabble?, even as it preserved them from the onset of the Gauls!”

> Latin: 4.13. enim ea tuebitur? videlicet atque inermis multitudo. hercule quam a Gallorum impetu defendit.

[¶38] 4.14. “will they pray perhaps that an army may be sent from Veii, and a Camillus to command it? are all our hopes and our resources, which if we save we save our country; whereas if we give these up to die, we abandon our country and betray it.”

> Latin: 4.14. An a Veiis exercitum Camillumque ducem implorabunt? omnes spes opesque sunt, quas servando patriam servamus, dedendo ad necem patriam deserimus ac prodimus.

[¶39] 4.15. ' But surrender is shameful and humiliating.', but our country is so dear that we would save it by enduring shame, as we would, if need were, by our death.

> Latin: 4.15. ' At foeda atque ignominiosa deditio est.' ea caritas patriae est ut tam ignominia eam quam morte nostra, si opus sit, servemus.

[¶40] 4.16. “us submit then to that indignity, however great, and obey necessity, to which even gods are not superior., consuls, at the cost of arms redeem the City which your sires paid gold to redeem.” The consuls then went to confer with Pontius. The victor proposed a treaty, but they declared that a treaty could not be made without the authorization of the people, nor without fetials and the rest of the customary ceremonial. the Caudine Peace was not entered into by means of a treaty, as people in general believe and as Claudius actually states, but by a guarantee. what need would there have been for guarantors or for hostages in a treaty, where the agreement is concluded with a prayer that the nation responsible for any departure from the recited terms may be smitten by Jupiter even as the swine is smitten by the fetials?

> Latin: 4.16. ergo ista, quantacumque est, indignitas et pareatur necessitati, quam ne di quidem superant., consules, redimite armis civitatem quam auro maiores vestri redemerunt. profecti ad Pontium in conloquium, cum de foedere victor agitaret, negarunt iniussu populi foedus fieri posse nec sine fetialibus caerimoniaque alia sollemni. non, ut volgo credunt Claudiusque etiam scribit, foedere pax Caudina, sed per sponsionem facta est.

[¶41] 5.3. The guarantors were the consuls, the lieutenants, the quaestors, and the tribunes of the soldiers, and the names of all who gave the guarantee are extant, whereas, if the agreement had been entered into as in making a treaty, none would be preserved except those of the two fetials; and because of the inevitable postponement of the treaty, hostages were also required to the number of six hundred knights, whose lives were to be forfeit if the Romans should fail to keep the

> Latin: 5.3. enim aut sponsoribus in foedere opus esset aut obsidibus, ubi precatione res transigitur, per quem populum fiat quo minus legibus dictis stetur, ut eum ita Iuppiter feriat quemadmodum a fetialibus porcus feriatur? consules, legati, quaestores, tribuni militum, nominaque omnium qui spoponderunt exstant, ubi, si ex foedere acta res esset, praeterquam duorum fetialium non exstarent;

[¶42] 5.5. terms. time was then set for the delivery of the hostages and the dismissal of the army without their arms. lamentations broke out in the camp when the consuls returned; and the men could hardly keep from laying violent hands on those through whose rashness they had been led into that place, and through whose cowardice they were now to depart more shamefully than they had come.

> Latin: 5.5. et propter necessariam foederis dilationem obsides etiam sescenti equites imperati, qui capite luerent, si pacto non staretur.

[¶43] 5.6. bethought them how they had been unprovided either with guides or with patrols, but had been driven blindly, like wild beasts, into a trap. looked at one another; they gazed on the arms that they must presently surrender, on the right hands that would be helpless and the bodies that would be at the mercy of the foe.

> Latin: 5.6. inde statutum tradendis obsidibus exercituque inermi mittendo. luctum in castris consulum adventus, ut vix ab iis abstinerent manus quorum temeritate in eum locum deducti essent, quorum ignavia foedius inde quam venissent abituri: illis non ducem locorum, non exploratorem fuisse; beluarum modo caecos in foveam missos.

[¶44] 5.8. pictured to their mind's eye the hostile yoke, the victor's taunts, and fleering countenance; and how they must pass unarmed between the ranks of their armed enemies, and then wend their wretched way, a pitiful band, through the cities of their allies; and finally the return to their own city and their parents, whither they themselves and their ancestors had often returned in triumph. alone had been defeated without a wound, without a weapon, without a battle; to them it had not been granted to draw the sword, nor to join in combat with the enemy; on them in vain had arms, in vain had strength, in vain had bravery been bestowed.

> Latin: 5.8. alios intueri, contemplari arma mox tradenda et inermes futuras dextras obnoxiaque corpora hosti; proponere sibimet ipsi ante oculos iugum hostile et ludibria victoris et voltus superbos et per armatos inermium iter, inde foedi agminis miserabilem viam per sociorum urbes, reditum in patriam ad parentes, quo saepe ipsi maioresque eorum triumphantes venissent:

[¶45] 5.10. they uttered these complaints, the fateful hour of their humiliation came, an hour destined to transcend all anticipations in the bitterness of its reality.

> Latin: 5.10. se solos sine volnere, sine ferro, sine acie victos; sibi non stringere licuisse gladios, non manum cum hoste conferre; sibi nequiquam arma, nequiquam vires, nequiquam animos datos.

[¶46] 5.11. begin with, they were ordered to pass outside the rampart, clad in their tunics and unarmed, and the hostages were at once handed over and led off into custody., the lictors were commanded to forsake the consuls, who then were stripped of their generals' cloaks, —a thing which inspired such compassion in those very men who a little while before had cursed them and had declared that they deserved

> Latin: 5.11. frementibus hora fatalis ignominiae advenit, omnia tristiora experiundo factura quam quae praeceperant animis. primum cum singulis vestimentis inermes extra vallum exire iussi, et primi traditi obsides atque in custodiam abducti.

[¶47] 5.13. to be given up and put to torture, that every man, forgetting his own evil case, averted his eyes from that degradation of so majestic an office, as from a spectacle of horror. the consuls, little better than half —naked, were sent under the yoke, then their subordinates were humbled, each in the order of his rank; and then, one after another, the several legions. The enemy under arms stood on either side, reviling them and mocking them; many they actually threatened with the sword, and some, whose resentment of the outrage showing too plainly in their faces gave their conquerors offence, they wounded or slew outright.

> Latin: 5.13. a consulibus abire lictores iussi paludamentaque detracta: id tantam inter ipsos, qui paulo ante eos exsecrantes dedendos lacerandosque censuerant, miserationem fecit, ut suae quisque condicionis oblitus ab illa deformatione tantae maiestatis velut ab nefando spectaculo averteret oculos. consules prope seminudi sub iugum missi; tum ut quisque gradu proximus erat ita ignominiae obiectus; tum deinceps singulae legiones. armati hostes, exprobrantes eludentesque; gladii etiam plerisque intentati, et volnerati quidam necatique, si voltus eorum indignitate rerum acrior victorem offendisset.

[¶48] 6.3. they were sent under the yoke, and, what was almost harder to bear, while their enemies looked on. emerging from the pass, although they seemed like men raised from the dead, who beheld for the first time the light of day, yet the very light itself, which allowed them to see that dismal throng, was gloomier than any death.

> Latin: 6.3. traducti sub iugum, et quod paene gravius erat, per hostium oculos, cum e saltu evasissent, etsi velut ab inferis extracti tum primum lucem aspicere visi sunt, tamen ipsa lux ita deforme intuentibus agmen omni morte tristior fuit.

[¶49] 6.4. so, although it was in their power to have made Capua before nightfall, yet, questioning the loyalty of their allies, and withheld also by shame, they threw themselves upon the ground along the roadside, not far from the city, with nothing to supply their wants.

> Latin: 6.4. cum ante noctem Capuam pervenire possent, incerti de fide sociorum et quod pudor praepediebat, circa viam haud baud procul Capua omnium egena corpora humi prostraverunt.

[¶50] 6.5. tidings of this were brought to Capua, a feeling of pity, natural to allies, overcame the ingrained arrogance of the Campanians.

> Latin: 6.5. ubi est Capuam nuntiatum, evicit miseratio iusta sociorum superbiam ingenitam Campanis.

[¶51] 6.6. , without an instant's hesitation, they dispatched the insignia of their office to the consuls, together with arms, horses, clothing, and provisions, for the men;

> Latin: 6.6. insignia sua consulibus, arma equos vestimenta commeatus militibus, benigne mittunt;

[¶52] 6.7. and as they drew near Capua, the whole senate and people going forth to meet them used towards them all the rites of hospitality and every public and private courtesy.

> Latin: 6.7. et venientibus Capuam cunctus senatus populusque obviam egressus iustis omnibus hospitalibus privatisque et publicis fungitur officiis.

[¶53] 6.8. the kindness of their allies and their friendly looks and words were so far from drawing the Romans into talk that they could not even be got to raise their eyes or look their friends and comforters in the face;

> Latin: 6.8. illis sociorum comitas voltusque benigni et adloquia non modo sermonem elicere sed ne ut oculos quidem attollerent aut consolantes amicos contra intuerentur efficere poterant:

[¶54] 6.9. so constrained were they by a kind of humiliation —over and above their grief —to avoid the speech and assemblages of men. the following day, when the young nobles sent from Capua to attend them to the borders of Campania had returned, and were called into the senatehouse and questioned by the elders, they reported that they had seemed to be much more sorrowful and dejected than before: their column had marched on in silence and almost as though dumb;

> Latin: 6.9. adeo super maerorem pudor quidam fugere conloquia et coetus hominum cogebat. die cum iuvenes nobiles missi a Capua ut proficiscentes ad finem Campanum prosequerentur revertissent vocatique in curiam percontantibus maioribus natu multo sibi maestiores et abiectiores animi visos referrent: adeo silens ac prope mutum agmen incessisse;

[¶55] 6.12. the old Roman spirit was quite dashed; they had lost their courage with their arms; being saluted, they returned not the salutation; they responded to no questions; not a man of them had been able to open his mouth for shame, as if they still bore on their necks the yoke under which they had been sent;

> Latin: 6.12. iacere indolem illam Romanam, ablatosque cum armis animos; non reddere salutem salutantibus, non dare responsum, non hiscere quemquam prae metu potuisse, tamquam ferentibus adhuc cervicibus iugum sub quod missi essent;

[¶56] 6.13. the Samnites had won not only a famous but a lasting victory, for they had conquered, not Rome —as the Gauls had done before —but a thing which demanded far greater prowess —the Roman valour and independence. were the opinions that were spoken and listened to, and the Roman name had well —nigh been given up for lost in the council of Rome's faithful allies, when Aulus Calavius, son of Ovius, a man of famous birth and achievements and at that time venerable also for his age, asserted that the case was very different:

> Latin: 6.13. habere Samnites victoriam non praeclaram solum sed etiam perpetuam, cepisse enim eos non Romam, sicut ante Gallos, sed, quod multo bellicosius fuerit, Romanam virtutem ferociamque.— cum haec dicerentur audirenturque et deploratum paene Romanum nomen in concilio sociorum fidelium esset, dicitur A. Calavius, filius, clarus genere factisque, tum etiam aetate verendus, longe aliter se habere rem dixisse:

[¶57] 7.3. that obstinate silence, those eyes fixed on the ground and ears deaf to every consolation, that shame at looking on the light, were signs, he argued, of bosoms bursting with passionate resentment;

> Latin: 7.3. silentium illud obstinatum fixosque in terram oculos et surdas ad omnia solacia aures et pudorem intuendae lucis ingentem molem irarum ex alto animi cientis indicia esse.

[¶58] 7.4. either he knew nothing of the Roman character, or that silence was destined ere long to draw from the Samnites cries and groans of anguish, and the Caudine Peace to become a far more bitter memory to Samnites than to Romans;

> Latin: 7.4. Romana se ignorare ingenia, aut silentium illud Samnitibus flebiles brevi clamores gemitusque excitaturum, Caudinaeque pacis aliquanto Samnitibus quam Romanis tristiorem memoriam fore;

[¶59] 7.5. for each people would have its own native spirit wherever they might encounter, but the Samnites would not everywhere have a Caudine Pass. this time Rome, too, had heard of her shameful calamity.

> Latin: 7.5. quippe suos quemque eorum animos habiturum, ubicumque congressuri sint; saltus Caudinos non ubique Samnitibus fore.

[¶60] 7.6. The first news was that the army was entrapped; then came a gloomier report, more by reason of the disgraceful peace than because of the peril.

> Latin: 7.6. Romae etiam sua infamis clades erat. primum audierunt; tristior deinde ignominiosae pacis magis quam periculi nuntius fuit.

[¶61] 7.7. the rumour of a blockade they had begun to hold a levy; but they afterwards gave over their measures for relief, when they learned that there had been so infamous a capitulation, and immediately, without official sanction of any sort, betook themselves with one mind to every form of mourning.

> Latin: 7.7. famam obsidionis dilectus haberi coeptus erat; dimissus deinde auxiliorum apparatus, postquam deditionem tam foede factam acceperunt, extemploque sine ulla publica auctoritate consensum in omnem formam luctus est.

[¶62] 7.8. The booths round about the Forum were shut up, and ere proclamation could be made, all business was suspended; tunics with the broad stripe of purple were discarded, as were golden rings.

> Latin: 7.8. circa forum clausae, iustitiumque in foro sua sponte coeptum prius quam indictum; lati clavi, anuli aurei positi;

[¶63] 7.9. The citizens were almost more dejected than the army; and not only were they enraged against their generals and those who had favoured and guaranteed the peace, but they even visited their hate upon the innocent soldiers and proposed to exclude them from the City and from their homes.

> Latin: 7.9. paene maestior exercitu ipso civitas esse; nec ducibus solum atque auctoribus sponsoribusque pacis irasci sed innoxios etiam milites odisse et negare urbe tectisve accipiendos.

[¶64] 7.10. this flurry of resentment was dispelled by the arrival of the army, which even angry men could not but pity. they came not like men returning in safety to their homes, after all hope of them had been abandoned; but entering the City late in the day, with the bearing and looks of prisoners, they slipped away every man to his own house, and on the next and the succeeding days not one of them would look into the Forum or the streets.

> Latin: 7.10. concitationem animorum fregit adventus exercitus etiam iratis miserabilis. enim tamquam in patriam revertentes ex insperato incolumes sed captorum habitu voltuque ingressi sero in urbem ita se in suis quisque tectis abdiderunt ut postero atque insequentibus diebus nemo eorum forum aut publicum aspicere vellet.

[¶65] 7.12. The consuls shut themselves up in their houses and would transact no public business, except that they were forced by a senatorial decree to name a dictator to preside at the election.

> Latin: 7.12. in privato abditi nihil pro magistratu agere, nisi quod expressum senatus consulto est ut dictatorem dicerent comitiorum causa.

[¶66] 7.13. designated Quintus Fabius Ambustus, with Publius Aelius Paetus to be master of the horse.

> Latin: 7.13. Q. Fabium Ambustum dixerunt et P. Aelium Paetum magistrum equitum;

[¶67] 7.14. flaw in their appointment occasioned the substitution in their room of Marcus Aemilius Papus, as dictator, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, as master of the horse., even they did not hold an election; and because the people were dissatisfied with all the magistrates of that year, the state reverted to an interregnum.

> Latin: 7.14. quibus vitio creatis suffecti M. Aemilius Papus dictator. L. Valerius Flaccus magister equitum. per eos comitia habita; et quia taedebat populum omnium magistratuum eius anni, res ad interregnum initerregnum rediit.

[¶68] 7.15. The interreges were Quintus Fabius Maximus and Marcus Valerius Corvus. The latter announced the election to the consulship of Quintus Publilius Philo (for the third time) and Lucius Papirius Cursor (for the second) with the unmistakable approval of the citizens, for there were at that time no leaders more distinguished.

> Latin: 7.15. Q. Fabius Maximus M. Valerius Corvus. consules creavit Q. Publilium Philonem tertium et L. Papirium Cursorem iterum haud dubio consensu civitatis, quod nulli ea tempestate duces clariores essent. creati sunt die, eo—sic enim placuerat patribus—magistratum inierunt sollemnibusque senatus consultis perfectis de pace Caudina rettulerunt; et Publilius, penes quem quern fasces erant,, Sp.

[¶69] 8.2. the day of their election —for so the Fathers had ordained —they entered upon the duties of their magistracy, and having disposed of the routine resolutions, raised the question of the Caudine Peace. Publilius had the fasces, and called on Spurius Postumius to speak. risen to his feet, he said, with the same expression on his countenance as when he had been sent under the yoke, “am not ignorant, consuls, that I have been called on first and bidden to speak because of my disgrace, and not to honour me; not as a senator, but as one charged with the guilt not only of an unlucky war but of a shameful peace.”

> Latin: 8.2. Postumi, inquit. ubi surrexit, eodem illo vultu quo sub iugum missus erat, sum ignarus inquit, consules, ignominiae non honoris causa me primum excitatum iussumque dicere, non tamquam senatorem, sed tamquam reum qua infelicis belli, qua ignominiosae pacis.

[¶70] 8.4. “, you have not raised the question of our wrongdoing or our punishment; I will therefore attempt no defence —though it should be no difficult cause to plead before judges not unacquainted with the fortunes of men and their necessities —but will briefly formulate a motion concerning the subject you have asked us to consider.”

> Latin: 8.4. tamen, quando neque de noxa nostra neque de poena rettulistis, omissa defensione, quae non difficillima esset apud haud ignaros fortunarum humanarum necessitatiumque, sententiam de eo de quo rettulistis paucis peragam; quae sententia testis erit mihine an legionibus vestris pepercerim, cum me seu turpi seu necessaria sponsione obstrinxi;

[¶71] 8.5. “motion will bear witness whether it was myself or your legions that I spared, when I bound myself by a base, or, perhaps, a necessary pledge, —by which, however, the Roman People is not held, since it was given without the people's authorization; nor by its terms is aught but our own persons due to the Samnites.”

> Latin: 8.5. qua tamen, quando iniussu populi facta est, non tenetur populus Romanus, nec quicquam ex ea praeterquam corpora nostra debentur Samnitibus.

[¶72] 8.6. “us be given up, I propose, by the fetials, stripped and bound; let us release the people from their religious obligation, if in any such we have involved them, that no obstacle, divine or human, may block the way to a just and righteous renewal of the war.”

> Latin: 8.6. per fetiales nudi vinctique; exsolvamus religione populum, si qua obligavimus, ne quid divini humanive obstet quo minus iustum piumque de integro ineatur bellum.

[¶73] 8.7. “I move that the consuls enroll an army and arm it and lead it forth, yet without crossing the borders of the enemy, until all the ceremonies incident to our surrender shall have been completed.”

> Latin: 8.7. consules exercitum scribere, armare, educere placet, nec prius ingredi hostium fines, quam omnia iusta in deditionem nostram perfecta erunt.

[¶74] 8.8. “you, immortal gods, I beseech and pray you, if you were not pleased that the consuls Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius should ” “wage a successful war with the Samnites, yet deem it enough to have seen us sent beneath the yoke, to have seen us bound by an infamous agreement, to behold.”

> Latin: 8.8. , di immortales, precor quaesoque, si vobis non fuit cordi Sp. Postumium T. Veturium consules cum Samnitibus prospere bellum gerere, at vos satis habeatis vidisse nos sub iugum missos, vidisse sponsione infami obligates, videre nudos vinctosque hostibus deditos, omnem iram hostium nostris capitibus excipientes;

[¶75] 8.10. “us, naked and in bonds, delivered to the enemy, receiving on our own heads all the resentment of our foes; and vouchsafe to the new consuls and the Roman legions so to wage war with the Samnites, as, until our consulship, all Rome's wars were waged.”

> Latin: 8.10. novos consules legionesque Romanas ita cum Samnite gerere geere bellum velitis ut omnia ante nos consules bella gesta sunt.

[¶76] 8.11. he had finished speaking, such a thrill of astonishment, and at the same time of pity for the man, ran through the senate, that at first men could hardly believe it was the same Spurius Postumius who had been the author of a peace so shameful;

> Latin: 8.11. ubi dixit, tanta simul admiratio miseratioque viri incessit homines ut modo vix crederent illum ilium eundem esse Sp. Postumium qui auctor tam foedae pacis fuisset;

[¶77] 8.12. and presently they were all compassion, to think that such a man should suffer what would be no ordinary punishment at the hands of enemies enraged by the rupture of the peace.

> Latin: 8.12. modo miserarentur quod vir talis etiam praecipuum apud hostes supplicium passurus esset ob iram diremptae pacis.

[¶78] 8.13. they were all crossing over to support his motion, with nothing but praises for his heroism, Lucius Livius and Quintus Maelius, tribunes of the plebs, endeavoured for a moment to interpose their veto.

> Latin: 8.13. omnes laudibus modo prosequentes virum in sententiam eius pedibus irent, temptata paulisper intercessio est ab L.

[¶79] 8.14. The people, they said, could not be freed from their obligation by surrendering them, unless every advantage which the Samnites had possessed at Caudium were restored to them;

> Latin: 8.14. Livio et Q. Maelio tribunis plebis, qui neque exsolvi religione populum aiebant deditione sua, nisi omnia Samnitibus, qualia apud Caudium fuissent, restituerentur;

[¶80] 8.15. moreover, they had merited no punishment for having preserved by their pledge of peace the army of the Roman People; nor, finally, seeing that they were sacrosanct, could they be surrendered to the enemy or violated. said Postumius: ", surrender us, who are unconsecrate, as you may do without offence to Heaven; afterwards you shall surrender also those sacrosanct ones, when once they have retired from their magistracy; but, if you should listen to me, before surrendering them you would have them scourged here in the Comitium, that they might receive in advance this extra punishment, by way of interest.

> Latin: 8.15. neque se pro eo quod spondendo pacem servassent exercitum populi Romani poenam ullam meritos esse; neque ad extremum, cum sacrosancti essent, dedi hostibus violarive posse. Postumius dedite inquit "profanos nos, quos salva religione potestis; dedetis deinde et istos sacrosanctos, cum primum magistratu abierint, sed, si me audiatis, priusquam dedantur, hic in comitio virgis caesos, hanc iam ut intercalatae poenae usuram habeant.

[¶81] 9.3. when they deny that the people can be freed of their obligation by surrendering us, who is so unacquainted with the fetial law as not to be aware that they say this, more that they may not be surrendered than because the case is so?

> Latin: 9.3. quod deditione nostra negant exsolvi religione populum, id istos magis ne dedantur quam quia ita se res habeat dicere, quis adeo iuris fetialium expers est qui ignoret?

[¶82] 9.4. yet, Conscript Fathers, I do not dispute the fact that guarantees as well as treaties are sacred in the eyes of those who cherish honour among men on an equal footing with obligations due to the gods; but I deny that without the people's authorization any sanction can be given which shall be binding on the people.

> Latin: 9.4. ego infitias eo, patres conscripti, tam sponsiones quam foedera sancta esse apud eos homines apud quos iuxta divinas religiones fides humana colitur; sed iniussu populi nego quicquam sanciri posse quod populum teneat.

[¶83] 9.5. ! If the Samnites with that same arrogance with which they extorted this capitulation from us had compelled us to pronounce the solemn form of words of those who surrender cities, would you tribunes assert that the Roman People had been surrendered, and that this City, with its temples, its holy places, its bounds and waters, was become the property of the Samnites?

> Latin: 9.5. An, si eadem superbia qua sponsionem istam expresserunt nobis Samnites coegissent nos verba legitima dedentium urbes nuncupare, deditum populum Romanum vos tribuni diceretis et hanc urbem templa delubra fines aquas Samnitium esse?

[¶84] 9.6. enough of surrender; we are talking of a guarantee., pray, if we had guaranteed that the Roman People should forsake this City? that they should burn it?

> Latin: 9.6. deditionem, quoniam de sponsione agitur; quid tandem si spopondissemus urbem hanc relicturum populum Romanum? si incensurum? si magistratus, si senatum, si leges non habiturum? si sub regibus futurum? Di meliora, inquis.

[¶85] 9.7. that it should cease to have magistrates, a senate, laws? that it should be subject to the rule of kings? ' The gods forbid!' you say. yet the unworthiness of the conditions cannot lessen the force of a guarantee; if there is anything for which the people can be bound, it can be bound for everything.

> Latin: 9.7. non indignitas rerum sponsionis vinculum levat: si quid est in quod obligari populus possit, in omnia potest. ne illud quidem, quod quosdam forsitan moveat, refert, consul an dictator an praetor spoponderit.

[¶86] 9.8. does it matter, either, as some are perhaps inclined to think, whether consul or dictator or praetor have given the guarantee. this the very Samnites themselves deemed to be true, for not content with the guarantee of consuls, they obliged the lieutenants, the quaestors, and the tribunes of the soldiers to add theirs.

> Latin: 9.8. hoc ipsi etiam Samnites iudicaverunt, quibus non fuit satis consules spondere, sed legatos, quaestores, tribunos militum spondere coegerunt.

[¶87] 9.9. “let no man now demand of me why I gave this guarantee, seeing that a consul has no right so to do and that I could not pledge them a peace which was not ” “mine to grant, nor in your behalf, who had given me no mandate.”

> Latin: 9.9. a me nunc quisquam quaesiverit quid ita spoponderim, cum id nec consulis ius esset nec illis spondere pacem quae mei non erat arbitrii, nec pro vobis qui nihil mandaveratis possem. ad Caudium, patres conscripti, humanis consiliis gestum est: di immortales et vestris et hostium imperatoribus mentem ademerunt.

[¶88] 9.11. “was nothing done at Caudium, Conscript Fathers, by man's wisdom: the immortal gods deprived of understanding both your commanders and the enemy's. We, on our part, took no sufficient precautions in the war: while, as for them, they threw away their ill —got victory by their ill —guided conduct, for they hardly trusted the very ground that had given them their conquest, in their haste to deprive of arms, on any terms, men born to the use of arms.”

> Latin: 9.11. nos in bello satis cavimus, et illi male partam victoriam male perdiderunt, dum vix locis quibus vicerant credunt, dum quacumque condicione arma viris in arma natis auferre festinant.

[¶89] 9.12. “, had they had their wits about them, would it have been hard, while summoning old men from home for consultation, to dispatch envoys to Rome?”

> Latin: 9.12. An, si sana mens fuisset, difficile illis fuit, dum senes ab domo ad consultandum accersunt, mittere Romam legatos? cum senatu, cum populo de pace ac foedere agere?

[¶90] 9.13. “to treat with senate and with people for a peace and covenant? was only three days' journey to those who travel light; meantime hostilities would have been suspended, until their envoys should return from Rome with either certain victory or a peace.”

> Latin: 9.13. iter expeditis erat; interea in indutiis res fuisset, donec ab Roma legati aut victoriam illis certam aut pacem adferrent. demum sponsio esset quam populi iussu spopondissemus.

[¶91] 9.14. “, and then only, would there have been a guarantee in which our pledge was backed by the mandate of the people. neither would you have voted one, nor should we have given it;” “nor was it Heaven's will that the affair should have any other ending, but that they should be beguiled with a dream too joyful for their comprehension, and that our army should be extricated by the same fortune which had entrapped it; that their idle victory should evaporate in a yet idler peace, and a guarantee be proffered that should bind none but the guarantor.”

> Latin: 9.14. neque vos tulissetis nec nos spopondissemus; nec fas fuit alium rerum exitum esse quam ut illi velut somnio laetiore quam quod mentes eorum capere possent nequiquam eluderentur et nostrum exercitum eadem quae impedierat fortuna expediret, vanam victoriam vanior inritam faceret pax, sponsio interponeretur quae neminem praeter sponsorem obligaret.

[¶92] 9.16. “what negotiation, Conscript Fathers, has there been with you or with the Roman People? can appeal to you, who can say that he has been deceived by you? the enemy, can a fellow —citizen?”

> Latin: 9.16. enim vobiscum, patres conscripti, quid cum populo Romano actum est? vos appellare potest, quis se a vobis dicere deceptum? an civis? nihil spopondistis, civem neminem spondere pro vobis iussistis.

[¶93] 9.17. “have pledged nothing to the enemy, you have given no authority to make a pledge to any fellow —citizen.”

> Latin: 9.17. ergo vobis nec nobiscum est, quibus nihil mandastis, nec cum Samnitibus, cum quibus nihil egistis.

[¶94] 9.18. “have therefore naught to do with us, to whom you gave no mandate, or with the Samnites, with whom you have had no dealings. The Samnites have in us guarantors who are responsible and quite competent, so far as concerns what belongs to ourselves and what we are able to deliver, namely, our persons and our lives; against these let them storm, against these direct their swords, against these make sharp their anger.”

> Latin: 9.18. Samnitibus sponsores nos sumus rei satis locupletes in id quod nostrum est, in id quod praestare possumus, corpora nostra et animos; in haec saeviant, in haec ferrum, in haec iras acuant.

[¶95] 9.19. “for the tribunes, you must determine whether their surrender can take place at once or had better be deferred; meantime, Titus Veturius, let us, and you others, offer these caitiff heads of ours in satisfaction of our pledge, and by our suffering liberate the Roman arms.”

> Latin: 9.19. ad tribunos attinet, consulite utrum praesens deditio eorum fieri possit an in diem differatur; nos interim, T. Veturi vosque ceteri, vilia haec capita luendae sponsionis feramus et nostro supplicio liberemus Romana arma. patres conscriptos cum causa tum auctor nec ceteros solum sed tribunos etiam plebei, ut se in senatus dicerent fore potestate.

[¶96] 10.2. the cause itself and the speaker greatly stirred the Conscript Fathers and the others present, including even the tribunes of the plebs, who declared that they would obey the senate, and having forthwith resigned their office were delivered over to the fetials to be led with the rest to Caudium. the senate had acted on this motion, it somehow seemed as though day had dawned upon the State.

> Latin: 10.2. inde se extemplo abdicaverunt traditique fetialibus cum ceteris Caudium ducendi. senatus consulto facto lux quaedam adfulsisse civitati visa est.

[¶97] 10.3. Postumius was on all men's lips; they extolled him to the skies, and compared his conduct to the devotion of Publius Decius, the consul, and to other glorious deeds.

> Latin: 10.3. Postumius in ore erat; eum laudibus ad caelum ferebant, devotioni P. Deci consulis, aliis claris facinoribus aequabant:

[¶98] 10.4. The state, they said, had emerged —thanks to his wisdom and his services —from a slavish peace; he was freely giving himself up to the tortures of a resentful foe, that he might make expiation for the Roman People.

> Latin: 10.4. emersisse civitatem ex obnoxia pace illius consilio et opera; ipsum se cruciatibus et hostium irae offerre piaculaque pro populo Romano dare.

[¶99] 10.5. thought of nothing but war and arms. ever the hour come, they asked, when they might encounter the Samnites, sword in hand? a city ablaze with wrath and hate, the levy was almost wholly made up with volunteers. The same soldiers were enrolled into new legions, and the army marched on Caudium.

> Latin: 10.5. cuncti spectant et bellum: en unquam futurum ut congredi armatis cum Samnite liceat? civitate ira odioque ardente dilectus prope omnium voluntariorum fuit. ex eodem milite novae legiones ductusque ad Caudium exercitus.

[¶100] 10.7. them went the fetials, who, when they had come to the gate, bade the guarantors of peace be stripped and their hands be bound behind their backs.

> Latin: 10.7. fetiales ubi ad portam venere, vestem detrahi pacis sponsoribus iubent, manus post tergum vinciri. apparitor verecundia maiestatis Postumi laxe vinciret, tu inquit adduces lorum, ut iusta fiat deditio!

## 42. Book IX · chapters 10–19

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/42/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/42/#p-N

[¶0] 10.8. the officer, awed by the dignity of Postumius, would have left him loosely bound, “, draw the thong tight,” he exclaimed, “that the surrender may be duly carried out.”, on arriving at the assembly of the Samnites and the tribune of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina the fetial spoke as follows:

> Latin: 10.8. ubi in coetum Samnitium et ad tribunal ventum Ponti est, A. Cornelius Arvina fetialis ita verba fecit:

[¶1] 10.9. " these men, unbidden by the Roman People of the Quirites, have guaranteed that a treaty should be ratified, and by so doing have committed an injury; to the end that the Roman People may be absolved of heinous guilt, I deliver up these men to you.

> Latin: 10.9. hisce homines iniussu populi Romani Quiritium foedus ictum iri spoponderunt atque ob eam rem noxam nocuerunt, ob eam rem quo populus Romanus scelere impio sit solutus hosce homines vobis dedo.

[¶2] 10.10. the fetial spoke these words, Postumius thrust his knee into the other's thigh, with all the force he could summon up, and proclaimed in a loud voice that he was a Samnite citizen, who had maltreated the envoy in violation of the law of nations, whereby the Romans would make war with the better right.

> Latin: 10.10. dicenti fetiali Postumius genu femur quanta maxime poterat vi perculit et clara voce ait se Samnitem civem esse, illum legatum a se contra ius gentium violatum: eo iustius bellum gesturos. Pontius ego istam deditionem accipiam inquit, "nec Samnites ratam habebunt.

[¶3] 11.2. said Pontius, "I will not receive this surrender, nor will the Samnites hold it valid. you, Spurius Postumius, if you believe in the existence of the gods, why not either reject the whole negotiation or abide by your agreement? The Samnite People is entitled to all whom it had in its power, or to peace in place of them.

> Latin: 11.2. tu, Spuri Postumi, si deos esse censes, aut omnia inrita facis aut pacto stas? Samniti populo omnes quos in potestate habuit aut pro iis pax debetur.

[¶4] 11.3. why do I appeal to you, who yield yourself a prisoner as honourably as you can? appeal to the Roman People; if they repent them of the pledge that was given at the Caudine Forks, let them replace their legions in the defile where they were surrounded.

> Latin: 11.3. quid ego te appello, qui te captum victori cum qua potes fide restituis? Romanum appello; quem si sponsionis ad furculas Caudinas factae paenitet, restituat legiones intra saltum quo saeptae fuerunt.

[¶5] 11.4. no one deceive anybody; let as though it had not happened; let them resume the arms they laid down in accordance with the compact; let them go back to their camp; whatever they had on the day before the conference, let them have again; then let them vote for war and warlike measures, then let them reject the guarantee and the peace!

> Latin: 11.4. quemquam deceperit; omnia pro infecto sint; recipiant arma, quae per pactionem tradiderunt; redeant in castra sua; quidquid pridie habuerunt quam in conloquium est ventum habeant: tum bellum et fortia consilia placeant, tum sponsio et pax repudietur.

[¶6] 11.5. us fight it out in those circumstances, and in those positions, which were ours before peace was mentioned; let the Roman People not blame the pledge given by the consuls, nor let us blame the honour of the Roman People.

> Latin: 11.5. fortuna, iis locis, quae ante pacis mentionem habuimus, geramus bellum, nec populus Romanus consulum sponsionem nec nos fidem populi Romani accusemus.

[¶7] 11.6. you never, when you have been beaten, lack excuses for not holding to your covenants? gave hostages to Porsinna —and withdrew them by a trick. ransomed your City from the Gauls with gold —and cut them down as they were receiving the gold. pledged us peace, on condition that we gave you back your captured legions —and you nullify the peace. always you contrive to give the fraud some colour of legality.

> Latin: 11.6. causa defiet cur victi pacto non stetis? Porsinnae dedistis: furto eos subduxistis; auro civitatem a Gallis redemistis: inter accipiendum aurum caesi sunt;

[¶8] 11.7. the Roman People not approve the preservation of its legions by a disgraceful peace? it keep its peace, and give back the captured legions to the victor; that would be conduct worthy of its promise, its covenants, its fetial ceremonies.

> Latin: 11.7. pacem nobiscum pepigistis, ut legiones vobis captas restitueremus: eam earn pacem inritam facitis. semper aliquam fraudi speciem iuris imponitis.

[¶9] 11.8. you, on your side, should have what you aimed at in your compact, the safety of these many citizens, but that I should not have the peace I stipulated for, when I released them, —is this the judgment which you, Aulus Cornelius, and you, fetials, render to the nations?

> Latin: 11.8. probat populus Romanus ignominiosa pace legiones servatas? sibi habeat, legiones captas victori restituat; hoc fide, hoc foederibus, hoc fetialibus caerimoniis dignum erat.

[¶10] 11.9. “for me, I will none of these whom you pretend to be surrendering, nor do I deem them to be surrendered, neither do I stand in the way of their returning, despite the wrath of all the gods, whose divinity they have made a mock, to the City which is committed by their ” “guarantee., go to war, since Spurius Postumius has just now jostled the envoy with his knee!

> Latin: 11.9. quidem tu quod petisti per pactionem habeas tot cives incolumes, ego pacem quam hos tibi remittendo pactus sum non habeam, hoc tu, A. Corneli, hoc vos, fetiales, iuris gentibus dicitis?

[¶11] 11.10. shall the gods believe that Postumius is a Samnite —not a Roman —citizen, and that a Roman envoy has been maltreated by a Samnite, and that you, in consequence of this, have justly made war on ” “us!

> Latin: 11.10. vero istos quos dedi simulatis nec accipio nec dedi arbitror, nec moror quo minus in civitatem obligatam sponsione commissa iratis omnibus dis, quorum eluditur numen, redeant.

[¶12] 11.11. it not shame you to bring forth into the light of day these mockeries of religion, and, old men and consulars as you are, to devise such quibbles to evade your promise as were scarce worthy of ” “children?, lictor, strike their fetters from the Romans; let no man hinder them from departing when they list.”

> Latin: 11.11. bellum, quando Sp. Postumius modo legatum genu perculit. di credent Samnitem civem Postumium, non civem Romanum esse, et a Samnite legatum Romanum violatum: eo vobis iustum in nos factum esse bellum.

[¶13] 11.12. the guarantors, released it may be from the nation's pledge, but at all events from their own, returned from Caudium, inviolate, to the Roman camp. The Samnites now perceived that instead of their domineering peace they were confronted with the renewal of a most bitter war, and not only imagined but almost saw all the consequences which afterwards proceeded from it. late and all in vain did they praise the alternative policies suggested by the aged Pontius, between which they had fallen, and exchanged a victory already in their possession for an uncertain peace; they had let slip the opportunity both of doing good and of doing harm, and were going to fight with men whom they might permanently have removed from their path, as enemies, or have made their permanent friends.

> Latin: 11.12. ludibria religionum non pudere in lucem proferre et vix pueris dignas ambages senes ac consulares fallendae fidei exquirere! I, lictor, deme vincla Romanis; moratus sit nemo, quo minus ubi visum fuerit abeant. illi quidem, forsitan et publica, sua certe liberata fide ab Caudio in castra Romana inviolati redierunt. Samnitibus pro superba pace infestissimum cernentibus renatum bellum, omnia quae deinde evenerunt non in animis solum sed prope in oculis esse; et sero ac nequiquam laudare senis Ponti utraque consilia, inter quae se media lapsos via victoriae possessionem pace incerta mutasse; et beneficii et maleficii occasione amissa pugnaturos cum eis quos potuerint in perpetuum vel inimicos tollere vel amicos facere.

[¶14] 12.3. though there had so far been no battle since the Caudine Peace to give an advantage to either side, yet such a change of feeling had come about that Postumius enjoyed more fame among the Romans for his surrender than did Pontius among the Samnites for his bloodless victory;

> Latin: 12.3. nullodum certamine inclinatis viribus post Caudinam pacem animi nutaverant, ut clariorem clarioreml inter Romanos deditio Postumium quam Pontium incruenta victoria inter Samnites faceret, et geri posse bellum Romani pro victoria certa haberent, Samnites simul rebellasse et vicisse crederent Romanum.

[¶15] 12.4. and while the Romans regarded their being able to make war as certain victory, the Samnites felt that the Romans had at one and the same moment renewed the war and won it.

> Latin: 12.4. haec Satricani ad Samnites defecerunt, et Fregellae colonia necopinato adventu Samnitium— fuisse et Satricanos cum iis satis constat—nocte occupata est. inde mutuus utrosque usque ad lucem quietos tenuit;

[¶16] 12.5. the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, and the colony of Fregellae, in a surprise attack by the Samnites —accompanied, it would seem, by people from Satricum —was seized during the night.

> Latin: 12.5. lux pugnae initium fuit, quam aliquamdiu aequam et quia pro aris ac focis dimicabatur et quia ex tectis adiuvabat imbellis multitudo tamen Fregellani sustinuerunt.

[¶17] 12.6. fear then caused both sides to remain quiet until the morning, when the light ushered in a battle which for a long time was equally sustained —for the townsfolk were fighting for their hearths and altars and a throng of those unfit for arms gave them assistance from the housetops, —still, the people of Fregellae held their own, until presently a ruse decided the victory; for they permitted a herald to be heard, who promised safety to any who laid down his arms.

> Latin: 12.6. deinde rem inclinavit, quod vocem audiri praeconis passi sunt, incolumem abiturum qui arma posuisset. spes remisit a certamine animos, et passim arma iactari coepta. pars armata per aversam portam erupit, tutiorque eis audacia fuit quam incautus ad credendum ceteris pavor, quos circumdatos igni nequiquam deos fidemque invocantes Samnites concremaverunt.

[¶18] 12.8. The hope of this relaxed the tension of their courage and on every side they began throwing their arms away. The more determined portion of them retained their weapons and burst out by the opposite gate, and their boldness stood them in better stead than did their too credulous timidity the others; for these the Samnites compassed about with fire, and, despite their appeals to Heaven and to the promise of their captors, burnt them alive.

> Latin: 12.8. inter se partiti provincias, Papirius in Apuliam ad Luceriam pergit, ubi equites Romani obsides ad Caudium dati custodiebantur, Publilius in Samnio substitit adversus Caudinas legiones.

[¶19] 12.9. The consuls having divided the provinces between them, Papirius took his way into Apulia towards Luceria, where the Roman knights given up at Caudium for hostages were being guarded, while Publilius stopped behind in Samnium to oppose the Caudine legions.

> Latin: 12.9. ea res Samnitium animos, quod nec ad Luceriam ire, ne ab tergo instaret hostis, nec manere, ne Luceria interim amitteretur, satis audebant.

[¶20] 12.10. plan distracted the minds of the Samnites, since they neither dared move towards Luceria, lest they should bring the enemy down upon their rear, nor remain where they were, for fear that Luceria would meanwhile be lost. The best course seemed to be to entrust their cause to Fortune and fight it out with Publilius. accordingly formed up in line of battle.

> Latin: 12.10. visum est committere rem fortunae et transigere cum Publilio certamen; itaque in aciem copias educunt. quos Publilius consul cum dimicaturus esset, prius adloquendos milites ratus contionem advocari iussit. sicut ingenti alacritate ad praetorium concursum est, ita prae clamore poscentium pugnam nulla adhortatio imperatoris audita est:

[¶21] 13.2. Publilius the consul was ready to engage them, but thinking it best to encourage his soldiers first, he bade summon them to an assembly. though they came running to the praetorium with vast alacrity, yet the outcry of those who demanded battle was so loud that the general's exhortation could not be heard; still, every man's own heart, remembering the late humiliation, was there to exhort him. they went forward into battle, urging on their standard —bearers; and, that there might be no delay in coming to grips while they were discharging their javelins and drawing their swords, they threw away their javelins, as if a signal had been given them, and, sword in hand, pushed forward at the double against the enemy.

> Latin: 13.2. suus cuique animus memor ignominiae adhortator aderat. igitur in proelium urgentes signiferos, et ne mora in concursu pilis emittendis stringendisque inde gladiis esset, pila velut dato ad id signo abiciunt strictisque gladiis cursu in hostem feruntur. illic imperatoriae artis ordinibus aut subsidiis locandis fuit: omnia ira militaris prope vesano impetu egit.

[¶22] 13.4. tactical skill was there employed in ranging centuries or reserves: the wrath of the soldiers swept everything along in its mad rush. so not only were the Samnites routed, but not daring to interrupt their flight even at their camp, they dispersed and struck out for Apulia; yet they afterwards rallied again and came to Luceria in one body.

> Latin: 13.4. non fusi modo hostes sunt, sed ne castris quidem suis fugam impedire ausi Apuliam dissipati petiere; Luceriam tamen coacto rursus in unum agmine est perventum.

[¶23] 13.5. The same fury that took the Romans through their enemy's battle —line, carried them also into his camp. was more bloodshed and carnage there than in the battle, and the greater part of the booty was destroyed in anger.

> Latin: 13.5. Romanos ira eadem quae per mediam aciem hostium tulerat et in castra pertulit. plus quam in acie sanguinis ac caedis factum praedaeque pars maior ira corrupta.

[¶24] 13.6. The other army, under the consul Papirius, marching along the coast as far as Arpi, had found all peaceably disposed, more because of the wrongs done by the Samnites and the hatred they had engendered than owing to any favour shown by the Roman People. the Samnites, who in those days dwelt in villages among the mountains, used to ravage the regions of the plain and coast, despising their cultivators, who were of a softer character, and one that —as often happens —resembled their country, while they themselves were rude highlanders.

> Latin: 13.6. alter cum curn Papirio consule locis maritimis pervenerat Arpos per omnia pacata Samnitium magis iniuriis et odio quam beneficio ullo populi Romani; nam Samnites, ea tempestate in montibus vicatim habitantes, campestria et maritima loca contempto cultorum molliore atque, ut evenit fere, locis simili genere ipsi montani atque agrestes depopulabantur.

[¶25] 13.8. this district had been faithful to the Samnites, it would either have been impossible for a Roman army to have got as far as Arpi, or the utterly barren nature of the intervening country would have destroyed them, cut off as they would have been from their supplies.

> Latin: 13.8. regio si fida Samnitibus fuisset, aut pervenire Arpos exercitus Romanus nequisset, aut interiecta penuria rerum omnium exclusos a commeatibus absumpsisset.

[¶26] 13.9. as it was, when they had proceeded to the vicinity of Luceria, besiegers and besieged suffered alike from scarcity of food: everything was carried up from Arpi for the Romans, but so precarious were their supplies, that while the foot —soldiers were busy with outpost —duty, guard —mounting, and entrenching, the cavalry brought up corn for them from Arpi in leather pouches, and, now and then, encountering the enemy, were forced to throw off the corn from their horses and fight; the besieged, until the arrival of the other consul with his victorious army, had got in their provisions —and auxiliary forces too —from the mountains of the Samnites.

> Latin: 13.9. quoque profectos inde ad Luceriam, iuxta obsidentes obsessosque, inopia vexavit. ab Arpis Romanis suppeditabantur, ceterum adeo exigue ut militi occupato stationibus vigiliisque et opere eques folliculis in castra ab Arpis frumentum veheret, interdum occursu hostium cogeretur abiecto ex equo frumento pugnare. priusquam alter consul victore exercitu advenit, et commeatus ex montibus Samnitium invecti erant et auxilia intromissa.

[¶27] 13.11. The coming of Publilius tightened up the lines; for, turning the siege over to his colleague, he was free to range the country —side, where he made things difficult for the supply —trains of the enemy.

> Latin: 13.11. omnia adventus Publili fecit, qui obsidione delegata in curam collegae vacuus per agros cuncta infesta commeatibus hostium fecerat.

[¶28] 13.12. The Samnites, therefore, who were encamped about Luceria, in despair of being able to endure the scarcity, if the siege continued, were obliged to gather up their forces from every quarter and give battle to Papirius. this juncture, while both sides were making ready for the struggle, came ambassadors from Tarentum, admonishing both Samnites and Romans to desist from war. party should oppose the cessation of hostilities, against that they proposed to fight in behalf of the other. listening to these envoys, Papirius, as though moved by what they said, replied that he would consult his colleague. sent for Publilius, he employed every moment of the interval in making his preparations, and when he had conferred with him about a matter which admitted of no doubt, displayed the battle —signal.

> Latin: 13.12. cum spes nulla esset diutius obsessos inopiam laturos, coacti Samnites, qui ad Luceriam castra habebant, undique contractis viribus signa cum Papirio conferre. id tempus parantibus utrisque se ad proelium legati Tarentini interveniunt denuntiantes Samnitibus Romanisque ut bellum omitterent: per utros stetisset quo minus discederetur ab armis, adversus eos se pro alteris pugnaturos. legatione Papirius audita perinde ac motus dictis eorum cum collega se communicaturum respondit; accitoque eo, cum tempus omne in apparatu pugnae consumpsisset, conlocutus de re haud baud dubia signum pugnae proposuit.

[¶29] 14.3. The consuls were busy with matters pertaining to gods and to men, as they are wont to to be on the eve of an engagement, when the envoys from Tarentum approached them to receive their answer;

> Latin: 14.3. divina humanaque quae adsolent cum acie dimicandum est consulibus Tarentini legati occursare responsum exspectantes; quibus Papirius ait:

[¶30] 14.4. to whom Papirius replied, “Tarentines, the keeper of the chickens reports that the signs are favourable; the sacrifice too has been exceedingly auspicious; as you see, the gods are with us at our going into action.”

> Latin: 14.4. secunda esse, Tarentini, pullarius nuntiat; litatum praeterea est egregie; auctoribus dis, ut videtis, ad rem gerendam proficiscimur.

[¶31] 14.5. then commanded to advance the standards, and marshalled his troops, with exclamations on the folly of a nation which, powerless to manage its own affairs, because of domestic strife and discord, presumed to lay down the limits of peace and war for others.

> Latin: 14.5. inde ferre iussit et copias eduxit, vanissimam increpans gentem quae, suarum impotens rerum prae domesticis seditionibus discordiisque, aliis modum pacis ac belli facere aequum censeret.

[¶32] 14.6. The Samnites, on their side, having dismissed from their minds every anxiety regarding the war, either because they sincerely wished for peace, or because it was expedient for them to pretend that they wished it, in order to gain the support of the Tarentines, when they beheld the Romans suddenly arrayed for battle, cried out that they would abide by the will of the Tarentines and would neither take the field nor advance beyond the rampart;

> Latin: 14.6. Samnites ex parte altera, cum omnem curam belli remisissent, quia aut pacem vere cupiebant aut expediebat simulare, ut Tarentinos sibi conciliarent, cum instructos repente ad pugnam Romanos conspexissent, vociferari se in auctoritate Tarentinorum manere nec descendere in aciem nec extra vallum arma ferre; deceptos potius quodcumque casus ferat passuros quam ut sprevisse pacis auctores Tarentinos videantur.

[¶33] 14.8. they had been deceived, but they chose rather to endure whatever Fortune might have in store for them than be thought to have spurned the peaceful advice of the Tarentines.

> Latin: 14.8. se omen consules aiunt et eam precari mentem hostibus ut ne vallum quidem defendant.

[¶34] 14.9. The consuls declared that they embraced the omen, praying that the enemy might be so minded as not even to defend his rampart. themselves, dividing their troops between them, marched up to the earthworks of the Samnites, and attacked them at once from every side. began to fill the trenches, others to pull up the palings and fling them into the trenches; besides their native courage they were goaded on by anger at the disgrace that rankled in their hearts.

> Latin: 14.9. inter se partitis copiis succedunt hostium munimentis et simul undique adorti, cum pars fossas explerent, pars vellerent vallum atque in fossas proruerent nec virtus modo insita sed ira etiam exulceratos ignominia stimularet animos, castra invasere;

[¶35] 14.10. their way into the camp, while every man repeated that here were no Forks, no Caudium, no trackless passes, where guile had arrogantly triumphed over error, but Roman manhood, which neither rampart nor trenches could keep out, they cut down without distinction those who resisted and those who fled, the armed and the unarmed, slaves and freemen, adults and children, men and beasts; nor would anything living have survived, had not the consuls bade sound the recall and expelled the bloodthirsty soldiers from the enemy's camp with commands and threats.

> Latin: 14.10. et pro se quisque, non haec Furculas nec Caudium nec saltus invios esse, ubi errorem fraus superbe vicisset, sed Romanam virtutem, quam nec nee vallum nec fossae arcerent memorantes, caedunt pariter resistentes fusosque, inermes atque armatos, servos liberos, puberes impubes, homines iumentaque; nec ullum superfuisset animal, ni consules receptui signum dedissent avidosque caedis milites e castris hostium imperio ac minis expulissent.

[¶36] 14.13. The men were incensed at the interruption of their sweet revenge, and accordingly the consuls at once addressed them and explained that they had neither yielded nor meant to yield to any of the soldiers in hatred of the enemy;

> Latin: 14.13. apud infensos ob interpellatam dulcedinem irae confestim oratio habita est, ut doceretur miles minime cuiquam militum consules odio in hostes cessisse aut cessuros;

[¶37] 14.14. on the contrary, they would have led the way, as in war, so in the exaction of endless vengeance, had their indignation not been checked by thoughts of the six hundred knights who were being held as hostages in Luceria; but they feared that the enemy, if they despaired of quarter, might be driven blindly to put their prisoners to death, choosing to slay before they were slain themselves.

> Latin: 14.14. quin duces sicut belli ita insatiabilis supplicii futuros fuisse, ni respectus equitum sescentorum qui Luceriae obsides tenerentur praepedisset animos, ne desperata venia hostes caecos in supplicia eorum ageret, perdere prius quam perire optantes.

[¶38] 14.16. These arguments the men applauded, and rejoiced that their wrath had been restrained; they confessed that it was better that they should suffer anything than betray the lives of so many distinguished young Romans.

> Latin: 14.16. ea milites laetarique obviam itum irae suae esse ac fateri omnia patienda potius quam proderetur salus tot principum Romanae iuventutis. contione consilium habitum omnibusne copiis Luceriam premerent an altero exercitu et duce Apuli circa, gens dubiae ad id voluntatis, temptarentur.

[¶39] 15.2. The assembly was dismissed, and a council of war was held to determine whether they should press the siege with all their forces, or should employ one army and its general to test the dispositions of the Apulians around them —a people whose sympathies were still in doubt. The consul Publilius set out on a march through Apulia and in a single expedition either subjugated, or by granting terms, received into alliance, a goodly number of states. Papirius, too, who had remained behind at Luceria to conduct the siege, soon found the outcome answerable to his hopes; for all the roads by which supplies were wont to be brought in from Samnium were blocked, and the Samnite garrison were reduced by hunger to send a deputation to the Roman consul with an offer to release the horsemen who were the cause of the war, on condition that he would raise the siege.

> Latin: 15.2. Publilius consul ad peragrandam profectus Apuliam aliquot expeditione una populos aut vi subegit aut condicionibus in societatem accepit. Papirio quoque, qui obsessor Luceriae restiterat, brevi ad spem eventus respondit. insessis omnibus viis per quas commeatus ex Samnio subvehebantur, fame domiti Samnites qui Luceriae in praesidio erant legatos misere ad consulem Romanum, ut receptis equitibus qui causa belli essent absisteret obsidione.

[¶40] 15.4. Papirius replied that they ought to have gone to Pontius, the son of Herennius, at whose instance they had sent the Romans under the yoke, to find out what the vanquished deserved to suffer;

> Latin: 15.4. Papirius ita respondit: debuisse eos Pontium Herenni filium, quo auctore Romanos sub iugum misissent, consulere quid victis patiendum censeret;

[¶41] 15.5. however, since they preferred that their enemies should decide on a just penalty for them, rather than propose one for themselves, he bade them take word to Luceria that they should leave their arms, packs, sumpter animals, and all the noncombatants, within the walls;

> Latin: 15.5. ceterum quoniam ab hostibus in se aequa statui quam in se ipsi ferre maluerint, nuntiare Luceriam iussit, arma sarcinas iumenta multitudinem omnem imbellem intra moenia relinquerent;

[¶42] 15.6. the soldiers he intended to send under the yoke, clad only in their tunics, inflicting on them no new disgrace, but requiting that which had first been put upon the Romans.

> Latin: 15.6. militem se cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum, ulciscentem inlatam, non novam inferentem inferenter ignominiam.

[¶43] 15.7. made no objection, and seven thousand men were sent under the yoke. spoils were captured in Luceria, and all the standards and arms which had been lost at Caudium were retaken, and, to cap the climax of their joy, the horsemen were recovered whom the Samnites had assigned, as pledges of peace, to be guarded at Luceria.

> Latin: 15.7. recusatum. milia militum sub iugum missa, praedaque ingens Luceriae capta receptis omnibus signis armisque quae ad Caudium amissa erant, et quod omnia superabat gaudia, equitibus reciperatis quos pignora pacis custodiendos Luceriam Samnites dederant.

[¶44] 15.8. is scarce any other Roman victory more glorious for its sudden reversal of fortune, especially if it is true, as I find in certain annals, that Pontius the son of Herennius, the Samnite general —in —chief, was sent with the rest under the yoke, to expiate the humiliation of the consuls.

> Latin: 15.8. ferme alia mutatione subita rerum clarior victoria populi Romani est, si quidem etiam, quod quibusdam in annalibus invenio, Pontius Herenni filius, Samnitium imperator, ut expiaret consulum ignominiam, sub iugum cum ceteris est missus.

[¶45] 15.9. that as it may, I am not greatly surprised that there should be some doubt as to the general of the enemy who was surrendered and disgraced; the amazing thing is the uncertainty whether it was Lucius Cornelius, as dictator —with Lucius Papirius Cursor, as master of the horse —who won these victories at Caudium and subsequently at Luceria, and, because of the signal vengeance that he exacted for Rome's shame, enjoyed a triumph which I should be inclined to rate as the best —deserved of all down to that time, next after that of Furius Camillus; or whether that honour belongs to the consuls —and particularly to Papirius.

> Latin: 15.9. id minus miror obscurum esse de hostium duce dedito missoque; id magis mirabile est ambigi, Luciusne Cornelius dictator cum L. Papirio Cursore magistro equitum eas res ad Caudium atque inde Luceriam gesserit ultorque unicus Romanae ignominiae haud sciam an iustissimo triumpho ad eam aetatem secundum Furium Camillum triumphaverit, an consulum—Papirique praecipuum—id decus sit.

[¶46] 15.11. doubt is attended with another —whether at the ensuing election Papirius Cursor was retained in office in recognition of his victory at Luceria, being returned for a third time to the consulship, together with Quintus Aulius Cerretanus —then chosen for the second time —or whether it was Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, and the mistake was a matter of the surname.

> Latin: 15.11. hunc errorem alius error, Cursorne Papirius proximis comitiis cum Q. Aulio Cerretano iterum ob rem bene gestam Luceriae continuato magistratu consul tertium creatus sit an L. Papirius Mugillanus et in cognomine erratum sit. iam inde per consules reliqua belli perfecta. Aulius cum Ferentanis uno secundo proelio debellavit urbemque ipsam, quo se fusa contulerat acies, obsidibus imperatis in deditionem accepit.

[¶47] 16.2. is agreed that from this point onwards the war was brought to a conclusion by the consuls. Aulius finished in one successful battle the campaign against the Ferentani, and having exacted hostages, received the surrender of the city itself, in which their defeated army had taken refuge. no less good fortune the other consul overcame the Satricans, who —though Roman citizens —had revolted, after the Caudine misfortune, to the Samnites, of whom they had admitted a garrison into their city. when the Roman army had drawn near the walls of Satricum, the townspeople sent ambassadors to sue humbly for peace; but the consul returned them a harsh answer: that unless they put to death the Samnite garrison or delivered it up, they must come back to him no more —a saying which struck more terror into their hearts than the threatened assault.

> Latin: 16.2. fortuna consul alter cum Satricanis, qui cives Romani post Caudinam cladem ad Samnites defecerant praesidiumque eorum in urbem acceperant, rem gessit. cum ad moenia Satrici admotus esset exercitus legatisque missis ad pacem cum precibus petendam triste responsum ab consule redditum esset, nisi praesidio Samnitium interfecto aut tradito ne ad se remearent, plus ea voce quam armis inlatis terroris colonis iniectum.

[¶48] 16.4. so the envoys persisted in demanding of the consul how he supposed that they, being few and weak, could force so strong and well —armed a garrison. he bade them seek advice from those same men at whose instigation they had received the garrison into their city; and after they had with no small difficulty persuaded him to suffer them to consult their senate in the matter and report to him its decision, they went back to their people.

> Latin: 16.4. subinde exsequuntur quaerendo a consule legati quonam se pacto paucos et infirmos crederet praesidio tam valido et armato vim allaturos. iisdem consilium petere iussi, quibus auctoribus praesidium in urbem accepissent, discedunt aegreque impetrato ut de ea re consuli senatum responsaque ad se referri sineret ad suos redeunt.

[¶49] 16.6. factions kept the senate divided: one of these had for leaders the men who had inspired the revolt from Rome, the other was composed of loyal citizens; both, however, were equally anxious to accommodate the consul, so that they might be granted peace.

> Latin: 16.6. factiones senatum distinebant, una cuius principes erant defectionis a populo Romano auctores, altera fidelium civium; certatum ab utrisque tamen est ut ad reconciliandam pacem consuli opera navaretur.

[¶50] 16.7. party, seeing that the Samnite garrison was intending to escape on the following night —for they had made no preparations for enduring a siege —deemed it sufficient to let the consul know at what hour and by what gate the enemy meant to leave, and what road he planned to take.

> Latin: 16.7. altera, cum praesidium Samnitium, quia nihil satis praeparati erat ad obsidionem tolerandam, excessurum proxima nocte esset, enuntiare consuli satis habuit, qua noctis hora quaque porta et quam in viam egressurus hostis foret;

[¶51] 16.8. The others, who had opposed going over to the Samnites, that same night also opened a gate to the consul, and without letting the Samnites know, admitted his soldiers into the city.

> Latin: 16.8. altera, quibus invitis descitum ad Samnites erat, eadem nocte portam etiam consuli aperuerunt armatosque clam hoste in urbem acceperunt.

[¶52] 16.9. consequence of this double betrayal, the Samnite garrison was surprised and overpowered by an ambush laid in the woods about their road, while a shout went up in the city, which was filled with enemies., in one crowded hour, the Samnites were slain and the Satricans captured, and all things brought under the power of the consul; who conducted an investigation, and, having ascertained who were responsible for the defection, had the guilty parties scourged and beheaded; after which he imposed a strong garrison upon the Satricans and deprived them of their arms.

> Latin: 16.9. duplici proditione et praesidium Samnitium insessis circa viam silvestribus locis necopinato oppressum est, et ab urbe plena hostium clamor sublatus; momentoque unius horae caesus Samnis, Satricanus captus, et omnia in potestate consulis erant. quaestione habita quorum opera defectio esset facta, quos sontes comperit virgis caesos securi percussit praesidioque valido imposito arma Satricanis ademit.

[¶53] 16.11. Papirius Cursor then departed for Rome to celebrate his triumph, as those writers state who name him as the commander who recovered Luceria and sent the Samnites under the yoke.

> Latin: 16.11. ad triumphum decessisse Romam Papirium Cursorem scribunt, qui eo duce Luceriam receptam Samnitesque sub iugum missos auctores sunt.

[¶54] 16.12. question, he was a man deserving of all praise as a soldier, excelling, as he did, not only in the vigour of his spirit, but in physical strength. possessed remarkable fleetness of foot, which was even the source of his surname.

> Latin: 16.12. fuit vir haud dubie dignus omni bellica laude, non animi solum vigore sed etiam corporis viribus excellens.

[¶55] 16.13. is said that he vanquished all his mates at running, whether owing to the strength of his legs or to much exercise; that he had also the greatest capacity for food and wine; and that no general was harder on his men, whether horse or foot, for his own constitution could never be overcome by

> Latin: 16.13. pedum pernicitas inerat, quae cognomen etiam dedit; victoremque cursu omnium aetatis suae fuisse ferunt, seu crurum vi seu exercitatione multa; cibi vinique eundem capacissimum; nec cum ullo asperiorem, quia ipse invicti ad laborem corporis esset, fuisse militiam pediti pariter equitique;

[¶56] 16.15. toil. is related how his cavalrymen ventured once to ask him if in view of their good conduct he would not excuse them from some portion of their duties; to whom he answered, “you may not say that I have excused you nothing, I freely excuse you from the duty of rubbing your backs when you ” “dismount.”

> Latin: 16.15. equites etiam aliquando ausos ab eo petere ut sibi pro re bene gesta laxaret aliquid laboris; quibus ille nihil remissum dicatis, remitto, inquit, ne utique dorsum demulceatis, cum ex equis descendetis.

[¶57] 16.16. the man possessed a power of command which was equally effective with citizens and allies. Praenestine praetor had, through timidity, been somewhat slow in bringing his men up from the supports to the fighting line. Papirius strolled over to the praetor's tent and having bidden them call him out, commanded a lictor to prepare his axe. this the praetor stood aghast, but Papirius said to the lictor, “, cut out this root; it is a nuisance to those who walk.” then fined the man and let him go, half —dead with the fear of capital punishment.

> Latin: 16.16. vis erat in eo viro imperii ingens pariter in socios civesque. Praenestinus praetor per timorem segnius ex subsidiis suos duxerat in primam aciem; quem cum inambulans ante tabernaculum vocari iussisset, lictorem expedire securem iussit, ad quam vocem exanimi stante Praenestino:, lictor, excide radicem hanc inquit incommodam ambulantibus, perfusumque ultimi supplicii metu multa dicta dimisit.

[¶58] 16.19. can be no doubt that in his generation, than which none was ever more fruitful of great qualities, there was no single man who did more to uphold the Roman State. people regard him as one who might have been a match in generalship for Alexander the Great, if the latter, after subjugating Asia, had turned his arms against Europe.

> Latin: 16.19. dubie illa aetate, qua nulla virtutum feracior fuit, nemo unus erat vir quo magis innixa res Romana staret. eum parem destinant animis magno Alexandro ducem, si arma Asia perdomita in Europam vertisset. minus quaesitum a principio huius operis videri potest quam ut plus iusto ab rerum ordine declinarem varietatibusque distinguendo opere et legentibus velut deverticula amoena et requiem, animo meo quaererem;

[¶59] 17.2. can be thought to have been more remote from my intention, since I first set about this task, than to depart unduly from the order of events, and to aim, by the introduction of ornamental digressions, at providing as it were agreeable bypaths for the reader, and mental relaxation for myself. the mention of so great a prince and captain evokes certain thoughts which I have often silently pondered in my mind, and disposes me to enquire how the Roman State would have fared in a war with Alexander.

> Latin: 17.2. tamen tanti regis ac ducis mentio, quibus saepe tacitus cogitationibus volutavi animum, eas evocat in medium, ut quaerere libeat quinam eventus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum bellatumn, futurus fuerit.

[¶60] 17.3. appears that in war the factors of chief importance are the numbers and valour of the soldiers, the abilities of the commanders, and Fortune, which, powerful in all the affairs of men, is especially so in war.

> Latin: 17.3. in bello pollere videntur militum copia et virtus, ingenia imperatorum, fortuna per omnia humana, maxime in res bellicas potens:

[¶61] 17.4. These factors, whether viewed separately or conjointly, afford a ready assurance, that, even as against other princes and nations, so also against this one the might of Rome would have proved invincible.

> Latin: 17.4. ea et singula intuenti et universa, sicut ab aliis regibus gentibusque ita ab hoc quoque, facile praestant invictum Romanum imperium.

[¶62] 17.5. of all —to begin by comparing commanders —I do not deny that Alexander was a remarkable general; still, his fame was enhanced by the fact that he was a sole commander, and the further fact that he died young, in the flood —tide of success, when as yet he had experienced no other lot.

> Latin: 17.5. primum, ut ordiar ab ducibus comparandis, haud baud equidem abnuo egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum; sed clariorem tamen eum facit quod unus fuit, quod adulescens in incremento rerum, nondum alteram fortunam expertus, decessit.

[¶63] 17.6. to speak of other distinguished kings and generals, illustrious proofs of human vicissitude, what else was it but length of days that exposed Cyrus, whom the Greeks exalt so high in their panegyrics, to the fickleness of Fortune?

> Latin: 17.6. alios reges claros ducesque omittam, magna exempla casuum humanorum, Cyrum, quem maxime Graeci laudibus celebrant, quid nisi longa vita, sicut Magnum modo Pompeium, vertenti praebuit fortunae?

[¶64] 17.7. the same thing was lately seen in the case of Pompey the Great. I repeat the names of the Roman generals, not all nor of every age, but those very ones with whom, as consuls or as dictators, Alexander would have had to fight —Marcus Valerius Corvus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, Gaius Sulpicius, Titus Manlius Torquatus, Quintus Publilius Philo, Lucius Papirius Cursor, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the two Decii, Lucius Volumnius, Manius Curius?

> Latin: 17.7. duces Romanos, nec omnes omnium aetatium, sed ipsos eos cum quibus consulibus aut dictatoribus Alexandro fuit bellandum, M. Valerium Corvum C. Marcium Rutulum C. Sulpicium T. Manlium Torquatum Q. Publilium Philonem L. Papirium Cursorem Q. Fabium Maximum duos Decios L. Volumnium M'. Curium? ingentes sequuntur viri, si Punicum Romano praevertisset bellum seniorque in Italiam traiecisset.

[¶65] 17.9. these come some extraordinary men, if he had turned his attention to war with Carthage first and later with Rome, and had crossed into Italy when somewhat old.

> Latin: 17.9. in quolibet cum indoles eadem quae in Alexandro erat animi ingeniique; tum disciplina militaris, iam inde ab initiis urbis tradita per manus, in artis perpetuis praeceptis ordinatae modum venerat.

[¶66] 17.10. one of these was as highly endowed with courage and talents as was Alexander; and military training, handed down from the very beginning of the City, had taken on the character of a profession, built up on comprehensive principles.

> Latin: 17.10. reges gesserant bella, ita deinde exactores regum Iunii Valeriique, ita deinceps Fabii Quinctii Cornelii, ita Furius Camillus, quem iuvenes ii quibus cum Alexandro dimicandum erat senem viderant.

[¶67] 17.11. the kings had warred; so after them the expellers of the kings, the Junii and the Valerii, and so in succession the Fabii, Quinctii, Cornelii, and Furius Camillus, whom in his old age those had seen, as youths, who would have had to fight with Alexander.

> Latin: 17.11. opera pugnando obeunti Alexandro—nam ea quoque haud baud minus clarum eum faciunt—cessisset videlicet in acie oblatus par Manlius Torquatus aut Valerius Corvus, insignes ante milites quam duces, cessissent Decii, devotis corporibus in hostem ruentes, cessisset Papirius Cursor illo corporis robore, illo animi!

[¶68] 17.12. in the performance of a soldier's work in battle —for which Alexander was no less distinguished —Manlius Torquatus or Valerius Corvus would, forsooth, have yielded to him, had they met him in a hand —to —hand encounter, famous though they were as soldiers before ever they won renown as captains! The Decii, of course, would have yielded to him, who hurled their devoted bodies upon the foe! Papirius Cursor would have yielded, with that wondrous strength of body and of spirit! The counsels of a single youth would no doubt have got the better of that senate —not to speak of individual members —which was called an assembly of kings by him who before all others had a true conception of the Roman Senate!

> Latin: 17.12. esset consiliis iuvenis unius, ne singulos nominem, senatus ille, quem qui ex regibus constare dixit unus veram speciem Romani senatus cepit! vero erat periculum, ne sollertius quam quilibet unus ex his quos nominavi castris locum caperet, commeatus expediret, ab insidiis praecaveret, tempus pugnae deligeret, aciem instrueret, subsidiis firmaret! cum Dareo rem esse dixisset, quem mulierum ac spadonum agmen trahentem, inter purpuram atque aurum oneratum oneratutm fortunae apparatibus suae, praedam verius quam hostem, nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere incruentus devicit.

[¶69] 17.15. I suppose there was the danger that Alexander would display more skill than any of these whom I have named, in selecting a place for a camp, in organizing his service of supply, in guarding against ambuscades, in choosing a time for battle, in marshalling his troops, in providing strong reserves! would have said it was no Darius whom he had to deal with, trailing women and eunuchs after him, and weighed down with the gold and purple trappings of his station. he found a booty rather than an enemy, and conquered without bloodshed, merely by daring to despise vain shows. different from India, through which he progressed at the head of a rout of drunken revellers, would Italy have appeared to him, as he gazed on the passes of Apulia and the Lucanian mountains, and the still fresh traces of that family disaster wherein his uncle, King Alexander of Epirus, had lost his life.

> Latin: 17.15. alius Italiae quam Indiae, per quam temulento agmine comisabundus incessit, visus illi habitus esset, saltus Apuliae ac montes Lucanos cernenti et vestigia recentia domesticae cladis ubi avunculus eius nuper, Epiri rex Alexander, absumptus erat. loquimur de Alexandro nondum merso secundis rebus, quarum nemo intolerantior fuit.

[¶70] 18.2. we are speaking of an Alexander not yet overwhelmed with prosperity, which none has ever been less able to bear. viewing him in the light of his new fortune and of the new character —if I may use the expression —which he had assumed as conqueror, he would evidently have come to Italy more like Darius than like Alexander, at the head of an army that had forgotten Macedonia and was already adopting the degenerate customs of the Persians.

> Latin: 18.2. si ex habitu novae fortunae novique, ut ita dicam, ingenii quod sibi victor induerat spectetur, Dareo magis similis quam Alexandro in Italiam venisset et exercitum Macedoniae oblitum degenerantemque iam in Persarum mores adduxisset.

[¶71] 18.4. am loath, in writing of so great a prince, to remind the reader of the ostentatious alteration in his dress, and of his desire that men should prostrate themselves in adulation, a thing which even conquered Macedonians would have found oppressive, much more then those who had been victorious;

> Latin: 18.4. in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas humi iacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus, et foeda supplicia et inter vinum et epulas caedes amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis.

[¶72] 18.5. of his cruel punishments and the murder of his friends as they drank and feasted; of the boastful lie about his origin. if his love of wine had every day grown stronger? and his truculent and fiery anger?

> Latin: 18.5. si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? si trux ac praefervida ira?—Nec quicquam dubium inter scriptores refero—, nullane haec damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus?

[¶73] 18.6. mention only things which historians regard as certain. we deem such vices to be no detraction from a general's good qualities? there was forsooth the danger —as the silliest of the Greeks, who exalt the reputation even of the Parthians against the Romans, are fond of alleging —that the Roman People would have been unable to withstand the majesty of Alexander's name, though I think that they had not so much as heard of him; and that out of all the Roman nobles not one would have dared to lift up his voice against him, although in Athens, a city crushed by the arms of Macedonia, at the very moment when men had before their eyes the reeking ruins of the

> Latin: 18.6. vero periculum erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis, qui Parthorum quoque contra nomen Romanum gloriae favent, dictitare solent, ne maiestatem nominis Alexandri, quem ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse, sustinere non potuerit populus Romanus; et adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fracta Macedonum armis, cernentes tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, contionari libere ausi sunt homines—id quod ex monumentis orationum patet—adversus eum nemo ex tot proceribus Romanis vocem liberam missurus fuerit!

[¶74] 18.8. neighbouring Thebes, they dared inveigh against him freely, as witness the records of their speeches.

> Latin: 18.8. magnitudo magnitude hominis concipiatur animo; unius tamen ea magnitudo hominis erit collecta paulo plus decem annorum felicitate;

[¶75] 18.9. imposing the greatness of the man may appear to us, still this greatness will be that of one man only, and the fruits of little more than ten years of success. who magnify it for this reason, that the Roman People, albeit never in any war, have yet suffered defeat in a number of battles, whereas Alexander's fortune was never aught but prosperous in any battle, fail to perceive that they are comparing the achievements of a man —and a young man too —with those of a people that was now in its four hundredth year of warfare.

> Latin: 18.9. quam qui eo extollunt quod populus Romanus etsi nullo bello multis tamen proeliis victus sit, Alexandro nullius pugnae non secunda fortuna fuerit, non intellegunt se hominis res gestas, et eius iuvenis, cum populi iam quadringentesimum bellantis annum rebus conferre. si, cum ex hac parte saecula plura numerentur quam ex illa anni, plus in tam longo spatio quam in aetate tredecim annorum fortuna variaverit?

[¶76] 18.11. it occasion us surprise if, seeing that upon the one side are counted more generations than are years upon the other, fortune should have varied more in that long time than in a life of thirteen years? not compare a man's fortune with a man's, and a general's with a general's? How many Roman generals could I name who never suffered a reverse in battle! our annals and lists of magistrates you may run through pages of consuls and dictators of whom it never on any day repented the Roman People, whether of their generalship or fortune.

> Latin: 18.11. tu hominis cum homine et ducis cum duce fortunam confers? Romanos duces nominem quibus nunquam adversa fortuna pugnae fuit! in annalibus magistratuumque fastis percurrere licet consulum dictatorumque quorum nec virtutis nec fortunae ullo die populum Romanum paenituit.

[¶77] 18.13. what makes them more wonderful than Alexander or any king is this: some were dictators of ten or twenty days, and none held the consulship above a year;

> Latin: 18.13. quo sint mirabiliores quam Alexander aut quisquam rex, denos vicenosque dies quidam dictaturam, nemo plus quam annum consulatum gessit;

[¶78] 18.14. their levies were obstructed by the tribunes of the plebs; they were late in going to war, and were called back early to conduct elections;

> Latin: 18.14. ab tribunis plebis dilectus impediti sunt; post tempus ad bella ierunt, ante tempus comitiorum causa revocati sunt; in ipso conatu rerum circumegit se annus;

[¶79] 18.15. in the midst of their undertakings the year rolled round; now the rashness, now the frowardness of a colleague occasioned them losses or difficulties; they succeeded to affairs which others had mismanaged, they received an army of raw recruits, or one badly disciplined.

> Latin: 18.15. collegae nunc temeritas nunc pravitas impedimento aut damno fuit; male gestis rebus alterius successum est; tironem aut mala disciplina institutum exercitum acceperunt.

[¶80] 18.16. consider kings: not only are they free from all impediments, but they are lords of time and circumstance, and in their counsels carry all things with them, instead of following in their train.

> Latin: 18.16. hercule reges non liberi solum impedimentis omnibus sed domini rerum temporumque trahunt consiliis cuncta, non sequuntur.

[¶81] 18.17. then, an undefeated Alexander would have warred against undefeated generals, and would have brought the same pledges of Fortune to the crisis.

> Latin: 18.17. ergo Alexander cum invictis ducibus bella gessisset et eadem fortunae pignora in discrimen detulisset;

[¶82] 18.18. , he would have run a greater risk than they, inasmuch as the Macedonians would have had but a single Alexander, not only exposed to many dangers, but incurring them voluntarily, while there would have been many Romans a match for Alexander, whether for glory or for the greatness of their deeds, of whom each several one would have lived and died as his own fate commanded, without endangering the State.

> Latin: 18.18. immo etiam eo plus periculi subisset quod Macedones unum Alexandrum habuissent, multis casibus non solum obnoxium sed etiam offerentem se, Romani multi fuissent Alexandro vel gloria vel rerum magnitudine pares, quorum suo quisque fato sine publico discrimine viveret morereturque. ut copiae copiis comparentur vel numero vel militum genere vel multitudine auxiliorum. eius aetatis lustris ducena quinquagena milia capitum.

[¶83] 19.2. remains to compare the forces on both sides, whether for numbers, or types of soldiers, or size of their contingents of auxiliaries. The quinquennial enumerations of that period put the population at 250,000. And so at the time when all the Latin allies were in revolt it was the custom to enroll ten legions, by a levy which was virtually limited to the City. those years frequently four and five armies at a time would take the field, in Etruria, in Umbria (where they also fought the Gauls), in Samnium, and in Lucania.

> Latin: 19.2. in omni defectione sociorum Latini nominis urbano prope dilectu decem scribebantur legiones; quaterni quinique exercitus saepe per eos annos in Etruria, in Umbria Vmbria Gallis hostibus adiunctis, in Samnio, in Lucanis gerebant bellum.

[¶84] 19.4. on Alexander would have found all Latium, with the Sabines, the Volsci and the Aequi, all Campania, and a portion of Umbria and Etruria, the Picentes and the Marsi and Paeligni, the Vestini and the Apulians, together with the whole coast of the Lower Sea, held by the Greeks, from Thurii as far as Naples and Cumae, and thence all the way to Antium and Ostia —all these, I say, he would have found either powerful friends of the Romans or their defeated enemies.

> Latin: 19.4. Latium deinde omne cum Sabinis et Volscis et Aequis et omni Campania et parte Umbriae Vmbriae Etruriaeque et Picentibus et Marsis Paelignisque ac Vestinis atque Apulis, adiuncta omni ora Graecorum inferi maris a Thuriis Neapolim et Cumas et inde Antio atque Ostiis tenus aut socios validos Romanis aut fractos bello invenisset hostes.

[¶85] 19.5. himself would have crossed the sea with veteran Macedonians to the number of not more than thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse —mostly Thessalians —for this was his main strength. to these he had added Persians and Indians and other nations, he would have found them a greater burden to have dragged about than a help.

> Latin: 19.5. traiecisset mare cum veteranis Macedonibus, non plus triginta milibus hominum et quattuor milibus equitum, maxime Thessalorum; hoc enim roboris erat. Indos aliasque si adiunxisset gentes, impedimentum maius quam auxilium traheret.

[¶86] 19.6. to this, that the Romans would have had recruits ready to call upon, but Alexander, as happened afterwards to Hannibal, would have found his army wear away, while he warred in a foreign land. men would have been armed with targets and spears: the Romans with an oblong shield, affording more protection to the body, and the Roman javelin, which strikes, on being thrown, with a much harder impact than the lance. armies were formed of heavy troops, keeping to their ranks; but their phalanx was immobile and consisted of soldiers of a single type; the Roman line was opener and comprised more separate units; it was easy to divide, wherever necessary, and easy to unite., what soldier can match the Roman in entrenching? is better at enduring toil? Alexander would, if beaten in a single battle, have been beaten in the war; but what battle could have overthrown the Romans, whom Caudium could not overthrow, nor Cannae?

> Latin: 19.6. , quod Romanis ad manum domi supplementum esset, Alexandro, quod postea Hannibali accidit, alieno in agro bellanti exercitus consenuisset. clipei essent illis sarisaeque: Romano scutum, maius corpori tegumentum, et pilum, haud paulo quam hasta vehementius ictu missuque telum. uterque miles, ordines servans; sed illa phalanx immobilis et unius generis, Romana acies distinctior, ex pluribus partibus constans, facilis partienti, quacumque opus esset, facilis iungenti. iam lam in opere quis par Romano miles, quis ad tolerandum laborem melior? proelio victus Alexander bello victus esset: Romanum, quem Caudium, quem Cannae non fregerunt, quae fregisset acies? ille saepe, etiam si prima prospere evenissent, Persas et Indos et imbellem Asiam quaesisset et cum feminis sibi bellum fuisse dixisset, quod Epiri regem Alexandrum mortifero volnere ictum dixisse ferunt, sortem bellorum in Asia gestorum ab hoc ipso iuvene cum sua conferentem.

## 43. Book IX · chapters 19–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/43/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/43/#p-N

[¶0] 19.11. , many a time —however prosperous the outset of his enterprise might have been —would he have wished for Indians and Persians and unwarlike Asiatics, and would have owned that he had before made war upon women, as Alexander, King of Epirus, is reported to have said, when mortally wounded, contrasting the type of war waged by this very youth in Asia, with that which had fallen to his own share.

> Latin: 19.11. cum per annos quattuor et viginti primo Punico bello classibus certatum cum Poenis recordor, vix aetatem Alexandri suffecturam fuisse reor ad unum bellum; et forsitan, cum et foederibus vetustis iuncta res Punica Romanae esset et timor par adversus communem hostem duas potentissimas armis virisque urbes armaret, simul Punico Romanoque obrutus bello esset. quidem Alexandro duce nec integris Macedonum rebus sed experti tamen sunt Romani Macedonem hostem adversus Antiochum Philippum Persen non modo cum clade ulla sed ne cum periculo quidem suo.

[¶1] 19.13. when I remember that we contended against the Carthaginians on the seas for four —andtwenty years, I think that the whole life of Alexander would hardly have sufficed for this single war; and perchance, inasmuch as the Punic State had been by ancient treaties leagued with the Roman, and the two cities most powerful in men and arms might well have made common cause against the foe whom both dreaded, he had been crushed beneath the simultaneous attacks of Rome and Carthage. The Romans have been at war with the Macedonians —not, to be sure, when Alexander led them or their prosperity was unimpaired, but against Antiochus, Philippus, and Perses —and not only without ever suffering defeat, but even without incurring any danger. word I would not speak, but never —and may civil wars be silent! — never have we been beaten by infantry, never in open battle, never on even, or at all events on favourable ground: cavalry and arrows, impassable defiles, regions that afford no road to convoys, may well occasion fear in heavy —armed troops. thousand battle —arrays more formidable than those of Alexander and the Macedonians have the Romans beaten off —and shall do —if only our present love of domestic peace endure and our concern to maintain concord.

> Latin: 19.13. invidia verbo et civilia bella sileant: nunquam a pedite, nunquam aperta acie, nunquam aequis, utique nunquam nostris locis laboravimus; equitem sagittas, saltus impeditos, avia commeatibus loca gravis armis miles timere potest. acies graviores quam Macedonum atque Alexandri avertit avertetque, modo sit perpetuus huius qua vivimus pacis amor et civilis cura concordiae.— M. Folius Flaccina inde et L. Plautius Venox consules facti.

[¶2] 20.2. Marcus Polius Flaccina and Lucius Plautius Venox were the next consuls. that year came ambassadors from many Samnite states to seek a renewal of the treaty. themselves before the senate, they aroused the pity of that order, but on being referred to the people found their prayers by no means so efficacious.

> Latin: 20.2. anno ab frequentibus Samnitium populis de foedere renovando legati cum senatum humi strati movissent, reiecti ad populum haudquaquam tam efficaces habebant preces.

[¶3] 20.3. they were refused the treaty, but after some days spent in importuning individual citizens, they succeeded in obtaining a two years' truce.

> Latin: 20.3. de foedere negatum; indutiae biennii, cum per aliquot dies fatigassent singulos precibus, impetratae.

[¶4] 20.4. Apulia, likewise, the Teanenses and Canusini, exhausted by the devastation of their lands, gave hostages to Lucius Plautius the consul and made submission.

> Latin: 20.4. ex Apulia Teanenses Canusinique populationibus fessi obsidibus L. Plautio consuli datis in deditionem venerunt.

[¶5] 20.5. the same year praefects began to be elected and sent out to Capua, after Lucius Furius, the praetor, had given them laws —both steps being taken at the instance of the Capuans themselves, as a remedy for the distress occasioned by internal discord.

> Latin: 20.5. anno primum praefecti Capuam creari coepti legibus ab L. Furio praetore datis, cum utrumque ipsi pro remedio aegris rebus discordia intestina petissent;

[¶6] 20.6. Rome two tribes were added, the Ufentina and the Falerna. affairs had once taken a tum in Apulia, the Apulian Teates also came to the new consuls, Gaius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, to sue for a treaty, engaging to insure the Roman People peace throughout Apulia. this bold pledge they prevailed so far as to obtain a treaty —not, however, on equal terms, but such as made them subject to the Romans.

> Latin: 20.6. et duae Romae additae tribus, Ufentina ac Falerna. semel in Apulia rebus Teates quoque Apuli ad novos consules, C. Iunium Bubulcum Q. Aemilium Barbulam, foedus petitum venerunt, pacis per omnem Apuliam praestandae populo Romano auctores.

[¶7] 20.8. Apulia had been thoroughly subdued —for Forentum, a strong town, had also fallen into the hands of Junius —the campaign was extended to the Lucanians, from whom, on the sudden arrival of Aemilius the consul, Nerulum was taken by assault.

> Latin: 20.8. audacter spondendo impetravere, ut foedus daretur neque ut aequo tamen foedere sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent.

[¶8] 20.9. once it had been noised abroad amongst the allies how the affairs of Capua were firmly established by Roman discipline, the Antiates, too, complained that they were living without fixed statutes and without magistrates, and the senate designated the colony's own patrons to draw up laws for it. Roman arms alone but also Roman law began to exert a widespread influence. The consuls Gaius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula gave over their legions, at the conclusion of the year, not to Spurius Nautius and Marcus Popilius, the consuls at whose election they had presided, but to a dictator —Lucius Aemilius. The latter, with Lucius Fulvius, his master of the horse, laid siege to Saticula, and by so doing afforded the Samnites a pretext for renewing the war.

> Latin: 20.9. Apulia perdomita —nam Forento quoque, valido oppido, Iunius potitus erat—in Lucanos perrectum; inde repentino adventu Aemili consulis Nerulum vi captum. postquam res Capuae stabilitas Romana disciplina fama per socios volgavit, Antiatibus quoque, qui se sine legibus certis, sine magistratibus agere querebantur, dati ab senatu ad iura statuenda ipsius coloniae patroni; nec arma modo sed iura etiam Romana late pollebant. C. Iunius Bubulcus et Q. Aemilius Barbula consules exitu anni non consulibus ab se creatis, Sp. Nautio et M. Popilio, ceterum dictatori L. Aemilio legiones tradiderant. cum L. Fulvio magistro equitum Saticulam oppugnare adortus rebellandi causam Samnitibus dedit.

[¶9] 21.3. The Romans were thus threatened in two quarters: on the one side the Samnites, with a large army which they had mustered to relieve their besieged allies, were encamped at no great distance from the Roman camp; on the other side the Saticulani suddenly threw their gates wide open and charged pell —mell against the outposts of the Romans.

> Latin: 21.3. inde terror inlatus Romanis: hinc Samnis magno exercitu coacto ad eximendos obsidione socios haud procul castris Romanorum Rornanorum castra posuit; hinc Saticulani magno cum tumultu patefactis repente portis in stationes hostium incurrerunt.

[¶10] 21.4. hostile armies —each relying rather on the other's help than on any strength of its own —then pressed home their attack, in what soon developed into a general engagement. the dictator, despite the twofold struggle, was protected on both fronts, since he had chosen a position that was difficult to tum, and made his maniples face opposite ways.

> Latin: 21.4. pars utraque, spe alieni magis auxilii quam viribus freta suis, iusto mox proelio inito Romanos urgent, et quamquam anceps dimicatio erat, tamen utrimque tutam aciem dictator habuit, quia et locum haud facilem ad circumveniendum cepit et diversa statuit signa.

[¶11] 21.5. , he attacked the sallying party with the greater fury, and, encountering no very sharp resistance, drove them back into the town. then directed his entire line against the Samnites.

> Latin: 21.5. tamen in erumpentes incessit nec magno certamine intra moenia compulit, tum totam aciem in Samnites obvertit.

[¶12] 21.6. was more resistance here, but though the victory was slow in coming yet it was neither dubious nor partial. The Samnites fled in disorder to their camp, and in the night, putting out their fires, they silently stole away, and relinquishing all hope of saving Saticula, themselves laid siege to Plistica, an ally of Rome, that they might pay the enemy out in their own coin.

> Latin: 21.6. plus certaminis fuit; victoria sicut sera ita nec dubia nec varia fuit. in castra Samnites exstinctis nocte ignibus tacito agmine abeunt et spe abiecta Saticulae tuendae Plisticam ipsi, socios Romanorum, ut parem dolorem hosti redderent, circumsidunt. circumacto bellum deinceps ab dictatore Q. Fabio gestum est; consules novi, sicut superiores, Romae manserunt; Fabius ad accipiendum ab Aemilio exercitum ad Saticulam cum supplemento supplement venit.

[¶13] 22.2. the year had come round, the conduct of the war passed without a break into the hands of the dictator Quintus Fabius. The new consuls, as their predecessors had done, remained in Rome; Fabius took new forces to replace the old, and proceeded to Saticula, to receive the army from Aemilius. the Samnites had not continued before Plistica, but, summoning fresh troops from home and confiding in their numbers, had pitched their camp on the same spot as before, and were trying to provoke the Romans into giving battle, in the endeavour to divert them from the siege.

> Latin: 22.2. enim Samnites ad Plisticam manserant sed accitis ab domo novis militibus multitudine freti castra eodem quo antea loco posuerunt lacessentesque proelio Romanos avertere ab obsidione conabantur.

[¶14] 22.3. but intensified the dictator's concentration on the enemy's walls, for he deemed the war to consist solely in the attack upon the city, and treated the Samnites with much indifference, save only that he posted out —guards to prevent their making any inroad upon his camp.

> Latin: 22.3. intentius dictator in moenia hostium versus id bellum tantum ducere quod urbem oppugnabat, securior ab Samnitibus agere stationibus modo oppositis ne qua in castra vis fieret.

[¶15] 22.4. this only made the Samnites the more audacious, and riding again and again up to the rampart, they gave no respite to the Romans. now the enemy were almost in the gateway of the camp, when Quintus Aulius Cerretanus, the master of the horse, without consulting the dictator, sallied out with all his squadrons in a furious charge and drove them off.

> Latin: 22.4. ferocius adequitare Samnites vallo neque otium pati. cum iam prope in portis castrorum esset hostis, nihil consulto dictatore magister equitum Q. Aulius Cerretanus magno tumultu cum omnibus turmis equitum evectus summovit hostem.

[¶16] 22.5. this juncture —though in a type of battle by no means marked by obstinacy — Fortune so used her powers as to bring extraordinary losses on both sides, and on the commanders themselves distinguished deaths.

> Latin: 22.5. in minime pertinaci genere pugnae sic fortuna exercuit opes ut insignes utrimque clades et clara ipsorum ducum ederet funera.

[¶17] 22.6. The Samnite general first, indignant at being routed and put to flight from a position he had so boldly occupied, prevailed with his troopers by entreaties and encouragement to renew the conflict;

> Latin: 22.6. Samnitium imperator, aegre patiens quo tam ferociter adequitasset inde se fundi fugarique, orando hortandoque equites proelium iteravit;

[¶18] 22.7. against whom, conspicuous amongst his followers as he urged them into battle, the Roman master of the horse rode such a tilt with levelled lance as at one lunge unhorsed and killed him. the rank and file were not more dismayed by their leader's death —though it often happens so —than they were angered; and as Aulius rode recklessly on through the enemy's squadrons, all those about him darted their javelins at him.

> Latin: 22.7. in quem insignem inter suos cientem pugnam magister equitum Romanus infesta cuspide ita permisit equum ut uno ictu exanimem equo praecipitaret., ut fit, ad ducis casum perculsa magis quam inritata est multitudo multitude; omnes qui circa erant in Aulium temere invectum per hostium turmas tela coniecerunt; fratri praecipuum decus ulti Samnitium imperatoris di dederunt. victorem detractum ex equo magistrum equitum plenus maeroris atque irae trucidavit, nec multum afuit quin corpore etiam, quia inter hostilis ceciderat turmas, Samnites potirentur.

[¶19] 22.9. the glory of avenging the Samnite general was given by Heaven in largest measure to his brother, who, wild with grief and rage, dragged down the victorious Roman from his seat and slew him. the Samnites almost got possession of the body, which had fallen in the midst of their troops.

> Latin: 22.9. extemplo ad pedes descensum ab Romanis est coactique idem Samnites facere; et repentina acies circa corpora ducum pedestre proelium iniit, quo haud dubie superat Romanus, reciperatumque Auli corpus mixta cum dolore laetitia victores in castra referunt.

[¶20] 22.10. the Romans at once dismounted, and the Samnites were forced to do the same; and hurriedly forming up their lines, they began a battle on foot around the bodies of their generals, in which the Romans had easily the better. they rescued the body of Aulius, which they bore back victoriously to their camp, with mingled feelings of sorrow and satisfaction. The Samnites, having lost their commander, and having tried what they could do in a cavalry engagement, gave up Saticula, which they felt was holding out in vain, and returned to the siege of Plistica. a few days' time Saticula had surrendered to the Romans and the Samnites had carried Plistica by assault.

> Latin: 22.10. Samnites duce amisso et per equestre certamen temptatis viribus omissa Saticula, quam nequiquam defendi rebantur, ad Plisticae obsidionem redeunt, intraque paucos dies Saticula Romanus per deditionem, Plistica per vim Samnis potitur. inde belli sedes est; ad Soram ex Samnio Apuliaque traductae legiones.

[¶21] 23.2. The seat of war was now shifted, and the legions were transferred from Samnium and Apulia to Sora, which had gone over to the Samnites, after putting to death the Roman colonists. The Roman army, by a series of forced marches, undertaken to avenge their slaughtered fellow —citizens and regain the colony, came first upon the ground. the scouts who had scattered out along the roads reported one after the other that the Samnite legions were following and were already close at hand.

> Latin: 23.2. Sora ad Samnites defecerat interfectis colonis Romanorum. cum prior Romanus exercitus ad ulciscendam civium necem reciperandamque coloniam magnis itineribus pervenisset et sparsi per vias speculatores sequi legiones Samnitium nec iam procul abesse alii super alios nuntiarent,

[¶22] 23.4. the Romans marched to meet the enemy, and an indecisive battle was fought near Lautulae. was not the losses nor the rout of either army that put a stop to the engagement, but darkness, which left them uncertain if they had lost or won.

> Latin: 23.4. obviam itum hosti atque ad Lautulas ancipiti proelio dimicatum est. caedes non fuga alterius partis sed nox incertos victi victoresne essent diremit. apud quosdam adversam eam pugnam Romanis fuisse atque in ea cecidisse Q. Aulium magistrum equitum.

[¶23] 23.6. find in some authorities that the Romans were defeated in this battle, and that it was here that the master of the horse, Quintus Aulius, lost his life. fill out the term of Aulius they appointed Gaius Fabius, who marched from Rome with a fresh army. messengers on ahead to the dictator, he consulted him as to where he should halt, and when, and from what quarter, attack the enemy.

> Latin: 23.6. in locum Auli C. Fabius magister equitum cum exercitu novo ab Roma advenit et per praemissos nuntios consulto dictatore ubi subsisteret quove tempore et qua ex parte hostem adgrederetur, substitit occultus ad omnia satis exploratis consiliis.

[¶24] 23.7. being accurately informed regarding every detail of the dictator's plans, he halted where his army could lie concealed. some days after the battle the dictator had kept his soldiers within their works, more like one besieged than a besieger., suddenly, he displayed the battle —signal, and thinking it more efficacious for quickening the courage of brave men to leave none of them any hope but in himself, he concealed from his troops the arrival of the master of the horse and his new army, and, as though their only salvation lay in cutting their way through, “,” he said, “we are trapped and have no way of escape save such as victory shall open to us.”

> Latin: 23.7. cum per aliquot dies post pugnam continuisset suos intra vallum obsessi magis quam obsidentis modo, signum repente pugnae proposuit et efficacius ratus ad accendendos virorum fortium animos nullam alibi quam in semet ipso cuiquam relictam spem de magistro equitum novoque exercitu militem celavit, et tamquam nulla nisi in eruptione spes esset, inquit angustis, milites, deprehensi, nisi quam victoria patefecerimus viam nullam habemus.

[¶25] 23.10. “standing camp is sufficiently protected by its rampart, but for lack of provisions is untenable; for every place round about us from which supplies could be brought up has revolted, and even if men wished to help us, the character of the country is against it.”

> Latin: 23.10. nostra munimento satis tuta sunt, sed inopia eadem infesta; nam et circa omnia defecerunt unde subvehi commeatus poterant, et si homines iuvare velint, iniqua loca sunt.

[¶26] 23.11. “will therefore not beguile you by leaving the camp standing here for you to make a refuge, if you fail of victory, as on the former occasion. should be secured by arms, not arms by entrenchments.”

> Latin: 23.11. non frustrabor ego vos castra hic relinquendo, in quae infecta victoria sicut pristino die vos recipiatis. munimenta, non munimentis arma tuta esse debent.

[¶27] 23.12. “those have a camp, and retire to it, who have time to prolong the war: as for us, let us shut out all regard for everything but victory.”

> Latin: 23.12. habeant repetantque quibus operae est trahere bellum: nos omnium rerum respectum praeterquam victoriae nobis abscidamus.

[¶28] 23.13. “against the enemy! the column is outside the rampart, let those who have been ordered to do so fire the camp! losses, men, shall be made good with the spoils of all the revolted peoples round about!”

> Latin: 23.13. signa in hostem; ubi extra vallum agmen excesserit, castra quibus imperatum est incendant. vestra, milites, omnium circa qui defecerunt populorum praeda sarcientur.

[¶29] 23.14. by the dictator's speech, which pointed to the direst necessity, the soldiers advanced upon the foe; and the mere sight of their blazing camp as they glanced back, though only the nearest tents were set afire — for so the dictator had commanded —was no small whet to their resentment.

> Latin: 23.14. oratione dictatoris, quae necessitatis ultimae index erat, milites accensi vadunt in hostem, et respectus ipse ardentium castrorum, quamquam proximis tantum—ita enim iusserat dictator—ignis est subditus, haud baud parvum fuit inritamentum.

[¶30] 23.15. so, charging like madmen, they threw the enemy's ranks into confusion at the first assault; and in the nick of time the master of the horse, who had seen far away the burning camp —which was the signal they had agreed upon —assaulted the enemy from behind.

> Latin: 23.15. velut vecordes inlati signa primo impetu hostium turbant; et in tempore, postquam ardentia procul vidit castra, magister equitum—id convenerat signum—hostium terga invadit. circumventi Samnites, qua potest quisque, fugam per diversa petunt;

[¶31] 23.16. thus hemmed in, the Samnites fled, as each best might, in different directions; a vast throng huddled up together, in their terror, and blocking each other's way in the confusion, were cut down where they stood.

> Latin: 23.16. ingens multitudo multitude in unum metu conglobata ac semet ipsam turba impediens in medio caesa.

[¶32] 23.17. The enemy's camp was seized and plundered, and the soldiers, laden with the spoils, were led back by the dictator to the Roman camp, rejoicing not so greatly in their victory as because, contrary to their expectation, they found all safe there, except for a trifling part that had been damaged by the flames.

> Latin: 23.17. hostium capta direptaque, quorum praeda onustum militem in Romana castra dictator reducit, haudquaquam tam victoria laetum, quam quod praeter exiguam deformatam incendio partem cetera contra spem salva invenit. Soram inde reditum; novique consules M. Poetelius C. Sulpicius exercitum ab dictatore Fabio accipiunt magna parte veterum militum dimissa novisque cohortibus in supplementum adductis.

[¶33] 24.2. The Romans then returned to Sora; and new consuls, Marcus Poetelius and Gaius Sulpicius, took over the army from Fabius the dictator, dismissing a great part of the veteran troops and bringing in new cohorts to replace them. the city lay in a troublesome position, where the Romans could devise no very certain way of getting at it, and it seemed that victory would either be long in coming, or fraught with fearful risks; when a Soran deserter stole out of the town, and picking his way to the Roman sentinels, bade them bring him immediately to the consuls. in their presence, he offered to betray the city.

> Latin: 24.2. cum propter difficilem urbis situm nec oppugnandi satis certa ratio iniretur et aut tempore longinqua aut praeceps periculo victoria esset, transfuga clam ex oppido profectus, cum ad vigiles Romanos penetrasset, duci se extemplo ad consules iubet deductusque traditurum urbem promittit.

[¶34] 24.4. being questioned how he could accomplish it, he satisfied his interrogators that his plan was not unfeasible, and induced them to withdraw the Roman camp —which was almost in contact with the city walls —to a distance of six miles from the town; for so, he said, the sentinels would be less vigilant in guarding the place, whether by night or day.

> Latin: 24.4. inde, cum quonam modo id praestaturus esset percontantes doceret, haud vana adferre, perpulit prope adiuncta moenibus Romana castra ut sex milia ab oppido removerentur:

[¶35] 24.5. himself on the following night, having directed certain cohorts to seek cover in the woods below the town, took with him ten picked men, whom he conducted over steep and almost impassable ground up to the citadel.

> Latin: 24.5. fore ut minus intentae in custodiam urbis diurnae stationes ac nocturnae vigiliae essent. insequenti nocte sub oppido silvestribus locis cohortibus insidere iussis decem milites delectos secum per ardua ac prope invia in arcem ducit, pluribus quam pro numero virorum missilibus telis eo conlatis;

[¶36] 24.6. he had brought together a quantity of missiles out of all proportion to the number of men, besides which there were stones —both those which happened to be lying there, as is usual in rough country, and those which the townsmen had piled up on purpose, for the better protection of the place.

> Latin: 24.6. ad hoc saxa erant et temere iacentia, ut fit in aspretis, et de industria etiam, quo locus tutior esset, ab oppidanis congesta.

[¶37] 24.7. this height he posted the Romans, and, indicating to them a steep and narrow path which led up from the town to the citadel, lie said, “an ascent like this three men would be enough to keep back a multitude, however numerous: you are not only ten, but Romans, and of Romans the very bravest.”

> Latin: 24.7. cum constituisset Romanos semitamque angustam et arduam erectam ex oppido in arcem ostendisset, quidem ascensu inquit vel tres armati quamlibet multitudinem arcuerint:

[¶38] 24.8. “will have the advantage of position and of night, which makes everything loom greater in the eyes of frightened men, because of the obscurity. for me, I will presently strike terror into every heart: do you hold the citadel and watch.”

> Latin: 24.8. vos et decem numero, et quod plus est, Romani Romanorumque fortissimi viri estis. locus pro vobis et nox erit, quae omnia ex incerto maiora territis ostentat. iam terrore omnia implebo: vos arcem intenti tenete.

[¶39] 24.9. then ran down, making all the noise he could, as he cried “arms!” and “, help, my countrymen! The citadel has been taken by the enemy! us!”

> Latin: 24.9. inde, quanto maxime poterat cum tumultu, arma! et vestram fidem, cives! clamitans; arx ab hostibus capta est;

[¶40] 24.10. These words he shouted as he knocked at the doors of the great, the same to all he met, the same to those who rushed out terrified into the streets. The panic begun by one man was spread by numbers through all the city.

> Latin: 24.10. defendite! Haec incidens principum foribus, haec obviis, haec excurrentibus in publicum pavidis increpat. ab uno pavorem plures per urbem ferunt.

[¶41] 24.11. with fear, the magistrates dispatched scouts to investigate, and on hearing that armed men, in exaggerated numbers, held the citadel, relinquished all hope of regaining it.

> Latin: 24.11. magistratus missis ad arcem exploratoribus cum tela et armatos tenere arcem multiplicato numero audirent, avertunt animos a spe reciperandae arcis;

[¶42] 24.12. The city was thronged with fugitives, and men who were hardly yet awake and most of them unarmed, began battering down the gates. one of them rushed in the band of Romans, who had started up on hearing the outcry, and now running through the streets, cut down the frightened townsfolk.

> Latin: 24.12. fuga cuncta complentur portaeque ab semisomnis ac maxima parte inermibus refringuntur, quarum per unam praesidium Romanum clamore excitatum inrumpit et concursantes per vias pavidos caedit.

[¶43] 24.13. Sora was already taken, when the consuls arrived at early dawn, and received the surrender of such as Fortune had spared in the rout and slaughter of the night.

> Latin: 24.13. Sora capta erat, cum consules prima luce advenere et quos reliquos fortuna ex nocturna caede ac fuga fecerat in deditionem accipiunt.

[¶44] 24.14. these, two hundred and twenty —five, who were designated on all hands as the authors of the revolt and the hideous massacre of the colonists, they sent to Rome in chains; the rest they left unharmed in Sora, only setting a garrison over them.

> Latin: 24.14. his ducentos viginti quinque, qui omnium consensu destinabantur et infandae colonorum caedis et defectionis auctores, vinctos Romam deducunt; ceteram multitudinem incolumem praesidio imposito Sorae relinquunt.

[¶45] 24.15. those who were taken to Rome were scourged and beheaded in the Forum, to the great joy of the commons, whom it most nearly concerned that the people who were sent out here and there to colonies should in every case be protected.

> Latin: 24.15. qui Romam deducti erant virgis in foro caesi ac securi percussi, summo gaudio plebis, cuius maxime intererat tutam ubique quae passim in colonias mitteretur multitudinem esse. ab Sora profecti in agros atque urbes Ausonum bellum intulerunt.

[¶46] 25.2. The consuls on leaving Sora conducted a campaign against the lands and cities of the Ausones. everything had been disturbed by the coming of the Samnites, when the battle was fought at Lautulae, and conspiracies had been formed all about Campania. Capua itself did not escape accusation; nay, the investigation actually led to Rome and to some of the prominent men there.

> Latin: 25.2. namque omnia adventu Samnitium cum apud Lautulas dimicatum est fuerant, coniurationesque circa Campaniam passim factae;

[¶47] 25.3. the Ausones were brought into subjection by the betrayal of their cities, as had happened in the case of Sora.

> Latin: 25.3. nec Capua ipsa crimine caruit; quin Romam quoque et ad principum quosdam inquirendo ventum est. Ausonum gens proditione urbium sicut Sora in potestatem venit.

[¶48] 25.4. Ausona, from Minturnae, and from Vescia, twelve young nobles, having conspired to betray their cities, came to the consuls, and explained to them that their countrymen, after long looking forward to the coming of the Samnites, had no sooner heard of the battle at Lautulae than they had concluded the Romans vanquished and had aided the Samnites with men and arms;

> Latin: 25.4. Ausona et Minturnae et Vescia urbes erant ex quibus principes iuventutis duodecim numero in proditionem urbium suarum coniurati ad consules veniunt. suos iam pridem exoptantes Samnitium adventum, simul ad Lautulas pugnatum audierint, pro victis Romanos habuisse, iuventute armis Samnitem iuvisse:

[¶49] 25.6. that since the expulsion of the Samnites from that region, they had been living in an uncertain kind of peace, not closing their gates upon the Romans, lest to do so should invite attack, but determined none the less to close them in case an army should approach; and that in that wavering state of mind they could be surprised and overcome.

> Latin: 25.6. fugatis inde Samnitibus incerta pace agere nec claudentes portas Romanis, ne arcessant bellum, et obstinatos claudere, si exercitus admoveatur; in ea fluctuatione animorum opprimi incautos posse.

[¶50] 25.7. their advice the camp was moved up nearer and soldiers were simultaneously sent round to the three towns. of these, in armour, were to lie in ambush in places near the walls, while others, wearing the toga and concealing swords under their dress, were to enter the cities, a little before day, by the open gates.

> Latin: 25.7. auctoribus mota propius castra missique eodem tempore circa tria oppida milites, partim armati, qui occulti propinqua moenibus insiderent loca, partim togati tectis veste gladiis qui sub lucem apertis portis urbes ingrederentur.

[¶51] 25.8. These latter fell upon the watchmen, at the same time making a signal to their fellows in armour to rush in from their ambuscade. the gates were captured, and three towns were taken in one hour and by one device. because the leaders were not present when the attack was made, there was no limit to the slaughter, and the Ausonian nation was wiped out —though it was not quite clear that it was guilty of defection —exactly as if it had contended in an internecine war.

> Latin: 25.8. his simul custodes trucidari coepti, simul datum signum armatis ut ex insidiis concurrerent. portae occupatae triaque oppida eadem hora eodemque consilio capta; sed quia absentibus ducibus impetus est factus, nullus modus caedibus fuit, deletaque Ausonum gens vix certo defectionis crimine perinde ac si internecivo bello certasset. anno prodito hostibus Romano praesidio Luceria Samnitium facta.

[¶52] 26.2. the same year Luceria, betraying its Roman garrison to the enemy, passed into the possession of the Samnites; but the traitors did not long go unpunished for their deed. far away there was a Roman army, which captured the city —situated as it was in a plain —at the first attack.

> Latin: 26.2. diu proditoribus impunita res fuit: haud procul inde exercitus Romanos erat, cuius primo impetu urbs sita in plano piano capitur. Lucerini ac Samnites ad internecionem caesi;

[¶53] 26.3. The Lucerini and Samnites were shown no quarter, and resentment ran so high that even in Rome, when the senate was debating the dispatch of colonists to Luceria, there were many who voted to destroy the town.

> Latin: 26.3. eoque ira processit ut Romae quoque, cum de colonis mittendis Luceriam consuleretur senatus, multi delendam urbem censerent.

[¶54] 26.4. men's hate, which was very bitter against those whom they had twice subdued, there was also the remoteness of the place, which made them shrink from condemning fellow —citizens to an exile so far from home and surrounded by such hostile tribes.

> Latin: 26.4. odium, quod exsecrabile in bis captos erat, longinquitas quoque abhorrere a relegandis tam procul ab domo civibus inter tam infestas gentes cogebat.

[¶55] 26.5. , the proposal to send colonists prevailed, and twenty —five hundred were sent. that year also of general disloyalty to the Romans, there were secret conspiracies of the nobles, even at Capua.

> Latin: 26.5. tamen sententia ut mitterentur coloni. milia et quingenti missi. anno, cum omnia infida Romanis essent, Capuae quoque occultae principum coniurationes factae.

[¶56] 26.6. their being reported to the senate, the danger was by no means minimized, but tribunals of enquiry were voted and it was determined to appoint a dictator to conduct the investigations. Gaius Maenius was nominated, and named Marcus Folius master of the horse. Great was the terror inspired by that magistracy; and so, whether from fear or a guilty conscience, the Calavii, Ovius and Novius, who had headed the conspiracy, before informations could be lodged against them with the dictator, avoided trial by a death which was undoubtedly self —inflicted.

> Latin: 26.6. quibus cum ad senatum relatum esset, haudquaquam neglecta res: quaestiones decretae dictatoremque quaestionibus exercendis dici placuit. C. Maenius dictus; is M. Folium magistrum equitum dixit. erat magistratus eius terror., sive is timor seu conscientia fuit, Calavios Ovium Noviumque—ea capita coniurationis fuerant—priusquam nominarentur apud dictatorem, mors haud dubie ab ipsis conscita iudicio subtraxit. ut quaestioni Campanae materia decessit, versa Romam interpretando res: non nominatim qui Capuae sed in universum qui usquam coissent coniurassentve adversus rem publicam quaeri senatum iussisse;

[¶57] 26.8. that, the field of enquiry at Capua having been exhausted, the proceedings were transferred to Rome, on the theory that the senate had ordered an investigation, not of specified individuals in Capua, but, in general, of all who had anywhere combined or conspired against the State; and that cabals for obtaining magistracies had been made against the common weal.

> Latin: 26.8. et coitiones honorum adipiscendorum causa factas adversus rem publicam esse. et re et personis quaestio fieri haud baud abnuente dictatore sine fine ulla quaestionis suae ius esse.

[¶58] 26.9. The enquiry began to take a wider range, in respect both of charges and of persons, and the dictator was nothing loath that there should be no limit to the jurisdiction of his court.

> Latin: 26.9. ergo nobiles homines appellantibusque tribunos nemo erat auxilio quin nomina reciperentur.

[¶59] 26.10. nobles were accordingly impeached, and on appealing to the tribunes found none to help them by stopping the informations.

> Latin: 26.10. nobilitas, nec ii modo in quos crimen intendebatur sed universi, simul negare nobilium id crimen esse, quibus, si nulla obstetur fraude, pateat via ad honorem, sed hominum novorum;

[¶60] 26.11. The nobles then declared —not those alone at whom the charge was levelled, but all of them conjointly —that this accusation did not lie against the nobility, to whom, unless fraudulently obstructed, the road to office lay wide open, but rather against upstart politicians;

> Latin: 26.11. ipsos adeo dictatorem magistrumque equitum reos magis quam quaesitores idoneos eius criminis esse intellecturosque ita id esse, simul magistratu abissent.

[¶61] 26.12. that in fact the dictator and the master of the horse themselves were fitter to be tried on such a charge than to act as judges, and they would find this to be so the moment they resigned their places.

> Latin: 26.12. enimvero Maenius, iam famae magis quam imperii memor, progressus in contionem ita verba fecit:

[¶62] 26.13. indeed Maenius, more mindful now of his reputation than of his authority, came forward and addressed the assembly. “are all of you,” he said, “Quirites, aware of my past life, and this very office which has been conferred upon me is witness to my innocence; for it was necessary to select as dictator for the administration of judicial investigations, not the most distinguished soldier —as has often been done at other times, when some crisis in the state required it —but the man who had lived a life most aloof from these cabals.” “since certain noblemen —for what cause it is better that you should form your own opinion than that I as magistrate should affirm anything not fully ascertained —have in the first place striven with might and main to defeat these very investigations;”

> Latin: 26.13. omnes ante actae vitae vos conscios habeo, Quirites, et hic ipse honos delatus ad me testis est innocentiae meae; neque enim, quod saepe alias, quia ita tempora postulabant rei publicae, qui bello clarissimus esset, sed qui maxime procul ab his coitionibus vitam egisset, dictator deligendus exercendis quaestionibus fuit. quoniam quidam nobiles homines—qua de causa vos existimare quam me pro magistratu quicquam incompertum dicere melius est—primum ipsas expugnare quaestiones omni ope adnisi sunt, dein postquam ad id parum potentes erant, ne causam dicerent, in praesidia adversariorum, appellationem et tribunicium auxilium, patricii confugerunt;

[¶63] 26.16. “and then, finding themselves not strong enough to escape pleading their cause in court, have sought refuge, patricians though they are, in the safeguards of their adversaries —the appeal, I mean, and the help of the tribunes; —” “and since at last, repulsed in that quarter, they have fallen upon us —so much safer does any course appear to them than to try to vindicate their innocence and have not blushed, though private citizens, to demand the impeachment of a dictator;”

> Latin: 26.16. postremo repulsi inde adeo omnia tutiora quam ut innocentiam suam purgarent visa—in nos inruerunt et privatis dictatorem poscere reum verecundiae non fuit; —ut omnes di hominesque sciant ab illis etiam quae non possint temptari ne rationem vitae reddant, me obviam ire crimini et offerre me inimicis reum, dictatura me abdico.

[¶64] 26.18. “—in order that all gods and men may know that they are attempting even impossibilities to avoid accounting for their lives, whereas I am ready to face their charge and to offer myself to my enemies to be tried, I hereby resign the dictator's authority.”

> Latin: 26.18. quaeso, consules, si vobis datum ab senatu negotium fuerit, in me primum et hunc M. Folium quaestiones exerceatis, ut appareat innocentia nostra nos non maiestate honoris tutos a criminationibus istis esse.

[¶65] 26.19. “, consuls, I beseech, if the task shall be devolved upon you by the senate, that you begin your investigations with me and with Marcus Folius here, that it may be seen that we are safe from these accusations by reason of our innocence, not by reason of the awe inspired by our office.”

> Latin: 26.19. inde se dictatura et post eum confestim Folius magisterio equitum; primique apud consules—iis enim ab senatu mandata res est—rei facti adversus nobilium testimonia egregie absolvuntur.

[¶66] 26.20. then resigned as dictator, and so at once did Folius as master of the horse. were the first to go to trial before the consuls —for to these the senate had given the matter in charge — and, against the testimony of the nobles, were gloriously acquitted.

> Latin: 26.20. Publilius etiam Philo multiplicatis summis honoribus post res tot domi belloque gestas, ceterum invisus nobilitati, causam dixit absolutusque est.

[¶67] 26.21. Publilius Philo, too, after all his famous achievements at home and in war, and after having repeatedly held the highest offices, had incurred the hate of the nobility, and was brought to trial and acquitted. the inquisition, as often happens, had the vigour to deal with illustrious defendants no longer than while its novelty lasted; after that it began to descend to the baser sort, until it was finally put down by the cabals and factions which it had been instituted to oppose. The rumour of these events, and still more the hope of a Campanian insurrection, which had been the aim of the conspirators, recalled the Samnites from Apulia, on which their attention had been fixed, to Caudium; in the hope that, being there so near, they might, if any disturbance should afford the opportunity, seize Capua from the Romans; and to Caudium came the consuls, with a powerful force.

> Latin: 26.21. diutius, ut fit, quam dum recens erat quaestio per clara nomina reorum viguit; inde labi coepit ad viliora capita, donec coitionibus factionibusque adversus quas comparata erat oppressa est. fama rerum, magis tamen spes Campanae defectionis, in quam coniuratum erat, Samnites in Apuliam versos rursus ad Caudium revocavit, ut inde ex propinquo, si qui motus occasionem aperiret, Capuam Romanis eriperent.

[¶68] 27.3. armies at first held back, each on its own side of the pass, for either would have been at a disadvantage in advancing against the other.

> Latin: 27.3. consules cum valido exercitu venerunt. primo circa saltus, cum utrimque ad hostem iniqua via esset, cunctati sunt;

[¶69] 27.4. the Samnites made a short detour over open ground, and brought their army down to the plain, where the hostile forces were, for the first time, encamped in sight of one another. skirmishing followed, in which both sides made trial more often of their cavalry than their foot.

> Latin: 27.4. deinde Samnites per aperta loca brevi circuitu in loca plana, Campanos campos, agmen demittunt, ibique primum castra in conspectum hostibus data, deinde levibus proeliis equitum saepius quam peditum utrimque periculum factum;

[¶70] 27.5. The Romans were not dissatisfied either with the outcome of these brushes or with the delays by which the campaign was protracted.

> Latin: 27.5. nec aut eventus eorum Romanum aut morae, qua trahebant bellum, paenitebat.

[¶71] 27.6. the Samnite leaders, on the contrary, it appeared that their forces were daily diminishing with petty losses, and were wasting away with the prolongation of the war.

> Latin: 27.6. Samnitium contra ducibus et carpi parvis cottidie damnis et senescere dilatione belli vires suae videbantur.

[¶72] 27.7. accordingly made ready for a general engagement, dividing their cavalry between the wings, with orders to pay more attention to the camp, to prevent any attack upon it, than to the battle; for the infantry would sufficiently safeguard the line.

> Latin: 27.7. in aciem procedunt equitibus in cornua divisis, quibus praeceptum erat intentiores ad respectum castrorum, ne qua eo vis fieret, quam ad proelium starent:

[¶73] 27.8. the consuls, Sulpicius took up his post on the right wing, Poetelius on the left. The formation on the right was spread out over a considerable distance, and on that wing the Samnites, too, were drawn up in ranks of little depth, either meaning to tum the Romans' flank, or to keep their own from being turned. The troops on the left, besides being drawn up in closer order, had received an accession to their strength from a plan conceived on the spur of the moment by Poetelius.

> Latin: 27.8. aciem pedite tutam fore. Sulpicius in dextro, Poetelius in laevo cornu consistunt. pars, qua et Samnites raris ordinibus aut ad circumeundos hostes aut ne ipsi circumirentur constiterant, latius patefacta stetit: sinistris, praeterquam quod confertiores steterant, repentino consilio Poeteli consulis additae vires, qui subsidiarias cohortes, quae integrae ad longioris pugnae casus reservabantur, in primam aciem extemplo emisit universisque hostem hosted primo impetu viribus impulit.

[¶74] 27.10. those subsidiary cohorts which were wont to be kept fresh in reserve, to meet the chance needs of a long engagement, he sent immediately into the fighting line; and by using all his strength at once, he forced the enemy back at the first assault. the Samnite infantry wavered, their cavalry moved up to support them. while they came obliquely onward, in the interval between the armies, the Roman cavalry charged them at the gallop, confounding the ranks and the formations of horse and foot, until they had routed the entire army at that point.

> Latin: 27.10. pedestri acie Samnitium eques in pugnam succedit. hunc transverso agmine inter duas acies se inferentem Romanus equitatus concitat equos signaque et ordines peditum atque equitum confundit, donec universam ab ea parte avertit aciem.

[¶75] 27.11. that wing Sulpicius was present, as well as Poetelius, to animate the soldiers, for when the shouting arose upon the left, he had ridden over there, leaving his own men, who were not yet come to grips with the enemy.

> Latin: 27.11. eo cornu non Poetelius solus sed Sulpicius etiam hortator adfuerat, avectus ab suis nondum conserentibus manus ad clamorem a sinistra parte prius exortum.

[¶76] 27.12. perceiving his colleague's victory to be safe, he left him and rode off with twelve hundred men to his own wing. he found affairs in a different posture; the Romans had been driven out of their position, and the victorious enemy were charging their disordered ranks. all was quickly changed by the arrival of the consul. the sight of their general revived the spirits of the soldiers, and the brave men who followed him were a greater succour than their numbers indicated; and the tidings of their comrades' victory, which they soon saw for themselves, restored the battle.

> Latin: 27.12. haud dubiam victoriam cernens cum ad suum cornu tenderet cum mille ducentis viris, dissimilem ibi fortunam invenit, Romanos loco pulsos, victorem hostem signa in perculsos inferentem. omnia mutavit repente consulis adventus; nam et conspectu ducis refectus militum est animus, et maius quam pro numero auxilium advenerant fortes viri, et partis alterius victoria audita mox visa etiam proelium restituit.

[¶77] 27.14. the Romans had begun to conquer all along the line, while the Samnites, giving up the struggle, were massacred or made prisoners, except those who fled to Maleventum, the city which is now called Beneventum. avers that some thirty thousand Samnites were slain or captured.

> Latin: 27.14. deinde iam vincere acie Romanus et omisso certamine caedi capique Samnites, nisi qui Maleventum, cui nunc urbi Beneventum nomen est, perfugerunt. triginta milia caesa aut capta Samnitium proditum memoriae est. egregia victoria parta protinus inde ad Bovianum oppugnandum legiones ducunt;

[¶78] 28.2. The consuls, who had won a brilliant victory, at once marched away to lay siege to Bovianum, where they remained in winter quarters, until the new consuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor (for the fifth time) and Gaius Junius Bubulcus (for the second) appointed Gaius Poetelius dictator, who, with Marcus Folius as master of horse, took over the command.

> Latin: 28.2. ibique hiberna egerunt, donec ab novis consulibus, L. Papirio Cursore quintum C. Iunio Bubulco iterum nominatus dictator C. Poetelius cum M. Folio magistro equitum exercitum accepit.

[¶79] 28.3. Poetelius, hearing that the citadel of Fregellae was captured by the Samnites, raised the siege of Bovianum and proceeded to Fregellae. got possession of the place without a struggle —for the Samnites fled from it in the night —he installed a strong garrison there, and leaving Fregellae, marched back into Campania, for the purpose, chiefly, of winning back Nola by force of arms.

> Latin: 28.3. cum audisset arcem Fregellanam ab Samnitibus captam, omisso Boviano ad Fregellas pergit. nocturna Samnitium fuga sine certamine receptis Fregellis praesidioque valido imposito in Campaniam reditum maxime ad Nolam armis repetendam.

[¶80] 28.4. its walls, as the dictator drew near, the whole Samnite population and the Nolani of the country —side had taken refuge. examining the position of the city, the dictator, in order to open up approaches to the walls, caused all the buildings round them —and the tract was densely inhabited —to be burnt. very long after this Nola was captured, whether by Poetelius the dictator or the consul Gaius Junius —for the story is told both ways.

> Latin: 28.4. se intra moenia sub adventum dictatoris et Samnitium omnis multitudo et Nolana agrestis contulerat. urbis situ circumspecto, quo apertior aditus ad moenia esset, omnia aedificia—et frequenter ibi habitabatur—circumiecta muris incendit; nec ita multo post, sive a Poetelio dictatore sive ab C. Iunio consule—nam utrumque traditur,—Nola est capta.

[¶81] 28.6. who ascribe the honour of capturing Nola to the consul, add that Atina and Calatia were won by the same man, but that Poetelius was made dictator on the outbreak of a pestilence, that lie might drive the nail.

> Latin: 28.6. captae decus Nolae ad consulem trahunt, adiciunt Atinam et Calatiam ab eodem captas, Poetelium autem pestilentia orta clavi figendi causa dictatorem dictum.

[¶82] 28.7. were planted in that same year at Suessa and Pontiae. Suessa had belonged to the Aurunci; Volscians had inhabited Pontiae, an island which lay within sight of their own coast.

> Latin: 28.7. Suessa et Pontiae eodem anno coloniae deductae sunt. Suessa Auruncorum fuerat; Volsci Pontias, insulam sitam in conspectu litoris sui, incoluerant.

[¶83] 28.8. The senate also passed a resolution that a colony be sent out to Interamna Sucasina, but it was left for the next consuls, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius, to appoint the three commissioners and send out four thousand settlers.

> Latin: 28.8. Interamnam Sucasinam ut deduceretur colonia, senati consultum factum est; sed triumviros creavere ac misere colonorum quattuor milia insequentes consules M. Valerius P. Decius. fere Samnitium bello, priusquam ea cura decederet patribus Romanis, Etrusci belli fama exorta est.

[¶84] 29.2. The war with the Samnites was practically ended, but the Roman senators had not yet ceased to be concerned about it, when the rumour of an Etruscan war sprang up. those days there was no other race —setting apart the risings of the Gauls —whose arms were more dreaded, not only because their territory lay so near, but also because of their numbers., while the other consul was in Samnium, dispatching the last remnants of the war, Publius Decius, who was very sick and had stopped behind in Rome, in pursuance of a senatorial resolution named Gaius Sulpicius Longus dictator, who appointed Gaius Junius Bubulcus to be his master of the

> Latin: 29.2. erat ea tempestate gens alia cuius secundum Gallicos tumultus arma terribiliora essent cum propinquitate agri tum multitudine hominum. altero consule in Samnio reliquias belli persequente P. Decius, qui graviter aeger Romae restiterat, auctore senatu dictatorem C. Sulpicium Longum, is magistrum equitum C. iunium lunium Bubulcum dixit.

[¶85] 29.4. horse. Sulpicius, as the gravity of the circumstances required, administered the oath to all those of military age, and made ready arms and whatever else the situation called for, with the utmost assiduity. he was not so carried away with these great preparations as to plan for an offensive war, clearly intending to remain inactive, unless the Etruscans should first take the field.

> Latin: 29.4. , prout rei magnitudo magnitude postulabat, omnes iuniores sacramento adigit, arma quaeque alia res poscit summa industria parat; nec tantis apparatibus elatus de inferendo bello agitat, quieturus haud dubie, nisi ultro arma Etrusci inferrent.

[¶86] 29.5. the Etruscans followed the same policy, preparing for war but preventing it from breaking out. side went beyond their own frontiers. , too, in that year was the censorship of Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius; but the name of Appius was of happier memory with succeeding generations, because he built a road, and conveyed a stream of water into the City. These undertakings he carried out by himself, since his colleague had resigned, overcome with shame at the disgraceful and invidious manner in which Appius revised the list of senators; and Appius, exhibiting the obstinacy which had marked his family from the earliest days, exercised the

> Latin: 29.5. in comparando cohibendoque bello consilia et apud Etruscos fuere: neutri finibus egressi. censura clara eo anno Ap. Claudi et C. Plauti fuit; memoriae memorial tamen felicioris ad posteros nomen Appi, quod viam munivit et aquam in urbem duxit; eaque unus perfecit, quia ob infamem atque invidiosam senatus lectionem verecundia victus collega magistratu se abdicaverat; Appius iam inde antiquitus insitam pertinaciam familiae gerendo solus censuram obtinuit.

[¶87] 29.9. censorship alone. was Appius, too, by whose warranty the Potitian clan, with whom the priesthood of Hercules at the Ara Maxima was hereditary, taught the ritual of that sacrifice to public slaves, in order to devolve the service upon them.

> Latin: 29.9. Appio auctore Potitia gens, cuius ad aram maximam Herculis familiare sacerdotium fuerat, servos publicos ministerii delegandi causa sollemnia eius sacri docuerat.

[¶88] 29.10. relates that after this a strange thing happened, and one that might well give men pause ere they disturb the established order of religious ceremonies. whereas at that time there were twelve families of the Potitii, and grown men to the number of thirty, within the year they had perished, every man, and the stock had become extinct; and not only did the name of the Potitii die out, but even the censor, by the unforgetting ire of the gods, was a few years later stricken blind.

> Latin: 29.10. inde, dictu mirabile et quod dimovendis statu suo sacris religionem facere posset, cum duodecim familiae ea ca tempestate Potitiorum essent, puberes ad triginta, omnes intra annum cum stirpe exstinctos; nec nomen tantum Potitiorum interisse sed censorem etiam memori deum ira post aliquot annos luminibus captum. consules qui eum annum secuti sunt, C. Iunius Bubulcus tertium et Q. Aemilius Barbula iterum, initio anni questi apud populum deformatum ordinem prava lectione senatus, qua potiores aliquot lectis praeteriti essent, negaverunt eam lectionem se, quae sine recti pravique discrimine ad gratiam ac libidinem facta esset, observaturos et senatum extemplo citaverunt eo ordine qui ante censores Ap.

## 44. Book IX · chapters 30–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/44/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/44/#p-N

[¶0] 30.2. so the consuls of the following year, Gaius Junius Bubulcus (for the third time) and Quintus Aemilius Barbula (for the second), complained to the people, at the outset of their administration, that the senatorial order had been depraved by the improper choice of members, in which better men had been passed over than some that had been appointed. then gave notice that they should ignore that list, which had been drawn up with no distinction of right and wrong, in a spirit of favouritism and caprice; and proceeded to call the roll of the senate in the order which had been in use before Appius Claudius and Gaius Plautius were censors. that year, also, two commands —both military —began to be conferred by the people; for it was enacted, first, that sixteen tribunes of the soldiers should be chosen by popular vote for the four legions, whereas previously these places had been for the most part in the gift of dictators and consuls, very few being left to popular suffrage; secondly, that the people should likewise elect two naval commissioners to have charge of equipping and refitting the fleet.

> Latin: 30.2. Claudium et C. Plautium fuerat. duo imperia eo anno dari coepta per populum, utraque pertinentia ad rem militarem: unum, ut tribuni militum seni deni in quattuor legiones a populo crearentur, quae antea perquam paucis suffragio populi relictis locis dictatorum et consulum ferme fuerant beneficia—tulere eam earn rogationem tribuni plebei L. Atilius C. Marcius;— alterum, ut duumviros navales classis ornandae reficiendaeque causa idem populus iuberet;

[¶1] 30.4. The former of these measures was proposed by the tribunes of the plebs Lucius Atilius and Gaius Marcius; the latter by Marcus Decius, another tribune of the plebs.

> Latin: 30.4. lator huius plebi sciti fuit M. Decius tribunus plebis.

[¶2] 30.5. should omit, as an incident hardly worth narrating, a little thing that happened in that same year, but that it seemed to concern religion. The flute —players, angry at having been forbidden by the last censors to hold their feast, according to old custom, in the temple of Jupiter, went off to Tibur in a body, so that there was no one in the City to pipe at sacrifices.

> Latin: 30.5. anni rem dictu parvam praeterirem, ni ad religionem visa esset pertinere., quia prohibiti a proximis censoribus erant in aede Iovis vesci quod traditum antiquitus erat, aegre passi Tibur uno agmine abierunt, adeo ut nemo in urbe esset qui sacrificiis praecineret.

[¶3] 30.6. by the religious aspect of the case, the senate dispatched representatives to the Tiburtines, requesting them to use their best endeavours to restore these men to Rome.

> Latin: 30.6. rei religio tenuit senatum, legatosque Tibur miserunt darent operam, ut ii homines Romanis restituerentur.

[¶4] 30.7. The Tiburtines courteously undertook to do so; and sending for the pipers to their senate —house, urged them to return. they found it impossible to persuade them, they employed a ruse, not ill —adapted to the nature of the men.

> Latin: 30.7. benigne polliciti primum accitos eos in curiam hortati sunt uti reverterentur Romam; postquam perpelli nequibant, consilio haud abhorrente ab ingeniis hominum eos adgrediuntur.

[¶5] 30.8. a holiday various citizens invited parties of the pipers to their houses, on the pretext of celebrating the feast with music. they plied them with wine, which people of that profession are generally greedy of, until they got them stupefied.

> Latin: 30.8. festo alii alios per speciem celebrandarum cantu epularum invitant et vino, cuius avidum ferme id genus est, oneratos sopiunt atque ita in plaustra somno vinctos coniciunt ac Romam deportant.

[¶6] 30.9. this condition they threw them, fast asleep, into waggons and carried them away to Rome; nor did the pipers perceive what had taken place until daylight found them —still suffering from the debauch —in the waggons, which had been left standing in the Forum. The people then flocked about them and prevailed with them to remain. were permitted on three days in every year to roam the City in festal robes, making music and enjoying the licence that is now customary, and to such as should play at sacrifices was given again the privilege of banqueting in the temple. These incidents occurred while men were preoccupied with two mighty wars.

> Latin: 30.9. prius sensere quam plaustris in foro relictis plenos crapulae eos lux oppressit. concursus populi factus, impetratoque ut manerent, datum ut triduum quotannis ornati cum cantu atque hac quae nunc sollemnis est licentia per urbem vagarentur, restitutumque in aede vescendi ius iis qui sacris praecinerent. inter duorum ingentium bellorum curam gerebantur. inter se provincias partiti: iunio lunio Samnites, Aemilio novum bellum Etruria sorte obvenit.

[¶7] 31.2. The consuls divided the commands between them: to Junius the lot assigned the Samnites, to Aemilius the new war with Etruria. Samnium the Roman garrison at Cluviae, which had defended itself successfully against assault, was starved into submission. The Samnites, having scourged their prisoners in brutal fashion, put them to death, although they had surrendered.

> Latin: 31.2. Samnio Cluviarum praesidium Romanum, quia nequiverat vi capi, obsessum fame in deditionem acceperant Samnites verberibusque foedum in modum laceratos lacerates occiderant deditos.

[¶8] 31.3. by this act of cruelty, Junius felt that nothing should take precedence over an attack on Cluviae. carried the place by storm on the day he arrived before it, and slew all the grown —up males.

> Latin: 31.3. infensus crudelitati Iunius, nihil antiquius oppugnatione Cluviana ratus, quo die adgressus est moenia vi cepit atque omnes puberes interfecit.

[¶9] 31.4. there he led his victorious army to Bovianum. was the capital of the Pentrian Samnites, a very wealthy city and very rich in arms and men.

> Latin: 31.4. victor exercitus Bovianum ductus. hoc erat Pentrorum Samnitium, longe ditissimum atque opulentissimum armis virisque.

[¶10] 31.5. this town the soldiers were not so exasperated, but the hope of plunder spurred them on to capture it. so there was less severity shown to the enemy, but there was almost more booty carried out than was ever collected from all the rest of Samnium, and the whole of it was generously made over to the soldiers.

> Latin: 31.5. quia haud tantum irarum erat, spe praedae milites accensi oppido potiuntur. itaque saevitum in hostes est; praedae plus paene quam ex omni Samnio unquam egestum benigneque omnis militi concessa.

[¶11] 31.6. the conquering arms of the Romans might now no longer be withstood by any embattled host or camp or city, the leaders of the Samnites all eagerly directed their attention to the seeking out a place for an ambush, on the chance that the army might somehow be permitted to disperse for plundering, and so be surprised and surrounded.

> Latin: 31.6. postquam praepotentem armis Romanum nec acies subsistere ullae nec castra nec urbes poterant, omnium principum in Samnio eo curae sunt intentae ut insidiis quaereretur locus, si qua licentia populando effusus exercitus excipi ac circumveniri posset.

[¶12] 31.7. rustic deserters and prisoners, some falling into the consul's hands by accident and some on purpose, by giving all the same account —and a true one, too —of enormous flocks that had been brought together in an inaccessible mountain meadow, persuaded him to lead thither his legions in light marching order to seize the booty.

> Latin: 31.7. agrestes et captivi quidam, pars forte, pars consilio oblati, congruentia ad consulem adferentes—quae et vera erant—pecoris vim ingentem in saltum avium compulsam esse, perpulerunt ut praedatum eo expeditae ducerentur legiones.

[¶13] 31.8. a great army of the enemy had secretly beset the ways, and seeing that the Romans had entered the pass, rose up suddenly with much din and shouting and fell upon them unawares.

> Latin: 31.8. ingens hostium exercitus itinera occultus insederat, et postquam intrasse Romanos vidit saltum, repente exortus cum clamore ac tumultu incautos invadit.

[¶14] 31.9. first the unexpectedness of the attack occasioned some trepidation, while the soldiers were putting on their armour and piling their packs in the midst., when everyone had got rid of his encumbrance and had armed himself, they began to assemble from every side about their standards. the course of a long training in the army they had become familiar with their places, and formed a line of their own accord, without anyone's direction. The consul, riding up to the place where the fighting was most critical, leaped down from his horse, and called on Jupiter and Mars and the other gods to witness that he had come there seeking no glory for himself, but only booty for his soldiers:

> Latin: 31.9. primo nova res trepidationem fecit, dum arma capiunt, sarcinas congerunt in medium; dein postquam, ut quisque liberaverat se onere aptaveratque arma, ad signa undique coibant et notis ordinibus in vetere disciplina militiae iam sine praecepto ullius sua sponte struebatur acies, consul ad ancipitem maxime pugnam advectus desilit ex equo et iovem lovem Martemque atque alios testatur deos se nullam suam gloriam inde sed praedam militi

[¶15] 31.11. his sole fault, he said, was a too great desire to enrich his men; from this disgrace nothing could save him but their courage.

> Latin: 31.11. quaerentem in eum locum devenisse neque in se aliud quam nimiam ditandi ex hoste militis curam reprehendi posse; ab eo se dedecore nullam rem aliam quam virtutem militum vindicaturam.

[¶16] 31.12. let them all unite in singleness of purpose to assail an enemy conquered in battle, stripped of his camp, deprived of his cities, and pinning his last hopes to the treachery of an ambuscade, were his trust was in his position, not in arms. what position was there now, he demanded, too strong for Roman valour to overwhelm?

> Latin: 31.12. modo uno animo omnes invadere hostem victum acie, castris exutum, nudatum urbibus, ultimam spem furto insidiarum temptantem et loco non armis fretum.

[¶17] 31.13. reminded them of Fregellae's citadel and Sora's, and all the places where they had triumphed over disadvantage of ground.

> Latin: 31.13. quem esse iam virtuti Romanae inexpugnabilem locum? arx Soranaque et ubicumque iniquo successum erat loco memorabantur.

[¶18] 31.14. by these words, the soldiers disregarded every obstacle and advanced against the battle —line which their enemies had formed above them. was a little hard fighting there, while the column was mounting the slope;

> Latin: 31.14. accensus miles, omnium immemor difficultatium, vadit adversus imminentem hostium aciem. paulum laboris fuit, dum in adversum clivum erigitur agmen;

[¶19] 31.15. but as soon as the foremost companies had reached the plateau at the top, and the soldiers perceived that their line was now established on level ground, the panic was straightway turned upon the waylayers, who fled, dispersing and throwing down their arms, in search of those very lurking —places where a little while before they had concealed themselves.

> Latin: 31.15. ceterum postquam prima signa planitiem summam ceperunt sensitque acies aequo se iam institisse loco, versus extemplo est terror in insidiatores easdemque latebras quibus se paulo ante texerant palati atque inermes fuga repetebant.

[¶20] 31.16. the ground which they had sought out for the difficulties it presented to an enemy caught the Samnites themselves in a trap of their own devising. so, very few were able to get off; about twenty thousand men were slain; and the victorious Romans struck out this way and that to collect the booty of cattle which the enemy had thrown in their way.

> Latin: 31.16. loca difficilia diflicilia hosti quaesita ipsos tum sua fraude impediebant. ergo perpaucis effugium patuit; caesa ad viginti milia hominum victorque Romanus ad oblatam ab hoste praedam pecorum discurrit. haec geruntur in Samnio, iam omnes Etruriae populi praeter Arretinos ad arma ierant, ab oppugnando Sutrio, quae urbs socia Romanis velut claustra Etruriae erat, ingens orsi bellum.

[¶21] 32.2. these events were taking place in Samnium, all the peoples of Etruria, except the Arretini, had already armed, and beginning with the siege of Sutrium, a city in alliance with the Romans, and forming as it were the key to Etruria, had set on foot a tremendous war. the other consul, Aemilius, came with an army, to relieve the blockade of the allies. the Romans came up, the Sutrini obligingly brought provisions to their camp, which was formed before the city. The Etruscans spent the first day in deliberating whether to accelerate the war or to draw it out.

> Latin: 32.2. alter consul Aemilius cum exercitu ad liberandos obsidione socios venit. Romanis Sutrini commeatus benigne in castra ante urbem posita advexere. Etrusci diem primum consultando maturarent traherentne bellum traduxerunt. die, ubi celeriora quam tutiora consilia magis placuere ducibus, sole orto signum pugnae propositum est armatique in aciem procedunt.

[¶22] 32.4. the following day, their generals having decided on the swifter plan in preference to the safer, the signal for battle was displayed at sunrise and their men in fighting array marched out upon the field.

> Latin: 32.4. postquam consuli nuntiatum est, extemplo tesseram dari iubet ut prandeat miles firmatisque cibo viribus arma capiat.

[¶23] 32.5. this was reported to the consul, he at once commanded the word to be passed round that the men should breakfast, and having recruited their strength with food, should then arm. The order was obeyed; and the consul, seeing them equipped and ready, bade advance the standards beyond the rampart, and drew up his troops a little way off from the enemy.

> Latin: 32.5. paretur. Consul ubi armatos paratosque vidit, signa extra vallum proferri iussit et haud baud procul hoste instruxit aciem. intenti utrimque steterunt exspectantes, ut ab adversariis clamor et pugna inciperet;

[¶24] 32.6. some time both sides stood fast, observing one another closely, each waiting for the other to give a cheer and begin to fight, and the sun had begun his downward course in the heavens ere a missile was hurled on either side.

> Latin: 32.6. et prius sol meridie se inclinavit quam telum hinc aut illinc emissum est., ne infecta re abiretur, clamor ab Etruscis oritur concinuntque tubae et signa inferuntur. segnius a Romanis pugna initur.

[¶25] 32.7. the Etruscans, that they might not withdraw without accomplishing their purpose, set up a shout, and with sound of trumpets advanced their ensigns.

> Latin: 32.7. infensis animis; numero hostis, virtute Romanus superat;

[¶26] 32.8. The Romans were equally prompt to begin the battle. The two armies rushed together with great fury, the enemy having a superiority in numbers, the Romans in bravery. Victory hung in the balance and many perished on both sides, including all the bravest, and the event was not decided until the Roman second line came up with undiminished vigour to relieve their exhausted comrades in the first; and the Etruscans, whose fighting line was supported by no fresh reserves, all fell in front of their standards and around them.

> Latin: 32.8. anceps proelium multos utrimque et fortissimum quemque absumit, nec prius inclinata res est quam secunda acies Romana ad prima signa, integri fessis, successerunt, Etrusci, quia nullis recentibus subsidiis fulta prima acies fuit, ante signa circaque omnes ceciderunt. unquam proelio fugae minus nec plus caedis fuisset, ni obstinatos mori Tuscos nox texisset, ita ut victores prius quam victi pugnandi finem facerent.

[¶27] 32.10. would never in any battle have been more bloodshed or less running away, but when the Etruscans were resolved to die, the darkness shielded them, so that the victors gave over fighting before the vanquished.

> Latin: 32.10. occasum solis signum receptui datum est; nocte utroque in castra reditum.

[¶28] 32.11. The sun had set when the recall was sounded, and in the night both armies retired to their camps. there was nothing done that year at Sutrium worth recording. The enemy had lost their whole first line in a single engagement, and had only their reserves remaining, who barely sufficed to garrison their camp; whilst the Romans had so many wounded that more died of their hurts after the battle than had fallen on the field.

> Latin: 32.11. deinde quicquam eo anno rei memoria dignae apud Sutrium gestum est, quia et ex hostium exercitu prima tota acies deleta uno proelio fuerat subsidiariis modo relictis, vix quod satis esset ad castrorum praesidium, et apud Romanos tantum volnerum fuit ut plures post proelium saucii decesserint quam ceciderant in acie. Q. Fabius, insequentis anni consul, bellum ad Sutrium excepit, collega Fabio C. Marcius Rutulus datus est.

[¶29] 33.2. Quintus Fabius, consul in the following year, took over the campaign at Sutrium. colleague he was given Gaius Marcius Rutulus. Fabius brought up replacements from Rome, and a new army came from Etruria to reinforce the enemy.

> Latin: 33.2. et Fabius supplementum ab Roma adduxit et novus exercitus domo accitus Etruscis venit.

[¶30] 33.3. a great many years now there had been no contests between the patrician magistrates and the tribunes, when a dispute —arose through that family which was fated, as it seemed, to wrangle with the tribunes and with the plebs.

> Latin: 33.3. anni iam erant cum inter patricios magistratus tribunosque nulla certamina fuerant, cum ex ea familia cui velut fato lis cum tribunis ac plebe erat certamen oritur.

[¶31] 33.4. Appius Claudius the censor, on the expiration of the eighteen months which had been fixed by the Aemilian law as the limit of the censorship, although his colleague Gaius Plautius had abdicated, could himself by no compulsion be prevailed upon to do likewise.

> Latin: 33.4. Ap. Claudius censor circumactis decem et octo mensibus quod Aemilia lege finitum censurae spatium temporis erat, cum C. Plautius collega eius magistratu se abdicasset, nulla vi compelli ut abdicaret potuit.

[¶32] 33.5. was Publius Sempronius, a tribune of the people, who commenced an action to confine the censorship to its legal limits —an action no less just than popular, and as welcome to every aristocrat as to the common people.

> Latin: 33.5. P. Sempronius erat tribunus plebis, qui finiendae censurae intra legitimum tempus actionem susceperat, non popularem magis quam iustam nec in volgus quam optimo cuique gratiorem.

[¶33] 33.6. repeatedly read out the Aemilian law, and praised its author, Mamercus Aemilius the dictator, for confining the censorship —which had until then been tenable for five years and was proving despotic by reason of the long continuance of its authority —within the space of a year and a half, he said, “, tell us, Appius Claudius, what you would have done had you been censor at the time when Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius were censors.”

> Latin: 33.6. cum identidem legem Aemiliam recitaret auctoremque eius Mam. Aemilium dictatorem laudibus ferret, qui quinquennalem ante censuram et longinquitate potestatis dominantem intra sex mensum et anni coegisset spatium, agedum inquit, Appi Claudi, quidnam facturus fueris, si eo tempore quo C. Furius et M. Geganius censores fuerunt censor fuisses.

[¶34] 33.8. Appius replied that the tribune's question had no particular bearing upon his own case;

> Latin: 33.8. Appius interrogationem tribuni magno opere ad causam pertinere suam;

[¶35] 33.9. for even though the Aemilian law had bound those censors in whose term of office it had been passed, because the people had enacted the law after their election to the censorship and their latest enactment was always the effective law, yet neither himself nor any one of those who had been chosen censors subsequently to the passage of that law could have been bound by it. Appius raised these quibbles, but found no one to support him, “, Quirites,” said Sempronius, "the descendant of that Appius, who having been elected decemvir for one year, himself declared his own election for a second year, and in the third, although a private citizen, with neither his own nor another's warrant of election, retained the fasces and authority, and relinquished not his hold on the magistracy until he was overwhelmed by his ill —gotten, ill —administered, and ill —continued powers. was this same family, Quirites, under compulsion of whose violence and abuse you banished yourselves from your native City and occupied the Sacred Mount; the same against which you provided yourselves with the help of tribunes; the same, because of which two armies of you encamped upon the Aventine; the same that has ever attacked the laws restricting usury and throwing open the public

> Latin: 33.9. nam etsi tenuerit lex Aemilia eos censores quorum in magistratu lata esset, quia post illos censores creatos eam legem populus iussisset quodque postremum iussisset id ius ratumque esset, non tamen aut se aut eorum quemquam qui post eam legem latam creati censores essent teneri ea lege potuisse. sine ullius adsensu cavillante Appio inquit, "Quirites, illius Appi progenies, qui decemvir in annum creatus altero anno se ipse creavit, tertio nec ab se nec ab ullo creatus privatus fasces et imperium obtinuit, nec ante continuando abstitit magistratu quam obruerent eum male parta, male gesta, male retenta imperia. est eadem familia, Quirites, cuius vi atque iniuriis compulsi extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis; haec adversus quam tribunicium auxilium vobis comparastis;

[¶36] 34.4. lands. same family broke off marriages between patricians and plebeians; this same family blocked the path of the plebeians to curule offices.

> Latin: 34.4. haec propter quam duo exercitus Aventinum insedistis; haec quae fenebres leges, haec quae agrarias semper impugnavit.

[¶37] 34.5. is a name that is far more hostile to your liberty than that of the Tarquinii., Appius Claudius! it is now a hundred years since Mamercus Aemilius was dictator, and in that time we have had all these censors, high —born and valiant men, has never one of them inspected the Twelve Tables?

> Latin: 34.5. conubia patrum et plebis interrupit; haec plebi ad curules magistratus iter obsaepsit. est nomen multo quam Tarquiniorum infestius vestrae libertati. tandem, Appi Claudi?

[¶38] 34.6. none of them known that the law was that which the people had last enacted?, all of them knew it; and they obeyed the Aemilian law in preference to that ancient ordinance which governed the first elections of censors, precisely because it was the latest which the people had enacted, and because in a conflict of two laws the old is ever superseded by the new.

> Latin: 34.6. centesimus iam annus sit ab Mam. Aemilio dictatore, tot censores fuerunt, nobilissimi fortissimique viri, nemo eorum duodecim tabulas legit? id ius esse, quod postremo populus iussisset, sciit? vero omnes scierunt et ideo Aemiliae potius legi paruerunt quam illi antiquae qua primum censores creati erant, quia hanc postremam iusserat populus, et quia, ubi duae contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova.

[¶39] 34.8. " will this be your contention, Appius, that the people is not bound by the Aemilian law? that the people is bound, but that you alone are exempt? The Aemilian law bound those violent censors Gaius Furius and Marcus Geganius, who showed what mischief that magistracy could accomplish in the state, when, in their rage at the abridgment of their powers, they reduced Mamercus Aemilius, the foremost man of his time in war and peace, to the lowest class of citizens; it bound all the censors who succeeded them, for the period of a hundred years; it binds Gaius Plautius, your colleague, who was given the office under the same auspices and with the same rights as

> Latin: 34.8. " An hoc dicis, Appi, non teneri Aemilia lege populum? An populum teneri, te unum exlegem esse? Aemilia lex violentos illos censores C. Furium et M. Geganium, qui quid iste magistratus in re publica mali facere posset indicarunt, cum ira finitae potestatis Mam. Aemilium, principem aetatis suae belli domique, aerarium fecerunt;

[¶40] 34.10. yourself. did the people not make Plautius censor as one who had been elected with the fullest rights? you the sole exception in whose case this holds, as a unique and peculiar privilege?, pray, could men elect as king for sacrifice?

> Latin: 34.10. tenuit deinceps omnes censores intra centum annorum spatium; tenet C. Plautium, collegam tuum iisdem auspiciis, eodem iure creatum.

[¶41] 34.11. will seize on the title of sovereignty, and assert that he has been chosen as one elected with fullest rights to be king at Rome., think you, will be content with six months as dictator; who with five days as interrex?

> Latin: 34.11. An hunc non ut qui optimo iure censor creatus esset populus creavit? unus eximius es in quo hoc praecipuum ac singulare valeat?

[¶42] 34.12. would you be so rash as to make dictator for the purpose of driving the nail or celebrating games? dull and lumpish must those men seem to Appius, who after accomplishing great feats resigned the post of dictator within twenty days, or laid down the reins of office because of a flaw in their election!

> Latin: 34.12. tu regem sacrificiorum crees? regni nomen, ut qui optimo iure rex Romae creatus sit, creatum se dicet dicct. semestri dictatura, quem interregno quinque dierum contentum fore putes? clavi figendi aut ludorum causa dictatorem audacter crees?

[¶43] 34.13. should I cite antiquity?, within these ten years, Gaius Maenius the dictator, for conducting an inquisition with more severity than was safe for certain great men, was accused by his ill —wishers of being tainted with that very felony which he was searching out, and abdicated the dictatorship, that he might face the charge as a private citizen.

> Latin: 34.13. isti stolidos ac socordes videri creditis eos qui intra vicesimum diem ingentibus rebus gestis dictatura se abdicaverunt aut qui vitio creati abierunt magistratu!

[¶44] 34.14. be it from me to require such self —denial of you! not away from the most imperious and proud of families; quit not your magistracy one day, one hour, sooner than you must; only see that you overstep not the appointed limit.

> Latin: 34.14. ego antiqua repetam? intra decem annos C. Maenius dictator, quia, cum quaestiones severius quam quibusdam potentibus tutum erat exerceret, contagio eius quod quaerebat ipse criminis obiectata ab inimicis est, ut privatus obviam iret crimini, dictatura se abdicavit.

[¶45] 34.15. it enough to add a day, or a month, to his censorship? years,' quoth he, and six months beyond the time permitted by the Aemilian law will I administer the censorship, and administer it alone.' this begins to look like monarchy!

> Latin: 34.15. ego istam in te modestiam; ne degeneraveris a familia imperiosissima et superbissima; non die, non hora citius quam necesse est magistrate abieris, modo ne excedas finitum tempus.

[¶46] 34.16. " will you substitute a colleague for the other, though even in a dead man's place such substitution is forbidden by religion?

> Latin: 34.16. est aut diem aut mensem censurae adicere?, inquit, et sex menses ultra quam licet Aemilia lege censuram geram et solus geram. quidem iam regno simile est.

[¶47] 34.17. are not satisfied forsooth with having in your scrupulous exercise of a censor's powers diverted the service of our most ancient cult, the only one inaugurated by the god himself in whose honour it is observed, from the priesthood of the most exalted nobles to the ministry of slaves; it was not enough that a family more ancient than the beginnings of this City, and sanctified by the entertainment of the immortal gods, should through you and your censorship be within a year uprooted and destroyed; no, you must needs involve the entire state in such heinous guilt as even to name is an omen that fills my mind with dread.

> Latin: 34.17. " An collegam subrogabis, quem ne in demortui quidem locum subrogari fas est? enim, quod antiquissimum sollemne et solum ab ipso cui fit institutum deo ab nobilissimis antistitibus eius sacri ad servorum ministerium religiosus censor deduxisti, gens antiquior originibus urbis huius, hospitio deorum immortalium sancta, propter te ac tuam censuram intra annum ab stirpe exstincta est, nisi universam rem publicam eo nefario obstrinxeris quod ominari etiam reformidat animus.

[¶48] 34.20. The city was captured in that lustrum when, on the death of his colleague Gaius Julius, Lucius Papirius Cursor, to avoid having to vacate his office, caused Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis to be substituted in the room of the dead man. how much more moderate, Appius, was his ambition than yours!

> Latin: 34.20. eo lustro capta est quo demortuo collega C. Iulio L. Papirius Cursor, ne abiret magistratu, M. Cornelium Maluginensem collegam subrogavit.

[¶49] 34.21. The censorship of Lucius Papirius was neither a sole one nor one prolonged beyond the legally established term; yet he found none to follow his example; all succeeding censors have abdicated on the death of a colleague. you neither the expiration of your time restrains nor the fact that your colleague has resigned, nor the law, nor a sense of decency: you reckon worth in terms of pride, of recklessness, of contempt for gods and men.

> Latin: 34.21. quanto modestior illius cupiditas fuit quam tua, Appi! solus nec ultra finitum lege tempus L. Papirius censuram gessit; tamen neminem invenit qui se postea auctorem sequeretur; omnes deinceps censores post mortem collegae se magistratu abdicarunt.

[¶50] 34.22. “my own part, Appius Claudius, when I think of the dignity of that office you have held and the reverence attaching to it, I could wish that I might spare you not only personal violence but even an ungentle ” “word; but your stubbornness and pride have compelled me to say what I have so far said, and unless you obey the Aemilian law, I shall order you to ”

> Latin: 34.22. nec quod dies exiit censurae nec quod collega magistratu abiit nec lex nec pudor coercet: virtutem in superbia, in audacia, in contemptu deorum hominumque ponis. te, Appi Claudi, pro istius magistratus maiestate ac verecundia quem gessisti non modo manu violatum sed ne verbo quidem inclementiori a me appellatum vellem;

[¶51] 34.24. “prison; nor, seeing that our forefathers have ordained that in the election of censors, if either fall short of the legal vote, the election shall be put off and the other not be declared elected, will I now suffer you, who cannot be elected as sole censor, to administer the censorship alone.”

> Latin: 34.24. sed et haec quae adhuc egi pervicacia tua et superbia coegit me loqui, et nisi Aemiliae legi parueris, in vincula duci iubebo, nec cum ita comparatum a maioribus sit ut comitiis censoriis, nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non renuntiato altero comitia differantur, ego te, qui solus censor creari non possis, solum censuram gerere nunc patiar.

[¶52] 34.25. uttered these and similar remonstrances, he ordered the censor to be arrested and carried off to prison. tribunes approved the action of their colleague: three protected Appius on his appeal, and, greatly to the indignation of all classes, he continued as sole censor.

> Latin: 34.25. taliaque cum dixisset, prendi censorem et in vincula duci iussit. sex tribunis actionem collegae tres appellanti Appio auxilio fuerunt; summaque invidia omnium ordinum solus censuram gessit. ea Romae geruntur, iam Sutrium ab Etruscis obsidebatur consulique Fabio imis montibus ducenti ad ferendam opem sociis temptandasque munitiones, si qua posset, acies hostium instructa occurrit;

[¶53] 35.2. the progress of this affair in Rome, the Etruscans were already laying siege to Sutrium; and the consul Fabius, leading his army along the foot of the mountains to relieve the allies, and, if in any way practicable, to attack the works of the besiegers, encountered the enemy drawn up in line of battle. The plain spreading out below him revealed to the consul their exceeding strength; and in order to make up for his own deficiency in numbers by the advantage of position, he altered slightly his line of march, so as to mount the hills —which were rough and covered with stones —and there turned and faced the enemy.

> Latin: 35.2. quorum ingentem multitudinem cum ostenderet subiecta late planities, consul, ut loco paucitatem suorum adiuvaret, flectit Hectit paululum in clivos agmen—aspreta erant strata saxis—inde signa in hostem obvertit.

[¶54] 35.3. The Etruscans, forgetting everything but their numbers, in which alone they trusted, entered the combat with such haste and eagerness that they cast away their missiles in order to come the sooner to close quarters, and drawing their swords rushed at the enemy.

> Latin: 35.3. Etrusci omnium praeterquam multitudinis suae, qua sola freti erant, immemores proelium ineunt adeo raptim et avide ut abiectis missilibus,quo celerius manus consererent, stringerent gladios vadentes in hostem;

[¶55] 35.4. The Romans, on the contrary, fell to pelting them, now with javelins and now with stones, of which latter the ground itself provided a good supply;

> Latin: 35.4. Romanus contra nunc tela, nunc saxa, quibus eos adfatim locus ipse armabat, ingerere.

[¶56] 35.5. and even such of the Etruscans as were not wounded were confused by the blows that rattled down on their helms and shields. was no easy matter to get close enough for fighting hand to hand, and they had no javelins for long —range work. they stood, exposed to missiles, with no adequate cover of any sort, and as some of them gave ground and the line began to waver and be unsteady, the Roman first and second lines, giving a fresh cheer, charged them, sword in hand.

> Latin: 35.5. scuta galeaeque ictae cum etiam quos non volneraverant turbarent neque subire erat facile ad propiorem pugnam neque missilia habebant, quibus eminus rem gererent—stantes et expositos ad ictus cum iam satis nihil tegeret, quosdam etiam pedem referentes fluctuantemque et instabilem aciem redintegrato clamore strictis gladiis hastati et principes invadunt. impetum non tulerunt Etrusci versisque signis fuga effusa castra repetunt. equites Romani praevecti per obliqua campi cum se fugientibus obtulissent, omisso ad castra itinere montes petunt;

[¶57] 35.7. onset was too much for the Etruscans, who faced about and fled headlong towards their camp. the Roman cavalry, riding obliquely across the plain, presented themselves in front of the fugitives, who then abandoned the attempt to reach their camp and sought the mountains; from which they made their way in a body, unarmed and suffering from their wounds, to the Ciminian Forest. The Romans, having slain many thousand Etruscans and captured eight —and —thirty standards, took possession also of the enemy's camp, with a very large booty. then began to consider the feasibility of a pursuit.

> Latin: 35.7. inde inermi paene agmine ac vexato volneribus in silvam Ciminiam penetratum. Romanus multis milibus Etruscorum caesis, duodequadraginta signis militaribus captis, castris etiam hostium cum praeda ingenti potitur. de persequendo hoste agitari coeptum. erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus, nulli ad eam diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. intrare haud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum audebat; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum memoria aboleverat.

[¶58] 36.2. those days the Ciminian Forest was more impassable and appalling than were lately the wooded defiles of Germany, and no one —not even a trader —had up to that time visited it. enter it was a thing that hardly anyone but the general himself was bold enough to do: with all the rest the recollection of the Caudine Forks was still too vivid. one of those present, the consul's brother Marcus Fabius, —some say that it was Caeso Fabius, others Gaius Claudius, a son of the same mother as the consul —offered to explore and return in a short time with definite information about everything. had been educated at Caere in the house of family friends, and from this circumstance was learned in Etruscan writings and knew the Etruscan language well. have authority for believing that in that age Roman boys were regularly wont to be schooled in Etruscan literature, as nowadays they are trained in Greek; but it seems more probable that this man possessed some exceptional qualification to induce him to venture amongst enemies in so daring a disguise.

> Latin: 36.2. ex iis qui aderant, consulis frater M. Fabius —Caesonem alii, C. Claudium quidam, matre eadem qua consulem genitum, tradunt—speculatum se iturum professus brevique omnia certa allaturum. Caere educatus apud hospites, Etruscis inde litteris eruditus erat linguamque Etruscam probe noverat. auctores volgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis litteris erudiri solitos;

[¶59] 36.4. is said that his only companion was a slave, brought up with him, and hence acquainted, like his master, with the language.

> Latin: 36.4. sed propius est vero praecipuum aliquid fuisse in eo qui se tam audaci simulatione hostibus immiscuerit. ei dicitur comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque haud ignarus linguae eiusdem;

[¶60] 36.5. set out, after acquiring no more than a summary knowledge of the nature of the region they must enter and the names of the chief men in those tribes, to save them from being detected in conversation by boggling at any well —known fact.

> Latin: 36.5. nec quicquam aliud proficiscentes quam summatim regionis quae intranda erat naturam natural ac nomina principum in populis accepere, ne qua inter conloquia insigni nota haesitantes deprendi possent.

[¶61] 36.6. went dressed as shepherds and armed with rustic weapons, namely billhooks and a brace of javelins apiece. neither their familiarity with the tongue nor the fashion of their dress and weapons was so great a protection to them as the fact that it was repugnant to belief that any stranger would enter the Ciminian defiles.

> Latin: 36.6. pastorali habitu, agrestibus telis, falcibus gaesisque binis, armati. neque commercium linguae nec vestis armorumve habitus sic eos texit quam quod abhorrebat ab fide quemquam externum Ciminios saltus intraturum.

[¶62] 36.7. are said to have penetrated as far as Camerinum in Umbria, where the Roman, having ventured to tell who they were, was introduced into the senate, and treated with them in the consul's name for friendship and an alliance. then been hospitably entertained, lie was bidden to carry word back to the Romans that thirty days' provisions for their army would be waiting for them, if they came into that region, and that the young men of the Umbrian Camertes would be armed and ready to obey their orders.

> Latin: 36.7. ad Camertes Umbros penetrasse dicuntur. qui essent fateri Romanum ausum; introductumque in senatum consulis verbis egisse de societate amicitiaque atque inde comi hospitio acceptum nuntiare Romanis iussum commeatum exercitui dierum triginta praesto fore, si ea loca intrasset, iuventutemque Camertium Umbrorum in armis paratam imperio futuram futurarm.

[¶63] 36.9. their success being made known to the consul, he sent the baggage ahead, in the first watch, and directed the legions to follow the baggage. himself stopped behind with the cavalry, and at dawn of the following day made a demonstration against the enemy's outposts, which had been stationed at the entrance to the pass. kept the enemy in play for a sufficient time, he retired within his camp, and emerging from it by the opposite gate overtook the column before night.

> Latin: 36.9. cum relata consuli essent, impedimentis prima vigilia praemissis, legionibus post impedimenta ire iussis ipse substitit cum equitatu et luce orta postero die obequitavit stationibus hostium, quae extra saltum dispositae erant; et cum satis diu tenuisset hostem, in castra sese recepit portaque altera egressus ante noctem agmen adsequitur. die luce prima iuga Ciminii montis tenebat; inde contemplatus opulenta Etruriae arva milites emittit.

[¶64] 36.11. day, with the first rays of light, he was on the crest of the Ciminian mountain and, looking thence over the rich ploughlands of Etruria, sent his soldiers to plunder.

> Latin: 36.11. iam abacta praeda tumultuariae agrestium Etruscorum cohortes repente a principibus regionis eius concitatae Romanis occurrunt, adeo incompositae ut vindices praedarum prope ipsi praedae fuerint.

[¶65] 36.12. The Romans had already brought away out enormous booty when certain improvised bands of Etruscan peasants, called together in hot haste by the chief men of that country, encountered them, but with so little discipline that in seeking to regain the spoils they had nearly been made a spoil themselves.

> Latin: 36.12. fugatisque his, late depopulato agro victor Romanus opulentusque rerum omnium copia in castra rediit.

[¶66] 36.13. slain or driven off these men and wasted the country far and wide, the Romans returned to their camp, victorious and enriched with all manner of supplies., as it happened, they found five legates, with two tribunes of the plebs, who had come to order Fabius in the name of the senate not to cross the Ciminian Forest. that they had come too late to be able to hinder the campaign, they returned to Rome with tidings of victory.

> Latin: 36.13. forte quinque legati cum duobus tribunis plebis venerant denuntiatum Fabio senatus verbis ne saltum Ciminium transiret. serius se quam ut impedire bellum possent venisse, nuntii victoriae Romam revertuntur. expeditione consulis motum latius erat quam profligatum bellum; vastationem namque sub Ciminii montis radicibus iacens ora senserat, conciveratque indignatione non Etruriae modo populos sed Umbriae finitima.

[¶67] 37.2. expedition of the consul's, instead of putting an end to the war, only gave it a wider range. the district lying about the base of Mount Ciminius had felt the devastation, and had aroused not only Etruria to resentment but the neighbouring parts of Umbria also. an army came to Sutrium that was larger than any they had raised before; and not only did they move forward their camp, out of the woods, but even, in their eagerness for combat, came down into the plain at the earliest opportunity in battle formation. first, after forming up, they stood still in their positions, having left their enemies room to draw up opposite., finding the Romans in no haste to engage them, they advanced up to the rampart.

> Latin: 37.2. quantus non unquam antea exercitus ad Sutrium venit; neque e silvis tantummodo promota castra sed etiam aviditate dimicandi quam primum in campos delata acies. instructa primo suo stare loco, relicto hostibus ad instruendum contra spatio; dein, postquam detractare hostem sensere pugnam, ad vallum subeunt.

[¶68] 37.4. they saw that even the outguards had retired within the works, they began shouting to their generals, to have their rations for the day sent out to them from the camp; they would wait under arms, they said, and either that night, or at daybreak at the latest, attack the enemy's stockade. The Roman army was every whit as restless, but was restrained by the general's authority.

> Latin: 37.4. postquam stationes quoque receptas intra munimenta sensere, clamor repente circa duces ortus, ut eo sibi e castris cibaria eius diei deferri iuberent: mansuros se sub armis et aut nocte aut certe luce prima castra hostium invasuros.

[¶69] 37.5. was about the tenth hour of the day when the consul bade the soldiers sup, and commanded them to be armed and ready at whatever hour of the day or night he might give the signal.

> Latin: 37.5. quietior Romanus exercitus imperio ducis continetur. erat fere diei hora, cum cibum capere consul milites iubet; praecipit ut in armis sint quacumque diei noctisve hora signum dederit;

[¶70] 37.6. a brief address he magnified the Samnite wars and belittled the Etruscans: there was no comparison, he said, between the two enemies, or between their numbers; moreover, he had an additional weapon in concealment; they should know about it when the time came; until then it must remain a secret.

> Latin: 37.6. paucis milites adloquitur, Samnitium bella extollit, elevat Etruscos; nec hostem hosti nec multitudinem multitudini comparandam ait; esse praeterea telum aliud occultum; scituros in tempore; interea taceri opus esse.

[¶71] 37.7. these obscure hints he sought to engender a belief that the enemy were being betrayed, in order to revive the spirits of his men, which were damped by the numbers of their enemies; and the fact that the Etruscans had thrown up no breastworks where they lay lent colour to the insinuation. with food, the soldiers gave themselves up to sleep, and at about the fourth watch were awakened without noise and put on their armour.

> Latin: 37.7. ambagibus prodi simulabat hostes, quo animus militum multitudine territus restitueretur; et, quod sine munimento consederant, veri similius erat quod simulabatur. cibo corpora quieti dant et quarta fere vigilia sine tumultu excitati arma capiunt.

[¶72] 37.8. were issued to the soldiers' servants, that they might level the rampart and fill up the trenches.

> Latin: 37.8. calonibus dividuntur ad vallum proruendum fossasque implendas. munimenta instruitur acies, delectae cohortes ad portarum exitus conlocantur.

[¶73] 37.9. The line was drawn up inside the fortifications, and selected cohorts were posted at the exits., on the signal being given a little before dawn, which on summer nights is the time of deepest sleep, the rampart was thrown down, and the Romans, rushing out in battle —formation, fell upon their enemies, who were lying all about the field.

> Latin: 37.9. deinde signo paulo ante lucem, quod aestivis noctibus sopitae maxime quietis tempus est, proruto vallo erupit acies, stratos passim invadit hostes; alios immobiles, alios semisomnos in cubilibus suis, maximam partem ad arma trepidantes caedes oppressit; paucis armandi se datum spatium est;

[¶74] 37.10. were slain without even stirring in their sleep, some were but half awake, the greatest number were reaching in terror for their weapons. a few were given time to arm themselves; and even these, with no definite standard to follow and no leader, the Romans routed and chased from the field. made for the camp and others for the mountains, as they fled this way and that. The forests afforded the surer refuge; for the camp, being situated in the plain, was captured the same day.

> Latin: 37.10. eos ipsos non signum certum, non ducem sequentes fundit Romanus fugatosque persequitur. castra, ad silvas diversi tendebant. tutius dedere refugium; nam castra in campis sita eodem die capiuntur. argentumque iussum referri ad consulem; cetera praeda militis fuit. aut capta eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta.

[¶75] 37.11. were issued that all gold and silver be brought to the consul; the rest of the booty went to the soldiers. that day the enemy lost sixty thousand slain or captured. historians relate that this famous battle was fought on the other side of the Ciminian Forest, near Perusia, and that Rome was in a panic lest the army should be surrounded and cut off in that dangerous defile by the Tuscans and Umbrians rising up on every hand.

> Latin: 37.11. tam claram pugnam trans Ciminiam silvam ad Perusiam pugnatam quidam auctores sunt metuque in magno civitatem fuisse ne interclusus exercitus tam infesto saltu coortis undique Tuscis Umbrisque Vmbrisque opprimeretur.

[¶76] 37.12. , wherever it was fought, the Romans were the victors. so from Perusia and Cortona and Arretium, which at that time might be the chief cities of the nations of Etruria, ambassadors came to Rome to sue for peace and an alliance. obtained a truce for thirty years.

> Latin: 37.12. ubicumque pugnatum est, res Romana superior fuit. a Perusia et Cortona et Arretio, quae ferme capita Etruriae populorum ea tempestate erant, legati pacem foedusque ab Romanis petentes indutias in triginta annos impetraverunt. haec in Etruria geruntur, consul alter C. Marcius Rutulus Allifas de Samnitibus vi cepit. alia castella vicique aut deleta hostiliter aut integra in potestatem venere.

[¶77] 38.2. these things were going on in Etruria, the other consul, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, captured Allifae from the Samnites by assault. forts and villages besides were either wiped out in the course of hostilities or came intact into the hands of the Romans. about this time a Roman fleet, commanded by Publius Cornelius, whom the senate had placed in charge of the coast, sailed for Campania and put into Pompeii. there the sailors and rowers set out to pillage the territory of Nuceria. quickly ravaged the nearest fields, from which they might have returned in safety to their ships, they were lured on, as often happens, by the love of booty, and going too far abroad aroused the enemy.

> Latin: 38.2. idem tempus et classis Romana a P. Cornelio, quem senatus maritimae orae praefecerat, in Campaniam acta cum adpulsa Pompeios esset, socii inde navales ad depopulandum agrum Nucerinum profecti, proximis raptim vastatis unde reditus tutus ad naves esset, dulcedine, ut fit, praedae longius progressi excivere hostes.

[¶78] 38.3. they roamed through the fields, nobody interfered with them, though they might have been utterly annihilated; but as they came trooping back, without a thought of danger, the country —folk overtook them not far from the ships, stripped them of their plunder, and even slew a part of them; those who escaped the massacre were driven, a disordered rabble, to their ships.

> Latin: 38.3. per agros nemo obvius fuit, cum occidione occidi possent; redeuntes agmine incauto haud procul navibus adsecuti agrestes exuerunt praeda, partem etiam occiderunt; quae superfuit caedi trepida multitudo multitude ad naves compulsa est.

[¶79] 38.4. Great as had been the fears excited in Rome when Quintus Fabius marched through the Ciminian Forest, the rejoicings that took place in Samnium amongst the enemy were no less on their hearing a report that the Roman army was intercepted and besieged.

> Latin: 38.4. Q. Fabi trans Ciminiam silvam quantum Romae terrorem fecerat, tam laetam famam in Samnium ad hostes tulerat interclusum Romanum exercitum obsideri, cladisque imaginem Furculas Caudinas memorabant:

[¶80] 38.5. recalled the Caudine Forks as showing what the disaster would be like; with the same temerity, they said, a race that was ever reaching out for what lay beyond had been led into pathless forests and there hemmed in, more by the difficulties of the ground than by the arms of their

> Latin: 38.5. eadem temeritate avidam ulteriorum semper gentem in saltus invios deductam, saeptam non hostium magis armis quam locorum iniquitatibus esse. gaudium invidia quadam miscebatur, quod belli Romani decus ab Samnitibus fortuna ad Etruscos avertisset. armis virisque ad opprimendum C. Marcium consulem concurrunt, protinus inde Etruriam per Marsos ac Sabinos petituri, si Marcius dimicandi potestatem non faciat. iis consul fuit.

[¶81] 38.7. enemy. their joy began to be mixed with a kind of envy, that Fortune should have transferred the glory of the Roman war from Samnites to Etruscans. they hastened to bring all their strength to bear upon crushing Gaius Marcius, the consul; and resolved, if Marcius should avoid an encounter, to march forthwith into Etruria, through the countries of the Marsi and the Sabines. The consul met them, and the battle was fiercely contested on both sides, but without a decision being reached., doubtful though it was which side had suffered most, the report gained ground that the Romans had been worsted: they had lost certain members of the equestrian order, certain military tribunes, and one lieutenant, and —most conspicuous of their misfortunes —the consul himself was wounded.

> Latin: 38.7. proelio utrimque atroci atque incerto eventu est, et cum anceps caedes fuisset, adversae tamen rei fama in Romanos vertit ob amissos quosdam equestris ordinis tribunosque militum atque unum legatum, et quod insigne maxime fuit, consulis ipsius volnus. haec etiam aucta fama, ut solet, ingens terror patres invasit dictatoremque dici placebat; nec quin Cursor Papirius diceretur in quo tum summa rei bellicae ponebatur, dubium cuiquam erat. nec in Samnium nuntium perferri omnibus infestis tuto posse nec vivere Marcium consulem satis fidebant.

[¶82] 38.9. These reverses as usual were further exaggerated in the telling, and the senate in great dismay determined on the appointment of a dictator. could doubt that Papirius Cursor, who was regarded as the foremost soldier of his time, would be designated.

> Latin: 38.9. consul Fabius infestus privatim Papirio erat; quae ne ira obstaret bono publico, legatos ex consularium numero mittendos ad eum senatus censuit, qui sua quoque eum,

[¶83] 38.11. the senators were not certain that a messenger could be got through in safety to Samnium, where all was hostile, nor that the consul Marcius was alive. The other consul, Fabius, had a private grudge against Papirius; and lest this enmity might hinder the general welfare, the senate decided to send a deputation of former consuls, in the hope that their personal influence, when added to the wishes of the government, might induce him to forget those quarrels for the good of the

> Latin: 38.11. non publica solum auctoritate moverent ut memoriam simultatium patriae remitteret. legati ad Fabium cum senatus consultum tradidissent adiecissentque orationem convenientem mandatis, consul demissis in terram oculis tacitus ab incertis quidnam acturus esset legatis recessit; nocte deinde silentio, ut mos est, L. Papirium dictatorem dixit. cum ob animum egregie victum legati gratias agerent, obstinatum silentium obtinuit ac sine responso ac mentione facti sui legatos dimisit, ut appareret insignem dolorem ingenti comprimi animo.

[¶84] 38.13. country. The ambassadors went to Fabius and delivered the resolution of the senate, with a discourse that suited their instructions. The consul, his eyes fixed on the ground, retired without a word, leaving the ambassadors uncertain what he proposed to do.

> Latin: 38.13. Papirius C. Iunium Bubulcum magistrum equitum dixit; atque ei legem curiatam de imperio ferenti triste omen diem diffidit, quod Faucia curia fuit principium, duabus insignis cladibus, captae urbis et Caudinae pacis, quod utroque anno eiusdem curiae fuerat principium.

## 45. Book IX · chapters 38–46

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/45/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/45/#p-N

[¶0] 38.14. in the silence of the night, as the custom is, he appointed Lucius Papirius dictator. the envoys thanked him for nobly conquering his feelings, he continued obstinately silent, and dismissed them without making any reply or alluding to what he had done, so that it was clearly seen what agony his great heart was suppressing. Papirius named Gaius Junius Bubulcus master of the horse. he began to lay before the curiate assembly a law confirming his authority, the proceedings were cut short by an evil omen, the first vote to be counted being that of the ward called Faucia, notorious for two calamities, the capture of the City and the Caudine Peace, which had both been incurred in years when this same curia had the right of the first return. Licinius Macer makes this ward unlucky also for a third disaster —that of the Cremera.

> Latin: 38.14. Macer Licinius tertia etiam clade, quae ad Cremeram accepta est, abominandam eam earn curiam facit. postero die auspiciis repetitis pertulit legem; et profectus cum legionibus ad terrorem traducti silvam Ciminiam exercitus nuper scriptis ad Longulam pervenit acceptisque a Marcio consule veteribus militibus in aciem copias eduxit.

[¶1] 39.2. day the dictator sought the auspices afresh and carried the law through., setting out with the legions which had recently been recruited on account of the fear occasioned by the army's march through the Ciminian Forest, he came to the vicinity of Longula, and taking over from Marcius the consul his veteran troops, marched out and offered battle, which the enemy on their part seemed willing to accept. while the two armies stood armed and ready for the conflict, which neither cared to begin, night overtook them.

> Latin: 39.2. hostes detractare visi pugnam. deinde armatosque, cum ab neutris proelium inciperet, nox oppressit. aliquamdiu nec suis diffidentes viribus nec hostem spernentes, stativa in propinquo habuere.

[¶2] 39.4. some time after that they remained quietly in the camps they had established near one another, neither lacking confidence in themselves nor yet making light of their adversaries.

> Latin: 39.4. Etrusci lege sacrata coacto exercitu, cum vir virum legisset, quantis nunquam alias ante simul copiis simul animis dimicarunt;

[¶3] 39.5. the Etruscans, employing a lex sacrata, had raised an army in which each man had chosen his comrade, and joined battle, with greater forces, and at the same time with greater valour, than ever before.

> Latin: 39.5. tantoque irarum certamine gesta res est ut ab neutra parte emissa sint tela. pugna coepit et acerrime commissa ipso certamine, quod aliquamdiu anceps fuit, accensa est, ut non cum Etruscis totiens victis, sed cum aliqua nova gente videretur dimicatio esse.

[¶4] 39.6. The field was contested with such rivalry of rage that neither side discharged a missile. The battle began with swords, and, furious at the outset, waxed hotter as the struggle continued, for the victory was long undecided. seemed as though the Romans were contending, not with the so oft defeated Etruscans, but with some new race.

> Latin: 39.6. ab ulla parte movetur fugae; cadunt antesignani, et ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa, fit ex secunda prima acies.

[¶5] 39.7. sign of flight was visible in any quarter. the front —rankers fell, the second line moved up to replace the first, that the standards might not want defenders.

> Latin: 39.7. ultimis deinde subsidiis cietur miles; adeoque ad ultimum laboris ac periculi ventum est ut equites Romani omissis equis ad primos ordines peditum per arma, per corpora evaserint. velut nova inter fessos exorta acies turbavit signa Etruscorum;

[¶6] 39.8. that the last reserves were called upon; and to such extremity of distress and danger did the Romans come that their cavalry dismounted, and made their way over arms and over bodies to the front ranks of the infantry. a fresh line springing up amongst the exhausted combatants, they wrought havoc in the companies of the Etruscans. the rest of the soldiers, following up their charge, despite of weariness, at last broke through the enemy's ranks.

> Latin: 39.8. secuta deinde impetum eorum, utcumque adfecta erat, cetera multitudo tandem perrumpit ordines hostium. vinci pertinacia coepta et averti manipuli quidam, et, ut semel dedere hi terga, etiam ceteri item capessere fugam.

[¶7] 39.10. this their stubbornness began to be overcome, and certain companies to face about; and when these had once turned tail, the rest likewise took to flight. day for the first time broke the might of the Etruscans, which had long flourished in prosperity. strength was cut off in the battle, and their camp was taken and plundered in the same attack.

> Latin: 39.10. primum dies fortuna vetere abundantes Etruscorum fregit opes. in acie, quod roboris fuit; castra eodem impetu capta direptaque. subinde periculo gloriaeque eventu bellum in Samnitibus erat, qui praeter ceteros cetoros belli apparatus, ut acies sua fulgeret novis armorum insignibus fecerunt.

[¶8] 40.2. The war in Samnium, immediately afterwards, was attended with equal danger and an equally glorious conclusion. The enemy, besides their other warlike preparations, had made their battle —line to glitter with new and splendid arms. were two corps: the shields of the one were inlaid with gold, of the other with silver. The shape of the shield was this: the upper part, where it protected the breast and shoulders, was rather broad, with a level top; below it was somewhat tapering, to make it easier to handle.

> Latin: 40.2. exercitus erant; scuta alterius auro, alterius argento caelaverunt; forma erat scuti: summum latius, qua pectus atque umeri teguntur, fastigio aequali; ad imum cuneatior mobilitatis causa.

[¶9] 40.3. wore a sponge to protect the breast, and the left leg was covered with a greave. helmets were crested, to make their stature appear greater. The tunics of the gilded warriors were parti —coloured; those of the silvern ones were linen of a dazzling white.

> Latin: 40.3. pectori tegumentum et sinistrum crus ocrea tectum; galeae cristatae, quae speciem speeiem magnitudini corporum adderent. auratis militibus versicolores, argentatis linteae candidae. vaginae argenteae, baltea argentea: auratae vaginae, aurea baltea illis erant, et equorum inaurata tapeta. dextrum cornu datum; illi in sinistro consistunt.

[¶10] 40.4. The latter had silver sheaths and silver baldrics: the former gilded sheaths and golden baldrics, and their horses had gold —embroidered saddle —cloths.

> Latin: 40.4. iam Romanis apparatus insignium armorum fuerat doctique a ducibus erant horridum militem esse debere, non caelatum auro et argento sed ferro et animis fretum:

[¶11] 40.5. The right wing was assigned to these: the others took up their post on the left. The Romans had already learned of these splendid accoutrements, and their generals had taught them that a soldier should be rough to look on, not adorned with gold and silver but putting his trust in iron and in courage:

> Latin: 40.5. quippe illa praedam verius quam arma esse, nitentia ante rem, deformia inter sanguinem et volnera.

[¶12] 40.6. indeed those other things were more truly spoil than arms, shining bright before a battle, but losing their beauty in the midst of blood and wounds;

> Latin: 40.6. esse militis decus et omnia illa victoriam sequi et ditem hostem quamvis pauperis victoris praemium esse.

[¶13] 40.7. manhood they said, was the adornment of a soldier; all those other things went with the victory, and a rich enemy was the prize of the victor, however poor. his men were animated by these words, Cursor led them into battle.

> Latin: 40.7. Cursor vocibus instinctos milites in proelium ducit. ipse cornu consistit, sinistro praefecit magistrum equitum.

[¶14] 40.8. took up his own post on the right, and committed the left to the master of the horse.

> Latin: 40.8. est concursum, ingens fuit cum hoste certamen, non segnius inter dictatorem et magistrum equitum ab utra parte victoria inciperet.

[¶15] 40.9. the moment of encountering, there was a mighty struggle with the enemy, and a struggle no less sharp between the dictator and the master of the horse, to decide which wing was to inaugurate the victory. so happened that Junius was the first to make an impression on the Samnites. the Roman left he faced the enemy's right, where they had consecrated themselves, as their custom was, and for that reason were resplendent in white coats and equally white armour.

> Latin: 40.9. forte iunius lunius commovit hostem, laevo dextrum cornu, sacratos more Samnitium milites eoque candida veste et paribus candore armis insignes; eos se Orco mactare Iunius dictitans cum intulisset signa turbavit ordines et haud dubie impulit aciem.

[¶16] 40.10. that he offered up these men in sacrifice to Orcus, Junius charged, threw their ranks into disorder, and clearly made their line recoil.

> Latin: 40.10. ubi sensit dictator, laevone cornu victoria incipiet inquit, et dextrum cornu, dictatoris acies, alienam pugnam sequetur, non partem maximam victoriae trahet?

[¶17] 40.11. the dictator saw this, he cried, “the victory begin upon the left? the right, the dictator's division, follow the attack of others? it not carry off the honours of ” “the victory?”

> Latin: 40.11. milites; nec peditum virtuti equites aut legatorum studia ducibus cedunt.

[¶18] 40.12. fired the soldiers with new energy; nor did the cavalry display less valour than the foot, or the lieutenants less enthusiasm than the generals. Marcus Valerius on the right and Publius Decius on the left, both men of consular rank, rode out to the cavalry, which was posted on the wings, and, exhorting them to join with themselves in seizing a share of glory, charged obliquely against the enemy's flanks.

> Latin: 40.12. M. Valerius a dextro, P. Decius ab laevo cornu, ambo consulares, ad equites in cornibus positos evehuntur adhortatique eos ut partem secum capesserent decoris in transversa latera hostium incurrunt.

[¶19] 40.13. a new and appalling danger enveloped their line on either side, and when the Roman legions, observing the terror of the Samnites, pressed forward with redoubled shouts, the enemy began to flee. The fields were soon heaped with slain and with glittering armour. first the frightened Samnites found a refuge in their camp, but presently even that had to be abandoned, and ere nightfall it had been taken, sacked, and set on fire.

> Latin: 40.13. novus additus terror cum ex parte utraque circumvasisset aciem et ad terrorem hostium legiones Romanae redintegrato clamore intulissent gradum, tum fuga ab Samnitibus coepta. strage hominum armorumque insignium campi repleri. primo pavidos Samnites castra sua accepere, deinde ne ea quidem retenta; captis direptisque ante noctem iniectus ignis. ex senatus consulto triumphavit, cuius triumpho triumph longe maximam speciem captiva arma praebuere.

[¶20] 40.15. The dictator, as decreed by the senate, celebrated a triumph, in which by far the finest show was afforded by the captured armour.

> Latin: 40.15. magnificentiae visum in iis, ut aurata scuta dominis argentariarum ad forum ornandum dividerentur. natum initium dicitur fori ornandi ab aedilibus cum tensae ducerentur.

[¶21] 40.16. magnificent was its appearance that the shields inlaid with gold were divided up amongst the owners of the moneychangers' booths, to be used in decking out the Forum. this is said to have come the custom of the aediles adorning the Forum whenever the tensae, or covered chariots of the gods, were conducted through it.

> Latin: 40.16. Romani quidem ad honorem deum insignibus armis hostium usi sunt: Campani ab superbia et odio Samnitium gladiatores, quod spectaculum inter epulas erat, eo ornatu armarunt Samnitiumque nomine compellarunt.

[¶22] 40.17. the Romans made use of the splendid armour of their enemies to do honour to the gods; while the Campanians, in consequence of their pride and in hatred of the Samnites, equipped after this fashion the gladiators who furnished them entertainment at their feasts, and bestowed on them the name of Samnites.

> Latin: 40.17. anno cum reliquiis Etruscorum ad Perusiam, quae et ipsa indutiarum fidem ruperat, Fabius consul nec dubia nec difficili victoria dimicat.

[¶23] 40.18. the same year the consul Fabius fought a battle with the remnants of the Etruscan forces near Perusia —which, together with other cities, had broken the truce —and gained an easy and decisive victory.

> Latin: 40.18. oppidum—nam ad moenia victor accessit—cepisset, ni legati dedentes urbem exissent.

[¶24] 40.19. would have taken the town itself —for after the battle he marched up to the walls —had not ambassadors come out and surrendered the place.

> Latin: 40.19. Perusiae imposito, legationibus Etruriae amicitiam petentibus prae se Romam ad senatum missis consul praestantiore etiam quam dictator victoria triumphans urbem est invectus;

[¶25] 40.20. placed a garrison in Perusia and having sent on before him to the senate in Rome the Etruscan deputations which had come to him seeking friendship, the consul was borne in triumph into the City, after gaining a success more brilliant even than the dictator's; indeed the glory of conquering the Samnites was largely diverted upon the lieutenants, Publius Decius and Marcus Valerius, of whom, at the next election, the people with great enthusiasm made the one consul and the other praetor.

> Latin: 40.20. quin etiam devictorum Samnitium decus magna ex parte ad legatos, P. Decium et M. Valerium, est versum; quos populus proximis comitiis ingenti consensu consulem alterum, alterum praetorem declaravit. Fabio ob egregie perdomitam Etruriam continuatur consulatus; Decius collega datur. Valerius praetor quartum creatus. partiti provincias: Etruria Decio, Samnium Fabio evenit.

[¶26] 41.2. recognition of his remarkable conquest of Etruria, Fabius was continued in the consulship, and was given Decius for his colleague. Valerius was for the fourth time chosen praetor. The consuls cast lots for the commands, Etruria falling to Decius and Samnium to Fabius. The latter marched against Nuceria Alfaterna, and rejecting that city's overtures of peace because its people had declined it when it was offered them, laid siege to the place and forced it to surrender. battle was fought with the Samnites, in which the enemy were defeated without much difficulty, nor would the engagement have been remembered but for the fact that it was the first time that the Marsi had made war against the Romans.

> Latin: 41.2. profectus ad Nuceriam Alfaternam, cum pacem petentes, quod uti ea cum daretur noluissent, aspernatus esset, oppugnando ad deditionem subegit. Samnitibus acie dimicatum. magno certamine hostes victi; neque eius pugnae memoria tradita foret, ni Marsi eo primum proelio cum Romanis bellassent. Marsorum defectionem Paeligni eandem fortunam habuerunt hlabuerunt.

[¶27] 41.5. The Paeligni imitated the defection of the Marsi, and met with the same fate. Decius, the other consul, was also successful in war.

> Latin: 41.5. Decio quoque, alteri consuli, secunda belli fortuna erat. metu subegerat frumentum exercitui praebere atque indutias in quadraginta annos petere.

[¶28] 41.6. he had frightened the Tarquinienses into furnishing corn for the army and seeking a truce for forty years, he captured by storm a number of strongholds belonging to the people of Volsinii.

> Latin: 41.6. castella aliquot vi cepit; quaedam ex his diruit ne receptaculo hostibus essent; circumferendoque passim bello tantum terrorem sui fecit ut nomen omne Etruscum foedus ab consule peteret.

[¶29] 41.7. of these he dismantled, lest they should serve as a refuge for the enemy, and by devastating far and wide he made himself so feared that all who bore the Etruscan name begged the consul to grant them a treaty. privilege they were denied, but a truce for a year was granted them.

> Latin: 41.7. de eo quidem nihil impetratum; indutiae annuae datae. exercitu Romano ab hoste in eum annum pensum et binae tunicae in militem exactae; ea merces indutiarum fuit.

[¶30] 41.8. were required to furnish the Roman army with a year's pay and two tunics for each soldier; such was the price they paid for a truce. The tranquillity which now obtained in Etruria was disturbed by a sudden revolt of the Umbrians, a people which had escaped all the distress of war, except that an army had passed through their territory.

> Latin: 41.8. res iam in Etruscis turbavit repentina defectio Umbrorum, gentis integrae a cladibus belli, nisi quod transitum exercitus ager senserat.

[¶31] 41.9. up all their fighting men, and inducing great part of the Etruscans to rebel, they mustered so large an army, that they boasted, with much glorifying of themselves and fleering at the Romans, that they would leave Decius behind them in Etruria and march off to the assault of Rome.

> Latin: 41.9. concitata omni iuventute sua et magna parte Etruscorum ad rebellionem compulsa tantum exercitum fecerant ut relicto post se in Etruria Decio ad oppugnandam inde Romam ituros, magnifice de se ac contemptim de Romanis loquentes, iactarent.

[¶32] 41.10. this purpose of theirs was reported to the consul Decius, he hastened by forced marches from Etruria towards the City, and encamped in the fields belonging to Pupinia, eagerly waiting for word of their approach.

> Latin: 41.10. inceptum eorum ubi ad Decium consulem perlatum est, ad urbem ex Etruria magnis itineribus pergit et in agro Pupiniensi ad famam intentus hostium consedit.

[¶33] 41.11. Rome no one made light of an Umbrian invasion. very threats had excited fear in those who had learnt from the Gallic disaster how unsafe was the City they inhabited.

> Latin: 41.11. Romae spernebatur Umbrorum bellum, et ipsae minae metum fecerant expertis Gallica clade quam intutam urbem incolerent.

[¶34] 41.12. envoys were dispatched to carry word to Fabius the consul, that if there were any slackening in the Samnite war he should with all speed lead his army into Umbria.

> Latin: 41.12. legati ad Fabium consulem missi sunt, ut si quid laxamenti a bello Samnitium esset, in Umbriam propere exercitum duceret.

[¶35] 41.13. The consul obeyed the order, and advanced by long marches to Mevania, where the forces of the Umbrians at that time lay.

> Latin: 41.13. paruit consul magnisque itineribus ad Mevaniam, ubi tum copiae Umbrorum erant, perrexit.

[¶36] 41.14. The sudden arrival of the consul, whom they had believed to have his hands full with another war in Samnium, a long way from Umbria, so dismayed the Umbrians that some were for falling back on their fortified cities, and others for giving up the war; but one canton —which they themselves call Materina —not only kept the rest to their arms, but brought them to an immediate engagement.

> Latin: 41.14. adventus consulis, quem procul Umbria in Samnio bello alio occupatum crediderant, ita exterruit Umbros ut alii recedendum ad urbes munitas, quidam omittendum bellum censerent; plaga una —Materinam ipsi appellant—non continuit modo ceteros in armis sed confestim ad certamen egit. vallantem Fabium adorti sunt.

[¶37] 41.16. Fabius was entrenching his camp when they attacked him. soon as he saw them rushing madly upon his ramparts, he recalled the soldiers from their work and drew them up, as time and the nature of the ground permitted, and encouraging them with a true relation of the honours they had won, some in Etruria and some in Samnium, bade them end this trivial sequel to the Etruscan war, and revenge upon the foe his impious threat that he would assault the City of Rome.

> Latin: 41.16. ubi effusos ruere in munimenta consul vidit, revocatos milites ab opere, prout loci natura tempusque patiebatur, ita instruxit; cohortatusque praedicatione vera qua in Tuscis, qua in Samnio partorum decorum exiguam appendicem Etrusci belli conficere iubet et vocis impiae poenas expetere, qua se urbem Romanam oppugnaturos minati sint.

[¶38] 41.17. These words were received by the soldiers with such alacrity that the speech of the general was interrupted by a spontaneous cheer., before the command could be given, they hurled themselves —to the blare of horns and trumpets —with the wildest abandon against the enemy.

> Latin: 41.17. tanta sunt alacritate militum audita ut clamor sua sponte ortus loquentem interpellaverit ducem. imperium, deinde concentu tubarum ac cornuum cursu effuso in hostem feruntur.

[¶39] 41.18. fought not as though their opponents had been men and armed; but —marvellous to relate -began with tearing the standards out of the bearers' hands, and then fell to dragging the bearers themselves before the consul and to bringing armed men over from the other line to their own; wherever they met with resistance, they did their work more with shields than with swords, swinging them from the shoulder and knocking down their enemies with the bosses.

> Latin: 41.18. tamquam in viros aut armatos incurrunt; mirabilia dictu, signa primo eripi coepta signiferis, deinde ipsi signiferi trahi ad consulem, armatique milites ex acie in aciem transferri, et sicubi est certamen, scutis magis quam gladiis geritur res; umbonibus incussaque ala sternuntur hostes.

[¶40] 41.19. The slain were outnumbered by the prisoners, and all along the battle line one cry was heard: that they should lay down their arms.

> Latin: 41.19. capitur hominum quam caeditur, atque una vox ponere arma iubentium per totam fertur aciem.

[¶41] 41.20. so, while the battle was still going on, the surrender was made, by the men who had first advocated war. the next and on succeeding days the other peoples of Umbria also capitulated: the men of Ocriculum were received into friendship under a stipulation.

> Latin: 41.20. inter ipsum certamen facta deditio est a primis auctoribus belli. insequentibusque diebus et ceteri Umbrorum populi deduntur; Ocriculani sponsione in amicitiam accepti. Fabius, alienae sortis victor belli, in suam provinciam exercitum reduxit.

[¶42] 42.2. Fabius, having won a war assigned by lot to another man, led his army back to his own province. as in the preceding year the people had rewarded his successful campaign by re —electing him to the consulship, so now the senate continued him in command for the year to follow. The new consuls were Appius Claudius and Lucius Volumnius, the former of whom had strongly opposed the resolution.

> Latin: 42.2. ei ob res tam feliciter gestas, sicut priore anno populus continuaverat consulatum, ita senatus in insequentem annum, quo Ap. Claudius L. Volumnius consules fuerunt, prorogavit maxime Appio adversante imperium.

[¶43] 42.3. find in certain annals that Appius sought the consulship when censor, and that Lucius Furius, a tribune of the plebs, refused to let him stand until he should have resigned the censorship.

> Latin: 42.3. censorem petisse consulatum comitiaque eius ab L. Furio tribuno plebis interpellata, donec se censura abdicarit, in quibusdam annalibus invenio.

[¶44] 42.4. The election over, his colleague was decreed the command in the new war —with the Sallentini —and Appius remained in Rome, to strengthen his power by civil arts, since the means of acquiring repute in war remained with others.

> Latin: 42.4. consul, cum collegae novum bellum, Sallentini hostes decernerentur, Romae mansit ut urbanis artibus opes augeret quando belli decus penes alios esset.

[¶45] 42.5. Volumnius had no cause to regret his assignment. engaged in many successful battles and took several hostile towns by assault. in his distribution of the spoil, he enhanced the effect of a liberality which was pleasing in itself by his friendly bearing —traits which had made his soldiers eager for toil and danger.

> Latin: 42.5. Volumnium provinciae haud paenituit. secunda proelia fecit, aliquot urbes hostium vi cepit. erat largitor et benignitatem per se gratam comitate adiuvabat militemque his artibus fecerat et periculi et laboris avidum.

[¶46] 42.6. The proconsul Quintus Fabius fought near the city Allifae a pitched battle with the army of the Samnites. The result was anything but doubtful, for the enemy were routed and driven into their camp; and they could not have held the camp had there not been very little daylight left. so they were invested before dark, and guards were posted in the night to prevent anyone's escaping.

> Latin: 42.6. Q. Fabius pro consule ad urbem Allifas cum Samnitium exercitu signis conlatis confligit. ambigua res fuit; fusi hostes atque in castra compulsi. castra forent retenta, ni exiguum superfuisset diei; ante noctem tamen sunt circumsessa et nocte custodita ne quis elabi posset.

[¶47] 42.7. day, before it was well light, they began to surrender. The Samnites among them bargained to be dismissed in their tunics; all these were sent under the yoke.

> Latin: 42.7. die vixdum luce certa deditio fieri coepta et pacti qui Samnitium forent ut cum singulis vestimentis emitterentur; ii omnes sub iugum missi.

[¶48] 42.8. The allies of the Samnites were protected by no guarantee, and were sold into slavery, to the number of seven thousand. who gave themselves out for Hernic citizens were detained apart in custody, and Fabius sent them all to the senate in Rome.

> Latin: 42.8. Samnitium nihil cautum; ad septem milia sub corona veniere. se civem Hernicum dixerat seorsus in custodia habitus.

[¶49] 42.9. an enquiry was held as to whether they had been conscripted or had fought voluntarily for the Samnites against the Romans; after which they were parcelled out amongst the Latins to be guarded, and a resolution was passed directing the new consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina and Quintus Marcius Tremulus —for these men had been elected —to refer the matter to the senate for fresh action.

> Latin: 42.9. omnes Fabius Romam ad senatum misit; et cum quaesitum esset dilectu an voluntarii pro Samnitibus adversus Romanos bellassent per Latinos populos custodiendi dantur, iussique eam earn integram rem novi consules P. Cornelius Arvina Q. Marcius Tremulus—hi enim iam creati erant—ad senatum referre.

[¶50] 42.11. the Hernici resented. The people of Anagnia assembled a council of all the states in the circus which they call the Maritime Circus, and all of the Hernic name, excepting the inhabitants of Aletrium, Ferentinum and Verulae, declared war on the Roman People.

> Latin: 42.11. aegre passi Hernici; concilium populorum omnium habentibus Anagninis in circo quem Maritimum vocant praeter Aletrinatem Ferentinatemque et Verulanum omnes Hernici nominis populo Romano bellum indixerunt. Samnio quoque, quia decesserat inde Fabius, novi motus exorti. Calatia et Sora praesidiaque quae in his Romana erant expugnata et in captivorum corpora militum foede saevitum.

[¶51] 43.2. Samnium, too, the departure of Fabius was the cause of fresh disturbances. Calatia and Sora with their Roman garrisons were taken by assault, and the captured soldiers were treated with shameful rigour. Publius Cornelius was dispatched in that direction with an army. The new enemies —for by this time war had been declared on the men of Anagnia and the other Hernici —were allotted to Marcius. the outset of the campaign the enemy were so successful in seizing all the strategic points between the camps of the consuls, that not even a nimble courier could get through, and for some days the consuls were kept in uncertainty regarding everything and could only speculate about one another's state. for their safety even extended to Rome, where all of military age were given the oath and two full armies were enlisted, to meet any sudden emergencies.

> Latin: 43.2. eo P. Cornelius cum exercitu missus; Marcio novi hostes—iam enim Anagninis Hernicisque aliis bellum iussum erat—decernuntur. ita omnia opportuna loca hostes inter consulum castra interceperunt ut pervadere expeditus nuntius non posset et per aliquot dies incerti rerum omnium suspensique de statu alterius uterque consul ageret, Romamque is metus manaret, adeo ut omnes iuniores sacramento adigerentur atque ad subita rerum duo iusti scriberentur exercitus.

[¶52] 43.5. the war with the Hernici by no means answered to the present panic or to the nation's old renown.

> Latin: 43.5. Hernicum bellum nequaquam pro praesenti terrore ac vetusta gentis gloria fuit.

[¶53] 43.6. ventured nothing to speak of at any point, and having lost three camps in the space of a few days they bargained for a thirty days' truce, to enable them to send envoys to the senate in Rome, and delivered up two months' pay and corn, and a tunic for every soldier.

> Latin: 43.6. usquam dictu dignum ausi, trinis castris intra paucos dies exuti, triginta dierum indutias ita ut ad senatum Romam legatos mitterent, pacti sunt bimestri stipendio frumentoque et singulis in militem tunicis.

[¶54] 43.7. The senate sent them back to Marcius, having passed a resolution empowering him to deal with the Hernici as he saw fit. received, their submission on terms of unconditional surrender. Samnium the other consul was also stronger than the enemy, but was more embarrassed by the character of the ground.

> Latin: 43.7. senatu ad Marcium reiecti, cui senatus consulto permissum de Hernicis erat, isque eam earn gentem in deditionem accepit.

[¶55] 43.8. The enemy had blockaded all the roads and seized the practicable passes, to prevent supplies being brought up anywhere. though the consul offered battle daily, he could not entice them to fight.

> Latin: 43.8. in Samnio alter consul superior viribus, locis impeditior erat. itinera obsaepserant hostes saltusque pervios ceperant, ne qua subvehi commeatus possent; neque eos, cum cottidie signa in aciem consul proferret, elicere ad certamen poterat;

[¶56] 43.9. was quite apparent that the Samnites would not accept an immediate engagement, nor the Romans endure any prolongation of the war.

> Latin: 43.9. satisque apparebat neque Samnitem certamen praesens nec Romanum dilationem belli laturum.

[¶57] 43.10. The arrival of Marcius, who, having subdued the Hernici, made haste to come to the assistance of his colleague, deprived the enemy of any power to delay the struggle.

> Latin: 43.10. Marci, qui Hernicis subactis maturavit collegae venire auxilio, moram certaminis hosti exemit.

[¶58] 43.11. since they had not considered themselves equal to a battle with even one army, and believed that, once they had suffered two consular armies to unite, there would be no hope for them, they made an attack on Marcius as he was approaching in loose marching older.

> Latin: 43.11. ut qui ne alteri quidem exercitui se ad certamen credidissent pares, coniungi utique passi duos consulares exercitus nihil crederent superesse spei, advenientem incomposito agmine Marcium adgrediuntur.

[¶59] 43.12. throwing down their packs in the midst, the Romans formed up as well as time permitted. The shouting was the first thing that was noticed in the camp of Cornelius., far off, a cloud of dust was descried, and caused a commotion in the camp.

> Latin: 43.12. conlatae sarcinae in medium, et prout tempus patiebatur instructa acies. primum in stativa perlatus, dein conspectus procul pulvis tumultum apud alterum consulem in castris fecit;

[¶60] 43.13. The consul ordered his men to arm, and leading them quickly out into line attacked the enemy in the flank, when their hands were full with another struggle, crying out that it would be a burning shame if they let the other army win both victories, and failed to claim for themselves the glory of their own campaign.

> Latin: 43.13. isque confestim arma capere iussis raptimque eductis in aciem militibus transversam hostium aciem atque alio certamine occupatam invadit, clamitans summum flagitium fore si alterum exercitum utriusque victoriae compotem sinerent fieri nec ad se sui belli vindicarent decus.

[¶61] 43.15. through at the point where he had charged, he advanced through the enemy's line, and capturing their camp, which was empty of defenders, set fire to it.

> Latin: 43.15. impetum dederat perrumpit aciemque per mediam in castra hostium tendit et vacua defensoribus capit atque incendit.

[¶62] 43.16. the soldiers of Marcius saw the blaze, and the enemy, looking over their shoulders, saw it too, the flight of the Samnites soon became general; but at every point death blocked the way, and there was no escaping anywhere.

> Latin: 43.16. ubi flagrantia Marcianus miles conspexit et hostes respexere, tum passim fuga coepta Samnitium fieri; sed omnia obtinet caedes, nec in ullam partem tutum perfugium est.

[¶63] 43.17. thousand of the enemy had already fallen, and the consuls had sounded the recall and were proceeding to assemble their forces in one body, amid the mutual congratulations and rejoicings of the men, when suddenly some new cohorts of the Samnites, which had been levied as reliefs, were made out in the distance, and occasioned a renewal of the slaughter.

> Latin: 43.17. triginta milibus hostium caesis signum receptui consules dederant colligebantque in unum copias in vicem inter se gratantes, cum repente visae procul hostium novae cohortes, quae in supplementum scriptae fuerant, integravere caedem.

[¶64] 43.18. The victors rushed upon them, without orders from the consuls or receiving any signal, exclaiming that the Samnites must begin their soldiering with a bitter lesson.

> Latin: 43.18. quas nec iussu consulum nec signo accepto victores vadunt, malo tirocinio imbuendum Samnitem clamitantes.

[¶65] 43.19. The consuls indulged the ardour of the legions, being well aware that the enemy's recruits, in the midst of routed veterans, would scarce be equal to so much as an attempt at fighting. were not mistaken.

> Latin: 43.19. consules legionum ardori, ut qui probe scirent novum militem hostium inter perculsos fuga veteranos ne temptando quidem satis certamini fore.

[¶66] 43.20. the forces of the Samnites, old and new, broke and fled to the nearest mountains, up which the Romans too advanced in pursuit of them. The conquered could find no refuge anywhere that afforded safety, but were driven pell —mell from the ridges where they had made a stand. now with one voice they all begged for peace.

> Latin: 43.20. eos opinio fefellit: omnes ones Samnitium copiae, veteres novaeque, montes proximos fuga capiunt. et Romana erigitur acies, nec quicquam satis tuti loci victis est, et de iugis quae ceperant funduntur; iamque una voce omnes pacem petebant.

[¶67] 43.21. were required to furnish corn for three months, with a year's pay and a tunic for each Roman soldier, and envoys were then dispatched to the senate to sue for terms. Cornelius was left in Samnium.

> Latin: 43.21. trium mensum frumento imperato et annuo stipendio ac singulis in militem tunicis ad senatum pacis oratores missi.

[¶68] 43.22. Marcius returned to the City, which he entered in a triumph over the Hernici. An equestrian statue in the Forum was decreed him and was erected in front of the temple of Castor.

> Latin: 43.22. Cornelius in Samnio relictus: Marcius de Hernicis triumphans in urbem rediit, statuaque equestris in foro decreta est, quae ante templum Castoris posita est.

[¶69] 43.23. the three Hernic peoples of Aletrium, Verulae, and Ferentinum their own laws were restored, because they preferred them to Roman citizenship, and they were given the right to intermarry with each other —a privilege which for some time they were the only Hernici to enjoy.

> Latin: 43.23. Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati Verulano Ferentinati, qui id maluerunt quam civitatem,suae leges redditae, conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum.

[¶70] 43.24. The people of Anagnia and such others as had borne arms against the Romans were admitted to citizenship without the right of voting. were prohibited from holding councils and from intermarrying, and were allowed no magistrates save those who had charge of religious rites.

> Latin: 43.24. Anagninis quique alii arma Romanis intulerant civitas sine suffragii latione: data concilia conubiaque adempta et magistratibus praeter quam sacrorum curatione interdictum.

[¶71] 43.25. the same year the censor Gaius Junius Bubulcus let the contract for the temple of Safety, which he had vowed, while consul, during the Samnite war. and his colleague, Marcus Valerius Maximus, built roads through the countryside at the public costs.

> Latin: 43.25. anno aedes Salutis a C. Iunio Bubulco censore locata est, quam consul bello Samnitium voverat. eodem collegaque eius M. Valerio Maximo viae per agros publica impensa factae.

[¶72] 43.26. this year also the treaty with the Carthaginians was renewed for the third time, and their ambassadors, who had come for the purpose of arranging it, were treated with courtesy and given presents.

> Latin: 43.26. cum Carthaginiensibus eodem anno foedus tertio renovatum, legatisque eorum, qui ad id venerant, comiter munera missa. idem annus habuit P. Cornelium Scipionem cum magistro equitum P. Decio Mure.

[¶73] 44.2. The same year had a dictator in the person of Publius Cornelius Scipio, the master of the horse being Publius Decius Mus. These men held a consular election —for to this end they had been appointed, since neither consul had been able to leave the seat of war.

> Latin: 44.2. his, propter quae creati erant, comitia consularia habita, quia neuter consulum potuerat bello abesse.

[¶74] 44.3. The consuls chosen were Lucius Postumius and Tiberius Minucius. Piso makes these men follow Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, omitting the two years in which we have placed the consulship of Claudius and Volumnius and that of Cornelius and Marcius.

> Latin: 44.3. consules L. Postumius Ti. Minucius. consules Piso Q. Fabio et P. Decio suggerit biennio exempto quo Claudium Volumniumque et Cornelium cum Marcio consules factos tradidimus.

[¶75] 44.4. in the redaction of his annals he forgot them, or omitted two sets of consuls purposely, as not authentic, is uncertain.

> Latin: 44.4. fugerit in annalibus digerendis, an consulto binos consules, falsos ratus, transcendent, incertum est.

[¶76] 44.5. that year also the Samnites made forays upon the Campus Stellatis in Campania.

> Latin: 44.5. anno in campum Stellatem agri Campani Samnitium incursiones factae.

[¶77] 44.6. consuls were accordingly dispatched into Samnium in different directions, Postumius marching on Tifernum, and Minucius on Bovianum. The fighting began at Tifernum, where Postumius commanded. relate that the Samnites were decisively beaten and that twenty thousand prisoners were taken;

> Latin: 44.6. ambo consules in Samnium missi cum diversas regiones, Tifernum Postumius Bovianum Minucius petisset, Postumi prius ductu ad Tifernum pugnatum. haud dubie Samnites victos ac viginti milia hominum capta tradunt, alii Marte aequo discessum et Postumium metum simulantem nocturno itinere clam in montes copias abduxisse, hostes secutos duo milia inde locis munitis et ipsos consedisse.

[¶78] 44.8. others that the armies quitted the field on even terms, and that Postumius, feigning fear, in the night withdrew his forces secretly to the mountains, where the enemy followed him and themselves entrenched a camp, at a distance of two miles from his. The consul, that it might appear to have been his object to gain a position at once secure and abounding in supplies, — and such indeed it was —having fortified his camp and equipped it with all manner of useful things, left in it a strong garrison, and in the third watch led his legions in light marching order by the most direct route to his colleague, who likewise lay in camp, facing another army.

> Latin: 44.8. Consul ut stativa tuta copiosaque—et ita erant— petisse videretur, postquam et munimentis castra firmavit et omni apparatu rerum utilium instruxit, relicto firmo praesidio de vigilia tertia, qua duci proxime potest, expeditas legiones ad collegam, et ipsum adversus alios sedentem, ducit. auctore Postumio Minucius cum hostibus signa confert, et, cum anceps proelium in multum diei processisset, tum Postumius integris legionibus defessam iam aciem hostium improviso invadit.

[¶79] 44.11. , at the instigation of Postumius, Minucius gave battle to the enemy; and when the doubtful struggle had been prolonged until late in the afternoon, Postumius with his fresh legions fell unexpectedly upon the now jaded forces of their opponents.

> Latin: 44.11. cum lassitudo ac volnera fugam quoque praepedissent, occidione occisi hostes, signa unum et viginti capta atque inde ad castra Postumi perrectum.

[¶80] 44.12. The Samnites, debarred by their weariness and wounds even from flight, were utterly annihilated, and the Romans, having taken twenty —one standards, set out for the camp of Postumius.

> Latin: 44.12. duo victores exercitus perculsum iam fama hostem adorti fundunt fugantque; signa militaria sex et viginti capta et imperator Samnitium Statius Gellius multique alii mortales et castra utraque capta.

[¶81] 44.13. the two victorious armies assailed the enemy, already dismayed by the tidings of the other battle, and overwhelmingly routed them, capturing six —and —twenty standards, the commander of the Samnites —Statius Gellius —and many other prisoners, besides both camps.

> Latin: 44.13. Bovianum urbs postero die coepta oppugnari brevi capitur, magnaque gloria rerum gestarum consules triumpharunt.

[¶82] 44.14. the following day they began the siege of the city of Bovianum, and on its capture, which quickly ensued, the consuls crowned their glorious achievements with a triumph.

> Latin: 44.14. Minucium consulem, cum volnere gravi relatum in castra, mortuum quidam auctores sunt, et M. Fulvium in locum eius consulem suffectum, et ab eo, cum ad exercitum Minuci missus esset, Bovianum captum.

[¶83] 44.15. writers state that Minucius the consul was severely wounded and expired after being carried back to his camp. add that Marcus Fulvius was made consul suffect in his place, and that it was he who, being sent out to the army of Minucius, captured Bovianum. that year Sora, Arpinum, and Cesennia were won back from the Samnites. The great statue of Hercules was set up and dedicated on the Capitol.

> Latin: 44.15. anno Sora Arpinum Cesennia recepta ab Samnitibus. Herculis magnum simulacrum in Capitolio positum dedicatumque. P. Sulpicio Saverrione P. Sempronio Sopho consulibus Samnites, seu finem seu dilationem belli quaerentes, legatos de pace Romam Roman misere.

[¶84] 45.2. the consulship of Publius Sulpicius Saverrio and Publius Sempronius Sophus, the Samnites, whether seeking to end or only to postpone hostilities, sent envoys to Rome to treat for peace. their humble supplications the answer was returned, that if the Samnites had not frequently sought peace while preparing for war, a treaty could have been arranged by mutual discussion: as it was, since words had hitherto proved of no effect, the Romans must needs take their stand on facts.

> Latin: 45.2. suppliciter agentibus responsum est, nisi saepe bellum parantes pacem petissent Samnites, oratione ultro citro habita de pace transigi potuisse; nunc, quando verba vana ad id locorum fuerint, rebus standum esse.

[¶85] 45.3. Publius Sempronius, the consul, would shortly be in Samnium with an army; he was one whom they would be unable to deceive as to whether their hearts inclined to peace or war; after a thorough investigation he would report his findings to the senate; and on his leaving Samnium their envoys might attend him.

> Latin: 45.3. P. Sempronium consulem cum exercitu brevi in Samnio fore; eum, ad bellum pacemne inclinent animi, falli non posse; comperta omnia senatui relaturum; decedentem ex Samnio consulem legati sequerentur.

[¶86] 45.4. The Roman army marched all over Samnium; the people were peaceable and furnished the army liberally with supplies; accordingly their ancient treaty was in that year restored again to the Samnites.

> Latin: 45.4. anno cum pacatum Samnium exercitus Romanus benigne praebito commeatu peragrasset, foedus antiquum Samnitibus redditum.

[¶87] 45.5. The arms of Rome were then directed against the Aequi, who had been her enemies of old, but for many years past had remained quiet, under colour of a peace which they observed but treacherously.

> Latin: 45.5. Aequos inde, veteres hostes, ceterum per multos annos sub specie infidae pacis quietos, versa arma Romana, quod incolumi Hernico nomine missitaverant simul cum iis Samniti auxilia et post Hernicos subactos universa prope gens sine dissimulatione consilii publici ad hostes desciverat;

[¶88] 45.6. The reason for making war on them was as follows: before the overthrow of the Hernici they had repeatedly joined with them in sending assistance to the Samnites, and after the subjugation of the Hernici, almost the entire nation had gone over to the enemy, without attempting to disguise their policy;

> Latin: 45.6. et postquam icto Romae cum Samnitibus foedere fetiales venerant res repetitum, temptationem aiebant esse ut terrore incusso belli Romanos se fieri paterentur;

[¶89] 45.7. and when fetials had applied to them for reparation, after the adoption of the Samnite treaty at Rome, they had persistently asserted that the Romans were attempting under threats of war to intimidate them into becoming Roman citizens; and how little that was a thing to be desired had been shown, they said, by the Hernici, since those who had been permitted to do so had chosen their own laws in preference to Roman citizenship, while those who had not been given an option were to have citizenship thrust upon them as a punishment.

> Latin: 45.7. quod quanto opere optandum foret Hernicos docuisse, cum quibus licuerit suas leges Romanae civitati praeoptaverint: quibus legendi quid mallent copia non fuerit pro poena necessariam civitatem fore. haec volgo in conciliis iactata populus Romanus bellum fieri Aequis iussit;

[¶90] 45.9. of such expressions, publicly uttered in their assemblies, the Roman People decreed that war should be made upon the Aequi.

> Latin: 45.9. consulesque ambo ad novum profecti bellum quattuor milia a castris hostium consederunt.

[¶91] 45.10. consuls set out for the new seat of operations, and took up a position four miles from the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 45.10. Aequorum exercitus, ut qui suo nomine permultos annos imbelles egissent, tumultuario similis, sine ducibus certis, sine imperio, trepidare.

[¶92] 45.11. The army of the Aequi, who for many years had made no war on their own account, like a hastily levied militia, under no definite commanders and subject to no supreme authority, were in a state of panic. were for offering battle, others for defending the camp.

> Latin: 45.11. exeundum in aciem, alii castra tuenda censent; movet plerosque vastatio futura agrorum ac deinceps cum levibus praesidiis urbium relictarum excidia.

[¶93] 45.12. The consideration that affected most of them was the devastation which their farms would suffer and the subsequent destruction of their cities, which they had left inadequately garrisoned. so when a proposal was heard —amongst many others —which disregarded the common welfare and made every one think of his own interest, to wit, that in the first watch they should leave the camp, and going their several ways, carry off all their possessions from the fields and defend their cities by means of their walls, they all with loud acclaim adopted it.

> Latin: 45.12. postquam inter multas sententias una, quae omissa cura communium ad respectum suarum quemque rerum vertit, est audita, ut prima vigilia diversi e castris ad deportanda omnia tuendasque moenibus urbes abirent, cuncti eam sententiam ingenti adsensu accepere.

[¶94] 45.14. The enemy were scattered over the countryside when at break of day the Romans came out and formed in order of battle, and encountering nobody, advanced at a quick pace towards the Aequian camp.

> Latin: 45.14. hostibus per agros prima luce Romani signis prolatis in acie consistunt, et ubi nemo obvius ibat, pleno gradu ad castra hostium tendunt.

[¶95] 45.15. not perceiving any outposts before the gates or anybody on the rampart, and missing the usual noises of a camp, they were troubled by the unaccustomed silence, and apprehending an ambush, halted., when they had scaled the rampart and found everything deserted, they attempted to follow the enemy by his tracks; but the tracks, which led in all directions —as they would when an army had dispersed —at first

> Latin: 45.15. postquam ibi neque stationes pro portis nec quemquam in vallo nec fremitum consuetum castrorum animadverterunt, insolito silentio moti metu insidiarum subsistunt. deinde vallum cum deserta omnia invenissent, pergunt hostem vestigiis sequi. vestigia in omnes aeque ferentia partes, ut in dilapsis passim, primo errorem faciebant;

[¶96] 45.17. bewildered them. they found out through their scouts what the enemy designed to do; and attacking his cities in succession, one after another, they captured thirty —one of them within fifty days, in every instance by assault. these the greater number were dismantled and burnt, and the Aequian name was almost blotted out.

> Latin: 45.17. post per exploratores compertis hostium consiliis ad singulas urbes circumferendo bello unum et triginta oppida intra dies quinquaginta, omnia oppugnando, ceperunt, quorum pleraque diruta atque incensa, nomenque Aequorum prope ad internecionem deletum.

[¶97] 45.18. triumph was celebrated over the Aequi; and warned by the example of their downfall, the Marrucini, Marsi, Paeligni, and Frentani sent ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace and friendship. These nations, at their request, were granted a treaty of alliance.

> Latin: 45.18. Aequis triumphatum; exemploque eorum clades fuit, ut Marrucini Marsi Paeligni Frentani mitterent Romam oratores pacis petendae amicitiaeque. populis foedus petentibus datum. anno Cn. Flavius Cn. filius scriba, patre libertino humili fortuna ortus, ceterum callidus vir et facundus, aedilis curulis fuit.

[¶98] 46.2. the same year a government clerk, Gnaeus Flavius, the son of Gnaeus, was curule aedile. in humble circumstances —his father being a freedman —he was, for the rest, a man of shrewdness and eloquence. find in certain annals that being in attendance upon the aediles, and perceiving that the tribes were supporting him for aedile, but that his name was thrown out because he was acting as a recorder, he put away his tablet and took an oath that he would keep no record.

> Latin: 46.2. in quibusdam annalibus, cum appareret aedilibus fierique se pro tribu aedilem videret neque accipi nomen quia scriptum faceret, tabulam posuisse et iurasse se scriptum non facturum;

[¶99] 46.3. Licinius Macer alleges that he had ceased some time before to act as secretary, having been already a tribune, and on two occasions a triumvir, once on the commission which had charge of the night —watch, and again on one appointed to found a colony.

> Latin: 46.3. quem aliquanto ante desisse scriptum facere arguit Macer Licinius tribunatu ante gesto triumviratibusque, nocturno altero, altero coloniae deducendae.

[¶100] 46.4. all events there is no difference of opinion about the stubbornness of his contention with the nobles, who despised his lowly birth.

> Latin: 46.4. , id quod haud discrepat, contumacia adversus contemnentes humilitatem suam nobiles certavit;

[¶101] 46.5. published the formulae of the civil law, which had been filed away in the secret archives of the pontiffs, and posted up the calendar on white notice —boards about the Forum, that men might know when they could bring an action.

> Latin: 46.5. civile ius, repositum in penetralibus pontificum, evolgavit fastosque circa forum in albo proposuit, ut quando lege agi posset sciretur;

[¶102] 46.6. dedicated a temple of Concord in the precinct of Vulcan, greatly to the resentment of the nobles; and Cornelius Barbatus, the chief pontiff, was forced by the unanimous wishes of the people to dictate the form of words to him, though he asserted that by custom of the elders none but a consul or commanding general might dedicate a temple.

> Latin: 46.6. aedem Concordiae in area Volcani summa invidia nobilium dedicavit; coactusque consensu populi Cornelius Barbatus pontifex maximus verba praeire, cum more maiorum negaret nisi consulem aut imperatorem posse templum dedicare. ex auctoritate senatus latum ad populum est ne quis templum aramve iniussu senatus aut tribunorum plebei partis maioris dedicaret.

[¶103] 46.8. , in accordance with a senatorial resolution, a measure was enacted by the people providing that no one should dedicate a temple or an altar without the authorization of the senate or a majority of the tribunes of the plebs. —I will relate an incident, of no importance in itself, which may serve to show how the plebs asserted their liberties against the arrogance of the nobles. Flavius had come to make a call upon a colleague who was sick, and the young nobles who were sitting by his bed with one consent omitted to rise on his entering; whereupon he ordered his curule chair to be fetched in, and from his official seat gazed at his adversaries, who were choking with resentment.

> Latin: 46.8. memorabilem rem per se, nisi documentum sit adversus superbiam nobilium plebeiae libertatis, referam. collegam aegrum visendi causa Flavius cum venisset consensuque nobilium adulescentium, qui ibi adsidebant, adsurrectum ei non esset, curulem adferri sellam eo iussit ac de sede honoris sui anxios invidia inimicos spectavit.

[¶104] 46.10. Flavius had been elected aedile by the faction of the market —place, which had become powerful in consequence of the censorship of Appius Claudius. Claudius had been the first to debase the senate by the appointment of the sons of freedmen, and afterwards, when no one allowed the validity of his selection, and he had failed to gain the influence in the senate —house which had been his object, he had distributed the humble denizens of the City amongst all the tribes, and had thus corrupted the Forum and the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 46.10. Flavium dixerat aedilem forensis factio, Ap. Claudi censura vires nacta, qui senatum primus libertinorum filiis lectis inquinaverat, et posteaquam eam earn lectionem nemo ratam habuit nec in curia adeptus erat quas petierat opes, urbanis humilibus per omnes tribus divisis forum et campum corrupit.

[¶105] 46.12. so great was the indignation over the election of Flavius that many of the nobles laid aside their golden rings and medals.

> Latin: 46.12. Flavi comitia indignitatis habuerunt ut plerique nobilium anulos aureos et phaleras deponerent.

[¶106] 46.13. that time the citizens were divided into two parties; the men of integrity, who favoured and cherished right principles, tended one way, the rabble of the marketplace another; until Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius became censors, and Fabius, partly for the sake of harmony, partly that the elections might not be in the hands of the basest of the people, culled out all the market —place mob and cast them into four tribes, to which he gave the name of Urban. The arrangement, they say, was so gratefully received, that by this regulation of the orders he purchased the surname of the Great, which not all his victories had been able to procure him. was Fabius too, so it is said, who instituted the parade of the knights on the fifteenth of July.

> Latin: 46.13. eo tempore in duas partes discessit civitas: aliud integer populus, fautor et cultor bonorum, aliud forensis factio tendebat, donec Q. Fabius et P. Decius censores facti, et Fabius simul concordiae causa, simul ne humillimorum in manu comitia essent, omnem forensem turbam excretam in quattuor tribus coniecit urbanasque eas appellavit. eam earn rem acceptam gratis animis ferunt ut Maximi cognomen, quod tot victoriis non pepererat, hac ordinum temperatione pareret. eodem institutum dicitur ut equites idibus Quinctilibus transveherentur. L. Genucio Ser. Cornelio consulibus ab externis ferme bellis otium fuit. Soram atque Albam coloniae deductae. Albam in Aequos sex milia colonorum scripta:

## 46. Book X · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/46/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/46/#p-N

[¶0] 1.2. IN the consulship of Lucius Genucius and Servius Cornelius there was in general a respite from foreign wars. were established at Sora and Alba. thousand settlers were enrolled for Alba, in the Aequian country. Sora had belonged to the territory of the Volsci, but the Samnites had got possession of it; to this place were sent four thousand men. this year also the Arpinates and Trebulani were granted citizenship. The Frusinates were mulcted in one —third of their land, because it was discovered that they had tampered with the Hernici; the ringleaders of the conspiracy, after the consuls, at the instance of the senate, had conducted an investigation, were scourged and beheaded.

> Latin: 1.2. Sora agri Volsci fuerat, sed possederant Samnites; eo quattuor milia hominum missa. anno Arpinatibus Trebulanisque civitas data. Frusinates tertia parte agri damnati, quod Hernicos ab eis sollicitatos compertum, capitaque coniurationis eius quaestione ab consulibus ex senatus consulto habita virgis caesi ac securi percussi.

[¶1] 1.4. , that their year might not go by without any war whatever, the consuls made a little expedition into Umbria, because of a report that armed men issuing from a certain cave were making raids upon the farms.

> Latin: 1.4. ne prorsus imbellem agerent annum, parva expeditio in Umbriam facta est, quod nuntiabatur ex spelunca quadam excursiones armatorum in agros fieri.

[¶2] 1.5. The soldiers carried their standards into the cave, and there in the murk received many wounds, particularly from stones that were thrown at them; until, having found the other mouth of the cavern —for there was a way of going through it —they heaped up faggots at both openings and set them afire.

> Latin: 1.5. eam earn speluncam penetratum cum signis est, et ex loco obscuro multa volnera accepta maximeque lapidum ictu, donec altero specus eius ore—nam pervius erat— invento utraeque fauces congestis lignis accensae.

[¶3] 1.6. this way about two thousand armed men perished in the cave from the smoke and heat, for they finally rushed into the very flames in their efforts to escape.

> Latin: 1.6. intus fumo ac vapore ad duo milia armatorum, ruentia novissime in ipsas flammas, dum evadere tendunt, absumpta.

[¶4] 1.7. Marcus Livius Denter and Marcus Aemilius were consuls, the Aequi resumed hostilities. that a colony had been established, like a citadel, within their borders, they attacked it with great fury.

> Latin: 1.7. M. Livio Dentre M. Aemilio consulibus redintegratum Aequicum bellum. aegre patientes velut arcem suis finibus impositam summa vi expugnare adorti ab ipsis colonis pelluntur.

[¶5] 1.8. were beaten off by the colonists themselves, but occasioned such dismay at Rome —since it was scarce to be believed that the Aequi when in so weakened a condition should have begun a war relying solely on their own resources —that a dictator was appointed to cope with the outbreak, in the person of Gaius Junius Bubulcus.

> Latin: 1.8. tantum Romae terrorem fecere, quia vix credibile erat tam adfectis rebus solos per se Aequos ad bellum coortos, ut tumultus eius causa dictator diceretur C. iunius lunius Bubulcus.

[¶6] 1.9. out with Marcus Titinius, his master of the horse, he reduced the Aequi to submission at the first encounter, and having returned in triumph to the City eight days later, dedicated as dictator the temple of Safety which he had vowed as consul and for which as censor he had let the contract.

> Latin: 1.9. M. Titinio magistro equitum profectus primo congressu Aequos subegit, ac die octavo triumphans in urbem cum redisset, aedem Salutis, quam consul voverat censor locaverat, dictator dedicavit. anno classis Graecorum Cleonymo duce Lacedaemonio ad Italiae litora adpulsa Thurias urbem in Sallentinis cepit.

[¶7] 2.2. the same year a Greek fleet commanded by Cleonymus the Lacedaemonian put in to the shores of Italy and seized the city of Thuriae in the country of the Sallentini. The consul Aemilius was dispatched against this enemy, whom he routed in a single engagement and drove to his ships.

> Latin: 2.2. hunc hostem consul Aemilius missus proelio uno fugatum compulit in naves. Thuriae redditae veteri cultori, Sallentinoque agro pax parta.

[¶8] 2.3. Thuriae was restored to its old inhabitants, and peace was established in the Sallentine territory. find in some annals that Junius Bubulcus the dictator was sent among the Sallentini, and that Cleonymus withdrew from Italy before it became necessary to fight the Romans.

> Latin: 2.3. Iunium Bubulcum dictatorem missum in Sallentinos in quibusdam annalibus invenio et Cleonymum, priusquam confligendum esset cum Romanis, Italia excessisse.

[¶9] 2.4. then the promontory of Brundisium, he was swept on by the winds in the mid gulf of the Adriatic, and dreading the harbourless coasts of Italy on his left and on his right the Illyrians, Liburnians, and Histrians, —savage tribes and notorious most of them for their piracies —kept straight on until he reached the coasts of the Veneti.

> Latin: 2.4. inde Brundisii promunturium medioque sinu Hadriatico ventis latus, cum laeva importuosa Italiae litora, dextra Illyrii Liburnique et Histri, gentes ferae et magna ex parte latrociniis maritimis infames, terrerent, penitus ad litora Venetorum pervenit.

[¶10] 2.5. sent a small party ashore to explore the country, and learning that it was a narrow beach that extended in front of them, on crossing which one found behind it lagoons which were flooded by the tides; that not far off level fields could be made out, and that hills were seen rising beyond them, and that a river of great depth —the Mediacus —debouched there, into which they could bring round their ships to a safe anchorage —having learned all this, I say, he ordered the fleet to sail in and make its way up stream.

> Latin: 2.5. paucis qui loca explorarent, cum audisset tenue praetentum litus esse, quod transgressis stagna ab tergo sint inrigua aestibus maritimis; agros haud procul proximos capestres cerni, ulteriora colles videri; esse ostium fluminis praealti, quo circumagi naves in stationem tutam possint — Meduacus amnis erat—: eo invectam classem subire flumine adverso iussit.

[¶11] 2.7. the channel would not admit the heaviest ships, and the multitude of armed men, passing over into the lighter vessels, kept on till they came to thickly inhabited fields; for three maritime villages of the Patavini were situated there along the river —bank.

> Latin: 2.7. navium non pertulit alveus fluminis; in leviora navigia transgressa multitudo multitude armatorum ad frequentes agros, tribus maritimis Patavinorum vicis colentibus eam oram, pervenit.

[¶12] 2.8. there they left a small body of men to defend the boats, burnt the houses, made spoil of men and cattle, and, lured on by the sweets of pillage, advanced to a greater and greater distance from their ships.

> Latin: 2.8. egressi praesidio levi navibus relicto vicos expugnant, inflammant tecta, hominum pecudumque praedas agunt et dulcedine praedandi longius usque a navibus procedunt.

[¶13] 2.9. word of these events was brought to the Patavians, whom the vicinity of the Gauls kept always under arms, they divided their young men into two divisions. of these marched into the region where the scattered marauding was reported; the other, taking a different road, to avoid falling in with any of the marauders, proceeded to the place where the ships were moored, fourteen miles from the town.

> Latin: 2.9. ubi Patavium sunt nuntiata—semper autem eos in armis accolae Galli habebant—in duas partes iuventutem dividunt. in regionem, qua effusa populatio nuntiabatur, altera, ne cui praedonum obvia fieret, alio itinere ad stationem navium—milia autem quattuordecim ab oppido aberat—ducta.

[¶14] 2.10. The latter party, slaying the guards, who were unaware of their approach, made a rush for the ships, and the terrified sailors were forced to get them over to the other side of the stream., too, the battle waged against the straggling plunderers was equally successful, and when the Greeks would have fled back to their station, the Veneti stood in their way. the enemy were caught between two parties and were cut to pieces.

> Latin: 2.10. naves ignaris custodibus interemptis impetus factus, territique nautae coguntur naves in alteram ripam amnis traicere. in terra prosperum aeque in palatos praedatores proelium fuerat refugientibusque ad stationem Graecis Veneti obsistunt;

[¶15] 2.11. of them, being taken prisoners, told how the fleet and King Cleonymus were three miles off.

> Latin: 2.11. ita in medio circumventi hostes caesique; pars capti classem indicant regemque Cleonymum tria milia abesse.

[¶16] 2.12. the captives were consigned to the next village for safe —keeping, and armed men filling the river boats —suitably constructed with flat bottoms, to enable them to cross the shallow lagoons —and others manning the craft they had captured from the invaders, they descended upon the fleet and surrounded the unwieldy ships;

> Latin: 2.12. captivis proximo vico in custodiam datis pars fluviatiles naves, ad superanda vada stagnorum apte planis alveis fabricatas, pars captiva navigia armatis complent profectique ad classem immobiles naves et loca ignota plus quam hostem timentes circumvadunt;

[¶17] 2.13. which, being more fearful of the unknown waters than of the enemy, and more bent on escaping to the deep sea than on resisting, they pursued clear to the river's mouth, and having captured some of them and burnt them, after they had been run aground in the confusion, returned victorious.

> Latin: 2.13. fugientesque in altum acrius quam repugnantes usque ad ostium amnis persecuti captis quibusdam incensisque navibus hostium, quas trepidatio in vada intulerat, victores revertuntur.

[¶18] 2.14. Cleonymus sailed off with barely a fifth part of his ships intact. no quarter of the Adriatic had his attempts succeeded. are many now living in Patavium who have seen the beaks of the ships and the spoils of the Laconians which were fastened up in the old temple of Juno.

> Latin: 2.14. Cleonymus vix quinta parte navium incolumi, nulla regione maris Hadriatici prospere adita, discessit. Rostra navium spoliaque Laconum in aede iunonis lunonis veteri fixa multi supersunt qui viderunt Patavi.

[¶19] 2.15. commemoration of the naval battle a contest of ships is held regularly, on the anniversary of the engagement, in the river that flows through the town.

> Latin: 2.15. navalis pugnae eo die quo pugnatum est quotannis sollemne certamen navium in flumine oppidi medio exercetur. anno Romae cum Vestinis petentibus amicitiam ictum est foedus. deinde exortus terror.

[¶20] 3.2. treaty was entered into at Rome this year with the Vestini, who solicited friendship. there were alarms in several quarters. was reported that Etruria was up in arms, in consequence of an outbreak that had its origin in dissensions at Arretium, where a movement was begun to drive out the Cilnii —a very powerful family —because of the envy occasioned by their wealth. the same time the Marsi forcibly resisted the confiscation of their land, where the colony of Carscoli had been planted with an enrolment of four thousand men.

> Latin: 3.2. Etruriam rebellare ab Arretinorum seditionibus motu orto nuntiabatur, ubi Cilnium genus praepotens divitiarum invidia pelli armis coeptum; simul Marsos agrum vi tueri, in quem quern colonia Carseoli deducta erat quattuor milibus hominum scriptis.

[¶21] 3.3. view, therefore, of these tumults, Marcus Valerius Maximus was appointed dictator and named Marcus Aemilius Paulus to be his master of the horse.

> Latin: 3.3. propter eos tumultus dictus M. Valerius Maximus dictator magistrum equitum sibi legit M. Aemilium Paulum.

[¶22] 3.4. I choose rather to believe than that Quintus Fabius, at his time of life and after the offices he had held, was made subordinate to Valerius; but I would not deny that the error might have originated in the surname of Maximus.

> Latin: 3.4. —Id magis credo quam Q. Fabium ea aetate atque eis honoribus Valerio subiectum; ceterum ex Maximi cognomine ortum errorem haud baud abnuerim.

[¶23] 3.5. —Setting out with his army, the dictator overthrew the Marsi in a single battle; then shutting them up in their walled cities, he captured Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia, in the course of a few days, and having fined the Marsi in a part of their territory, renewed the treaty with them.

> Latin: 3.5. —Profectus dictator cum exercitu proelio uno Marsos fundit; compulsis deinde in urbes munitas, Milioniam, Plestinam, Fresiliam intra dies paucos cepit et parte agri multatis Marsis foedus restituit.

[¶24] 3.6. The campaign was then directed against the Etruscans; the dictator having set out for Rome, to take the auspices over again, the master of the horse went out to forage, and being ambushed, lost a number of standards and was driven back into his camp, with a shameful rout and slaughter of his soldiers.

> Latin: 3.6. in Etruscos versum bellum; et cum dictator auspiciorum repetendorum causa profectus Romam esset, magister equitum pabulatum egressus ex insidiis circumvenitur signisque aliquot amissis foeda militum caede ac fuga in castra est compulsus. —Qui terror non eo tantum a Fabio abhorret quod, si qua alia arte cognomen suum aequavit tum maxime bellicis laudibus, sed etiam quod memor Papirianae saevitiae nunquam ut dictatoris iniussu dimicaret adduci potuisset.

[¶25] 3.8. —This discomfiture is very unlikely to have befallen Fabius, not only because if in any quality he came up to his surname, he assuredly did so in the glory of a soldier, but also because, remembering the severity of Papirius, he could never have been brought to engage in battle without the orders of the dictator. The news of this reverse gave rise in Rome to a greater alarm than the situation warranted., as though the army had been destroyed, a cessation of legal business was proclaimed, guards were called into service at the gates, and night —watches in the several streets, arms and missiles being heaped upon the walls. summoning all of military age to take the oath, the dictator was dispatched to the army, and there found everything more tranquil than he had expected and reduced to order by the careful measures of the master of the horse. The camp had been withdrawn to a safer site, the cohorts that had lost their standards had been left outside the rampart without tents, and the army was eager for battle, that it might the sooner wipe out its disgrace.

> Latin: 3.8. ea clades Romam maiorem quam res erat terrorem excivit. ut exercitu deleto ita iustitium indictum, custodiae in portis, vigiliae vicatim exactae, arma tela in muros congesta. iunioribus sacramento adactis dictator ad exercitum missus omnia spe tranquilliora et composita magistri equitum cura, castra in tutiorem locum redacta, cohortes quae signa amiserant extra vallum sine tentoriis destitutas invenit, exercitum avidum pugnae, quo maturius ignominia aboleretur. confestim castra inde in agrum Rusellanum promovit.

[¶26] 4.6. he advanced without delay into the district of Rusellae. this place the enemy followed him; and although in consequence of their success they had every confidence in their ability to cope with the Romans even in the open field, yet they also attempted an ambuscade, which they had successfully essayed before.

> Latin: 4.6. et hostes secuti, quamquam ex bene gesta re summam summram et in aperto certamine virium spem habebant, tamen insidiis quoque, quas feliciter experti erant, hostem temptant.

[¶27] 4.7. far from the Roman camp stood the half —ruined buildings of a village which had been burned when the country was laid waste.

> Latin: 4.7. semiruta vici per vastationem agrorum deusti haud procul castris Romanorum aberant. abditis armatis pecus in conspectu praesidii Romani, cui praeerat Cn. Fulvius legatus, propulsum.

[¶28] 4.8. armed men in these ruins, they drove out some cattle in full sight of a Roman outpost, which was under the command of the lieutenant Gnaeus Fulvius. when this tempting bait failed to lure any of the Romans from their post, one of the shepherds came up under the very works and called out to the others, who were hesitating to drive out their flock from amongst the tumble —down buildings, asking why they were so slow, for they could safely drive them through the midst of the Roman camp.

> Latin: 4.8. quam inlecebram cum moveretur nemo ab Romana statione, pastorum unus progressus sub ipsas munitiones inclamat alios, cunctanter ab ruinis vici pecus propellentes, quid cessarent cum per media castra Romana tuto agere possent.

[¶29] 4.9. men from Caere interpreted these words to the lieutenant, and great was the indignation aroused through all the maniples of soldiers; yet they dared not stir without the orders of their leader, who commanded those familiar with the language to mark whether the shepherds' speech were more like that of rustics or of city —folk.

> Latin: 4.9. cum legato Caerites quidam interpretarentur et per omnes manipulos militum indignatio ingens esset nec tamen iniussu movere auderent, iubet peritos linguae attendere animum, pastorum sermo agresti an urbano propior esset.

[¶30] 4.10. their reporting that in accent, in carriage, and in complexion they were too refined for shepherds, “then,” said he, “and bid them uncover the ambuscade they have laid in vain; for the Romans know all, and can now no more be entrapped than they can be conquered by force of arms.”

> Latin: 4.10. referrent sonum linguae et corporum habitum et nitorem cultiora quam pastoralia esse, igitur, dicite, inquit, detegant nequiquam conditas insidias: omnia scire Romanum nec magis iam dolo capi quam armis vinci posse.

[¶31] 4.11. These words were no sooner heard and repeated to those who lay in ambush than they suddenly all rose up from their hiding —places and advanced in martial array into the plain which was spread open to the view on every side.

> Latin: 4.11. ubi audita sunt et ad eos qui consederant in insidiis perlata, consurrectum repente ex latebris est et in patentem ad conspectum undique campum prolata signa.

[¶32] 4.12. army seemed to the lieutenant to be greater than his own detachment could withstand, and he therefore sent in all haste to the dictator to summon help, in the meantime resisting by himself the enemy's charges.

> Latin: 4.12. legato maior acies quam quae ab suo praesidio sustineri posset itaque propere ad dictatorem auxilia accitum mittit; interea ipse impetus hostium sustinet. allato dictator signa ferri ac sequi iubet armatos. celeriora prope omnia imperio erant;

[¶33] 5.2. receiving his message the dictator bade advance the standards, and commanded his men to arm and follow them. everything was almost sooner done than ordered; standards and arms were hurriedly caught up, and the soldiers could hardly be restrained from pushing forward at a run. was not anger alone that spurred them on, as they thought of the defeat they had recently sustained, but the shouts, as well, that fell faster on their hearing as the fight waxed more hot.

> Latin: 5.2. rapta extemplo signa armaque, et vix ab impetu et cursu tenebantur. ira ab accepta nuper clade stimulabat, tum concitatior accidens clamor ab increscente certamine.

[¶34] 5.3. they urged one another forward and exhorted the standard —bearers to a faster pace. the more haste the dictator saw them make, the more earnest was he to hold them in, and commanded them to slow down their march.

> Latin: 5.3. itaque alii alios hortanturque signiferos ut ocius eant. magis festinantes videt dictator, eo impensius retentat agmen ac sensim incedere iubet.

[¶35] 5.4. The Etruscans, on the contrary, having been called out at the beginning of the battle, had taken the field with all their troops. messenger after another informed the dictator that all the Etruscan legions were engaged and that his own men could hold out no longer; and looking down from the higher ground, he could see for himself the perilous situation of his people.

> Latin: 5.4. Etrusci contra, principio exciti pugnae, omnibus copiis aderant; et super alios alii nuntiant dictatori omnes legiones Etruscorum capessisse pugnam nec iam ab suis resisti posse, et ipse cernit ex superiore loco in quanto discrimine praesidium esset.

[¶36] 5.5. , feeling fairly confident that his lieutenant was capable, even then, of maintaining the fight, and that he was himself not too far off to rescue him from danger, he desired the enemy to become completely exhausted, that he might fall upon them with undiminished vigour when their strength was spent.

> Latin: 5.5. satis fretus esse etiam nunc tolerando certamini legatum nec se procul abesse periculi vindicem, quam maxime volt fatigari hostem, ut integris adoriatur viribus fessos.

[¶37] 5.6. although the Romans advanced but slowly, they had now but a little space to charge in, especially the horse. the van were the standards of the legions, lest the enemy should be apprehensive of any concealed or rapid movement; but the dictator had left intervals between the files of the infantry, to allow ample room for the horses to go through.

> Latin: 5.6. lente procedunt, iam tamen ad impetum capiundum, equiti utique, modicum erat spatium. incedebant signa legionum, ne quid occultum aut repentinum hostis timeret; sed reliquerat intervalla inter ordines peditum, qua satis laxo spatio equi permitti possent.

[¶38] 5.7. The legionaries gave a cheer, and simultaneously the horsemen were let loose and with a free course galloped straight upon the enemy, who were not prepared to resist a shock of cavalry and were overwhelmed with a sudden panic.

> Latin: 5.7. sustulit clamorem acies et emissus eques libero cum in hostem invehitur incompositisque adversus equestrem procellam subitum pavorem offundit.

[¶39] 5.8. so, though the help had nearly come too late for men who were already well —nigh surrounded, yet they were now all given a respite, and the battle was taken over by fresh troops —a battle of no long duration nor of doubtful issue.

> Latin: 5.8. , ut prope serum auxilium iam paene circumventis, ita universa requies data est. accepere pugnam, nec ea ipsa longa aut anceps fuit.

[¶40] 5.9. The routed enemy fled back to their camp, and when the Roman standard —bearers pressed in after them, they gave way and huddled up together in the farthest part of the enclosure.

> Latin: 5.9. hostes castra repetunt inferentibusque iam signa Romanis cedunt et in ultimam castrorum partem conglobantur.

[¶41] 5.10. The narrow gates became choked with fugitives and a great part of them climbed upon the mound and palisade, in hopes that from that elevation they might be able either to defend themselves, or to climb over somewhere and escape.

> Latin: 5.10. fugientes in angustiis portarum; pars magna aggerem vallumque conscendit, si aut ex superiore loco tueri se aut superare aliqua et evadere posset.

[¶42] 5.11. chanced that in a certain place the mound had not been solidly rammed down, and this, overburdened with the weight of those who stood upon it, slid over into the trench.

> Latin: 5.11. quodam loco male densatus agger pondere superstantium in fossam procubuit; atque ea, cum deos pandere viam fugae conclamassent, plures inermes quam armati evadunt.

[¶43] 5.12. that opening —crying out that the gods were providing them a means of flight —they saved themselves, but more got away without their arms than with them. this battle the might of the Etruscans was broken for the second time. promising a year's pay for the soldiers, with two months' corn, they obtained permission from the dictator to send envoys to Rome to negotiate a peace.

> Latin: 5.12. proelio fractae iterum Etruscorum vires, et pacto annuo stipendio et duum mensum frumento permissum ab dictatore ut de pace legatos mitterent Romam. negata, indutiae biennii datae. triumphans in urbem rediit.

[¶44] 5.13. Peace was denied them, but they were granted a truce of two years. The dictator returned to Rome and triumphed. —I find historians who say that Etruria was pacified by the dictator without any memorable battle, only by settling the dissensions of the Arretini and reconciling the Cilnian family with the plebs. —Marcus. Valerius resigned as dictator, to enter immediately upon the consulship.

> Latin: 5.13. —Habeo auctores sine ullo memorabili proelio pacatam ab dictatore Etruriam esse seditionibus tantum Aretinorum compositis et Cilnio genere cum plebe in gratiam reducto.

[¶45] 5.14. authors have recorded that he was elected without seeking the office, indeed without even being present, and that the election was presided over by an interrex; this only is not disputed, that he held the consulship in company with Apuleius Pansa.

> Latin: 5.14. —Consul ex dictatura factus M. Valerius. petentem atque adeo etiam absentem creature tradidere quidam et per interregem ea comitia facta; id unum non ambigitur, consulatum cum Apuleio Pansa gessisse. M. Valerio et Q. Apuleio consulibus satis pacatae foris res fuere:

[¶46] 6.2. their year of administration the foreign relations of the state were fairly peaceful: the Etruscans were kept quiet by their failure in war and by the truce; the Samnites, tamed by the defeats of many years, had not wearied as yet of the new covenant.

> Latin: 6.2. Etruscum adversae belli res et indutiae quietum tenebant; Samnitem multorum annorum cladibus domitum hauddum foederis novi paenitebat. Romae quoque plebem quietam exonerata in colonias multitudo praestabat.

[¶47] 6.3. Rome also the relief afforded by the emigration of large numbers to the colonies had quieted the commons Nevertheless, that tranquillity might not be found everywhere, the plebeian tribunes Quintus and Gnaeus Ogulnius stirred up a quarrel among the first men of the state, both patrician and plebeian. had sought in every quarter occasions for maligning the Fathers to the plebs; and having tried everything else in vain, they set on foot a project by which they might inflame, not the lowest of the rabble, but the very leaders of the plebs —the commones, namely, who had enjoyed consulships and triumphs, an who lacked nothing but priesthoods, which were not yet open to all, to complete their list of

> Latin: 6.3. ne undique tranquillae res essent, certamen iniectum inter primores civitatis, patricios plebeiosque, ab tribunis plebis Q. et Cn. Ogulniis, qui undique criminandorum patrum apud plebem occasionibus quaesitis, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, eam actionem susceperunt qua non infimam plebem accenderent sed ipsa capita plebis, consulares triumphalesque plebeios, quorum honoribus nihil praeter sacerdotia, quae nondum promiscua erant, deesset.

[¶48] 6.6. honours. The Ogulnii accordingly proposed a law, that whereas there were then four augurs and four pontiffs and it was desired to augment the number of priests, four pontiffs and five augurs should be added, and should all be taken from the plebs.

> Latin: 6.6. ergo promulgarunt ut, cum quattuor augures, quattuor pontifices ea tempestate essent placeretque augeri sacerdotum numerum, quattuor pontifices, quinque augures, de plebe omnes, adlegerentur.

[¶49] 6.7. —How this college could have been reduced to four augurs, unless by the death of two, I cannot discover; since it is a settled principle amongst the augurs that their number should be uneven, to the end that the three ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses and Luceres, should each have its augur, or else —if a larger number should be needed —that they should increase the priests in the same proportion; as in fact they were increased when five were added to the four, and, making up the number of nine, gave each tribe

> Latin: 6.7. —Quemadmodum ad quattuor augurum numerum nisi morte duorum id redigi collegium potuerit, non invenio, cum inter augures constet imparem numerum debere esse, ut tres antiquae tribus, Ramnes Titienses Luceres, suum quaeque augurem habeant aut, si pluribus sit opus, pari inter se numero sacerdotes multiplicent, sicut multiplicati sunt cum ad quattuor quinque adiecti novem numerum, ut terni in singulas essent, expleverunt.

[¶50] 6.9. three. —But since they were to be added from the plebs, the patricians were as distressed by the proposal as they had been when they saw the consulship thrown open.

> Latin: 6.9. , quia de plebe adlegebantur, iuxta eam rem aegre passi patres quam cum consulatum volgari viderent.

[¶51] 6.10. pretended that' the gods were more concerned than they themselves were: the gods would see to it that their rites should not be contaminated; for their own part they only hoped that no disaster might come upon the state.

> Latin: 6.10. ad deos id magis quam ad se pertinere: ipsos visuros ne sacra sua polluantur; id se optare tantum, ne qua in rem publicam clades veniat.

[¶52] 6.11. made, however, no great struggle, accustomed as they now were to being worsted in contests of this kind; and they beheld their adversaries no longer reaching out after great honours which they had formerly scarce any hopes of attaining, but in full possession of all the things for which they had striven with dubious prospects of success —repeated consulships, censorships, and triumphs.

> Latin: 6.11. autem tetendere, adsueti iam tali genere certaminum vinci; et cernebant adversarios non, id quod olim vix speraverint, adfectantes magnos honores sed omnia iam in quorum spem dubiam erat certatum adeptos, multiplices consulatus censurasque et triumphos. tamen suadenda dissuadendaque lege inter Ap. Claudium maxime ferunt et inter P. Decium Murem.

[¶53] 7.2. is said, however, to have been a vigorous discussion as to the passage or rejection of the bill, in which Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus were the principal speakers. they had brought up nearly the same arguments concerning the rights of patricians and plebeians as had formerly been employed in behalf of and against the Licinian Law, when the plebeians sought access to the consulship, it is related that Decius evoked the image of his father as he had been seen by many who were then present in the assembly, wearing his toga with the Gabine cincture, and standing over his weapon, as he had done when offering himself a sacrifice for the Roman People and the legions.

> Latin: 7.2. cum eadem ferme de iure patrum ac plebis quae pro lege Licinia quondam contraque eam dicta erant cum plebeiis consulatus rogabatur disseruissent, rettulisse dicitur Decius parentis sui speciem, qualem eum multi qui in contione erant viderant, incinctum Gabino cultu super telum stantem, quo se habitu pro populo ac legionibus Romanis devovisset:

[¶54] 7.4. Publius Decius the consul had on that occasion seemed to the immortal gods an oblation no less pure and holy than if his colleague Titus Manlius had been offered up; could not then this same Publius Decius —he asked —have been duly chosen to solemnize the public sacrifices of the Roman People?

> Latin: 7.4. tum P. Decium consulem purum piumque deis immortalibus visum aeque ac si T. Manlius collega eius devoveretur:

[¶55] 7.5. was it to be feared that the gods would hearken less readily to the speaker's prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Appius perform with more devotion the rites of domestic religion, and worship the gods more scrupulously than he did himself?

> Latin: 7.5. eundem P. Decium qui sacra publica populi Romani faceret legi rite non potuisse? esse periculum, ne suas preces minus audirent di quam Ap. Claudi? eum sacra privata facere et religiosius deos colere quam se?

[¶56] 7.6. was there that repented him of the vows that had been uttered in the state's behalf by so many plebeian consuls and so many dictators, either on going to their armies or in the midst of their campaigns?

> Latin: 7.6. paenitere votorum quae pro re publica nuncupaverint tot consules plebeii, tot dictatores, aut ad exercitus euntes aut inter ipsa bella?

[¶57] 7.7. them enumerate the generals of those years that had elapsed since campaigns were first conducted under the leadership and auspices of plebeians; let them enumerate the triumphs; even on the score of their nobility, the plebeians had now nothing to regret.

> Latin: 7.7. duces eorum annorum, quibus plebeiorum ductu et auspicio res geri coeptae sint; numerarentur triumphi: iam ne nobilitatis quidem suae plebeios paenitere.

[¶58] 7.8. felt quite sure that if suddenly some war should arise, the senate and the Roman People would rest their hopes no more on patrician than on plebeian generals.

> Latin: 7.8. certo habere, si quod repens bellum oriatur non plus spei fore senatui populoque Romano in patriciis quam in plebeiis ducibus.

[¶59] 7.9. “this is so,” he proceeded, "what god or man can deem it inappropriate that those heroes whom you have honoured with curule chairs, with the purple —bordered robe, with the tunic adorned with palms, and with the embroidered toga, the triumphal crown and the laurel wreath, whose houses you have made conspicuous amongst the rest with the spoils of your enemies which you have fastened to their walls, —who, I say, can object if such men add thereto the insignia of the pontiffs and the augurs?

> Latin: 7.9. cum ita se habeat, cui deorum hominumve indignum videri potest inquit, "eos viros, quos vos sellis curulibus, toga praetexta, tunica palmata et toga picta et corona triumphali laureaque honoraritis, quorum domos spoliis hostium adfixis insignes inter alias feceritis, pontificalia atque auguralia insignia adicere?

[¶60] 7.10. the man who, decked with the robes of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, has been borne through the City in a gilded chariot and has mounted the Capitol —may that man not be seen with chalice and crook, when, covering his head, he offers up the victim, or receives an augury from the Citadel?

> Latin: 7.10. iovis lovis optimi maximi ornatu decoratus curru aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium ascenderit, is non conspiciatur cum capide ac lituo, cum capite velato victimam caedet auguriumve ex arce capiet?

[¶61] 7.11. men shall read with equanimity, in the inscription that accompanies his portrait, of consulship, censorship, and triumph, will their eyes be unable to endure the brightness, if you add to these the augurate or pontificate?

> Latin: 7.11. in imaginis titulo consulatus censuraque et triumphus aequo animo legetur, si auguratum aut pontificatum adieceritis, non sustinebunt legentium oculi?

[¶62] 7.12. my own part —under Heaven's favour be it spoken —I trust that we are now, thanks to the Roman People, in a position to reflect upon the priesthoods —in consequence of our recognized fitness for office —no less credit than we shall receive from them, and to seek, more for the service of the gods than for ourselves, that those whom we worship privately we may also worship in the name of the state.

> Latin: 7.12. —pace dixerim deum—eos nos iam populi Romani beneficio esse spero, qui sacerdotiis non minus reddamus dignatione nostra honoris quam quain acceperimus et deorum inagis quam nostra causa expetamus ut quos privatim colimus publice colamus.

[¶63] 8.1. “why have I been reasoning hitherto as if the patrician claim on the priesthoods were intact, and we were not already in possession of the one supremely honourable priesthood?”

> Latin: 8.1. autem ego sic adhuc egi, tamquam integra sit causa patriciorum de sacerdotiis et non iam in possessione unius amplissimi simus sacerdotii?

[¶64] 8.2. “see that plebeians are members of the Ten charged with the sacred rites, interpreters of the Sibylline oracles and the destinies of this people, the same being also overseers of Apollo's ritual and of other ceremonies.”

> Latin: 8.2. sacris faciundis, carminum Sibyllae ac fatorum populi huius interpretes, antistites eosdem Apollinaris sacri caerimoniarumque aliarum plebeios videmus.

[¶65] 8.3. “yet the patricians were in no way wronged at the time when the two commissioners in charge of sacred rites were increased in number on account of the plebeians;” “and our brave and vigorous tribune, in proposing at the present time to add five augurs' places and four pontiffs', to which plebeians may be named, has not desired to oust you patricians, Appius, from your places, but that men of the plebs may help you in the administration also of divine affairs, even as they help you in other and human matters, to the measure of their strength.”

> Latin: 8.3. aut tum patriciis ulla iniuria facta est, cum duumviris sacris faciundis adiectus est propter plebeios numerus, et nunc tribunus, vir fortis ac strenuus, quinque augurum loca, quattuor pontificum adicit, in quae plebeii nominentur, non ut vos, Appi, vestro loco pellant sed ut adiuvent vos homines plebeii divinis quoque rebus procurandis, sicut in ceteris humanis pro parte virili adiuvant.

[¶66] 8.5. “not, Appius, to have a colleague in the priesthood whom you might have had in the censorship or consulship. is quite as possible that he should be dictator and you his master of the horse as that it should be the other way about.”

> Latin: 8.5. erubescere, Appi, collegam in sacerdotio habere quem in censura quem in consulatu collegam habere potuisti, cuius tam dictatoris magister equitum quam magistri equitum dictator esse potes.

[¶67] 8.6. “Sabine immigrant, the first of your house to be ennobled —call him Attius Clausus or Appius Claudius, as you will —was admitted to their number by the patricians of that olden time: be not too proud to admit us into the number of the priests.”

> Latin: 8.6. advenam, principem nobilitatis vestrae, seu Attium Clausum seu Ap. Claudium mavoltis, illi antiqui patricii in suum numerum acceperunt: tu ne fastidieris nos in sacerdotum numerum accipere.

[¶68] 8.7. “bring many distinctions with us, aye, every one of those same distinctions that have made you so high and mighty.”

> Latin: 8.7. nobiscum decora adferimus, immo omnia eadem quae vos superbos fecerunt:

[¶69] 8.8. “Lucius Sextius was the first plebeian consul, Gaius Licinius Stolo the first master of the horse; Gaius Marcius Rutulus the first dictator and censor, Quintus Publilius Philo the first praetor.”

> Latin: 8.8. L. Sextius primus de plebe consul est factus, C. Licinius Stolo primus magister equitum, C. Marcius Rutulus primus et dictator et censor, Q. Publilius Philo primus praetor.

[¶70] 8.9. “you we have heard always the same song —that the auspices belong to you, that you alone are of noble birth, that you alone have the full imperium and right to divination, both at home and in the field. the authority and divination of plebeian and patrician have prospered in equal measure until now, and so they shall do in the future.”

> Latin: 8.9. ista audita sunt eadem, penes vos auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere, vos solos iustum imperium et auspicium domi militiaeque;

[¶71] 8.10. “, has it ever been wafted to your ears that those who were first appointed to be patricians were not beings descended from celestial regions, but were such as could name their fathers —were free —born men, that is, and nothing more?”

> Latin: 8.10. aeque adhuc prosperum plebeium et patricium fuit porroque erit. umquam fando audistis patricios primo esse factos non de caelo demissos sed qui patrem ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam ingenuos?

[¶72] 8.11. “can already name a consul for my father, and my son will presently be able to name one for his grandfather. truth the matter is simply, Quirites, that we must always be first denied, and yet have our way in the end. struggle is all that the patricians ask: they care not what may be the outcome of the struggle.”

> Latin: 8.11. iam patrem ciere possum, avumque iam poterit filius meus. est aliud in re, Quirites, nisi ut omnia negata adipiscamur; certamen tantum patricii petunt nec curant quem eventum certaminum habeant.

[¶73] 8.12. “hold that this law —and may good come of it and favour and prosperity, to yourselves and to the state! —should be ordered, as proposed.”

> Latin: 8.12. hanc legem, quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis ac rei publicae, uti rogas, iubendam censeo." tribus extemplo populus iubebat, apparebatque accipi legem; ille tamen dies intercessione est sublatus.

[¶74] 9.2. The people straightway commanded the tribes to be called, and it seemed that the measure would be accepted; nevertheless it was put off for that day on account of a veto. the following day the tribunes were cowed and the law was passed with acclamation. be pontiffs were chosen the advocate of the law, Publius Decius Mus, with Publius Sempronius Sophus, Gaius Marcius Rutulus, and Marcus Livius Denter; the five augurs were likewise of the plebs, Gaius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus Minucius Faesus, Gaius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. the number of pontiffs became eight and of augurs nine.

> Latin: 9.2. die deterritis tribunis ingenti consensu accepta est. creantur suasor legis P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutulus M. Livius Denter; quinque augures item de plebe, C. Genucius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Faesus C. Marcius T. Publilius. octo pontificum, novem augurum numerus factus.

[¶75] 9.3. the same year Marcus Valerius the consul proposed a law of appeal with stricter sanctions. was the third time since the expulsion of the kings that such a law had been introduced, by the same family in every instance.

> Latin: 9.3. anno M. Valerius consul de provocatione legem tulit diligentius sanctam. ea tum post reges exactos lata est, semper a familia eadem.

[¶76] 9.4. The reason for renewing it more than once was, I think, simply this, that the wealth of a few carried more power than the liberty of the plebs. the Porcian law alone seems to have been passed to protect the persons of the citizens, imposing, as it did, a heavy penalty if anyone should scourge or put to death a Roman citizen.

> Latin: 9.4. renovandae saepius haud aliam fuisse reor quam quod plus paucorum opes quam libertas plebis poterat. tamen lex sola pro tergo civium lata videtur, quod gravi poena, si quis verberasset necassetve civem Romanum, sanxit;

[¶77] 9.5. The Valerian law, having forbidden that he who had appealed should be scourged with rods or beheaded, merely provided that if anyone should disregard these injunctions it should be deemed a wicked act.

> Latin: 9.5. lex cum eum qui provocasset virgis caedi securique necari vetuisset, si quis adversus ea fecisset, nihil ultra quam improbe factum adiecit.

[¶78] 9.6. seemed, I suppose, a sufficiently strong sanction of the law, so modest were men in those days;

> Latin: 9.6. , qui tum pudor hominum erat, visum, credo, vinculum satis validum legis: nunc vix serio ita minetur quisquam.

[¶79] 9.7. at the present time one would hardly utter such a threat in earnest. The same consul conducted an insignificant campaign against the rebellious Aequi, who retained nothing of their ancient fortune but a warlike spirit.

> Latin: 9.7. ab eodem consule haudquaquam memorabile adversus rebellantes Aequos, cum praeter animos feroces nihil ex antiqua fortuna haberent, gestum est.

[¶80] 9.8. Apuleius, the other consul, laid siege to the town of Nequinum in Umbria. was a steep place and on one side precipitous —the site is now occupied by Narnia —and could be captured neither by assault nor by siege operations.

> Latin: 9.8. consul Apuleius in Umbria Vmbria Nequinum oppidum circumsedit. erat arduus atque in parte una praeceps, ubi nunc Narnia sita est, nec vi nec munimento capi poterat.

[¶81] 9.9. The enterprise was therefore still unfinished when Marcus Fulvius Paetus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, the new consuls, took it over.

> Latin: 9.9. eam infectam rem M. Fulvius Paetus T. Manlius Torquatus novi consules acceperunt.

[¶82] 9.10. Licinius Macer and Tubero declare that all the centuries were for naming Quintus Fabius consul for this year, though he was not a candidate, but that Fabius himself urged them to defer his consulship to a year when there was more fighting; just then he would be of greater service to the state if invested with an urban magistracy.

> Latin: 9.10. eum annum cum Q. Fabium consulem non petentem omnes dicerent centuriae, ipsum auctorem fuisse Macer Licinius ac Tubero tradunt differendi sibi consulatus in bellicosiorem annum:

[¶83] 9.11. so, neither dissembling what he had in mind nor yet seeking it, he was elected curule aedile, with Lucius Papirius Cursor.

> Latin: 9.11. eo anno maiori se usui rei publicae fore urbano gesto magistratu. nec dissimulantem quid mallet nec petentem tamen, aedilem curulem cum L. Papirio Cursore factum.

[¶84] 9.12. have been unable to put this down for certain, because Piso, one of the older annalists, states that the curule aediles for that year were Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, the son of Gnaeus, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, the son of Quintus.

> Latin: 9.12. ne pro certo ponerem vetustior annalium auctor Piso effecit, qui eo anno aediles curules fuisse tradit Cn. Domitium Cn. filium Calvinum et Sp. Carvilium Q. filium Maximum.

[¶85] 9.13. fancy that this surname occasioned an error in regard to the aediles, and that a story afterwards grew up in harmony with the error, from a confusion of the aedilician with the consular elections.

> Latin: 9.13. credo cognomen errorem in aedilibus fecisse secutamque fabulam mixtam ex aediliciis et consularibus comitiis, convenientem errori.

[¶86] 9.14. year witnessed also the closing of the lustrum, by the censors Publius Sempronius Sophus and Publius Sulpicius Saverrio, and two tribes were added —the Aniensis and the Terentina. much for affairs at Rome.

> Latin: 9.14. lustrum eo anno conditum a P. Sempronio Sopho et P. Sulpicio Saverrione censoribus, tribusque additae duae, Aniensis ac Terentina. Romae gesta. ad Nequinum oppidum cum segni obsidione tempus tereretur, duo ex oppidanis, quorum erant aedificia iuncta muro, specu facto ad stationes Romanas itinere occulto perveniunt;

[¶87] 10.2. , at the town of Nequinum, while the siege dragged slowly on, two of the townsmen, whose dwellings abutted on the wall, dug a tunnel and made their way in secret to the Roman outposts. they were conducted to the consul, whom they assured of their readiness to admit a party of soldiers within the fortifications and the walls. was not thought wise to spurn this offer, nor yet rashly to confide in it. company with one of these men —the other being held as a hostage —two scouts were sent through the tunnel;

> Latin: 10.2. inde ad consulem deducti praesidium armatum se intra moenia et muros accepturos confirmant. aspernanda res visa neque incaute credenda. altero eorum —nam alter obses retentus—duo exploratores per cuniculum missi;

[¶88] 10.4. the result of their investigation was satisfactory, and three hundred armed men, with the renegade as guide, effected an entrance by night into the city and seized the nearest gate. this had been broken down, the Roman consul and his army captured the place without a struggle.

> Latin: 10.4. per quos satis comperta re trecenti armati transfuga duce in urbem ingressi nocte portam quae proxima erat cepere. refracta consul exercitusque Romanus sine certamine urbem invasere.

[¶89] 10.5. Nequinum came under the sway of the Roman People. colony was sent there to make head against the Umbrians, and was given the name of Narnia from the river Nar. The army, enriched with spoil, marched back to Rome.

> Latin: 10.5. Nequinum in dicionem populi Romani venit. eo adversus Umbros missa a Nare flumine Narnia appellata; exercitus cum magna praeda Romam reductus.

[¶90] 10.6. The Etruscans planned to go to war that year in violation of the truce; but while they were busy with this project an enormous army of Gauls invaded their borders and diverted them for a little while from their purpose.

> Latin: 10.6. anno ab Etruscis adversus indutias paratum bellum; sed eos talia molientis Gallorum ingens exercitus finis ingressus paulisper a proposito avertit.

[¶91] 10.7. , putting their trust in money, of which they had great store, they endeavoured to convert the Gauls from enemies into friends, to the end that, uniting the Gallic army with their own, they might fight the Romans.

> Latin: 10.7. deinde, qua multum poterant, freti, socios ex hostibus facere Gallos conantur ut eo adiuncto exercitu cum Romanis bellarent.

[¶92] 10.8. The barbarians made no objection to an alliance: it was only a question of price. this had been agreed upon and received, and the Etruscans, having completed the rest of their preparations for the war, bade their new allies follow them, the Gauls demurred.

> Latin: 10.8. societate haud abnuunt barbari: de mercede agitur. pacta acceptaque cum parata cetera ad bellum essent sequique Etruscus iuberet, infitias eunt mercedem se belli Romanis inferendi pactos:

[¶93] 10.9. had made no bargain, they said, for a war with Rome; whatever they had received had been.

> Latin: 10.9. quidquid acceperint accepisse ne agrum Etruscum vastarent armisque lacesserent cultores;

[¶94] 10.10. in consideration of their not devastating the Etruscan territory and molesting its inhabitants; nevertheless they would take the field, if the Etruscans were bent on having them, but on one condition only —that the Etruscans admit them to a share in their land, where they might settle at last in a permanent home.

> Latin: 10.10. militaturos tamen se, si utique Etrusci velint, sed nulla alia mercede quam ut in partem agri accipiantur tandemque aliqua sede certa consistant.

[¶95] 10.11. councils of the peoples of Etruria were held to consider this offer, but nothing could be resolved upon, not so much from a reluctance to see their territory lessened as because everyone shrank from having men of so savage a race for neighbours.

> Latin: 10.11. de eo concilia populorum Etruriae habita, nec perfici quicquam potuit, non tam quia imminui agrum quam quia accolas sibi quisque adiungere tam efferatae gentis homines horrebat.

[¶96] 10.12. the Gauls were dismissed, and departed with a vast sum of money, acquired without any toil or risk. The Romans were alarmed by the rumour of a Gallic rising in addition to a war with the Etruscans, and lost no time in concluding a treaty with the people of Picenum. The command in Etruria fell by lot to Titus Manlius the consul. had barely entered the territory of the enemy, and was exercising with the cavalry, when, in wheeling his horse about after a swift gallop, he was thrown and ere long breathed his last, for the third day following the accident saw the end of the consul's life. this as an omen of the war, and declaring that the gods had begun hostilities in their behalf, the Etruscans plucked up courage.

> Latin: 10.12. dimissi Galli pecuniam ingentem sine labore ac periculo partam rettulerunt. Romae terrorem praebuit fama Gallici tumultus ad bellum Etruscum adiecti; eo minus cunctanter foedus ictum cum Picenti populo est. T. Manlio consuli provincia Etruria sorte evenit; qui vixdum ingressus hostium finis cum exerceretur inter equites, ab rapido cursu circumagendo equo effusus extemplo prope exspiravit; tertius ab eo casu dies finis vitae consuli fuit. velut omine belli accepto deos pro se commisisse bellum memorantes Etrusci sustulere animos.

[¶97] 11.3. was sad news to the Romans; not only could they ill spare the man, but his death occurred at an embarrassing moment.

> Latin: 11.3. Romae cum desiderio viri tum incommoditate temporis tristis nuntius fuit; patres ab iubendo dictatore consulis subrogandi comitia ex sententia principum habita deterruerunt.

[¶98] 11.4. The Fathers would have ordered the nomination of a dictator had not the election held to choose a substitute for the consul fallen out in accordance with the wishes of the leaders. Marcus Valerius was the choice of all the centuries for consul.

> Latin: 11.4. M. Valerium consulem omnes centuriae dixere, quem queen senatus dictatorem dici iussurus fuerat. extemplo in Etruriam ad legiones proficisci iussit.

[¶99] 11.5. was he whom the senate had intended to have named as dictator, and they now commanded him to proceed forthwith to the legions in Etruria.

> Latin: 11.5. eius compressit Etruscos adeo ut nemo extra munimenta egredi auderet timorque ipsorum obsidioni similis esset.

[¶100] 11.6. arrival so damped the ardour of the Etruscans that none ventured outside their fortifications, and their own fear was like a besieging host. could the new consul entice them into giving battle by wasting their lands and firing their buildings, though the smoke was rising on every side from the conflagration not only of farm —houses but of many villages as well.

> Latin: 11.6. illos novus consul vastandis agris urendisque tectis, cum passim non villae solum sed frequentes quoque vici incendiis fumarent, elicere ad certamen potuit.

[¶101] 11.7. this war was prolonged beyond anticipation, another war —justly dreaded by reason of the many losses which the parties to it had inflicted on each other —was beginning to be talked of in consequence of information given by the Picentes, Rome's new allies.

> Latin: 11.7. hoc segnius bellum opinione esset, alterius belli, quod multis in vicem cladibus haud baud immerito terribile erat, fama, Picentium novorum sociorum indicio exorta est: Samnites arma et rebellionem spectare seque ab iis sollicitatos esse.

[¶102] 11.8. The Samnites, they said, were looking to arms and a renewal of hostilities, and had solicited their help.

> Latin: 11.8. Picentibus gratiae actae et magna pars curae patribus ab Etruria in Samnites versa est.

[¶103] 11.9. The Picentes were thanked, and the senate's anxiety was diverted, in great measure, from Etruria to the Samnites. The citizens were also concerned at the dearness of provisions, and would have experienced the direst need, as those writers have recorded who are pleased to represent Fabius Maximus as having been aedile in that year, if that heroic man, who had on many occasions managed military undertakings, had not at this juncture shown himself equally expert in the administration of the market and the purchase and importation of corn.

> Latin: 11.9. etiam annonae sollicitam civitatem habuit ventumque ad inopiae ultimum foret, ut scripsere quibus aedilem fuisse eo anno Fabium Maximum placet, ni eius viri cura, qualis in bellicis rebus multis tempestatibus fuerat, talis domi tum in annonae dispensatione praeparando ac convehendo frumento fuisset.

## 47. Book X · chapters 11–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/47/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/47/#p-N

[¶0] 11.10. this year —for no cause assigned —there befell an interregnum. The interreges were Appius Claudius, and afterwards Publius Sulpicius. The latter held a consular election, and announced that the choice had fallen on Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gnaeus Fulvius.

> Latin: 11.10. anno—nec traditur causa—interregnum initum. interreges fuere Ap. Claudius, dein P. Sulpicius. comitia consularia habuit; creavit L. Cornelium Scipionem, Cn. Fulvium consules.

[¶1] 11.11. the beginning of this year Lucanian envoys came to the new consuls to complain that the Samnites, since they had been unable by offering inducements to entice them into an armed alliance, had invaded their territories with a hostile army and by warring on them were obliging them to go to war.

> Latin: 11.11. huius anni oratores Lucanorum ad novos consules venerunt questum, quia condicionibus perlicere se nequiverint ad societatem armorum, Samnites infesto exercitu ingressos fines suos vastare belloque ad bellum cogere.

[¶2] 11.12. The people of Lucania, they said, had on a former occasion strayed all too far from the path of duty, but were now so resolute as to deem it better to endure and suffer anything than ever again to offend the Romans.

> Latin: 11.12. Lucano populo satis superque erratum quondam nunc ita obstinatos animos esse: ut omnia ferre ac pati tolerabilius ducant, quam ut unquam postea nomen Romanum violent.

[¶3] 11.13. besought the Fathers both to take the Lucanians under their protection and to defend them from the violence and oppression of the Samnites. their having gone to war with the Etruscans was necessarily a pledge of loyalty to the Romans, yet they were none the less ready to give hostages.

> Latin: 11.13. patres ut et Lucanos in fidem accipiant et vim atque iniuriam ab se Samnitium arceant: se, quamquam bello cum Samnitibus suscepto necessaria iam facta adversus Romanos fides sit, tamen obsides dare paratos esse. consultatio senatus fuit; ad unum omnes iungendum foedus cum Lucanis resque repetendas ab Samnitibus censent.

[¶4] 12.2. in the senate was soon over. opinion was for entering into a treaty with Lucania and demanding satisfaction of the Samnites. The Lucanians received a friendly answer, and the league was formed. were then sent to command the Samnites to leave the country belonging to Rome's allies, and withdraw their army from the territory of Lucania. were met on the way by messengers, whom the Samnites had dispatched to warn them that if they went before any Samnite council they would not depart unscathed.

> Latin: 12.2. responsum Lucanis ictumque foedus; fetiales missi, qui Samnitem decedere agro sociorum ac deducere exercitum finibus Lucanis iuberent; quibus obviam missi ab Samnitibus, qui denuntiarent, si quod adissent in Samnio concilium, haud inviolatos abituros.

[¶5] 12.3. these things were known at Rome, the senate advised and the people voted a declaration of war against the Samnites. The consuls divided the commands between them, Scipio getting Etruria and Fulvius the Samnites, and set out for their respective wars. Scipio looked forward to a slow campaign like that of the previous year, but was met near Volaterrae by the enemy drawn up in column.

> Latin: 12.3. postquam audita sunt Romae, bellum Samnitibus et patres censuerunt et populus iussit. inter se provincias partiti sunt: Scipioni Etruria, Fulvio Samnites obvenerunt, diversique ad suum quisque bellum proficiscuntur.

[¶6] 12.4. The fighting, which lasted for the best part of a day, was attended with heavy losses on both sides; and night came on while it was yet uncertain to which nation victory had been vouchsafed.

> Latin: 12.4. Scipioni segne bellum et simile prioris anni militiae exspectanti hostes ad Volaterras instructo agmine occurrerunt.

[¶7] 12.5. The morning showed who was victor and who vanquished, for in the silence of the night the Etruscans had decamped. The Romans marched out into line of battle; and when they saw that the enemy by his retreat had conceded their superiority, they advanced and possessed themselves of the camp, which was unoccupied and contained much booty, for it had been a permanent post and had been hurriedly abandoned.

> Latin: 12.5. maiore parte diei magna utrimque caede; nox incertis qua data victoria esset intervenit. insequens victorem victumque ostendit; nam Etrusci silentio noctis castra reliquerant. Romanus egressus in aciem, ubi profectione hostium concessam victoriam videt, progressus ad castra vacuis cum plurima praeda—nam et stativa et trepide deserta fuerant—potitur.

[¶8] 12.7. Scipio then led his troops back into the Faliscan territory, and having left his baggage with a small guard in Falerii, set out with his army in light marching order to ravage the territory of the enemy.

> Latin: 12.7. in Faliscum agrum copiis reductis cum impedimenta Faleriis cum modico praesidio reliquisset, expedito agmine ad populandos hostium fines incedit.

[¶9] 12.8. The whole country was laid waste with fire and sword and booty was brought in from all directions. only was the soil left bare for the enemy, but even strongholds and villages were burned. The consul stopped short of attacking the walled towns, into which the frightened Etruscans had fled for refuge.

> Latin: 12.8. ferro ignique vastantur; praedae undique actae. solum modo vastum hosti relictum sed castellis etiam vicisque inlatus ignis: urbibus oppugnandis temperatum, in quas timor Etruscos compulerat.

[¶10] 12.9. The other consul, Gnaeus Fulvius, fought a famous battle in Samnium, near Bovianum, and gained a victory that was by no means doubtful. then attacked and captured Bovianum, and not long afterwards Aufidena.

> Latin: 12.9. Cn. Fulvi consulis clara pugna in Samnio ad Bovianum haudquaquam ambiguae victoriae fuit. Bovianum inde adgressus nec ita multo post Aufidenam vi cepit. anno Carseolos colonia in agrum Aequicolorum deducta.

[¶11] 13.2. colony was founded in that same year at Carseoli in the land of the Aequicoli. The consul Fulvius triumphed over the Samnites. the consular elections drew near, a rumour arose that the Etruscans and the Samnites were levying huge forces;

> Latin: 13.2. Fulvius consul de Samnitibus triumphavit. comitia consularia instarent, fama exorta Etruscos Samnitesque ingentes conscribere exercitus:

[¶12] 13.3. it was said that in all their councils the leaders of the Etruscans were openly censured for not having brought the Gauls into the war, on whatever terms; and the Samnite magistrates were attacked for having confronted the Romans with an army raised to oppose a Lucanian foe;

> Latin: 13.3. palam omnibus conciliis vexari principes Etruscorum, quod non Gallos quacumque condicione traxerint ad bellum; increpari magistratus Samnitium, quod exercitum adversus Lucanum hostem comparatum obiecerint Romanis;

[¶13] 13.4. thus their enemies were girding themselves for war, in their own might and the might of their allies, and they would have to contend with them on far from even terms.

> Latin: 13.4. itaque suis sociorumque viribus consurgere hostes ad bellum, et haudquaquam pari defungendum esse certamine.

[¶14] 13.5. danger, though illustrious men were candidates for the consulship, made everyone tum to Quintus Fabius Maximus, who was not a candidate, in the first place, and who, when he saw the direction of the people's wishes, actually refused to stand.

> Latin: 13.5. terror, cum illustres viri consulatum peterent, omnes in Q. Fabium Maximum primo non petentem, deinde, ut inclinata studia vidit, etiam recusantem convertit:

[¶15] 13.6. must they trouble him, he asked, who was an old man now and had done with toil and the rewards of toil? his body nor his mind retained their vigour undiminished, and he feared Fortune herself, lest some god might deem that she had already been too kind to him and more constant than human beings were meant to find her.

> Latin: 13.6. quid se iam senem ac perfunctum laboribus laborumque praemiis sollicitarent? corporis nec nee animi vigorem remanere eundem, et fortunam ipsam vereri, ne cui deorum nimia iam in se et constantior quam velint humanae res videatur.

[¶16] 13.7. himself had risen to the glory of his elders, and he rejoiced to see others growing up to the measure of his own.

> Latin: 13.7. se gloriae seniorum succrevisse et ad suam gloriam consurgentes alios laetum aspicere; nec honores magnos fortissimis viris Romae nec honoribus deesse fortes viros.

[¶17] 13.8. was no lack of great offices in Rome for the bravest men, nor of brave men for the offices. moderation but intensified the well —merited enthusiasm of his friends; and Fabius, thinking that it would have to be restrained by respect for the laws, bade read aloud the statute which prohibited the re —election of the same man to the consulship within ten years.

> Latin: 13.8. hac moderatione tam iusta studia; quae verecundia legum restinguenda ratus, legem recitari iussit qua intra decem annos eundem consulem refici non liceret. prae strepitu audita lex est tribunique plebis nihil id impedimenti futurum aiebant: se ad populum laturos uti legibus solveretur.

[¶18] 13.10. there was such a clamouring that the law could scarce be heard, and the tribunes of the plebs declared that it should be no impediment, for they would propose to the people that he be granted a dispensation from the laws. Fabius, for his part, stoutly persisted in his refusal.

> Latin: 13.10. ille quidem in recusando perstabat: quid ergo attineret leges ferri, quibus per eosdem qui tulissent fraus fieret.

[¶19] 13.11. , in that case, he demanded, was the good of making laws, when their very makers broke them? The laws were no longer in control, but were themselves controlled.

> Latin: 13.11. regi leges, non regere. nihilo minus suffragia inibat, et ut quaeque intro vocata erat centuria, consulem haud dubie Fabium dicebat.

[¶20] 13.12. the people proceeded to the election, and every century, as it was summoned within, in no uncertain terms named Fabius consul. at last, overborne by the consent of all the citizens, “Heaven,” he said, "approve, Quirites, of what you are doing and propose to do.

> Latin: 13.12. demum consensu civitatis victus, approbent inquit, quod agitis acturique estis, Quirites., quoniam in me quod vos voltis facturi estis, in collega sit meae apud vos gratiae locus: P. Decium, expertum mihi concordi collegio virum, dignum vobis, dignum parente suo, quaeso mecum consulem faciatis. suffragatio visa. quae supererant centuriae Q. Fabium, P. Decium consules dixere.

[¶21] 13.13. the rest, since you are bound to have your way with me, grant me a favour in the matter of my colleague and make consul with me Publius Decius, a man whose friendliness I have experienced in the fellowship of office, a man worthy of you and worthy of his sire. "The recommendation seemed a reasonable one. the remaining centuries voted for Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius. that year many men were prosecuted by the aediles on the charge of possessing more land than the law allowed. anybody was acquitted, and exorbitant greed was sharply curbed. the new consuls, Quintus Fabius Maximus (in his fourth term) and Publius Decius Mus (in his third), were laying plans together how one should take the field against the Samnites, and the other against the Etruscans, and were considering what forces would suffice for these respective provinces and which of them was the better suited to the one command and which to the other, there came deputies from Sutrium and Nepete and Falerii, with the news that the nations of Etruria were counselling together how they might sue for peace, and thus diverted upon Samnium the whole burden of war.

> Latin: 13.13. anno plerisque dies dicta ab aedilibus, quia plus quam quod lege finitum erat agri possiderent; nec quisquam ferme est purgatus vinculumque ingens immodicae cupiditati iniectum est. novi, Q. Fabius Maximus quartum et P. Decius Mus tertium, cum inter se agitarent uti alter Samnites hostes, alter Etruscos deligeret, quantaeque in hanc aut in illam provinciam copiae satis et uter ad utrum bellum dux idoneus magis esset, ab Sutrio et Nepete et Faleriis legati, auctores concilia Etruriae populorum de petenda pace haberi, totam belli molem in Samnium averterunt.

[¶22] 14.4. the consuls set out, in order to lessen the difficulty of getting supplies and to keep the enemy uncertain where the attack would come, Fabius marched into Samnium by way of Sora, Decius through the territory of the Sidicini.

> Latin: 14.4. consules, quo expeditiores commeatus essent et incertior hostis qua venturum bellum foret, Fabius per Soranum, Decius per Sidicinum agrum, in Samnium legiones ducunt.

[¶23] 14.5. at the borders of the enemy, each spread his army over a wide front and pillaged.

> Latin: 14.5. in hostium fines ventum est, uterque populabundus effuso agmine incedit. tamen latius quam populantur;

[¶24] 14.6. they scouted more widely than they pillaged, and the enemy were therefore unable to surprise them near Tifernum, where they had drawn their forces up in a secluded valley, and were preparing to assail the Romans from above, once they should have entered it.

> Latin: 14.6. igitur non fefellere ad Tifernum hostes in occulta valle instructi, quam ingressos Romanos superiore ex loco adoriri parabant.

[¶25] 14.7. the baggage to a place of safety and appointing a small force to guard it, Fabius warned his troops that a struggle was at hand, and forming them into a hollow square, led them up towards the place where the enemy lay, as I have said, concealed.

> Latin: 14.7. Fabius impedimentis in locum tutum remotis praesidioque modico imposito praemonitis militibus adesse certamen, quadrato agmine ad praedictas hostium latebras succedit.

[¶26] 14.8. of their surprise attack, the Samnites —since it must ultimately come to an open trial of strength —likewise preferred to fight a regular engagement.

> Latin: 14.8. Samnites desperato improviso tumultu, quando in apertum semel discrimen evasura esset res, et ipsi acie iusta maluerunt concurrere. in aequum descendunt ac fortunae se maiore animo quam spe committunt.

[¶27] 14.9. accordingly descended to level ground, and committed their cause to Fortune, with courage greater than their hopes., whether owing to their having assembled the fighting strength of all the Samnite nations, or because a contest on which everything was staked heightened their valour, they occasioned some perturbation amongst the Romans, even in an open battle.

> Latin: 14.9. , sive quia ex omnium Samnitium populis, quodcumque roboris fuerat contraxerant, seu quia discrimen summae rerum augebat animos, aliquantum aperta quoque pugna praebuerunt terroris.

[¶28] 14.10. Fabius saw that the enemy were nowhere giving way, he ordered Maximus his son and Marcus Valerius —military tribunes with whom he had hurried to the front —to go to the horsemen and tell them that if they remembered ever an occasion when the state had been helped by the horse, now was the time for them to exert their strength to preserve untarnished the glory of that body:

> Latin: 14.10. Fabius, ubi nulla ex parte hostem loco moveri vidit, Maximum filium et M. Valerium tribunos militum, cum quibus ad primam aciem procurrerat, ire ad equites iubet et adhortari ut, si quando unquam equestri ope adiutam rem publicam meminerint, illo die adnitantur ut ordinis eius gloriam invictam praestent:

[¶29] 14.12. in the struggle of infantry the enemy were yielding not an inch; no hope remained save in a charge of cavalry. each of the young men by name, lie loaded them now with praise and now with promises.

> Latin: 14.12. peditum certamine immobilem hostem restare; omnem reliquam spem in impetu esse equitum. ipsos nominatim iuvenes, pari comitate utrumque, nunc laudibus nunc promissis onerat.

[¶30] 14.13. since it was conceivable that even their prowess might prove to be inadequate, he thought proper to resort to strategy, if strength should not achieve his purpose.

> Latin: 14.13. quando ne ea quoque temptata vis parum proficeret timeri poterat, consilio grassandum, si nihil vires iuvarent ratus, Scipionem legatum hastatos primae legionis subtrahere ex acie et ad montes proximos quam posset occultissime circumducere iubet;

[¶31] 14.14. he ordered Scipio, his lieutenant, to withdraw the hastati of the first legion from the battle and conduct them, as secretly as possible, by a circuitous route to the nearest mountains; they were then, concealing their ascent from observation, to climb the heights and suddenly show themselves on the enemy's rear.

> Latin: 14.14. inde ascensu abdito a conspectu erigere in montes agmen aversoque hosti ab tergo repente se ostendere.

[¶32] 14.15. The cavalry, led by the tribunes, occasioned hardly more confusion in their enemies than in their friends, as they rode out unexpectedly in front of the standards.

> Latin: 14.15. ducibus tribunis haud multo plus hostibus quam suis ex improviso ante signa evecti praebuerunt tumultus.

[¶33] 14.16. The Samnite line held firm against their galloping squadrons, and could at no point be forced back or broken, and the cavalry, finding their attack abortive, retired behind the lines and left the battle.

> Latin: 14.16. incitatas turmas stetit immota Samnitium acies nec parte ulla pelli aut perrumpi potuit; et postquam inritum inceptum erat, recepti post signa proelio excesserunt.

[¶34] 14.17. gave the enemy a fresh access of spirits; and the front ranks would have been incapable of sustaining so long a struggle and the increasing violence with which the enemy's confidence inspired him, had not the second line, by the consul's order, come up to relieve them.

> Latin: 14.17. ex eo hostium animus, nec sustinere frons prima tam longum certamen increscentemque fiducia sui vim potuisset, ni secunda acies iussu consulis in primum successisset.

[¶35] 14.18. fresh strength halted the Samnites, who were now pressing forward; and catching sight just at this juncture of our detachments descending from the mountains, and hearing the cheer they gave, the enemy was filled with terror of worse things than actually threatened him;

> Latin: 14.18. integrae vires sistunt invehentem se iam Samnitem; et tempore in ipso visa ex montibus signa clamorque sublatus non vero tantum metu terruere Samnitium animos;

[¶36] 14.19. for Fabius shouted that his colleague Decius was approaching, and the soldiers themselves in their joy and eagerness cried out that the other consul was at hand —that the legions were at hand; and this mistake, occurring in a good hour for the Romans, filled the Samnites with fear and bewilderment, for they dreaded nothing so much as that the other army, fresh and entire, might overwhelm them in their exhausted state.

> Latin: 14.19. nam et Fabius Decium collegam adpropinquare exclamavit, et pro se quisque miles adesse alterum consulem, adesse legiones gaudio alacres fremunt; errorque utilis Romanis oblatus fugae formidinisque Samnites implevit, maxime territos ne ab altero exercitu integro intactoque fessi opprimerentur.

[¶37] 14.21. The slaughter was less than is usual in so great a victory, for the enemy scattered far and wide in their flight. thousand four hundred were slain; about eight hundred and thirty were made prisoners, and twenty —three standards were taken.

> Latin: 14.21. quia passim in fugam dissipati sunt, minor caedes quam pro tanta victoria fuit: tria milia et quadringenti caesi, capti octingenti ferme et triginta, signa militaria capta tria et viginti. Samnitibus Apuli se ante proelium coniunxissent, ni P. Decius consul iis ad Maleventum castra obiecisset, extractos deinde ad certamen fudisset.

[¶38] 15.2. The Apulians would have joined the Samnites before the battle had not Publius Decius the consul encamped over against them at Maleventum, and then drawn them into an engagement and defeated them. this instance also the rout was greater than the slaughter: two thousand Apulians were killed, and Decius, scorning such an enemy, led his legions into Samnium.

> Latin: 15.2. quoque plus fugae fuit quam caedis: duo milia Apulorum caesa; spretoque eo hoste Decius in Samnium legiones duxit.

[¶39] 15.3. the two consular armies, overrunning the land in different directions, had laid all waste within four months' time.

> Latin: 15.3. duo consulares exercitus diversis vagati partibus omnia spatio quinque mensum evastarunt.

[¶40] 15.4. were forty —five places in Samnium where Decius had encamped; the other consul had encamped in eighty —six.

> Latin: 15.4. et quadraginta loca in Samnio fuere in quibus Deci castra fuerunt, alterius consulis sex et octoginta;

[¶41] 15.5. did they leave behind them only the traces of their ramparts and their trenches, but other much more conspicuous memorials, in the havoc and devastation of the country round about. Fabius also captured the city of Cimetra.

> Latin: 15.5. nec valli tantum ac fossarum vestigia relicta, sed multo alia illis insigniora monumenta vastitatis circa regionumque depopulatarum.

[¶42] 15.6. this siege two thousand nine hundred men —at —arms were taken and some nine hundred and thirty were slain fighting.

> Latin: 15.6. Fabius etiam urbem Cimetram cepit. capta armatorum duo milia nongenti, caesi pugnantes ferme nongenti triginta.

[¶43] 15.7. this he set out for Rome for the election, which he made haste to call. The centuries that voted first were all naming Quintus Fabius for consul, when Appius Claudius, who was a candidate for that post and a pushing and ambitious man, but no more eager to gain the honour for himself than to have the patricians recover two consular places, exerted his own strength and that of the whole nobility to induce them to elect him as Fabius's colleague.

> Latin: 15.7. comitiorum casa Romam profectus maturavit eam rem agere. primo vocatae Q. Fabium consulem dicerent omnes centuriae, Ap. Claudius, consularis candidatus, vir acer et ambitiosus, non sui magis honoris causa quam ut patricii reciperarent duo consularia loca, cum suis tum totius nobilitatis viribus incubuit ut se cum Q. Fabio consulem dicerent.

[¶44] 15.9. Fabius would not have it so, raising virtually the same objections he had raised in the previous year. The nobles all thronged about his seat, and besought him to lift up the consulship out of the plebeian mire and restore both to the office and to the aristocratic families their old —time dignity.

> Latin: 15.9. Fabius de se eadem fere quae priore anno dicendo abnuere. sellam omnis nobilitas; orare ut ex caeno plebeio consulatum extraheret maiestatemque pristinam cum honori tum patriciis gentibus redderet.

[¶45] 15.10. silence, Fabius soothed their excited feelings with a temperate speech, in which he said that he would have done as they desired and have received the names of two patricians, if he had seen another than himself being made consul;

> Latin: 15.10. Fabius silentio facto media oratione studia hominum sedavit; facturum enim se fuisse dixit ut duorum patriciorum nomina reciperet, si alium quam se consulem fieri videret;

[¶46] 15.11. as it was, he would not entertain his own name at an election, for to do so would violate the laws and establish a most evil precedent.

> Latin: 15.11. nunc se suam rationem comitiis, cum contra leges futurum sit, pessimo pessino exemplo non habiturum.

[¶47] 15.12. Lucius Volumnius, a plebeian, was returned, together with Appius Claudius, with whom he had also been paired in an earlier consulship. The nobles taunted Fabius with having avoided Appius Claudius for a colleague, as a man clearly his superior in eloquence and statecraft.

> Latin: 15.12. L. Volumnius de plebe cum Ap. Claudio consul est factus, priore item consulatu inter se comparati. obiectare Fabio fugisse eum Ap. Claudium collegam, eloquentia civilibusque artibus haud dubie praestantem. perfectis veteres consules iussi bellum in Samnio gerere prorogato in sex menses imperio.

[¶48] 16.2. The election over, the old consuls were bidden to carry on the war in Samnium, having received an extension of their command for six months. in the following year likewise —the consulship of Lucius Volumnius and Appius Claudius —Publius Decius, who had been left behind in Samnium, when consul, by his colleague, ceased not as proconsul to lay waste the farms, until finally he forced the army of the Samnites —which would nowhere risk a battle —to withdraw from the country.

> Latin: 16.2. insequenti quoque anno L. Volumnio Ap. Claudio consulibus P. Decius, qui consul in Samnio relictus a collega fuerat, proconsul idem populari non destitit agros, donec done Samnitium exercitum nusquam se proelio committentem postremo expulit finibus.

[¶49] 16.3. retreated into Etruria, and thinking that what they had often tried in vain to bring about by means of embassies they might with so great a body of armed men and the menace which would be added to their entreaties accomplish more effectually, called for a council of the Etruscan leaders.

> Latin: 16.3. Etruriam pulsi petierunt, et quod legationibus nequiquam saepe temptaverant, id se tanto agmine armatorum mixtis terrore precibus acturos efficacius rati, postulaverunt principum Etruriae concilium.

[¶50] 16.4. its assembling, they pointed out for how many years they had been fighting with the Romans for their liberty.

> Latin: 16.4. coacto per quot annos pro libertate dimicent cum Romanis exponunt: omnia expertos esse si suismet ipsorum viribus tolerare tantam molem belli possent;

[¶51] 16.5. had made every effort, they said, if haply they might of their own strength bear up under so great a war; and had also —but to little purpose —made trial of the help of neighbouring nations. to sustain the war, they had sought peace of the Roman People; but had renewed hostilities, because peace with servitude was harder to endure than war with liberty.

> Latin: 16.5. temptasse etiam haud baud magni momenti finitimarum gentium auxilia. pacem a populo Romano, cum bellum tolerare non possent; rebellasse, quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset.

[¶52] 16.6. sole remaining hope lay in the Etruscans, whom they knew for the richest nation of Italy, in arms, in men, and in money; a nation, too, that marched with the Gauls, men born amid the clash of arms and possessing not only an instinctive love of fighting but a feeling of enmity to the Roman People, whose defeat at their hands and ransom for gold they were wont to relate with no idle boast.

> Latin: 16.6. sibi spem reliquam in Etruscis restare; scire gentem Italiae opulentissimam oppulentissimam armis, viris, pecunia esse; habere accolas Gallos, inter ferrum et arma natos, feroces cum suopte ingenio tum adversus Romanum populum, quem captum a se auroque redemptum, haud vana iactantes, memorent;

[¶53] 16.7. the Etruscans had the spirit that once had animated Porsinna and their forefathers, there was no reason why they should not expel the Romans from all the country north of the Tiber, and compel them to fight, not for an intolerable sovereignty over Italy, but for their own existence.

> Latin: 16.7. nihil abesse, si sit animus Etruscis qui Porsinnae quondam maioribusque eorum fuerit, quin Romanos omni agro cis Tiberim pulsos dimicare pro salute sua non de intolerando Italiae regno cogant.

[¶54] 16.8. was a Samnite army, provided with arms and pay, and ready to follow on the instant, though they should lead it to the assault of Rome itself. they were thus boasting and intriguing in Etruria, the Roman invasion was distressing their countrymen at home. Publius Decius, having ascertained through scouts that the Samnite army had departed, summoned a council, and said, “do we range about the countryside, bringing war to this, that, and the other village?” “do we not assail cities and walled towns? is no longer any army defending Samnium; they have withdrawn beyond their borders, sentenced to banishment by their own decree.”

> Latin: 16.8. Samnitem illis exercitum paratum, instructum armis, stipendio venisse, et confestim secuturos, vel si ad ipsam Romanam urbem oppugnandam ducant. eos in Etruria iactantes molientesque bellum domi Romanum urebat. P. Decius, ubi comperit per exploratores profectum Samnitium exercitum, advocato consilio per agros inquit vagamur vicatim circumferentes bellum? urbes et moenia adgredimur? iam exercitus Samnio praesidet;

[¶55] 17.3. their unanimous approval he led them to the assault of Murgantia, a strong city; and such was the ardour of the troops, by reason both of affection for their general and the hopes that they entertained of greater booty than was to be got by ranging the country, that they took the place by force of arms in a single day.

> Latin: 17.3. cessere finibus ac sibimet ipsi exsilium conscivere. cunctis ad Murgantiam, validam urbem, oppugnandam ducit, tantusque ardor militum fuit et caritate ducis et spe maioris quam ex agrestibus populationibus praedae ut uno die vi atque armis urbem caperent.

[¶56] 17.4. two thousand one hundred Samnites were surrounded and made prisoners as they fought, and vast spoils of other kinds were seized.

> Latin: 17.4. duo milia Samnitium et centum pugnantes circumventi captique, et alia praeda ingens capta est. ne impedimentis gravibus agmen oneraret, convocari milites Decius iubet.

[¶57] 17.5. these should encumber the marching army with heavy baggage, Decius called the soldiers together and thus addressed them: “this single victory or these spoils content you? your expectations not be equal to your courage? the cities of the Samnites and the riches left behind in them are yours, since, after defeating their legions in so many battles, you have in the end expelled them from their country.”

> Latin: 17.5. inquit victoria sola aut hac praeda contenti estis futuri? vos pro virtute spes gerere? Samnitium urbes fortunaeque in urbibus relictae vestrae sunt, quando legiones eorum tot proeliis fusas postremo finibus expulistis.

[¶58] 17.6. “these prizes and with hope of gain lure the traders on to follow your column; I will find you from time to time wares to dispose of.”

> Latin: 17.6. ista et inlicite lucro mercatorem ut sequatur agmen; ego subinde suggeram quae vendatis. Romuleam urbem hinc eamus, ubi vos labor haud baud maior, praeda maior manet.

[¶59] 17.7. “us go from here to the city Romulea, where no greater toil awaits you, but greater booty.” The booty was sold off, and the men themselves urging on their general, they marched to Romulea., too, they used no siege —works or artillery; but once they had come up under the walls, no force could constrain them to retire; quickly setting up their ladders at the nearest places, they swarmed over the battlements.

> Latin: 17.7. praeda ultro adhortantes imperatorem ad Romuleam pergunt. quoque sine opere, sine tormentis, simul admota sunt signa, nulla vi deterriti a muris, qua cuique proximum fuit, scalis raptim admotis in moenia evasere.

[¶60] 17.8. The town was captured and sacked; two thousand three hundred were slain and six thousand made prisoners, and the soldiers came into possession of huge spoils which they were obliged, as before, to sell.

> Latin: 17.8. oppidum ac direptum est; ad duo milia et trecenti occisi et sex milia hominum capta, et miles ingenti praeda potitus, quam vendere, sicut priorem, coactus;

[¶61] 17.9. that they marched with the utmost alacrity —though they had been allowed no time to rest —to Ferentinum.

> Latin: 17.9. Ferentinum inde, quamquam nihil quietis dabatur, tamen summa alacritate ductus est.

[¶62] 17.10. there they encountered more difficulty and danger: the city was defended with the utmost energy, and fortification and nature had combined to make it safe; yet all obstacles were overcome by a soldiery grown used to plunder. three thousand of the enemy were slain about the walls; the spoils went to the men.

> Latin: 17.10. ibi plus laboris ac periculi fuit: et defensa summa vi moenia sunt, et locus erat munimento naturaque tutus; sed evicit omnia adsuetus praedae miles. tria milia hostium circa muros caesa; praeda militis fuit.

[¶63] 17.11. the glory accruing from these sieges the larger share is in certain annals assigned to Maximus; they allow that Murgantia was stormed by Decius, but give to Fabius Ferentinum and Romulea.

> Latin: 17.11. oppugnatarum urbium decoris pars maior in quibusdam annalibus ad Maximum trahitur: Murgantiam ab Decio, a Fabio Ferentinum Romuleamque oppugnatas tradunt.

[¶64] 17.12. are those who claim the credit for the new consuls, and some give it not to both but to one of them, Lucius Volumnius, to whom, they say, fell the command in Samnium. these operations were being carried out in Samnium —whoever had the command and auspices —a mighty war was preparing against the Romans in Etruria, on the part of many nations, at the instigation of a Samnite named Gellius Egnatius. The Tuscans had almost all voted for war; the nearest Umbrian tribes had caught the contagion; and Gallic auxiliaries were being solicited for pay.

> Latin: 17.12. qui novorum consulum hanc gloriam faciant, quidam non amborum sed alterius, L. Volumni: ei Samnium provinciam evenisse. ea in Samnio cuiuscumque ductu auspicioque gererentur, Romanis in Etruria interim bellum ingens multis ex gentibus concitur, cuius auctor Gellius Egnatius ex Samnitibus Sannitibus erat. fere omnes consciverant bellum; traxerat contagio proximos Umbriae populos, et Gallica auxilia mercede sollicitabantur; omnis ea multitudo ad castra Samnitium conveniebat.

[¶65] 18.3. this multitude was assembling at the camp of the Samnites. news of this sudden rising was brought to Rome, Lucius Volumnius the consul, with the second and third legions and fifteen thousand of the allies, had already set out for Samnium, and it was resolved to send Appius Claudius into Etruria at the earliest possible moment.

> Latin: 18.3. tumultus repens postquam est Romam perlatus, cum iam L. Volumnius consul cum legione secunda ac tertia sociorumque milibus quindecim profectus in Samnium esset, Ap. Claudium primo quoque tempore in Etruriam ire placuit.

[¶66] 18.4. Roman legions followed him, the first and fourth, and twelve thousand of the allies.

> Latin: 18.4. Romanae legiones secutae, prima et quarta, et sociorum duodecim milia; castra haud procul ab hoste posita.

[¶67] 18.5. encamped not far from the enemy. the consul's prompt arrival accomplished more, by checking, through dread of the Roman name, certain peoples of Etruria that were already meditating war, than he gained by his generalship, which was characterized neither by much ability nor by good fortune.

> Latin: 18.5. magis eo profectum est quod mature ventum erat ut quosdam spectantes iam arma Etruriae populos metus Romani nominis comprimeret quam quod ductu consulis quicquam ibi satis scite aut fortunate gestum sit:

[¶68] 18.6. repeatedly joined battle at untoward times and places, and the enemy grew every day more hopeful and more formidable, until now the soldiers were near losing confidence in their commander and he in them.

> Latin: 18.6. multa proelia locis et temporibus iniquis commissa, spesque in dies graviorem hostem faciebat, et iam prope erat ut nec duci milites nec militibus dux satis fideret.

[¶69] 18.7. find it recorded by three annalists that he dispatched a letter sending for his colleague out of Samnium; yet am I loath to set it down for certain, since the consuls of the Roman People, now holding that office for the second time, disputed about that very point-Appius denying that he had sent a letter, Volumnius affirming that a letter from Appius had summoned him.

> Latin: 18.7. ad collegam accersendum ex Samnio missas in trinis annalibus invenio; piget tamen in certo ponere, cum ea ipsa inter consules populi Romani, iam iterum eodem honore fungentes, disceptatio fuerit, Appio abnuente missas, Volumnio adfirmante Appi se litteris accitum.

[¶70] 18.8. Volumnius had already captured three fortresses in Samnium, in which some three thousand of the enemy had been slain and about half as many taken prisoners; and dispatching Quintus Fabius as proconsul with a seasoned army into Lucania, he had suppressed —with the hearty approval of the optimates —certain insurrections which had broken out there at the instigation of necessitous plebeian agitators.

> Latin: 18.8. Volumnius in Samnio tria castella ceperat, in quibus ad tria milia hostium caesa erant, dimidium fere eius captum, et Lucanorum seditiones a plebeiis et egentibus ducibus ortas summa optimatium voluntate per Q. Fabium, pro consule missum eo cum vetere exercitu, compresserat.

[¶71] 18.9. to Decius the devastation of the fields, Volumnius himself with his own troops marched to join his colleague in Etruria, where he was welcomed on his arrival with general rejoicings.

> Latin: 18.9. Decio populandos hostium agros relinquit, ipse cum suis copiis in Etruriam ad collegam pergit. advenientem laeti omnes accepere.

[¶72] 18.10. what Appius was feeling his conscience alone could tell! —indeed he was justly angered if he had sent no word, but illiberal and ungracious if he had needed help and now sought to dissemble —for coming forth to meet his colleague, before they had fairly greeted one another, he demanded, “all well, Lucius Volumnius?

> Latin: 18.10. ex conscientia sua credo animum habuisse—haud immerito iratum si nihil scripserat, inliberali et ingrato animo, si eguerat ope, dissimulantem, —vix enim salute mutua reddita cum obviam egressus esset, salvae inquit, L.

[¶73] 18.11. stand affairs in Samnium? has moved you to come out of your own province?”

> Latin: 18.11. Volumni? sese in Samnio res habent? te causa, ut provincia tua excederes induxit?

[¶74] 18.12. Volumnius replied that affairs were prospering in Samnium, and that he was come being sent for by Appius' own letter; but if this were a forgery and he were not needed in Etruria, he would immediately face about and march back.

> Latin: 18.12. Volumnius in Samnio res prosperas esse ait, litteris eius accitum venisse; quae si falsae fuerint nec usus sui sit in Etruriam, extemplo conversis signis abiturum.

[¶75] 18.13. “all means go!” cried Appius. “one hinders you! truly it is no way fitting that when, perhaps, you are hardly equal to your own war, you should boast of coming hither to help others.”

> Latin: 18.13. vero abeas inquit, neque cneque te quisquam moratur; etenim minime consentaneum est, cum bello tuo forsitan vix sufficias, huc hue te ad opem ferendam aliis gloriari venisse.

[¶76] 18.14. Volumnius prayed that Hercules might direct all for the best; he had rather, he said, his trouble should go for naught than that anything should have befallen to make one consular army insufficient for Etruria. The consuls were parting, when the lieutenants and tribunes from the army of Appius gathered round them. of them besought their general not to spurn his colleague's help —which ought even to have been asked for —now that it was proffered voluntarily; the greater number threw themselves in the way of Volumnius, as he turned to go, and conjured him not to betray the welfare of the state by an unworthy quarrel with his colleague:

> Latin: 18.14. Hercules verteret, dicere Volumnius: malle frustra operam insumptam, quam quicquam incidisse cur non satis esset Etruriae unus consularis exercitus. iam consules legati tribunique ex Appiano exercitu circumsistunt. imperatorem suum orare, ne collegae auxilium, quod acciendum ultro fuerit, sua sponte oblatum sperneretur; plures abeunti Volumnio obsistere; obtestari ne pravo cum collega certamine rem publicam prodat: si qua clades incidisset, desertori magis quam deserto noxae fore;

[¶77] 19.3. if any disaster should occur, the blame would lie more with the deserter than the deserted; to such a pass had matters come that the entire credit or disgrace of success or failure in Etruria was referred to Lucius Volumnius;

> Latin: 19.3. eo rem adductam ut omne rei bene aut secus gestae in Etruria decus dedecusque ad L. Volumnium sit delegatum; neminem quaesiturum quae verba Appi sed quae fortuna exercitus fuerit;

[¶78] 19.4. no one would enquire what the words of Appius had been, but what the fortune of the army; he was being dismissed by Appius, but retained by the republic and the army; let him but test the wishes of the soldiers.

> Latin: 19.4. dimitti ab Appio eum sed a re publica et ab exercitu retineri; experiretur modo voluntatem militum.

[¶79] 19.5. admonishing and entreating them they dragged the all but resisting consuls to the place of assembly. they spoke at greater length, but substantially to the same effect as they had argued before in the hearing of a few; and when Volumnius, besides having the better cause, likewise showed himself to be no mean orator in opposing the rare eloquence of his colleague, Appius jeeringly remarked that they ought to give himself the credit, for that instead of a mute and tongue —tied consul they had got one who was actually fluent, since in his former consulship, at all events in its early months, he had been incapable of opening his mouth, but was now delivering popular orations.

> Latin: 19.5. monendo obtestandoque prope restitantes consules in contionem pertraxerunt. orationes longiores habitae in eandem ferme sententiam in quam inter paucos certatum verbis fuerat. cum Volumnius, causa superior, ne infacundus quidem adversus eximiam eloquentiam collegae visus esset, cavillansque Appius sibi acceptum referre diceret debere, quod ex muto atque elingui facundum etiam consulem haberent; priore consulatu, primis utique mensibus, hiscere eum nequisse, nunc iam populares orationes serere, mallem inquit Volumnius, tu u a me strenue facere quam ego abs te scite loqui didicissem.

[¶80] 19.8. — “I could wish,” exclaimed Volumnius, “that you might rather have learnt from me to act with vigour than that I should have learnt to speak cleverly from you!” conclusion he proposed a compact which would determine, not which was the better orator —for this was not what the republic wanted —but the better general.

> Latin: 19.8. condicionem ferre quae decretura sit non orator—neque enim id desiderare rem publicam—sed imperator uter sit melior.

[¶81] 19.9. Etruria and Samnium were the nations to be conquered; let Appius choose which he liked; with his own army he would campaign either in Etruria or in Samnium.

> Latin: 19.9. Etruriam et Samnium provincias esse; utram mallet eligeret; suo exercitu se vel in Etruria vel in Samnio rem gesturum.

[¶82] 19.10. the soldiers began to cry out that both should undertake the Etruscan war together.

> Latin: 19.10. militum clamor ortus ut simul ambo bellum Etruscum susciperent.

[¶83] 19.11. them to be of one mind in this, Volumnius said, “I erred in interpreting my colleague's wishes, I will not make the blunder of leaving yours in doubt: do you signify by a shout whether you would have me stay or go.”

> Latin: 19.11. animadverso consensu Volumnius in collegae voluntate interpretanda inquit erravi, non committam ut quid vos velitis obscurum sit: manere an abire me velitis clamore significate.

[¶84] 19.12. in truth they cheered so loud that the enemy were drawn out from their camp, and snatching up their arms went down into line of battle. Volumnius, too, bade sound the signal and advance the banners from the camp.

> Latin: 19.12. vero tantus est clamor exortus ut hostes e castris exciret. arreptis in aciem descendunt. Volumnius signa canere ac vexilla efferri castris iussit; Appium addubitasse ferunt, cernentem seu pugnante seu quieto se fore collegae victoriam;

[¶85] 19.13. Appius, they say, was uncertain what to do, perceiving that, whether he fought or refrained from fighting, the victory would be his colleague's; then, fearing that even his own legions would follow Volumnius, he, too, gave his men the signal for which they were clamouring.

> Latin: 19.13. deinde veritum ne suae quoque legiones Volumnium sequerentur, et ipsum flagitantibus suis signum dedisse.

[¶86] 19.14. neither side had the forces been very advantageously marshalled; for the Samnite commander Gellius Egnatius had taken a few cohorts and gone off to forage, and his soldiers were entering the battle more as their own impulse guided them than under anybody's leadership or orders, and the Roman armies were not both led out together nor had they sufficient time to form.

> Latin: 19.14. neutra parte satis commode instructi fuerunt; nam et Samnitium dux Gellius Egnatius pabulatum cum cohortibus paucis ierat suoque impetu magis milites quam cuiusquam ductu aut imperio pugnam capessebant et Romani exercitus nec pariter ambo ducti nec satis temporis ad instruendum fuit. concurrit Volumnius quam Appius ad hostem perveniret;

[¶87] 19.16. Volumnius was engaged before Appius came within reach of the enemy, and the line of attack was accordingly uneven., as though lots had been cast, there was a shifting of the customary opponents, the Etruscans confronting Volumnius, and the Samnites —after a little hesitation, owing to the absence of their general —meeting Appius.

> Latin: 19.16. itaque fronte inaequali concursum est; et velut sorte quadam mutante adsuetos inter se hostes Etrusci Volumnio, Samnites parumper cunctati, quia dux aberat, Appio occurrere.

[¶88] 19.17. is said that when the conflict was at its hottest, Appius was seen to lift up his hands in the very forefront of the standards and utter this petition: “Bellona, if to —day thou grant us the victory, then do I vow thee a temple.” pronounced this prayer, as though the goddess were inspiring him, he kept pace with the courage of his colleague and the army kept pace with his.

> Latin: 19.17. Appius in medio pugnae discrimine, ita ut inter prima signa manibus ad caelum sublatis conspiceretur, ita precatus esse: Bellona, si hodie nobis victoriam duis, ast ego tibi templum voveo.

[¶89] 19.18. now the generals were quitting themselves like true commanders, and the soldiers were striving that victory might not come first on the other wing.

> Latin: 19.18. precatus, velut instigante dea, et ipse collegae et exercitus virtutem aequavit ducis. et duces imperatoria opera exsequuntur, et milites ne ab altera parte prius victoria incipiat adnituntur.

[¶90] 19.19. therefore routed and put to flight the enemy, who found it no easy task to withstand a greater force than they had been wont to engage with.

> Latin: 19.19. fundunt fugantque hostes, maiorem molem haud facile sustinentes quam cum qua manus conserere adsueti fuerant.

[¶91] 19.20. hard upon them when they faltered and pursuing where they fled, the Romans drove them to their camp., on the appearance of Gellius and the Sabellian cohorts, the battle was renewed for a little while;

> Latin: 19.20. cedentes insequendoque effusos compulere ad castra. interventu Gelli cohortiumque Sabellarum paulisper recruduit pugna. quoque mox fusis iam a victoribus castra oppugnabantur;

[¶92] 19.21. but presently, when these too had been dispersed, the conquering troops assailed the camp, and while Volumnius himself led a charge against the gate, and Appius, calling from time to time on Bellona, goddess of victory, inspirited his soldiers, they burst through the trenches and the rampart.

> Latin: 19.21. et cum Volumnius ipse portae signa inferret, Appius Bellonam victricem identidem celebrans accenderet militum animos, per vallum, per fossas inruperunt.

[¶93] 19.22. The camp was taken and pillaged, and the vast booty found there was given over to the soldiers. thousand eight hundred of the enemy were slain, two thousand one hundred and twenty taken prisoners. both consuls and all the strength of Rome were being devoted mainly to the Etruscan war, new armies rose up in Samnium to waste the territories under Roman sway, and crossing over into Campania and the Falernian district, through the land of the Vescini, gathered in huge spoils. Volumnius was returning by long marches into Samnium —for now the extension of authority granted to Fabius and Decius was drawing to a close —a rumour about the Samnite army and its depredations in the territory of Campania turned him aside to the defence of the allies.

> Latin: 19.22. capta direptaque; praeda ingens parta et militi concessa est. milia octingenti hostium occisi, duo milia et centum viginti capti. ambo consules omnisque Romana vis in Etruscum bellum magis inclinat, in Samnio novi exercitus exorti ad populandos imperii Romani fines per Vescinos in Campaniam Falernumque agrum transcendunt ingentesque praedas faciunt. Volumnium magnis itineribus in Samnium redeuntem— iam enim Fabio Decioque prorogati imperii finis aderat—fama de Samnitium exercitu populationibusque Campani agri ad tuendos socios convertit.

[¶94] 20.3. he came to the Calenian country, he saw for himself the fresh traces of the enemy's ravages, and the Calenians informed him that the Samnites had already so great a train of booty as to march with difficulty, and their leaders were saying openly that they must retire at once into Samnium, and leaving their plunder there, return to the invasion, and not subject an army so heavily burdened to the risks of battle.

> Latin: 20.3. in Calenum venit, et ipse cernit recentia cladis vestigia et Caleni narrant tantum iam praedae hostes trahere ut vix explicare agmen possint:

[¶95] 20.4. These reports were plausible enough; nevertheless he thought it right to obtain more authentic information.

> Latin: 20.4. itaque iam propalam duces loqui extemplo eundum in Samnium esse, ut relicta ibi praeda in expeditionem redeant nec tam oneratum agmen dimicationibus committant.

[¶96] 20.5. therefore sent out horsemen in various directions, to intercept straggling plunderers in the fields, from whom he learned, on questioning them, that their army was encamped at the Volturnus river, whence they would set forward in the third watch and march towards Samnium.

> Latin: 20.5. quamquam similia veris erant, certius tamen exploranda ratus dimittit equites, qui vagos praedatores in agris palantes intercipiant; ex quibus inquirendo cognoscit ad Volturnum flumen sedere hostem, inde tertia vigilia moturum; iter in Samnium esse.

[¶97] 20.7. satisfied of the truth of these reports, he followed the enemy and encamped at such a distance from them that while they could not learn of his arrival from his being too close at hand, he yet might surprise them as they were leaving their camp.

> Latin: 20.7. satis exploratis profectus tanto intervallo ab hostibus consedit ut nec adventus suus propinquitate nimia nosci posset et egredientem e castris hostem opprimeret.

[¶98] 20.8. little before dawn he approached the camp and sent ahead men who knew the Oscan language to find out what was being done. with their enemies, as they could easily do in the confusion of the dark, they learned that the standards had gone forward with a scanty following of men —at —arms, that the booty and its escort were just setting out, but that the column was incapable of progress, since every man was intent upon his own affairs, with no common understanding among any of them nor any very definite leadership.

> Latin: 20.8. ante lucem ad castra accessit gnarosque Oscae linguae exploratum quid agatur mittit. hostibus, quod facile erat in nocturna trepidatione, cognoscunt infrequentia armatis signa egressa, praedam praedaeque custodes exire, immobile agmen et sua quemque molientem nullo inter ullos consensu nec satis certo imperio.

[¶99] 20.9. The time seemed highly suitable for delivering an attack, and the day was breaking.

> Latin: 20.9. adgrediendi aptissimum visum est, et iam lux adpetebat; itaque signa canere iussit agmenque hostium adgreditur.

[¶100] 20.10. Volumnius therefore ordered them to sound the charge and assailed the enemy's column. The Samnites were impeded by their booty and few of them were armed; some quickened their pace and drove the cattle before them, some stood still, uncertain whether it were safer to go on or to return to camp; while they hesitated, the Romans were upon them, and now they had scaled the rampart and the camp was filled with carnage and commotion.

> Latin: 20.10. Samnites praeda impediti, infrequentes armati, pars addere gradum ac prae se agere praedam, pars stare incerti utrum progredi an regredi in castra tutius foret: inter cunctationem opprimuntur et Romani iam transcenderant vallum caedesque ac tumultus erat in castris.

## 48. Book X · chapters 20–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/48/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/48/#p-N

[¶0] 20.11. The Samnite column, besides being charged by the enemy, had also been disordered by a sudden outbreak of the prisoners, some of whom, being loose, were releasing those who were bound, while others were catching up the weapons tied up in the soldiers' packs, and, mixed up with the column as they were, caused a hurly —burly that was more terrifying than the battle itself.

> Latin: 20.11. Samnitium agmen praeterquam hostili tumultu tunultu, captivorum etiam repentina defectione turbatum erat, qui partim ipsi soluti vinctos solvebant, partim arma in sarcinis deligata rapiebant tumultumque proelio ipso terribiliorem intermixti agmini praebebant. deinde edidere facinus;

[¶1] 20.13. presently performed a remarkable exploit; for as Staius Minatius, the Samnite general, was riding along the ranks and encouraging them, they made a rush at him, and scattering the horsemen who were with him, surrounded him, and hurried him off a prisoner, horse and all, to the Roman consul.

> Latin: 20.13. nam Staium Minatium ducem adeuntem ordines hortantemque invadunt; dissipatis inde equitibus qui cum eo aderant ipsum circumsistunt insidentemque equo captum ad consulem Romanum rapiunt.

[¶2] 20.14. tumult had the effect of bringing back the vanguard of the Samnites, who renewed the battle, which had been almost finished.

> Latin: 20.14. eo tumultu prima signa Samnitium, proeliumque iam profligatum integratum est; nec diutius sustineri potuit.

[¶3] 20.15. prolonged resistance was impossible. The slain amounted to six thousand men, and twenty —five hundred were captured —among them four military tribunes —as well as thirty standards. caused most joy among the victors was the recovery of seven thousand four hundred prisoners and a vast quantity of spoils belonging to the allies. The owners were summoned by proclamation to identify and recover their property on an appointed day.

> Latin: 20.15. ad sex milia hominum, duo milia et quingenti capti—in eis tribuni militum quattuor— signa militaria triginta, et quod laetissimum victoribus fuit, captivorum recepta septem milia et quadringenti, et praeda ingens sociorum; accitique edicto domini ad res suas noscendas recipiendasque praestituta die.

[¶4] 20.16. things for which no owner appeared were made over to the soldiers, and they were compelled to sell their booty, that they might have no concern in anything but fighting.

> Latin: 20.16. rerum non exstitit dominus, militi concessae, coactique vendere praedam, ne alibi quam in armis animum haberent. Magnum ea populatio Campani agri tumultum Romae praebuerat;

[¶5] 21.2. raid upon the Campanian countryside had occasioned a great alarm in Rome; and just at that time, as it happened, there came news out of Etruria, that after the withdrawal of the army of Volumnius the Etruscans had been induced to arm, that Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general, and the Umbrians were being invited to join in the revolt, and that the Gauls were being tempted with great sums of money.

> Latin: 21.2. et per eos forte dies ex Etruria allatum erat post deductum inde Volumnianum exercitum Etruriam concitam in arma, et Gellium Egnatium, Samnitium ducem, et Umbros ad defectionem vocari et Gallos pretio ingenti sollicitari.

[¶6] 21.3. by these reports, the senate ordered that a cessation of the courts should be proclaimed, and that a levy should be held of every sort of men.

> Latin: 21.3. nuntiis senatus conterritus iustitium indici, dilectum omnis generis hominum haberi iussit.

[¶7] 21.4. only was the oath administered to free citizens of military age, but cohorts were also formed out of older men, and freedmen were mustered into centuries.

> Latin: 21.4. ingenui modo aut iuniores sacramento adacti sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae libertinique centuriati; et defendendae urbis consilia agitabantur summaeque rerum praetor P. Sempronius praeerat.

[¶8] 21.5. were discussed for defending the City, and the supreme command was given to the praetor, Publius Sempronius. the senators were relieved of a part of their anxiety by a dispatch from Lucius Volumnius, the consul, apprising them of the slaughter and dispersion of the army that had ravaged Campania.

> Latin: 21.5. parte curae exonerarunt senatum L. Volumni consulis litterae, quibus caesos fusosque populatores Campaniae cognitum est.

[¶9] 21.6. accordingly voted a thanksgiving for the victory, in the consul's name, and reopened the courts, which had been closed for eighteen days.

> Latin: 21.6. et supplicationes ob rem bene gestam consulis nomine decernunt et iustitium remittitur quod fuerat dies duodeviginti; supplicatioque perlaeta fuit.

[¶10] 21.7. The thanksgiving was a very joyful one. next considered how they might protect the region devastated by the Samnites, and resolved to plant two colonies in the Vescinian and Falernian country, one, which was named Minturnae, at the mouth of the river Liris, the other in the Vescinian forest, hard by the Falernian district, where the Greek city of Sinope is said to have stood, thereafter called Sinuessa by the Roman settlers.

> Latin: 21.7. de praesidio regionis depopulatae ab Samnitibus agitari coeptum; itaque placuit ut duae coloniae circa Vescinum et Falernum agrum deducerentur, una ad ostium Liris fluvii, quae Minturnae appellata, altera in saltu Vescino Falernum contingente agrum, ubi Sinope dicitur Graeca urbs fuisse, Sinuessa deinde ab colonis Romanis appellata.

[¶11] 21.9. The tribunes of the plebs were assigned the task of obtaining a plebiscite directing Publius Sempronius the praetor to appoint three commissioners to conduct the colonists to these places;

> Latin: 21.9. plebis negotium datum est, ut plebei scito iuberetur P. Sempronius praetor triumviros in ea loca colonis deducendis creare.

[¶12] 21.10. yet it was not easy to find men who would enroll, since they regarded themselves as sent, not to settle on the land, but to serve almost as a perpetual outpost in a hostile territory.

> Latin: 21.10. qui nomina darent facile inveniebantur, quia in stationem se prope perpetuam infestae regionis, non in agros mitti rebantur.

[¶13] 21.11. The senate's attention was diverted from these cares by the growing seriousness of the war in Etruria, and by a succession of dispatches from Appius, in which he warned them not to make light of the disturbance in that region.

> Latin: 21.11. ab eis curis senatum Etruriae ingravescens bellum et crebrae litterae Appi monentis ne regionis eius motum neglegerent:

[¶14] 21.12. races, he said, were uniting their arms, the Etruscans, Samnites, Umbrians, and Gauls; and they had already divided their camp into two, one place not being able to hold so great a multitude.

> Latin: 21.12. quattuor gentes conferre arma, Etruscos Samnites Umbros Gallos; iam castra bifariam facta esse, quia unus locus capere tantam multitudinem non possit.

[¶15] 21.13. these reasons and because of the elections —the time for which was rapidly approaching —the consul Lucius Volumnius was recalled to Rome. summoning the centuries to vote, he brought the people together in an assembly, and discoursed at length of the magnitude of the war in Etruria:

> Latin: 21.13. haec et—iam appetebat tempus—comitiorum causa L. Volumnius consul Romam revocatus; qui priusquam ad suffragium centurias vocaret, in contionem advocato populo multa de magnitudine belli Etrusci disseruit:

[¶16] 21.14. even earlier, when he himself and his colleague had campaigned there together, the war had been so great that one general and one army could not have conducted it; but it was said that the Umbrians had since then been added to the enemy's forces, as well as a huge army of Gauls;

> Latin: 21.14. iam tum cum ipse ibi cum collega rem pariter gesserit, fuisse tantum bellum ut nec duce uno nec exercitu geri potuerit; accessisse postea dici Umbros et ingentem exercitum Gallorum;

[¶17] 21.15. they should remember that on that day they were choosing consuls to oppose four peoples; for his own part, were he not confident that the Roman People would unanimously choose for consul the man who was then looked upon as unquestionably the first of all commanders, he would at once have named him dictator.

> Latin: 21.15. adversus quattuor populos duces consules illo die deligi meminissent., nisi confideret eum consensu populi Romani consulem declaratum iri qui haud dubie tum primus omnium ductor habeatur, dictatorem fuisse extemplo dicturum. dubium erat quin Fabius quintum omnium consensu destinaretur; eumque et praerogativae et primo vocatae omnes centuriae consulem cum L. Volumnio dicebant.

[¶18] 22.2. one doubted that Fabius would by the common voice of all be for the fifth time elected; and in fact the prerogative centuries and all those which were summoned first were naming him consul, together with Lucius Volumnius. Fabius then made a speech, to the same purport as he had done two years before; but, overborne by the general agreement, he ended by requesting that he might have for colleague Publius Decius, who would be a prop to his old age. the censorship and the two consulships which he had shared with Decius, he had found that nothing more tended to the preservation of the commonwealth than the harmony of colleagues. a new partner in authority he could now hardly hope to adapt an old man's mind: with one whose character he knew, it would be easier to share his counsels.

> Latin: 22.2. Fabi oratio fuit qualis biennio ante; deinde, ut vincebatur consensu, versa postremo ad collegam P. Decium poscendum: id senectuti suae adminiculum fore. duobusque consulatibus simul gestis expertum se nihil concordi collegio firmius ad rem publicam tuendam esse. imperii socio vix iam adsuescere senilem animum posse;

[¶19] 22.4. plea was seconded by the consul, who bestowed well —merited praise on Publius Decius, and recalling the advantages that accrued from harmony betwixt the consuls to the administration of military measures and the harm that resulted from their discord, reminded his hearers how dire had been the danger occasioned lately by the strife between himself and his colleague.

> Latin: 22.4. cum moribus notis facilius se communicaturum consilia. orationi eius consul cum meritis P. Deci laudibus, tum quae ex concordia consulum bona quaeque ex discordia mala in administratione rerum militarium evenirent memorando, quamque prope ultimum discrimen suis et collegae certaminibus nuper ventum foret, admonendo;

[¶20] 22.6. Decius and Fabius, he said, were of one heart and one mind, and were, besides, men born for war, great in their deeds, but unskilled in the strife of words and of the tongue.

> Latin: 22.6. Decium Fabiumque uno animo, una mente vivere; esse praeterea viros natos militiae, factis magnos, ad verborum linguaeque certamina rudes. ingenia consularia esse:

[¶21] 22.7. were talents meet for the consul's office. shrewd and clever men, masters of the law and of eloquence, like Appius Claudius, should be had to preside over the City and the Forum, and should be elected praetors to administer justice.

> Latin: 22.7. callidos sollertesque, iuris atque eloquentiae consultos, qualis Ap. Claudius esset, urbi ac foro praesides habendos praetoresque ad reddenda iura creandos esse.

[¶22] 22.8. these transactions the day was taken up. the following day, by the direction of the consul, elections were held both of consuls and of praetors. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were chosen consuls and Appius Claudius praetor —all three being absent —and the senate passed a decree, which the people ratified, prolonging for a year the command of Lucius Volumnius.

> Latin: 22.8. agendis dies est consumptus. ad praescriptum consulis et consularia et praetoria comitia habita. creati Q. Fabius et P. Decius, Ap. Claudius praetor, omnes absentes; et L. Volumnio ex senatus consulto et scito plebis prorogatum in annum imperium est. anno prodigia multa fuerunt, quorum averruncandorum causa supplicationes in biduum senatus decrevit;

[¶23] 23.2. that year were many portents, to avert which the senate decreed supplications for two days. and incense were provided by the state, and the people went in throngs to offer their prayers -both men and women.

> Latin: 23.2. publice vinum ac tus praebitum; supplicatum iere frequentes viri feminaeque.

[¶24] 23.3. The supplication was rendered memorable by a quarrel that broke out among the matrons in the chapel of Patrician Modesty, which stands in the Cattle Market, by the round temple of Hercules. Verginia, Aulus's daughter, a patrician wedded to a commoner, Lucius Volumnius the consul, had been excluded by the matrons from their ceremonies, on the ground that she had married out of the patriciate.

> Latin: 23.3. supplicationem fecit certamen in sacello Pudicitiae Patriciae, quae in foro Bovario est ad aedem rotundam Herculis, inter matronas ortum.

[¶25] 23.4. led to a short dispute, which the hot anger of the sex soon kindled to a blaze of passionate contention. Verginia boasted, and with reason, that she had entered the temple of Patrician Modesty both a patrician and a modest woman, as having been wedded to the one man to whom she had been given as a maiden, and was neither ashamed of her husband nor of his honours and his victories.

> Latin: 23.4. , Auli filiam, patriciam plebeio nuptam, L. Volumnio consuli, matronae, quod e patribus enupsisset, sacris arcuerant. altercatio inde ex iracundia muliebri in contentionem animorum exarsit, cum se Verginia et patriciam et pudicam in Patriciae Pudicitiae templum ingressam et uni nuptam ad quem virgo deducta sit, nec se viri honorumve eius ac rerum gestarum paenitere, ex vero gloriaretur.

[¶26] 23.5. then added a noble deed to her proud words. the Vicus Longus, where she lived, she shut off a part of her mansion, large enough for a shrine of moderate size, and, erecting there an altar, called together the plebeian matrons, and after complaining of the injurious behaviour of the patrician ladies, said, “dedicate this altar to Plebeian ” “Modesty; and I urge you, that even as the men of our state contend for the meed of valour, so the matrons may vie for that of modesty, that this altar may be said to be cherished —if it be possible —more reverently than that, and by more modest ” “women.”

> Latin: 23.5. deinde egregio magnifica verba adauxit: in vico Longo, ubi habitabat, ex parte aedium quod satis esset loci modico sacello exclusit, aramque ibi posuit et convocatis plebeiis matronis conquesta iniuriam patriciarum ego aram inquit Pudicitiae Plebeiae dedico vosque hortor, ut quod certamen virtutis viros in hac civitate tenet,

[¶27] 23.8. altar, too, was served with almost the same ritual as that more ancient one, so that no matron but one of proven modesty, who had been wedded to one man alone, should have the right to sacrifice.

> Latin: 23.8. hoc pudicitiae inter matronas sit detisque operam ut haec ara quam illa, si quid potest, sanctius et a castioribus coli dicatur.

[¶28] 23.9. the cult was degraded by polluted worshippers, not matrons only but women of every station, and passed finally into oblivion.

> Latin: 23.9. ferme ritu et haec ara quo illa antiquior culta est, ut nulla nisi spectatae pudicitiae matrona et quae uni viro nupta fuisset ius sacrificandi haberet.

[¶29] 23.10. that same year Gnaeus and Quintus Ogulnius the curule aediles brought a number of usurers to trial, and, confiscating their possessions, employed the share which came into the public treasury to put brazen thresholds in the Capitol, and silver vessels for the three tables in the shrine of Jupiter, and a statue of the god in a four —horse chariot on the roof, and at the fig —tree Ruminalis a representation of the infant Founders of the City being suckled by the wolf. also made a paved walk of squared stone from the Porta Capena to the temple of Mars. the plebeian aediles Lucius Aelius Paetus and Gaius Fulvius Curvus, likewise with the money from fines, which they exacted from convicted graziers, held games and provided golden bowls for the temple of Ceres.

> Latin: 23.10. dein religio a pollutis, nec matronis solum sed omnis ordinis feminis, postremo in oblivionem venit. anno Cn. et Q. Ogulnii aediles curules aliquot feneratoribus diem dixerunt; quorum bonis multatis ex eo quod in publicum redactum est aenea in Capitolio limina et trium mensarum argentea vasa in cella Iovis Iovemque in culmine cum quadrigis et ad ficum Ruminalem simulacra infantium conditorum urbis sub uberibus lupae posuerunt semitamque saxo quadrato a Capena porta ad Martis straverunt. ab aedilibus plebeiis L. Aelio Paeto et C. Fulvio Curvo ex multaticia item pecunia, quam exegerunt pecuariis damnatis, ludi facti pateraeque aureae ad Cereris positae. Q. inde Fabius quintum et P. Decius quartum consulatum ineunt, tribus consulatibus censuraque collegae nec gloria magis rerum, quae ingens erat, quam concordia inter se clari.

[¶30] 24.2. that Quintus Fabius (for the fifth time) and Publius Decius (for the fourth) began their consulship, having thrice been colleagues in that office and once in the censorship, and being not more distinguished for the renown, great though that was, of their achievements than for their harmonious co —operation. , however, was not destined to be permanent, though its interruption was due, I think, more to rivalry between the orders than to their own; for the patricians strove that Fabius should have the command in Etruria without drawing lots, and the plebeians insisted that Decius should demand that method of determining the question.

> Latin: 24.2. ne perpetua esset, ordinum magis quam ipsorum inter se certamen intervenisse reor, patriciis tendentibus ut Fabius Etruriam extra ordinem provinciam haberet, plebeis auctoribus Decio ut ad sortem rem vocaret.

[¶31] 24.4. all events there was a contention in the senate, and Fabius proving to be the stronger there, the case was carried before the people. the assembly the speeches were short, as befitted soldiers and men who trusted more to deeds than to words.

> Latin: 24.4. certe contentio in senatu et postquam ibi Fabius plus poterat, revocata res ad populum est. contione, ut inter militares viros et factis potius quam dictis fretos, pauca verba habita.

[¶32] 24.5. Fabius argued that when one man had planted a tree, it was unfair that another should gather the fruit that dropped from it; it was he that had opened up the Ciminian Forest and had made a path for Roman arms through remote and desert tracts.

> Latin: 24.5. Fabius, quam arborem consevisset, sub ea legere alium fructum indignum esse dicere; se aperuisse Ciminiam silvam viamque per devios saltus Romano bello fecisse.

[¶33] 24.6. , pray, had they troubled him, old as he was, if they had meant to wage the war with another general? was only too clear, he said — taking gradually a more reproachful tone —that he had selected an adversary, not a partner in command, and that Decius had begrudged the friendly spirit in which they had administered three offices together.

> Latin: 24.6. se id aetatis sollicitassent, si alio duce gesturi bellum essent? adversarium se, non socium imperii legisse sensim exprobrat et invidisse Decium concordibus collegiis tribus. se tendere nihil ultra quam ut, si dignum provincia ducerent, in eam mitterent: in senatus arbitrio se fuisse et in potestate populi futurum. P. Decius senatus iniuriam querebatur: quoad potuerint, patres adnisos ne plebeiis aditus ad magnos honores esset;

[¶34] 24.8. , he asked no more than that if they thought him worthy of the command they should give it to him; he had submitted to the decision of the senate and would obey the people. Publius Decius complained of the senate's injustice: as long as they were able, the Fathers had striven to deny the plebeians access to great honours; and since native worth had of its own strength won the right to be recognized in any class of men, they were seeking to make of none effect not only the suffrages of, the people but also the awards of Fortune, and to subject them to the control of a few.

> Latin: 24.8. postquam ipsa virtus pervicerit ne in ullo genere hominum inhonorata esset, quaeri quemadmodum inrita sint non suffragia modo populi sed arbitria etiam fortunae et in paucorum potestatem vertantur. ante se consules sortitos provincias esse: nunc extra sortem Fabio senatum provinciam dare, —si honoris eius causa, ita eum de se deque re publica meritum esse ut faveat Q.

[¶35] 24.11. the consuls who had preceded him had drawn lots for their commands, but the senate was now conferring a command on Fabius without the lot. they were doing this to honour him, he would say that the man had deserved so well both of himself and of the state that he stood ready to promote the glory of Fabius, provided only that its lustre were not purchased with insult to himself. who could doubt, when there was one difficult, dangerous war, and this was entrusted without lots to one of the consuls, that the other was regarded as superfluous and useless?

> Latin: 24.11. Fabi gloriae quae modo non sua contumelia splendeat. autem dubium esse, ubi unum bellum sit asperum ac difficile, cum id alteri extra sortem mandetur, quin alter consul pro supervacaneo atque inutili habeatur?

[¶36] 24.13. Fabius gloried in his Etruscan victories: Publius Decius would fain glory too. perhaps that fire which Fabius had left covered up, but so that it was continually breaking out into new flames, might be by him extinguished.

> Latin: 24.13. Fabium rebus in Etruria gestis: velle et P. Decium gloriari. forsitan, quem ille obrutum ignem reliquerit, ita ut totiens novum ex improviso incendium daret, eum se exstincturum.

[¶37] 24.14. short he was willing, for the reverence he bore his colleague's years and dignity, to yield to him honours and rewards; but when peril, when strife, was set before them —he yielded not, of his own consent —nor ever would.

> Latin: 24.14. se collegae honores praemiaque concessurum verecundia aetatis eius maiestatisque; cum periculum, cum dimicatio proposita sit, neque cedere sua sponte neque cessurum;

[¶38] 24.15. if he got nothing else by this contest, one thing at any rate he would get —that what belonged to the people should be disposed of by the people, not bestowed by the Fathers as a favour.

> Latin: 24.15. et si nihil aliud ex eo certamine tulerit, illud certe laturum ut quod populi sit populus iubeat potius quam patres gratificentur.

[¶39] 24.16. Jupiter Optimus Maximus and the immortal gods he prayed that they would grant him an equal chance in the lot with his colleague only if they were ready to grant him the same courage and the same good fortune in the administration of the war.

> Latin: 24.16. optimum maximum deosque immortales se precari ut ita sortem aequam sibi cum collega dent si eandem virtutem felicitatemque in bello administrando daturi sint.

[¶40] 24.17. least it was a thing in its nature reasonable, in its example salutary, and material to the reputation of the Roman People, that the consuls should be such that the Etruscan war could be managed aright under the leadership of either one of them.

> Latin: 24.17. et id natura aequum et exemplo utile esse et ad famam populi Romani pertinere, eos consules esse quorum utrolibet duce bellum Etruscum geri recte possit.

[¶41] 24.18. Fabius only prayed the Roman people to listen, before the tribes were called to vote, to a dispatch of Appius Claudius the praetor that had been brought in from Etruria. then left the comitium, and the people then, as unanimously as the senate had done, decreed that Fabius should have the command in Etruria without drawing lots.

> Latin: 24.18. Fabius nihil aliud precatus populum Romanum quam ut, priusquam intro vocarentur ad suffragium tribus, Ap. Claudi praetoris allatas ex Etruria litteras audirent, comitio abiit. minore populi consensu quam senatus provincia Etruria extra sortem Fabio decreta est. inde ad consulem factus omnium ferme iuniorum et pro se quisque nomina dabant; tanta cupido erat sub eo duce stipendia faciendi.

[¶42] 25.2. all the younger men now flocked about the consul, and each gave in his name, so eager were they to serve under such a captain. by this throng he said, “have in mind to enrol no more than four thousand foot and six hundred horse; I will take with me those of you who give in your names to —day and to —morrow.”

> Latin: 25.2. circumfusus turba milia inquit peditum et sescentos equites dumtaxat scribere in animo est; hodierno et crastino die qui nomina dederitis mecum ducam.

[¶43] 25.3. “I am more concerned to bring all my men back with their purses filled than to wage war with many soldiers.”

> Latin: 25.3. mihi curae est ut omnes locupletes reducam quam ut multis rem geram militibus.

[¶44] 25.4. out with a fit army, which was all the more confident and hopeful because he had not desired a great host, he took his way towards the town of Aharna, from which the enemy were not far distant, to the camp of Appius the praetor.

> Latin: 25.4. apto exercitu et eo plus fiduciae ac spei gerente quod non desiderata multitudo erat, ad oppidum Aharnam, unde haud procul hostes erant, ad castra Appi praetoris pergit.

[¶45] 25.5. few miles this side the camp he encountered some men who had come out with an armed escort to gather wood. These people, seeing the lictors in the van and learning that Fabius was consul, with lively manifestations of satisfaction gave thanks to the gods and to the Roman People for having sent him to be their general.

> Latin: 25.5. citra milibus lignatores ei cum praesidio occurrunt; qui ut lictores praegredi viderunt Fabiumque esse consulem accepere, laeti atque alacres dis populoque Romano grates agunt quod eum sibi imperatorem misissent.

[¶46] 25.6. , as they trooped about him and hailed him consul, Fabius asked whither they were bound, and they answered that they were come out to get wood.

> Latin: 25.6. deinde cum consulem salutarent, quaerit Fabius quo pergerent, respondentibusque lignatum se ire, tandem? inquit, num castra vallata non habetis?

[¶47] 25.7. “it possible,” he cried, “that you have no rampart round your camp?” and, on their shouting back that they had a double rampart and a trench and yet were in mortal fear, “you have quite wood enough,” said he; “go back and pull up your stockade.”

> Latin: 25.7. hoc cum succlamatum esset duplici quidem vallo et fossa et tamen in ingenti metu esse, igitur inquit adfatim lignorum; redite et vellite vallum.

[¶48] 25.8. Returning to camp they began pulling up the palings, to the terror of their comrades who had stayed behind, as well as of Appius himself, till the news was spread, as each talked with his neighbours, that they were acting under orders of the consul Quintus Fabius.

> Latin: 25.8. in castra terroremque ibi vellentes vallum et iis qui in castris remanserant militibus et ipsi Appio fecerunt;

[¶49] 25.9. the morrow the camp was removed and the praetor Appius was sent away to Rome. the Romans had no permanent camp anywhere. was of no use, Fabius maintained, for the army to sit down in one place: by marching and shifting its position it grew more mobile and more healthy.

> Latin: 25.9. tum pro se quisque alii aliis dicere consulis se Q. Fabi facere iussu. inde die castra mota et Appius praetor Romam dimissus. nusquam stativa Romanis fuere. utile esse uno loco sedere exercitum; itineribus ac mutatione locorum mobiliorem ac salubriorem esse. autem itinera, quanta fieri' sinebat hiemps hauddum exacta.

[¶50] 25.11. The marches, of course, were such as could be made at a season when winter was not yet over. the early spring, leaving the second legion in the neighbourhood of Clusium —which they used of old to call Camars —and putting Lucius Scipio, as propraetor, in charge of the camp, Fabius himself returned to Rome to consult about the war, either voluntarily, because he had a task in prospect that was greater than he had believed the reports to signify, or, it may be, summoned by the senate; for both accounts are vouched for.

> Latin: 25.11. inde primo relicta secunda legione ad Clusium, quod Camars olim appellabant, praepositoque castris L. Scipione pro praetore Romam ipse ad consultandum de bello rediit, sive ipse sponte sua, quia bellum ei maius in conspectu erat quam quantum esse famae crediderat sive senatus consulto accitus; nam in utrumque auctores sunt.

[¶51] 25.13. would have it appear that he was compelled to return by Appius Claudius the praetor, who continued to exaggerate the perils of the Etruscan war in the senate and before the people, as he had done persistently in his dispatches.

> Latin: 25.13. Ap. Claudio praetore retractum quidam videri volunt, cum in senatu et apud populum, id quod per litteras adsidue fecerat, terrorem belli Etrusci augeret: non suffecturum ducem unum nec exercitum unum adversus quattuor populos;

[¶52] 25.14. was not enough, he said, to have one commander and one army against four nations: the danger was —whether they united to overwhelm him or campaigned separately —that one man would be incapable of meeting simultaneously all emergencies.

> Latin: 25.14. periculum esse, sive iuncti unum premant sive diversi gerant bellum, ne ad omnia simul obire unus non possit.

[¶53] 25.15. himself had left on the ground two Roman legions, and less than five thousand infantry and cavalry had come with Fabius. was his opinion that Publius Decius the consul should march at the very earliest moment to Etruria, to join his colleague, and that Lucius Volumnius should be given the command in Samnium; or, if the consul preferred to go out to his own province, that Volumnius should set out for Etruria with a regular consular army.

> Latin: 25.15. se ibi legiones Romanas reliquisse et minus quinque milia peditum equitumque cum Fabio venisse. placere P. Decium consulem primo quoque tempore in Etruriam ad collegam proficisci, L. Volumnio Samnium provinciam dari; si consul malit in suam provinciam ire, Volumnium in Etruriam ad consulem cum exercitu iusto consulari proficisci.

[¶54] 25.17. The majority were moved by the praetor's speech, but Publius Decius —so they say —advised that all be left to the free and unhampered judgment of Quintus Fabius, until Fabius should either come to Rome himself —if this were compatible with public policy —or send some one of his lieutenants, to inform the senate how great a war was on foot in Etruria, and with what forces, commanded by how many generals, it ought to be conducted.

> Latin: 25.17. magnam partem moveret oratio praetoris, P. Decium censuisse ferunt ut omnia integra ac libera Q. Fabio servarentur, donec vel ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, Romam venisset vel aliquem ex legatis misisset, a quo disceret senatus quantum in Etruria belli esset quantisque administrandum copiis et quot per duces esset. Fabius, ut Romam rediit, et in senatu et productus ad populum mediam orationem habuit, ut nec augere nec minuere videretur belli famam magisque in altero adsumendo duce aliorum indulgere timori quam suo aut rei publicae periculo consulere.

[¶55] 26.2. Fabius, when he returned to Rome, both in the senate and afterwards in speaking to the people, steered a middle course, that he might appear neither to exaggerate the current reports about the war nor minimize them, and in accepting an additional commander to be rather consulting the fears of others than guarding against a danger to himself or the republic. the rest, if they chose to give him a helper in the war and a partner in authority, how —he asked —could he possibly forget Publius Decius the consul, whom he had proved so often when they had been colleagues? was no one living with whom he would sooner share his commission; he should have troops enough, if Decius were with him, and his enemies would never be too numerous.

> Latin: 26.2. si sibi adiutorem belli sociumque imperii darent, quonam modo se oblivisci P. Deci consulis per tot collegia experti posse? omnium secum coniungi malle; et copiarum satis sibi cum P. Decio et nunquam nimium hostium fore; sin collega quid aliud mallet, at sibi L. Volumnium darent adiutorem.

[¶56] 26.4. if his colleague preferred some other arrangement, let them give him Lucius Volumnius to be his coadjutor. The decision in regard to everything was left by the people and the senate, and by his colleague himself, entirely to Fabius; and when Publius Decius had made known his readiness to set out either for Samnium or Etruria, there were such rejoicings and congratulations that men tasted the sweets of victory in anticipation, and it seemed as though the consuls had been voted a triumph and not a war.

> Latin: 26.4. rerum arbitrium et a populo et a senatu et ab ipso collega Fabio permissum est; et cum P. Decius se vel in Samnium vel in Etruriam proficisci paratum esse ostendisset, tanta laetitia ac gratulatio fuit ut praeciperetur victoria animis triumphusque non bellum decretum consulibus videretur.

[¶57] 26.5. find in some historians that Fabius and Decius set out for Etruria at the very beginning of their consulship, and they make no mention of the casting of lots for provinces or of the disputes betwixt the colleagues which I have described.

> Latin: 26.5. apud quosdam extemplo consulatu inito profectos in Etruriam Fabium Deciumque sine ulla mentione sortis provinciarum certaminumque inter collegas quae exposui.

[¶58] 26.6. the other hand, even these disputes have not been enough for some, but they have added invectives pronounced by Appius before the people against the absent Fabius, and stubborn opposition on the praetor's part to the consul who was present, and another quarrel between the colleagues, when Decius urged that each should attend to his allotted province.

> Latin: 26.6. quibus ne haec quidem certamina exponere satis fuit; adiecerunt et Appi criminationes de Fabio absente ad populum et pertinaciam adversus praesentem consulem praetoris contentionemque aliam inter collegas, tendente Decio ut suae quisque provinciae sortem tueretur.

[¶59] 26.7. The authorities begin to be in agreement from the moment that both consuls set out for the seat of war. before the consuls could reach Etruria, the Senonian Gauls were come with a great multitude to Clusium, to besiege the Roman legion in camp there. Scipio, who was in command, thought it necessary that he should gain the advantage of position to eke out the smallness of his numbers, and marched his troops up a hill situated between the city and his camp;

> Latin: 26.7. res incipit ex eo tempore quo profecti ambo consules ad bellum sunt. antequam consules in Etruriam pervenirent, Senones Galli multitudine ingenti ad Clusium venerunt legionem Romanam castraque oppugnaturi. Scipio, qui castris praeerat, loco adiuvandam paucitatem suorum militum ratus, in collem qui inter urbem et castra erat aciem erexit.

[¶60] 26.9. but, as happens in sudden emergencies, he had sent no scouts ahead of him, and led his men up to a ridge which was held by the enemy, who had approached it from another direction.

> Latin: 26.9. , ut in re subita, parum explorato itinere ad iugum perrexit quod hostes ceperant parte alia adgressi. caesa ab tergo legio atque in medio, cum hostis undique urgeret, circumventa.

[¶61] 26.10. the legion was attacked in the rear and found itself surrounded, with the enemy assailing it from every quarter. writers say that the legion was even annihilated there, so that none survived to bear away the tidings, and that the consuls, who were not far from Clusium, got no report of the disaster till some Gallic horsemen came in sight, with heads hanging at their horses' breasts or fixed on their lances, and singing their customary song of triumph.

> Latin: 26.10. quoque ibi legionem, ita ut nuntius non superesset, quidam auctores sunt, nec ante ad consules, qui iam haud procul a Clusio aberant, famam eius cladis perlatam quam in conspectu fuere Gallorum equites, pectoribus equorum suspensa gestantes capita et lanceis infixa ovantesque moris sui carmine.

[¶62] 26.12. allege that they were not Gauls but Umbrians, and that the reverse experienced was not so great. foragers, according to their account, under Lucius Manlius Torquatus, a lieutenant, had been cut off and Scipio the propraetor sallied forth from the camp to their relief, and renewing the battle defeated the victorious Umbrians and took from them their prisoners and their booty.

> Latin: 26.12. qui Umbros fuisse non Gallos tradant, nec tantum cladis acceptum et circumventis pabulatoribus cum L. Manlio Torquato legato Scipionem propraetorem subsidium e castris tulisse victoresque Umbros redintegrato proelio victos esse captivosque eis ac praedam ademptam. vero est a Gallo hoste quam Umbro eam cladem acceptam, quod cum saepe alias tum eo anno Gallici tumultus praecipuus terror civitatem tenuit.

[¶63] 26.14. is more probable that the discomfiture was incurred at the hands of a Gallic than of an Umbrian enemy, since apprehensions of a Gallic rising, which had often at other times troubled the Romans, were in that year particularly alarming. so, not only did both consuls go out to war, having four legions and a strong body of Roman cavalry, together with a thousand picked horse from Campania —furnished for this campaign —and an army of allies and Latins that outnumbered the Romans;

> Latin: 26.14. praeterquam quod ambo consules profecti ad bellum erant cum quattuor legionibus et magno equitatu Romano Campanisque mille equitibus delectis, ad id bellum missis, et sociorum nominisque Latini maiore exercitu quam Romano, alii duo exercitus haud procul urbe Etruriae oppositi, unus in Falisco alter in Vaticano agro.

[¶64] 26.15. but two other armies were posted over against Etruria, not far from the City, one in the Faliscan district and the other in the Vatican. Gnaeus Fulvius and Lucius Postumius Megellus —propraetors both —were ordered to maintain a standing camp there.

> Latin: 26.15. Cn. Fulvius et L. Postumius Megellus propraetores ambo, stativa in eis locis habere iussi. ad hostes transgressos Appenninum in agrum Sentinatem pervenerunt. quattuor milium ferme intervallo castra posita.

[¶65] 27.2. The consuls came up with the enemy —who had crossed the Apennines —in the territory round Sentinum, and went into camp about four miles off. were then held amongst the enemy and they decided not to unite all their forces in one camp nor to give battle all together; to the Samnites were joined the Gauls and to the Etruscans the men of Umbria.

> Latin: 27.2. hostes deinde consultationes habitae atque ita convenit ne unis castris miscerentur omnes neve in aciem descenderent simul;

[¶66] 27.3. day was designated for the battle, and the Samnites and Gauls were appointed to make the attack; in the midst of the engagement the Etruscans and the Umbrians were to assault the Roman camp.

> Latin: 27.3. Samnitibus Galli, Etruscis Umbri adiecti. indicta pugnae; Samniti Gallisque delegata pugna; inter ipsum certamen certarnen Etrusci Umbrique iussi castra Romana oppugnare.

[¶67] 27.4. These plans were upset by three Clusinian deserters who came over secretly in the night to Fabius, and having informed him of the enemy's designs were rewarded and sent back again, so that from time to time, as each new step should be decided on, they might find it out and report upon it.

> Latin: 27.4. consilia turbarunt transfugae Clusini tres clam nocte ad Fabium consulem transgressi, qui editis hostium consiliis dimissi cum donis, ut subinde ut quaeque res nova decreta esset exploratam perferrent.

[¶68] 27.5. The consuls wrote to Fulvius and Postumius to march from their respective posts in the Faliscan and Vatican districts to Clusium, and lay waste the territories of the enemy with the utmost rigour.

> Latin: 27.5. Fulvio ut ex Falisco, Postumio ut ex Vaticano exercitum ad Clusium admoveant summaque vi fines hostium depopulentur scribunt.

[¶69] 27.6. The reports of this devastation drew off the Etruscans from the region of Sentinum to the defence of their own frontiers.

> Latin: 27.6. populationis fama Etruscos ex agro Sentinate ad suos fines tuendos movit. inde consules, ut absentibus iis pugnaretur.

[¶70] 27.7. the consuls strove to bring about an engagement in their absence. the space of two days they harassed the enemy, but in these two days there was nothing done worth telling: a few were slain on either side and spirits were whetted for a downright battle, but the main issue was not brought to a decision.

> Latin: 27.7. biduum lacessiere proelio hostem; biduo nihil dignum dictu actum: pauci utrimque cecidere magisque inritati sunt ad iustum certamen animi quam ad discrimen summa rerum adducta. die descensum in campum omnibus copiis est.

[¶71] 27.8. the third day the opposing armies descended in full strength into the field. they stood arrayed for battle, a hind, pursued by a wolf that had chased it down from the mountains, fled across the plain and ran between the two lines. then turned in opposite directions, the hind towards the Gauls, the wolf towards the Romans. the wolf a passage was opened between the ranks, but the hind was killed by the Gauls.

> Latin: 27.8. instructae acies starent, cerva fugiens lupum e montibus exacta per campos inter duas acies decurrit; inde diversae ferae, cerva ad Gallos, lupus ad Romanos cursum deflexit. data inter ordines via;

[¶72] 27.9. one of the front —rankers on the Roman side called out, “way flight and slaughter have shaped their course, where you see the beast lie slain that is sacred to Diana; on this side the wolf of Mars, unhurt and sound, has reminded us of the Martian race and of our Founder.”

> Latin: 27.9. cervam Galli confixere. ex antesignanis Romanus miles fuga inquit et caedes vertit, ubi sacram Dianae feram iacentem videtis; hinc hine victor Martius lupus, integer et intactus, gentis nos Martiae et conditoris nostri admonuit.

[¶73] 27.10. the right wing stood the Gauls, on the left the Samnites. the Samnites, Quintus Fabius drew up the first and third legions, to form the Roman right, while Decius marshalled the fifth and sixth on the Roman left, against the Gauls.

> Latin: 27.10. cornu Galli, sinistro Samnites constiterunt. Samnites Q. Fabius primam ac tertiam legionem pro dextro cornu, adversus Gallos pro sinistro Decius quintam et sextam instruxit;

[¶74] 27.11. The second and the fourth were campaigning in Samnium under Lucius Volumnius the proconsul. the first shock the strength put forth on both sides was so equal that if the Etruscans and the Umbrians had been present either in the battle or at the camp, in whichever quarter they had thrown their weight the Romans must have suffered a disaster.

> Latin: 27.11. secunda et quarta cum L. Volumnio proconsule in Samnio gerebant bellum. concursu adeo aequis viribus gesta res est ut si adfuissent Etrusci et Umbri, aut in acie aut in castris, quocumque se inclinassent accipienda clades fuerit. quamquam communis adhuc Mars belli erat necdum discrimen Fortuna fecerat qua datura vires esset, haudquaquam similis pugna in dextro laevoque cornu erat.

[¶75] 28.2. , though so far it was a doubtful battle and Fortune had given no indication where she intended to bestow her might, the fighting was very different on the right wing from what it was on the left. The Romans with Fabius were rather defending themselves than attacking, and were trying to prolong the struggle to as late an hour in the day as possible.

> Latin: 28.2. Romani apud Fabium arcebant magis quam inferebant pugnam extrahebaturque in quam maxime serum diei certamen, quia ita persuasum erat duci, et Samnites et Gallos primo impetu feroces esse, quos sustinere satis sit;

[¶76] 28.3. was because their general was persuaded that both Samnites and Gauls fought fiercely at the outset of an engagement, but only needed to be withstood; when a struggle was prolonged, little by little the spirits of the Samnites flagged, while the physical prowess of the Gauls, who could least of all men put up with heat and labour, ebbed away, and, whereas in the early stages of their battles they were more than men, they ended with being less than women.

> Latin: 28.3. longiore certamine sensim residere Samnitium animos, Gallorum quidem etiam corpora intolerantissima laboris atque aestus fluere primaque eorum proelia plus quam virorum, postrema minus quam feminarum esse.

[¶77] 28.5. until the time should come when the enemy were wont to fail, he was keeping his men as fresh as he could contrive to do.

> Latin: 28.5. id tempus igitur quo vinci solebat hostis, quam integerrimas vires militi servabat.

[¶78] 28.6. Decius, with the greater impetuosity of his youth and spirits, expended all the strength he could muster in the first encounter. because the fighting of the infantry seemed to languish, he called on the cavalry to attack, and attaching himself to the bravest squadron of troopers besought the youthful nobles to join him in a charge., he said, would be a double share of glory, if victory should come first to the left wing and to the cavalry. they drove the Gallic cavalry back.

> Latin: 28.6. Decius et aetate et vigore animi quantumcumque virium habuit certamine primo effudit. quia lentior videbatur pedestris pugna, equitatum in pugnam concitat et ipse fortissimae iuvenum turmae immixtus orat proceres iuventutis in hostem ut secum impetum faciant: duplicem illorum gloriam fore si ab laevo cornu et ab equite victoria incipiat.

[¶79] 28.8. The second time they were carried on for a considerable distance and soon found themselves in the midst of the companies of infantry, when they were subjected to a new and terrifying kind of assault;

> Latin: 28.8. avertere Gallicum equitatum; iterum longius evectos et iam inter media peditum agmina proelium cientes novum pugnae conterruit genus:

[¶80] 28.9. for, standing erect in chariots and waggons, armed enemies came rushing upon them with a mighty clattering of hoofs and wheels, frightening the horses of the Romans with the unfamiliar din.

> Latin: 28.9. essedis carrisque superstans armatus hostis ingenti sonitu equorum rotarumque advenit et insolitos eius tumultus Romanorum conterruit equos.

[¶81] 28.10. the victorious cavalry were scattered, as if by a panic fit of madness, and, suddenly fleeing, were overthrown, both horse and rider. them the disorder was communicated to the standards of the legions, and many of the first line were trodden underfoot, as horses and chariots swept through their ranks.

> Latin: 28.10. victorem equitatum velut lymphaticus pavor dissipat; sternit inde ruentes equos virosque improvida fuga.

[¶82] 28.11. sooner did the Gallic infantry perceive the confusion of their enemies than they charged, without leaving them a moment to recover or regain their breath.

> Latin: 28.11. hinc etiam signa legionum legionunl multique impetu equorum ac vehiculorum raptorum per agmen obtriti antesignani; et insecuta, simul territos hostes vidit, Gallica acies nullum spatium respirandi recipiendique se dedit.

[¶83] 28.12. Decius cried out to them to tell him whither they were fleeing, or what hope they had in flight; he endeavoured to stop them as they broke and ran, and to call them back; then, his exertions proving powerless to stay their rout, he cried aloud on the name of his father Publius Decius. “,” he asked, “do I seek any longer to postpone the doom of our house?”

> Latin: 28.12. Decius, quo fugerent quamve in fuga spem haberent; obsistere cedentibus ac revocare fusos; deinde, ut nulla vi perculsos sustinere poterat, patrem P.

[¶84] 28.13. “is the privilege of our family that we should be sacrificed to avert the nation's perils. will I offer up the legions of the enemy, to be slain with myself as victims to Earth and the Manes.”

> Latin: 28.13. Decium nomine compellans ultra moror inquit familiare fatum? hoc nostro generi est ut luendis periculis publicis piacula simus. ego mecum hostium legiones mactandas Telluri ac dis Manibus dabo.

[¶85] 28.14. going down into the field of battle he had ordered Marcus Livius the pontifex not to leave his side. now commanded this man to recite before him the words with which he proposed to devote himself and the enemy's legions in behalf of the army of the Roman People, the Quirites.

> Latin: 28.14. locutus M. Livium pontificem, quem descendens in aciem digredi vetuerat ab se, praeire iussit verba quibus se legionesque hostium pro exercitu populi Romani Quiritium devoveret.

[¶86] 28.15. was then devoted with the same form of prayer and in the same habit his father, Publius Decius, had commanded to be used, when he was devoted at the Veseris, in the Latin war; and having added to the usual prayers that he was driving before him fear and panic, blood and carnage, and the wrath of gods celestial and gods infernal, and should

> Latin: 28.15. inde eadem precatione eodemque habitu quo pater P. Decius ad Veserim bello Latino se iusserat devoveri, cum secundum sollemnes precationes adiecisset prae se agere sese formidinem ac fugam caedemque ac cruorem,

[¶87] 28.17. blight with a curse the standards, weapons and armour of the enemy, and that one and the same place should witness his own destruction and that of the Gauls and Samnites, —having uttered, I say, these imprecations upon himself and the enemy, he spurred his charger against the Gallic lines, where he saw that they were thickest, and hurling himself against the weapons of the enemy met his death.

> Latin: 28.17. caelestium inferorum iras, contacturum funebribus diris signa tela arma hostium, locumque eundem suae pestis ac Gallorum ac Samnitium fore, —haec exsecratus in se hostesque, qua confertissimam cernebat Gallorum aciem concitat equum inferensque se ipse infestis telis est interfectus. humanae inde opis videri pugna potuit. Romani duce amisso, quae res terrori alias esse solet, sistere fugam ac novam de integro velle instaurare pugnam:

[¶88] 29.2. that moment the battle seemed scarce to depend on human efforts. The Romans, after losing their general —an occurrence that is wont to inspire terror —fled no longer, but sought to redeem the field; the Gauls, and especially the press about the body of the consul, as though deprived of reason, were darting their javelins at random and without effect, while some were in a daze, and could neither fight nor run away.

> Latin: 29.2. Galli, et maxime globus circumstans consulis corpus, velut alienata mente vana in cassum iactare tela; torpere quidam et nec pugnae meminisse nec fugae.

[¶89] 29.3. in the other army the pontifex Livius, to whom Decius had handed over his lictors, bidding him act as propraetor, cried aloud that the Romans had won the victory, being quit of all danger by the consul's doom.

> Latin: 29.3. ex parte altera pontifex Livius, cui lictores Decius tradiderat iusseratque pro praetore esse, vociferari vicisse Romanos defunctos consulis fato;

[¶90] 29.4. The Gauls, he said, and the Samnites were made over to Mother Earth and to the Manes; Decius was haling after him their devoted host and calling it to join him, and with the enemy all was madness and despair.

> Latin: 29.4. Gallos Samnitesque Telluris matris ac deorum Manium esse; rapere ad se ac vocare Decium devotam secum aciem furiarumque ac formidinis plena omnia ad hostes esse.

[¶91] 29.5. the Romans were restoring the battle, up came Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Gaius Marcius, whom Quintus Fabius the consul had ordered to take reserves from the rearmost line and go to his colleague's support. they learned of Decius's death, a great incentive to dare everything for the republic.

> Latin: 29.5. deinde his restituentibus pugnam L. Cornelius Scipio et C. Marcius cum subsidiis ex novissima acie iussu Q. Fabi consulis ad praesidium collegae missi. auditur P. Deci eventus, ingens hortamen ad omnia pro re publica audenda.

## 49. Book X · chapters 29–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/49/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/49/#p-N

[¶0] 29.6. so, though the Gauls stood crowded together with their shields interlocked in front of them, and it looked no easy battle at close quarters, the lieutenants bade their men gather up the javelins that were scattered about on the ground between the hostile lines and cast them against the testudo of their enemies; and as many of these missiles stuck fast in the shields and now and then one penetrated a soldier's body, their phalanx was broken up —many falling, though unwounded, as if they had been stunned.

> Latin: 29.6. cum Galli structis ante se scutis conferti starent nec facilis pede conlato videretur pugna, iussu legatorum collecta humi pila quae strata inter duas acies iacebant atque in testudinem hostium coniecta;

[¶1] 29.7. were the shifts of Fortune upon the Roman left. the right, Fabius had begun, as has been said before, by holding back and delaying the decision; later, when neither the shouts of the foe, nor their assaults, nor the missiles they discharged, seemed to have any longer the same force, he ordered the praefects of the cavalry to lead their squadrons round the wing of the Samnites, that, on the signal being given, they might attack them in the flank with all possible vigour, and commanded his own men to push forward by degrees and dislodge the

> Latin: 29.7. quibus plerisque in scuta rarisque in corpora ipsa fixis sternitur cuneus ita ut magna pars integris corporibus attoniti conciderent. in sinistro cornu Romanorum fortuna variaverat. Fabius in dextro primo, ut ante dictum est, cunctando extraxerat diem; dein, postquam nec clamor hostium nec impetus nec tela missa eandem vim habere visa, praefectis equitum iussis ad latus Samnitium circumducere alas, ut signo dato in transversos quanto maximo possent impetu incurrerent, sensim suos signa inferre iussit et commovere hostem.

[¶2] 29.10. enemy. he saw that they made no resistance and there could be no question of their weariness, he gathered up all the troops which he had hitherto held in reserve, and, sending in his legions, made a signal to the cavalry to charge.

> Latin: 29.10. non resisti vidit et haud dubiam lassitudinem esse, tum collectis omnibus subsidiis, quae ad id tempus reservaverat, et legiones concitavit et signum ad invadendos hostes equitibus dedit.

[¶3] 29.11. The Samnites could not withstand their onset and fled in confusion past the Gallic line itself, abandoning their comrades in the midst of the fighting and seeking refuge in their camp. The Gauls had formed a testudo and stood there closely packed together.

> Latin: 29.11. sustinuerunt Samnites impetum praeterque aciem ipsam Gallorum relictis in dimicatione sociis ad castra effuso cursu ferebantur:

[¶4] 29.12. Fabius, who had learned of his colleague's death, commanded the squadron of Campanians, about five hundred lances, to withdraw from the line, and fetching a compass, assail the Gallic infantry in the rear; these the principes, or middle line, of the third legion were to follow, and, pushing in where they saw that the cavalry charge had disordered the enemy's formation, make havoc of them in their

> Latin: 29.12. Galli testudine facta conferti stabant. Fabius audita morte collegae Campanorum alam, quingentos fere equites, excedere acie iubet et circumvectos ab tergo Gallicam invadere aciem; tertiae deinde legionis subsequi principes, et qua turbatum agmen hostium viderent impetu equitum, instare ac territos caedere.

[¶5] 29.14. panic. himself, after vowing a temple and the enemy's spoils to Jupiter Victor, kept on to the Samnite camp, whither the whole affrighted throng was being driven.

> Latin: 29.14. aedem Iovi Victori spoliaque hostium cum vovisset, ad castra Samnitium perrexit, quo multitudo multitude omnis consternata agebatur.

[¶6] 29.15. the very rampart, since the gates could not receive so great a multitude, those who were shut out by the crowding of their fellows attempted some resistance; there Gellius Egnatius, the commander —in —chief of the Samnites, fell; in the upshot the Samnites were driven within the rampart and after a short struggle their camp was taken and the Gauls were cut off in the

> Latin: 29.15. ipso vallo, quia tantam multitudinem portae non recepere, temptata ab exclusis turba suorum pugna est; ibi Gellius Egnatius, imperator Samnitium, cecidit. deinde intra vallum Samnites parvoque certamine capta castra et Galli ab tergo circumventi.

[¶7] 29.17. rear. were slain that day five —and —twenty thousand of the enemy, and eight thousand were captured; nor was it a bloodless victory; for of the army of Publius Decius seven thousand were slain and seventeen hundred of the army of Fabius. Fabius sent out men to search for the body of his colleague, and, piling up the spoils of the enemy, burned them in sacrifice to Jupiter the Victor.

> Latin: 29.17. eo die hostium viginti quinque milia, octo capta. incruenta victoria fuit; nam ex P. Deci exercitu caesa septem milia, ex Fabi mille septingenti. Fabius dimissis ad quaerendum collegae corpus spolia hostium coniecta in acervum Iovi Victori cremavit.

[¶8] 29.19. The consul's body could not be found that day, having been buried under heaps of Gauls who had been slain above him; on the day after, it was found and brought in, amidst the lamentations of the soldiers.

> Latin: 29.19. corpus eo die, quia obrutum superstratis Gallorum cumulis erat, inveniri non potuit; postero die inventum relatumque est cum multis militum lacrimis.

[¶9] 29.20. his concern for everything else, Fabius celebrated the funeral of his colleague with every show of honour and well —merited eulogiums. Etruria too at the same time Gnaeus Fulvius the propraetor was succeeding according to his wishes, and, besides the enormous damage which his forays inflicted on the enemy, fought also a victorious battle with them. The Perusini and Clusini lost upwards of three thousand men, and some twenty military standards were captured from them.

> Latin: 29.20. inde omnium aliarum rerum cura Fabius collegae funus omni honore laudibusque meritis celebrat. in Etruria per eosdem dies ab Cn. Fulvio propraetore res ex sententia gesta et praeter ingentem inlatam populationibus agrorum hosti cladem pugnatum etiam egregie est Perusinorumque et Clusinorum caesa amplius milia tria et signa militaria ad viginti capta.

[¶10] 30.3. The Samnite army, as it fled through the Paelignian territory, was surrounded by the inhabitants, and of five thousand men about a thousand were slain.

> Latin: 30.3. Samnitium agmen cum per Paelignum agrum fugeret, circumventum a Paelignis est; ex milibus quinque ad mille caesi.

[¶11] 30.4. Great is the glory of that day on which the battle was fought in the district of Sentinum, even if a man hold fast to truth;

> Latin: 30.4. Magna eius diei quo in Sentinati agro bellatum fama est, etiam vero stanti;

[¶12] 30.5. but some writers have so exaggerated as to over —shoot the credible, and have written that in the army of the enemy —including, of course, the Umbrians and Tuscans, for these, too, were present in the battle —there were six hundred thousand infantry, forty —six thousand horse, and a thousand cars;

> Latin: 30.5. sed superiecere quidam augendo fidem, qui in hostium exercitu peditum sexiens centena milia, equitum sex et quadraginta milia, mille carpentorum scripsere fuisse, scilicet cum Umbris Tuscisque, quos et ipsos pugnae adfuisse;

[¶13] 30.6. and, to enlarge in like manner the forces of the Romans, they add to the consuls as a general Lucius Volumnius the proconsul, and his army to their legions.

> Latin: 30.6. et ut Romanorum quoque augerent copias, L. Volumnium pro consule ducem consulibus exercitumque eius legionibus consulum adiciunt.

[¶14] 30.7. the majority of histories this victory is reserved to the two consuls, and Volumnius is waging war at the same time in Samnium, where, having driven the Samnite army up Mount Tifernus, he routs and scatters them, undeterred by the difficulties of the ground.

> Latin: 30.7. pluribus annalibus duorum ea consulum propria victoria est, Volumnius in Samnio interim res gerit Samnitiumque exercitum in Tifernum montem compulsum, non deterritus iniquitate loci, fundit fugatque.

[¶15] 30.8. Quintus Fabius, leaving the Decian army on guard over Etruria, led down his own legions to Rome and triumphed over the Gauls, the Etruscans, and the Samnites.

> Latin: 30.8. Q. Fabius, Deciano exercitu relicto in Etruriae praesidio, suis legionibus deductis ad urbem de Gallis Etruscisque ac Samnitibus triumphavit. triumphantem secuti sunt.

[¶16] 30.9. The soldiers followed his triumphal chariot and in their rude verses celebrated no less the glorious death of Publius Decius than the victory of Fabius, reviving by their praise of the son the memory of the father, whose death (and its service to the commonwealth) had now been matched.

> Latin: 30.9. inconditis militaribus non magis victoria Q. Fabi quam mors praeclara P. Deci est, excitataque memoria parentis, aequata eventu publico privatoque, filii laudibus.

[¶17] 30.10. soldier received from the spoils a present of eighty —two asses of bronze, with a cloak and tunic, a reward for military service in those days far from contemptible. these victories, there was not yet peace either with the Samnites or in Etruria; for war had broken out afresh at the instigation of the Perusini, after the consul had withdrawn his army, and the Samnites were raiding the lands of Vescini and of Formiae on the one hand, and on the other the territory of Aesernia and the region adjacent to the Volturnus river.

> Latin: 30.10. ex praeda militibus aeris octogeni bini sagaque et tunicae, praemia illa tempestate militiae haudquaquam spernenda. ita rebus gestis nec in Samnitibus adhuc nec in Etruria pax erat; nam et Perusinis auctoribus post deductum ab consule exercitum rebellatum fuerat et Samnites praedatum in agrum Vescinum Formianumque et parte alia in Aeserninum quaeque Volturno adiacent flumini descendere.

[¶18] 31.3. these the praetor Appius Claudius was dispatched with the army that Decius had commanded. Fabius dealt with the new outbreak in Etruria, where he slew four thousand five hundred of the Perusini and took one thousand seven hundred and forty prisoners, who were ransomed at three hundred and ten asses each, the rest of the booty being made over to the soldiers.

> Latin: 31.3. eos Ap. Claudius praetor cum exercitu Deciano missus. Fabius in Etruria rebellante denuo quattuor milia et quingentos Perusinorum occidit, cepit ad mille septingentos quadraginta, qui redempti singuli aeris trecentis decem; praeda alia omnis militibus concessa.

[¶19] 31.5. The Samnite levies, of whom a part were being pursued by Appius Claudius the praetor and a part by Lucius Volumnius the pro —consul, effected a junction in the Stellate district, where they all took up a position near Caiatia. Appius and Volumnius also combined their forces.

> Latin: 31.5. Samnitium legiones, cum partem Ap. Claudius praetor partem L. Volumnius pro consule sequeretur, in agrum Stellatem convenerunt. ad Caiatiam omnes considunt et Appius Volumniusque castra coniungunt.

[¶20] 31.6. The ensuing battle was very bitterly contested, the Romans being incited by resentment against a people who had so often rebelled, while those on the other side were staking their last hopes on the conflict.

> Latin: 31.6. infestissimis animis, hinc ira stimulante adversus rebellantes totiens, illinc ad ultimam iam dimicantibus spem.

[¶21] 31.7. The Samnites accordingly lost sixteen thousand three hundred slain and two thousand seven hundred captured; in the Roman army two thousand seven hundred fell.

> Latin: 31.7. ergo Samnitium sedecim milia trecenti, capta duo milia septingenti; ex Romano exercitu cecidere duo milia septingenti.

[¶22] 31.8. The year, though one of success in war, was saddened by a pestilence and vexed with prodigies. of earth were reported to have fallen in many places, and it was said that in the army of Appius Claudius many had been struck by lightning.

> Latin: 31.8. annus bellicis rebus, pestilentia gravis prodigiisque sollicitus; nam et terra multifariam pluvisse et in exercitu Ap. Claudi plerosque fulminibus ictos nuntiatum est, librique ob haec aditi.

[¶23] 31.9. account of these signs the Sibylline books were consulted. this year Quintus Fabius Gurges, the consul's son, assessed a fine of money against a number of married women who were convicted before the people of adultery, and with this money erected the temple of Venus which is near the Circus.

> Latin: 31.9. anno Q. Fabius Gurges, consulis filius, aliquot matronas ad populum stupri damnatas pecunia multavit; ex quo multaticio aere Veneris aedem quae prope circum est faciendam curavit.

[¶24] 31.10. are more Samnite wars still to come, though we have dealt with them continuously throughout four books, covering a period of forty —six years, from the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, who were the first that made war on Samnium; and —not to go over now the disasters sustained in so many years on either side and the toils endured, by which nevertheless those sturdy hearts could not be daunted —in the year just past the Samnites had fought in the territory of Sentinum, in the Pelignian country, at Tifernus, and in the Stellate plains, now by themselves, with their own levies, now in company with troops from other nations, and had been cut to pieces by four armies under four Roman generals; they had lost their nation's most distinguished commander;

> Latin: 31.10. etiam nunc Samnitium bella, quae continua per quartum iam volumen annumque sextum et quadragesimum quadragensimum a M. Valerio A. Cornelio consulibus, qui primi Samnio arma intulerunt, agimus. ne tot annorum clades utriusque gentis laboresque actos nunc referam, quibus nequiverint tamen dura illa pectora vinci, proximo anno Samnites in Sentinati agro, in Paelignis, ad Tifernum, Stellatibus campis, suis ipsi legionibus mixti alienis, ab quattuor exercitibus, quattuor ducibus Romanis caesi fuerant;

[¶25] 31.13. they beheld their comrades in war, the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls, in the same plight as their own; nor could they longer maintain themselves, either by their own resources or by those of outside nations; yet would they not abstain from war;

> Latin: 31.13. imperatorem clarissimum gentis suae amiserant; socios belli, Etruscos Umbros Gallos, in eadem fortuna videbant qua ipsi erant;

[¶26] 31.14. —so far were they from wearying of a liberty which they had unsuccessfully defended, preferring rather to be conquered than not to try for victory.

> Latin: 31.14. nec suis nec externis viribus iam stare poterant; tamen bello non abstinebant. ne infeliciter quidem defensae libertatis taedebat et vinci quam non temptare victoriam malebant.

[¶27] 31.15. , pray, could grudge the time for writing or reading of these wars, when they could not exhaust the men who fought them?

> Latin: 31.15. sit ille, quem pigeat longinquitatis bellorum scribendo legendoque, quae gerentes non fatigaverunt? Q. Fabium P. Decium L. Postumius Megellus et M. Atilius Regulus consules secuti sunt.

[¶28] 32.2. Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were succeeded in the consulship by Lucius Postumius Megellus and Marcus Atilius Regulus. Samnium was assigned them both for their province, in consequence of a report that the enemy had raised three armies, with one of which they meant to return into Etruria, with another to resume the devastation of Campania, while the third was making ready for the defence of their frontiers.

> Latin: 32.2. Samnium ambobus decreta provincia est, quia tres scriptos hostium exercitus, uno Etruriam, altero populationes Campaniae repeti, tertium tuendis parari finibus, fama erat.

[¶29] 32.3. Postumius was detained in Rome by ill health: Atilius marched out at once, that he might put down the enemy in Samnium —for such was the senate's plan —ere they could cross the border.

> Latin: 32.3. Postumium valetudo adversa Romae Romnae tenuit; Atilius extemplo profectus, ut in Samnio hostes—ita enim placuerat patribus— nondum egressos opprimeret.

[¶30] 32.4. though it had been prearranged, they encountered the foe in a place where they themselves were prevented from laying waste the territory of their enemies, while they prevented the Samnites from coming out into the district which had been pacified and the territory of the allies of the Roman People.

> Latin: 32.4. ex composite ibi obvium habuere hostem ubi et vastare ipsi Samnitium agrum prohiberentur et egredi inde in pacata sociorumque populi Romani fines Samnitem prohiberent.

[¶31] 32.5. the camps being established over against each other, what the Romans would hardly have dared to do, victorious as they had so often been, the Samnites ventured —such temerity does utter hopelessness beget, —that is, to assault the enemy's camp; and although their desperate enterprise did not fully succeed, still, it was not altogether futile.

> Latin: 32.5. castra castris conlata essent, quod vix Romanus totiens victor auderet ausi Samnites sunt—tantum desperatio ultima temeritatis facit—castra Romana oppugnare; et quamquam non venit ad finem tam audax inceptum, tamen haud omnino vanum fuit.

[¶32] 32.6. was a fog which lasted well on into the day, so dense as to shut out the light and render it impossible to see, not only beyond the rampart, but even at a little way off, when people approached each other.

> Latin: 32.6. erat ad multum diei densa adeo ut lucis usum eriperet non prospectu modo extra vallum adempto sed propinquo etiam congredientium inter se conspectu.

[¶33] 32.7. on this, as on a screen for their operations, the Samnites came up, when day had scarcely dawned, and even so was hidden behind the murk, to the Roman outpost that was negligently standing guard before the gate.

> Latin: 32.7. velut latebra insidiarum freti Samnites vixdum satis certa luce et eam ipsam premente caligine ad stationem Romanam in porta segniter agentem vigilias perveniunt.

[¶34] 32.8. upon them unawares they encountered neither courage nor strength sufficient to hold them in check.

> Latin: 32.8. oppressis nec animi satis ad resistendum nec virium fuit. tergo castrorum decumana porta impetus factus;

[¶35] 32.9. charged in by the decuman gate in the rear of the camp, captured the quaestor's tent, and slew the quaestor, Lucius Opimius Pansa; whereupon a general alarm was cried. The consul, aroused by the din, commanded the two allied cohorts which happened to be nearest —those from Lucania and Suessa —to guard headquarters, and put himself at the head of the legionary maniples in the via principalis. The men fell in ere they had fairly fitted on their armour, and, knowing the enemy more by their shouting than by the sight of them, were unable to form any estimate of their numbers. first they gave ground, uncertain how fortune stood with them, and admitted the foe into the middle of the camp; then, on the consul's asking them whether they meant to be driven without the wall and afterwards make an assault on their own camp, they gave a cheer, and, exerting themselves, first made a successful stand, and afterwards pushed forward and forced their enemies back, and, having once repulsed them, left them no time to recover their first dismay, but thrust them out of gate and

> Latin: 32.9. itaque captum quaestorium quaestorque ibi L. Opimius Pansa occisus. inde ad arma. Consul tumultu excitus cohortes duas sociorum, Lucanam Suessanamque, quae proximae forte erant, tueri praetorium iubet; manipulos legionum principali via inducit. satis aptatis armis in ordines eunt et clamore magis quam oculis hostem noscunt nec quantus numerus sit aestimari potest. primo incerti fortunae suae et hostem introrsum in media castra accipiunt; inde, cum consul vociferaretur, expulsine extra vallum castra deinde sua oppugnaturi essent, clamore sublato conixi primo resistunt, deinde inferunt pedem urgentque et impulsos semel terrore eodem quo coeperunt expellunt extra portam vallumque.

[¶36] 33.5. rampart. venturing then to go on and pursue them, since the dim light made them fear an ambush, they retired —content to have cleared their camp —within the palisade, having slain about three hundred of the enemy.

> Latin: 33.5. pergere ac persequi, quia turbida lux metum circa insidiarum faciebat, non ausi, liberatis castris contenti receperunt se intra vallum trecentis ferme hostium occisis.

[¶37] 33.6. The Roman loss, at the outpost and amongst those who were taken by surprise at the quaestor's tent, was some seven hundred and thirty.

> Latin: 33.6. Romanorum stationis primae et eorum qui circa quaestorium oppressi periere ad septingentos triginta.

[¶38] 33.7. bold and not unsuccessful venture of the Samnites raised their spirits; and not only would they not permit the Romans to go forward, but they would not even permit them to forage in their fields; the foragers fell back on the peaceful territory about Sora.

> Latin: 33.7. inde Samnitibus non infelix audacia auxit et non modo proferre inde castra Romanum sed ne pabulari quidem per agros suos patiebantur; retro in pacatum Soranum agrum pabulatores ibant.

[¶39] 33.8. The rumour of these events —more startling even than the events themselves — being brought to Rome compelled the consul Lucius Postumius, though barely recovered, to take the field.

> Latin: 33.8. rerum fama, tumultuosior etiam quam res erant, perlata Romam coegit L. Postumium consulem vixdum validum proficisci ex urbe.

[¶40] 33.9. after issuing a proclamation calling upon his soldiers to assemble at Sora, he himself, before leaving the City, dedicated a shrine to Victory, which he had built, as curule aedile, with money received from fines.

> Latin: 33.9. tamen quam exiret, militibus edicto Soram iussis convenire ipse aedem Victoriae, quam aedilis curulis ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curaverat, dedicavit.

[¶41] 33.10. then set out to join the army, he led it from Sora to his colleague's camp in Samnium. The Samnites then retreated, having no confidence in their ability to resist two armies, and the consuls separated and marched in different directions to waste their fields and attack their cities.

> Latin: 33.10. ad exercitum profectus, ab Sora in Samnium ad castra collegae perrexit. postquam Samnites diffisi duobus exercitibus resisti posse recesserunt, diversi consules ad vastandos agros urbesque oppugnandas discedunt. Postumius Milioniam oppugnare adortus vi primo atque impetu, dein, postquam ea parum procedebant, opere ac vineis demum iniunctis muro cepit.

[¶42] 34.2. Postumius essayed to capture Milionia. in his first attempt to storm the place, he proceeded against it by regular approaches, and, having brought his pent —houses into contact with the walls, effected an entrance., though the city was already taken, there ensued in every quarter without interruption, from the fourth hour till about the eighth, a desperate struggle, the result of which was long in doubt. last the Romans made themselves masters of the place. The Samnites lost three thousand two hundred slain and four thousand seven hundred captured, besides other booty.

> Latin: 34.2. capta iam urbe ab hora quarta usque ad octavam fere horam omnibus partibus urbis diu incerto eventu pugnatum est; postremo potitur oppido Romanus. Samnitium caesi tria milia ducenti, capti quattuor milia septingenti praeter praedam aliam.

[¶43] 34.4. there the legions were led to Feritrum, which the townspeople, with all their possessions which they could carry or drive away, evacuated in the silence of the night, by the opposite gate.

> Latin: 34.4. Feritrum ductae legiones, unde oppidani omnibus rebus suis quae ferri agique potuerunt nocte per aversam portam silentio excesserunt.

[¶44] 34.5. , then, the consul was no sooner come than he advanced up to the walls with all the order and circumspection of one who looked for the same resistance that he had met with at Milionia;

> Latin: 34.5. , simul advenit consul, prino ita compositus instructusque moenibus successit, tamquam idem quod ad Milioniam fuerat certaminis foret;

[¶45] 34.6. but afterwards, finding the city as silent as a desert and neither arms nor men upon the battlements and towers, he restrained his soldiers, who were eager to scale the abandoned walls, lest they should rush improvidently into some hidden trap. ordered two squadrons of Latin allies to make a circuit of the fortifications and effect a thorough reconnaissance.

> Latin: 34.6. deinde, ut silentium vastum in urbe nec arma nec viros in turribus ac muris vidit, avidum invadendi deserta moenia militem detinet, ne quam occultam in fraudem incautus rueret;

[¶46] 34.7. The troopers discovered a wide —open gate, and near it in the same quarter another one, and saw in the roads leading out of them the traces of the enemy's nocturnal flight.

> Latin: 34.7. duas turmas sociorum Latini nominis circumequitare moenia atque explorare omnia iubet. portam unam alteramque eadem regione in propinquo patentes conspiciunt itineribusque iis vestigia nocturnae hostium fugae.

[¶47] 34.8. up then slowly and cautiously to the gates, they saw that the city could be safely traversed by streets that led straight through it, and reported to the consul that it had been abandoned. was evident, they said, from the unmistakable solitude and the fresh signs of flight and the objects that lay scattered about where they had been discarded in the confusion of the darkness.

> Latin: 34.8. deinde sensim portis urbemque ex tuto rectis itineribus perviam conspiciunt et consuli referunt excessum urbe; solitudine haud dubia id perspicuum esse et recentibus vestigiis fugae ac strage rerum in trepidatione nocturna relictarum passim.

[¶48] 34.9. receiving this account, the consul led his army round to that side of the city which the horsemen had approached. the troops not far from the gate, he commanded five horsemen to enter and advance for a short distance; then, if all seemed safe, three of these were to remain there together, and the other two were to report to him what they had found.

> Latin: 34.9. auditis consul ad eam earn partem urbis quam adierant equites circumducit agmen. haud procul porta signis quinque equites iubet intrare urbem et modicum spatium progressos progresses tres manere eodem loco, si tuta videantur, duos explorata ad se referre.

[¶49] 34.10. they came back and reported that they had advanced to a place from which a view could be had in all directions, and that silence and solitude reigned far and wide, the consul at once led some light —armed cohorts into the city and ordered the rest to construct a camp in the meanwhile.

> Latin: 34.10. ubi redierunt rettuleruntque eo se progressos progresses unde in omnes partes circumspectus esset longe lateque silentium ac solitudinem vidisse, extemplo consul cohortes expeditas in urbem induxit, ceteros interim castra communire iussit.

[¶50] 34.12. entered the place and broken in the house —doors, the soldiers discovered some few decrepit or bed —ridden people and certain things abandoned as too difficult to remove. These things were seized.

> Latin: 34.12. milites refractis foribus paucos graves aetate aut invalidos inveniunt relictaque quae migratu difficilia essent.

[¶51] 34.13. was learned from the prisoners that a number of communities in the vicinity had agreed together in planning flight; their own people had left in the first watch; they believed that the Romans would find the same solitude in the other cities.

> Latin: 34.13. direpta; et cognitum ex captivis est communi consilio aliquot circa urbes conscisse fugam; suos prima vigilia profectos; credere eandem in aliis urbibus solitudinem inventuros.

[¶52] 34.14. The statements of the prisoners turned out to be true, and the consul took possession of the deserted towns. The other consul, Marcus Atilius, had by no means so easy a war. was marching, at the head of his legions, towards Luceria, which he had heard was being besieged by the Samnites, when the enemy met him at the Lucerine frontier. this occasion rage made their strength as great as his, and the battle was one of shifting fortunes and doubtful issue. its outcome was more discouraging to the Romans, both as having been unaccustomed to defeat, and because, as they were retiring from the field, they could see, even better than during the actual engagement, how much their side had got the worst of it in killed and wounded.

> Latin: 34.14. captivorum fides exstitit, desertis oppidis consul potitur. consuli M. Atilio nequaquam tam facile bellum fuit. ad Luceriam duceret legiones, quam oppugnari ab Samnitibus audierat, ad finem Lucerinum ei hostis obvius fuit. ira vires aequavit; proelium varium et anceps fuit, tristius tamen eventu Romanis, et quia insueti erant vinci et quia digredientes magis quam in ipso certamine senserunt quantum in sua parte plus volnerum ac caedis fuisset.

[¶53] 35.3. The consequence of this was such a panic in the camp as, had it come over them whilst they were fighting, must have led to a signal overthrow.

> Latin: 35.3. is terror in castris ortus, qui si pugnantes cepisset, insignis accepta clades foret; tum quoque sollicita nox fuit iam invasurum castra Samnitem credentibus aut prima luce cum victoribus victorious conserendas manus.

[¶54] 35.4. so the night was an anxious one, for they thought that the Samnites would soon be attacking the camp, or else that they would have to fight their victorious enemy at break of day. The enemy had suffered less, but was not less faint —hearted. soon as it grew light they wished to retire without giving battle. there was only one road, and this led past their enemies, and when they had started to go that way, they looked as if marching straight to attack the camp.

> Latin: 35.4. cladis ceterum non plus animorum ad hostes erat. primum inluxit, abire sine certamine cupiunt; sed via una et ea ipsa praeter hostes erat, qua ingressi praebuere speciem recta tendentium ad castra oppugnanda.

[¶55] 35.5. The consul ordered the soldiers to arm and follow him outside the rampart. the lieutenants, tribunes, and prefects of the allies he explained what part it was needful for their several commands to play. all assured him that, as for themselves, they were ready for anything, but that the soldiers were dispirited;

> Latin: 35.5. Consul arma capere milites iubet et sequi se extra vallum; legatis tribunis praefectis sociorum imperat quod apud quemque facto opus est. adfirmant se quidem omnia facturos, sed militum iacere animos; tota nocte inter volnera et gemitus morientium vigilatum esse;

[¶56] 35.7. all night long they had been kept awake by the groans of the wounded and the dying; had the enemy attacked the camp before daylight, their fear would have been so great as to cause them to desert their ranks;

> Latin: 35.7. si ante lucem ad castra ventum foret, tantum pavoris fuisse ut relicturi signa fuerint; nunc pudore a fuga contineri, alioqui pro victis esse.

[¶57] 35.8. as it was, they were withheld by shame from running away, but were otherwise as good as beaten.

> Latin: 35.8. ubi consul accepit, sibimet ipsi circumeundos adloquendosque milites ratus, ut ad quosque venerat, cunctantes arma capere increpabat:

[¶58] 35.9. hearing this, the consul thought he had best go about himself among the men and talk to them. he went he scolded those who were hesitating to arm themselves: Why did they linger and hold back?

> Latin: 35.9. quid cessarent tergiversarenturque? in castra venturum nisi illi extra castra exissent, et pro tentoriis suis pugnaturos si pro vallo nollent. ac dimicantibus dubiam victoriam esse;

[¶59] 35.10. The enemy would come into the camp, unless they went out; and they would be fighting before their tents, if they were not willing to fight before the palisade.

> Latin: 35.10. qui nudus atque inermis hostem maneat, ei aut mortem aut servitutem patiendam.

[¶60] 35.11. men armed themselves and fought, it was a question whose the victory would be; but a man who waited for the enemy, unarmed and helpless, must put up with either death or slavery.

> Latin: 35.11. iurganti increpantique respondebant confectos se pugna hesterna esse, nec virium quicquam nec sanguinis superesse; maiorem multitudinem hostium apparere quam pridie fuerit. haec appropinquabat agmen;

[¶61] 35.12. these objurgations and reproaches they replied that they were exhausted with the battle of the previous day and had no strength left nor blood to shed; while the enemy appeared to be in greater numbers than on the day before.

> Latin: 35.12. et iam breviore intervallo certiora intuentes, vallum secum portare Samnitem adfirmant nec dubium esse quin castra circumvallaturi sint.

[¶62] 35.13. the column was approaching; and presently, as the soldiers obtained a closer view of them, they declared that the Samnites were carrying stakes and were doubtless going to fence in the camp.

> Latin: 35.13. enimvero consul indignum facinus esse vociferari tantam contumeliam ignominiamque ab ignavissimo accipi hoste.

[¶63] 35.14. this the consul lost all patience, and shouted out that it was a shameful thing to suffer such disgrace and humiliation at the hands of the most cowardly of foes. “we even be pent up within our camp,” he cried, “to die shamefully of hunger, rather than, if need be, by the sword, like gallant men?”

> Latin: 35.14. circumsedebimur inquit in castris, ut fame potius per ignominiam quam ferro, si necesse est, per virtutem moriamur? Di bene verterent; facerent quod se dignum quisque ducerent:

[¶64] 35.15. Heaven prosper them! must act as each thought worthy of himself; but the consul, Marcus Atilius —alone if there were none to follow him —would charge the enemy, and sooner fall amongst the standards of the Samnites than see a Roman camp beleaguered.

> Latin: 35.15. consulem M. Atilium vel solum, si nemo alius sequatur, iturum adversus hostes casurumque inter signa Samnitium potius quam circumvallari castra Romana videat. consulis legati tribunique et omnes turmae equitum et centuriones primorum ordinum approbavere.

[¶65] 35.17. The consul's words were approved by the lieutenants and the tribunes and by all the squadrons of horse and the centurions of highest rank. the soldiers began, for very shame, to arm, and slowly emerged from the stockade; in a long and straggling column, discouraged and almost beaten, they advanced towards the enemy, who were no better off for hopefulness or courage.

> Latin: 35.17. pudore victus miles segniter arma capit, segniter e castris egreditur longo agmine nec continenti; maesti ac prope victi procedunt adversus hostem nec spe nec animo certiorem.

[¶66] 35.18. , no sooner had they beheld the Roman standards than a murmur ran through the column of the Samnites, from the foremost to the hindmost, that the Romans —just as they had feared —were coming out to dispute their passing; there was no way open even for flight; they must fall where they stood, or else cut down their foes and escape over their bodies.

> Latin: 35.18. simul conspecta sunt Romana signa, extemplo a primo Samnitium agmine ad novissimum fremitus perfertur, exire, id quod timuerint, ad impediendum iter Romanos; nullam inde ne fugae quidem patere viam; illo loco aut cadendum esse aut stratis hostibus per corpora eorum evadendum. medium sarcinas coniciunt; armati suis quisque ordinibus instruunt aciem.

[¶67] 36.2. heaped up their baggage together, and, being armed, went every man to his own place in the ranks, and the battle —line was formed. now there was but a little space between the armies, and they halted, each waiting for the other to be first to attack and first to raise a cheer.

> Latin: 36.2. exiguum inter duas acies erat spatium, et stabant exspectantes dum ab hostibus prius impetus prius clamor inciperet.

[¶68] 36.3. side had any stomach for fighting, and they would have gone off in opposite directions, scatheless and unhurt, had they not been afraid that, if they retired, their enemies would advance.

> Latin: 36.3. animus est ad pugnandum, diversique integri atque intacti abissent, ni cedenti instaturum alterum timuissent. sponte inter invitos tergiversantesque segnis pugna clamore incerto atque impari coepit; nec vestigio quisquam movebatur.

[¶69] 36.4. signal was given, but though unwilling and reluctant, they began to fight, in a half —hearted manner, with an uncertain and unequal shout; nor would any man stir from his place. the Roman consul, to put some life into the work, detached a few troops of cavalry and sent them in. these the most part were unhorsed, and, the rest being thrown into confusion, there was a rush on the part of the Samnites to dispatch the fallen and on that of the Romans to save their comrades.

> Latin: 36.4. consul Romanus, ut rem excitaret, equitum paucas turmas extra ordinem immisit; quorum cum plerique delapsi ex equis essent et alii turbati, et a Samnitium acie ad opprimendos eos qui ceciderant et ad suos tuendos ab Romanis procursum est.

[¶70] 36.5. infused a little spirit into the fighting; but the Samnites had charged somewhat more briskly and in greater numbers, and the disordered cavalry, their horses becoming terrified, rode down their own supports, who began a flight that spread to the whole Roman army.

> Latin: 36.5. paulum inritata pugna est; sed aliquanto et impigre magis et plures procurrerant Samnites et turbatus eques sua ipse subsidia territis equis proculcavit.

[¶71] 36.6. now the Samnites were on the backs of the fugitives, when the consul, galloping on before to the gate of the camp, posted there a guard of horse and commanded them, whosoever should make for the rampart, be he Roman or Samnite, to treat him as a foe. likewise threatened the men himself, and stopped them as they made in disorder for the camp.

> Latin: 36.6. fuga coepta totam avertit aciem Romanam; iamque in terga fugientium Samnites pugnabant, cum consul equo praevectus ad portam castrorum ac statione equitum ibi opposita edictoque ut quicumque ad vallum tenderet, sive ille Romanus sive Samnis esset, pro hoste haberetur, haec ipse minitans obstitit profuse tendentibus tendentious suis in castra.

[¶72] 36.8. “are you going, men?” he shouted: “too you will find arms and soldiers, and while your consul lives you shall not enter the camp, except as victors., therefore, whether you would sooner fight with fellow —citizens or enemies!”

> Latin: 36.8. pergis inquit, miles? hic arma et viros invenies nec vivo consule tuo nisi victor castra intrabis; proinde elige, cum cive an hoste pugnare malis.

[¶73] 36.9. the consul spoke these words, the cavalry gathered round the infantry and levelling their spears bade them return into the battle. only the consul's bravery but Fortune also helped; for the Samnites did not press their advantage, and he had time to reverse his standards and change his front from the camp to the enemy.

> Latin: 36.9. dicente consule equites infestis cuspidibus circumfunduntur ac peditem in pugnam redire iubent. virtus solum consulis sed fors etiam adiuvit, quod non institerunt Samnites spatiumque circumagendi signa vertendique aciem a castris in hostem fuit. alii alios hortari ut repeterent pugnam;

[¶74] 36.10. then began to encourage each other to resume the fight; the centurions snatched the standards from the standard —bearers and carried them forward, pointing out to their men that the enemy were few in number and were coming on in irregular and ill —formed ranks.

> Latin: 36.10. centuriones ab signiferis rapta signa inferre et ostendere suis paucos et ordinibus inconpositis effuse venire hostes.

[¶75] 36.11. this juncture the consul lifted up his hands to heaven, and in a clear voice, so as to be overheard, vowed a temple to Jupiter the Stayer, if the Roman army should stay its flight, and renewing the struggle cut to pieces and overcome the legions of the Samnites.

> Latin: 36.11. haec consul manus ad caelum attollens voce clara, ita ut exaudiretur, templum Iovi Statori vovet, si constitisset a fuga Romana acies redintegratoque proelio cecidisset vicissetque legiones Samnitium.

[¶76] 36.12. , all along the line —officers, soldiers, infantry and horse —made an effort to restore the day. even seemed that the divine power of the gods was concerned for the renown of Rome, so easily was the struggle turned and the enemy repulsed from the camp, and in a short time driven back to the place where the fighting had begun.

> Latin: 36.12. undique adnisi ad restituendam pugnam, duces milites, peditum equitumque vis. etiam deorum respexisse nomen Romanum visum; adeo facile inclinata res repulsique a castris hostes, mox etiam redacti ad eum locum in quo commissa pugna erat.

[¶77] 36.13. they were held up by the heap of bundles which they had piled together, and, to keep their effects from being rifled, they formed around them a circle of armed men.

> Latin: 36.13. obiacente sarcinarum cumulo, quas coniecerant in medium, haesere impediti; deinde, ne diriperentur res, orbem armatorum sarcinis circumdant.

[¶78] 36.14. the foot —soldiers fell hotly upon them in the front, and the cavalry rode round and assailed them in the rear; and so between the two they were slaughtered or made prisoners. The number of the captives was seven thousand eight hundred, who were all stripped and sent under the yoke: the slain were reported at four thousand eight hundred.

> Latin: 36.14. vero eos a fronte urgere pedites, ab tergo circumvecti equites; ita in medio caesi captique. numerus fuit septem milium octingentorum, qui omnes nudi sub iugum missi; caesos rettulere ad quattuor milia octingentos. Romanis quidem laeta victoria fuit;

[¶79] 36.15. the Romans had no joy of their victory, for the consul found, on reckoning up the two days' casualties, that he had lost seven thousand eight hundred men.

> Latin: 36.15. recensente consule biduo acceptam cladem amissorum militum numerus relatus septem milium octingentorum.

[¶80] 36.16. these affairs were taking place in Apulia, the Samnites with a second army attempted to seize Interamna, a Roman colony on the Latin Way, but could not take it; having pillaged the farms, they were driving off a miscellaneous booty of men and beasts, together with the captured settlers, when they encountered the victorious consul returning from Luceria, and not only lost their spoils, but, marching without order in a long and encumbered column, were massacred themselves.

> Latin: 36.16. haec in Apulia gerebantur, altero exercitu Samnites Interamnam, coloniam Romanam, quae via Latina est, occupare conati urbem non tenuerunt; agros depopulati, cum praedam aliam inde mixtam hominum atque pecudum colonosque captos agerent, in victorem incidunt consulem ab Luceria redeuntem; nec praedam solum amittunt sed ipsi longo atque impedito agmine incompositi caeduntur.

[¶81] 36.18. The consul made proclamation summoning the owners back to Interamna to identify and receive again their property, and, leaving there his army, went to Rome for the purpose of conducting the elections.

> Latin: 36.18. Consul Interamnam edicto dominis ad res suas noscendas recipiendasque revocatis et exercitu ibi relicto comitiorum causa Romam est profectus.

[¶82] 36.19. he sought to obtain a triumph, the honour was denied him, on the ground that he had lost so many thousand men, and because he had sent the prisoners under the yoke, though they had made no terms.

> Latin: 36.19. de triumpho agenti negatus honos et ob amissa tot milia militum et quod captivos sine pactione sub iugum misisset. Consul alter Postumius, quia in Samnitibus materia belli deerat, in Etruriam transducto exercitu primum pervastaverat Volsiniensem agrum; dein cum egressis ad tuendos fines.

[¶83] 37.2. The other consul, Postumius, in default of enemies in Samnium, transferred his army to Etruria. he first devastated the lands of the Volsinienses, and then, when they came out to defend their territory, defeated them at no great distance from their own walls. thousand eight hundred Etruscans were slain; the rest were saved by their nearness to the city.

> Latin: 37.2. haud procul moenibus ipsorum depugnat; duo milia octingenti Etruscorum caesi; ceteros propinquitas urbis tutata est.

[¶84] 37.3. The army was then led into the territory of Rusellae. not only were the fields laid waste, but the town was captured too. than two thousand were made prisoners and somewhat fewer were killed in the fighting about the walls.

> Latin: 37.3. Rusellanum agrum exercitus traductus; ibi non agri tantum vastati sed oppidum etiam expugnatum; capta amplius duo milia hominum, minus duo milia circa muros caesa.

[¶85] 37.4. a peace was made that year in Etruria that was more glorious and of more importance than the fighting had been. very powerful cities, the chief places in that country, namely Volsinii, Perusia, and Arretium, made overtures of peace, and arranged with the consul, in return for clothing and corn for his troops, to be permitted to send ambassadors to Rome, who obtained a truce for forty years.

> Latin: 37.4. tamen clarior maiorque quam bellum in Etruria eo anno fuerat parta est. validissimae urbes, Etruriae capita, Volsinii Perusia Arretium, pacem petiere;

[¶86] 37.5. fine of five hundred thousand asses, to be paid at once, was assessed upon each state. view of these achievements, the consul asked the senate for a triumph, more as a matter of custom than with any hope of obtaining his request. he perceived that some were for denying him on the ground of his tardiness in leaving the City, and others because he had gone over without the authorization of the senate from Samnium into Etruria —a part of these critics being his personal enemies, and the rest friends of his colleague, who were minded to console the latter for his rebuff by denying a triumph to Postumius also —seeing, I say, how matters stood, he spoke as follows: “shall not be so mindful, Conscript Fathers, of your dignity as to forget that I am consul.

> Latin: 37.5. et vestimentis militum frumentoque pacti cum consule, ut mitti Romam oratores liceret, indutias in quadraginta annos impetraverunt. praesens quingentum milium aeris in singulas civitates imposita. hasce res gestas consul cum triumphum ab senatu moris magis causa quam spe impetrandi petisset videretque alios quod tardius ab urbe exisset, alios quod iniussu senatus ex Samnio in Etruriam transisset, partim suos inimicos, partim collegae amicos ad solacium aequatae repulsae sibi quoque negare triumphum,

[¶87] 37.8. virtue of the same authority with which I conducted my wars, I intend, now that those wars are happily concluded with the subjugation of Samnium and Etruria and the winning of victory and peace, to celebrate a triumph.”

> Latin: 37.8. ita inquit, patres conscripti, vestrae maiestatis meminero, ut me consulem esse obliviscar. iure imperii quo bella gessi, bellis feliciter gestis, Samnio atque Etruria subactis, victoria et pace parta triumphabo.

[¶88] 37.9. saying he left the senate. dispute then arose amongst the tribunes of the plebs; some declared that they would interpose their veto to prevent this unprecedented kind of triumph, others that they would support his claims against the opposition of their colleagues.

> Latin: 37.9. senatum reliquit. inter tribunos plebis contentio orta; pars intercessuros, ne novo exemplo triumpharet aiebat, pars auxilio se adversus collegas triumphanti futuros.

[¶89] 37.10. The question was discussed in an assembly and the consul was asked to speak. reminded them that Marcus Horatius and Lucius Valerius, the consuls, and lately Gaius Marcius Rutulus, father of him who was then censor, had triumphed not by authorization of the senate but by command of the people;

> Latin: 37.10. res ad populum est vocatusque eo consul cum M. Horatium L. Valerium consules, C. Marcium Rutulum nuper, patrem eius qui tunc censor esset, non ex auctoritate senatus sed iussu populi triumphasse diceret, adiciebat se quoque laturum fuisse ad populum, ni sciret mancipia nobilium, tribunos plebis, legem impedituros;

[¶90] 37.11. and he added that he, too, would have referred the question to the people, had he not known that there were tribunes who were owned by the nobles and would obstruct the law; but the wishes and approbation of the people when they were of one accord had all the binding force with him —and ever would have of any orders whatsoever.

> Latin: 37.11. voluntatem sibi ac favorem consentientis populi pro omnibus iussis esse ac futura. die auxilio tribunorum plebis trium adversus intercessionem septem tribunorum et consensum senatus celebrante populo diem triumphavit.

[¶91] 37.13. so, on the following day, with the support of three tribunes of the plebs, against the opposition of seven who forbade the proceedings and a unanimous senate, Postumius triumphed, with the people thronging in attendance. this year, too, the tradition is uncertain. Postumius, if we follow Claudius, after capturing several cities in Samnium, was defeated in Apulia and put to flight, and, being wounded himself, was forced to take refuge with a few followers in Luceria; while Atilius campaigned in Etruria and obtained a triumph.

> Latin: 37.13. huius anni parum constans memoria est. Postumium auctor est Claudius in Samnio captis aliquot urbibus in Apulia fusum fugatumque saucium ipsum cum paucis Luceriam compulsum: ab Atilio in Etruria res gestas eumque triumphasse.

[¶92] 37.14. Fabius writes that both consuls fought in Samnium and at Luceria; that the army was led over into Etruria —by which consul he does not state —and that at Luceria both sides suffered heavy losses; in the course of the battle a temple was vowed to Jupiter Stator, as Romulus had vowed one before; but only the fanum, or place set apart for the temple, had been consecrated;

> Latin: 37.14. Fabius ambo consules in Samnio et ad Luceriam res gessisse scribit traductumque in Etruriam exercitum—sed ab utro consule non adicit —et ad Luceriam utrimque multos occisos inque ea pugna Iovis Statoris aedem votam, ut Romulus ante voverat; sed fanum tantum, id est locus templo effatus, fuerat.

[¶93] 37.16. this year, however, their scruples demanded that the senate should order the erection of the building, since the state had now been obligated for the second time by the same vow. The following year brought with it a consul, Lucius Papirius Cursor, remarkable both for his father's glory and for his own, and a mighty war, with a victory such as no one, save Lucius Papirius, the consul's father, had until that day obtained over the Samnites. it happened that the enemy had made their preparations for the war with the same earnestness and pomp and all the magnificence of splendid arms, and had likewise invoked the assistance of the gods, initiating, as it were, their soldiers, in accordance with a certain antique form of oath. first they held a levy throughout Samnium under this new ordinance, that whosoever of military age did not report in response to the proclamation of the generals, or departed without their orders, should forfeit his life to Jupiter.

> Latin: 37.16. hoc demum anno ut aedem etiam fieri senatus iuberet bis eiusdem voti damnata re publica in religionem venit. hunc annum et consul insignis, L. Papirius Cursor, qua paterna gloria qua sua, et bellum ingens victoriaque quantam de Samnitibus nemo ad eam diem praeter L. Papirium patrem consulis pepererat. forte eodem conatu apparatuque omni opulentia insignium armorum bellum adornaverant, et deorum etiam adhibuerant opes, ritu quodam sacramenti vetusto velut initiatis militibus, dilectu per omne Samnium habito nova lege, ut qui iuniorum non convenisset ad imperatorum edictum quique iniussu abisset eius caput Iovi sacraretur.

[¶94] 38.4. done, they appointed all the army to meet at Aquilonia, where some forty thousand soldiers, the strength of Samnium, came together.

> Latin: 38.4. exercitus omnis Aquiloniam est indictus. quadraginta milia militum, quod roboris in Samnio erat, convenerunt.

[¶95] 38.5. , at about the middle of the camp, they had enclosed an area, extending approximately two hundred feet in all directions, with wicker hurdles, and roofed it over with linen.

> Latin: 38.5. mediis fere castris locus est consaeptus cratibus pluteisque et linteis contectus, patens ducentos maxime pedes in omnes pariter partis.

[¶96] 38.6. this place they offered sacrifice in accordance with directions read from an old linen roll. The celebrant was one Ovius Paccius, an aged man, who claimed to derive this ceremony from an ancient ritual of the Samnites which the forefathers of those present had formerly employed when they had gone secretly about to get Capua away from the Etruscans.

> Latin: 38.6. ex libro vetere linteo lecto sacrificatum sacerdote Ovio Paccio quodam, homine magno natu, qui se id sacrum petere adfirmabat ex vetusta Samnitium religione, qua quondam usi maiores eorum fuissent, cum adimendae Etruscis Capuae clandestinum cepissent consilium.

## 50. Book X · chapters 38–47

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/50/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/50/#p-N

[¶0] 38.7. the conclusion of the sacrifice, the general by his apparitor commanded to be summoned all those of the highest degree in birth and deeds of arms; and one by one they were introduced.

> Latin: 38.7. perfecto per viatorem imperator acciri iubebat nobilissimum quemque genere factisque; singuli introducebantur.

[¶1] 38.8. other ceremonial preparations, such as might avail to strike the mind with religious awe, there was a place all enclosed, with altars in the midst and slaughtered victims lying about, and round them a guard of centurions with drawn swords.

> Latin: 38.8. cum alius apparatus sacri qui perfundere religione animum posset, tum in loco circa omni contecto arae in medio victimaeque circa caesae et circumstantes centuriones strictis gladiis.

[¶2] 38.9. The man was brought up to the altar, more like a victim than a partaker in the rite, and was sworn not to divulge what he should there see or hear.

> Latin: 38.9. altaribus magis ut victima quam ut sacri particeps adigebaturque iure iurando quae visa auditaque in eo loco essent, non enuntiaturum.

[¶3] 38.10. then compelled him to take an oath in accordance with a certain dreadful form of words, whereby he invoked a curse upon his head, his household, and his family, if he went not into battle where his generals led the way, or if he either fled from the line himself or saw any other fleeing and did not instantly cut him down.

> Latin: 38.10. iurare cogebant diro quodam carmine, in exsecrationem capitis familiaeque et stirpis composite, nisi isset in—proelium quo imperatores duxissent et si aut ipse ex acie fugisset aut si quem fugientem vidisset non extemplo occidisset.

[¶4] 38.11. there were at first who refused to take this oath; these were beheaded before the altars, where they lay amongst the slaughtered victims —a warning to the rest not to refuse.

> Latin: 38.11. primo quidam abnuentes iuraturos se obtruncati circa altaria sunt; iacentes deinde inter stragem victimarum documento ceteris fuere ne abnuerent.

[¶5] 38.12. the leading Samnites had been bound by this imprecation, the general named ten of them and bade them choose every man another, and so to proceed until they had brought their number up to sixteen thousand. These were named the “Linen Legion,” from the roof of the enclosure wherein the nobles had been sworn, and were given splendid arms and crested helmets, to distinguish them from the rest.

> Latin: 38.12. Samnitium ea detestatione obstrictis, decem nominatis ab imperatore, eis dictum ut vir virum legerent donec sedecim milium numerum confecissent. legio linteata ab integumento consaepti, in quo sacrata nobilitas erat, appellata est; his arma insignia data et cristatae galeae, ut inter ceteros eminerent.

[¶6] 38.13. little over twenty thousand men composed another corps, which neither in physical appearance nor in martial renown nor in equipment was inferior to the Linen Legion. was the size of the army, comprising their effective forces, which encamped at Aquilonia.

> Latin: 38.13. plus viginti milium alius exercitus fuit nec corporum specie nec gloria belli nec apparatu linteatae legioni dispar. hominum numerus, quod roboris erat, ad Aquiloniam consedit. profecti ab urbe, prior Sp. Carvilius, cui veteres legiones quas M. Atilius superioris anni consul in agro Interamnati reliquerat decretae erant.

[¶7] 39.2. The consuls set out from the City, Spurius Carvilius, to whom had been assigned the veteran legions which Marcus Atilius the consul of the previous year had left in the territory of Interamna, being the first to take the field. with these forces into Samnium, while the enemy, busy with their superstitious rites, were holding secret councils, he carried the Samnite town of Amiternum by assault.

> Latin: 39.2. eis in Samnium profectus, dum hostes operati superstitionibus concilia secreta agunt, Amiternum oppidum de Samnitibus vi cepit.

[¶8] 39.3. about two thousand eight hundred men were slain and four thousand two hundred and seventy made prisoners.

> Latin: 39.3. ibi milia hominum duo ferme atque octingenti, capta quattuor milia ducenti septuaginta.

[¶9] 39.4. Papirius, having levied a new army —for so it had been decreed —took by storm the city of Duronia, making fewer prisoners than his colleague but killing many more. each place a rich booty was obtained.

> Latin: 39.4. Papirius novo exercitu—ita enim decretum erat—scripto Duroniam urbem expugnavit; minus quam collega cepit hominum, plus aliquanto occidit; praeda opulenta utrobique est parta.

[¶10] 39.5. , the consuls having ranged over Samnium and laid waste especially the district of Atina, Carvilius appeared before Cominium and Papirius before Aquilonia, where the main power of the Samnites lay encamped.

> Latin: 39.5. pervagati Samnium consules, maxime depopulato Atinate agro, Carvilius ad Cominium, Papirius ad Aquiloniam, ubi summa rei Samnitium erat, pervenit.

[¶11] 39.6. for some days there was neither cessation from hostilities nor downright fighting, but the time was spent in provoking the enemy when they were quiet and retreating when they offered resistance —in a word, in feinting rather than attacking.

> Latin: 39.6. aliquamdiu nec cessatum ab armis est neque naviter pugnatum; lacessendo quietos, resistentibus cedendo comminandoque magis quam inferendo pugnam dies absumebatur.

[¶12] 39.7. was undertaken or given over, the result of every skirmish, no matter how trivial it might be, was reported at the other camp, which was twenty miles away. The other colleague, Carvilius, though absent, shared in every plan of operations, and was more intent upon Aquilonia, as the crisis became more imminent, than upon Cominium, to which he was laying siege.

> Latin: 39.7. inciperetur remittereturque, omnium rerum etiam parvarum eventus perferebatur inde in altera Romana castra, quae viginti milium spatio aberant, et absentis collegae consilia omnibus gerendis intererant rebus, intentiorque Carvilius, quo in maiore discrimine res vertebatur, in Aquiloniam quam ad Cominium, quod obsidebat, erat.

[¶13] 39.8. Lucius Papirius, being now prepared at all points for the battle, sent word to his colleague that he purposed, if the auspices permitted, to engage the enemy on the following day;

> Latin: 39.8. L. Papirius, iam per omnia ad dimicandum satis paratus, nuntium ad collegam mittit sibi in animo esse postero die, si per auspicia liceret, confligere cum hoste;

[¶14] 39.9. it was needful, he said, that Carvilius should also direct an assault, as violent as possible, on Cominium, that no relaxation of the pressure there might allow of the Samnites' sending relief to Aquilonia. The messenger had a day for the journey. in the night, he reported that Carvilius approved the measures taken by his colleague.

> Latin: 39.9. opus esse et illum quanta maxima vi posset Cominium oppugnare, ne quid laxamenti sit Samnitibus ad subsidia Aquiloniam mittenda.

[¶15] 39.10. Papirius had no sooner sent off the courier than he addressed his troops, and said many things of war in general and much regarding the present equipment of the enemy, more vain and showy than effective.

> Latin: 39.10. ad proficiscendum nuntius habuit; nocte rediit, approbare collegam consulta referens. Papirius nuntio misso extemplo contionem habuit; multa de universo genere belli, multa de praesenti hostium apparatu, vana magis specie quam efficaci ad eventum eventurn, disseruit:

[¶16] 39.12. crests, said he, dealt no wounds, and painted and gilded shields would let the Roman javelin through, and their battle —array, resplendent in white tunics, would be stained with blood when sword met sword. ago a gilt and silvern Samnite army had been utterly destroyed by his father, and the spoils had done their conquerors more credit than the arms had brought to their bearers.

> Latin: 39.12. non enim cristas volnera facere, et per picta atque aurata scuta transire Romanum pilum, et candore tunicarum fulgentem aciem, ubi res ferro geratur, cruentari.

[¶17] 39.13. had perhaps been granted to his name and family to be sent forth as generals against the mightiest efforts of the Samnites, and to win such trophies as should strikingly adorn even public places.

> Latin: 39.13. olim atque argenteam Samnitium aciem a parente suo occidione occisam spoliaque ea honestiora victori hosti quam ipsis arma fuisse.

[¶18] 39.14. The immortal gods, he said, were ready to intervene in behalf of treaties so often sought and so often broken.

> Latin: 39.14. hoc forsan nomini familiaeque suae, ut adversus maximos conatus Samnitium opponerentur duces spoliaque ea referrent quae insignia publicis etiam locis decorandis essent.

[¶19] 39.15. it were possible in any way to surmise the feelings of the gods, they had never been more enraged with any army than with this one, which with horrid rites and stained with the commingled blood of men and beasts, doubly devoted to the wrath of Heaven, as it trembled now at the gods that attested the treaties it had made with the Romans, and now at the curses called down

> Latin: 39.15. immortales adesse propter totiens petita foedera, totiens rupta; si qua coniectura mentis divinae sit, nulli unquam exercitui fuisse infestiores quam qui nefando sacro mixta hominum pecudumque caede respersus, ancipiti deum irae devotus, hinc foederum cum Romanis ictorum testes deos, hinc iuris iurandi adversus foedera suscepti exsecrationes horrens, invitus iuraverit, oderit sacramentum, uno tempore deos cives hostes metuat.

[¶20] 39.17. when it undertook to break those treaties, had sworn unwillingly, hated its oath, and dreaded at one and the same moment its gods, its fellow —citizens, and its enemies.

> Latin: 39.17. comperta perfugarum indiciis cum apud infensos iam sua sponte milites disseruisset, simul divinae humanaeque spei pleni clamore consentienti pugnam poscunt; paenitet in posterum diem dilatum certamen; moram diei noctisque oderunt.

[¶21] 40.2. These fears had been made known to Papirius by deserters; and when he had described them to his soldiers, incensed as they already were of themselves, their hopes both of gods and men ran high, and they called out in unison demanding battle; they were vexed at the postponement of the struggle until the morrow, and to wait for a day and night disgusted them. the third watch of the night, having now received his colleague's answer, Papirius rose silently and sent the keeper of the chickens to take the auspices. was no class of men in camp who were not affected by the lust of battle; both high and low felt the same eagerness; the general could see the ardour of the men, the men that of their general.

> Latin: 40.2. vigilia noctis, iam relatis litteris a collega, Papirius silentio surgit et pullarium in auspicium mittit. erat genus hominum in castris intactum cupiditate pugnae, summi infimique aeque intenti erant; dux militum, miles ducis ardorem spectabat.

[¶22] 40.4. universal zeal spread even to those who took the auspices, for when the chickens refused to feed, their keeper dared to falsify the presage and reported that the corn danced on the ground as it fell from their greedy beaks.

> Latin: 40.4. ardor omnium etiam ad eos qui auspicio intererant pervenit; nam cum pulli non pascerentur, pullarius auspicium mentiri ausus tripudium solistimum consuli nuntiavit.

[¶23] 40.5. The consul joyfully announced that the omens were most favourable, and that the gods would be with them as they fought.

> Latin: 40.5. Consul laetus auspicium egregium esse et deis auctoribus rem gesturos pronuntiat signumque pugnae proponit.

[¶24] 40.6. saying, he displayed the signal for a battle. chanced, as he was already moving out to the field, that a deserter came up with the information that twenty cohorts of the Samnites —of about four hundred each —had set out for Cominium.

> Latin: 40.6. iam forte in aciem nuntiat perfuga viginti cohortes Samnitium—quadringenariae ferme erant—Cominium profectas. ne ignoraret collega, extemplo nuntium mittit; ipse signa ocius proferri iubet;

[¶25] 40.7. his colleague might not be ignorant of this, he instantly dispatched a messenger to him, and ordered his own troops to advance in double time.

> Latin: 40.7. subsidia suis quaeque locis et praefectos subsidiis attribuerat; dextro cornu L. Volumnium, sinistro L. Scipionem, equitibus legatos alios, C. Caedicium et T. Trebonium, praefecit;

[¶26] 40.8. had assigned supports to take their posts at favourable points and officers to command them; the right wing he had given to Lucius Volumnius, the left to Lucius Scipio; to lead the cavalry he appointed the other lieutenants, Gaius Caedicius and Titus Trebonius. Spurius Nautius he directed to remove the pack —saddles from the mules, and with three cohorts of auxiliaries to make a hasty detour to a hill which lay in full view, and thence to show himself, in the heat of the engagement, raising as much dust as possible. the general was thus employed, a dispute which broke out amongst the keepers of the chickens about the auspices for that day was overheard by some Roman cavalrymen, who, deeming it no negligible matter, reported to Spurius Papirius, the consul's nephew, that the auspices were being called in question. The young man had been born before the learning that makes light of the gods, and having inquired into the affair, that he might not be the bearer of an uncertain rumour, acquainted the consul with it.

> Latin: 40.8. Sp. Nautium mulos detractis clitellis cum tribus cohortibus alariis in tumulum conspectum propere circumducere iubet atque inde inter ipsam dimicationem quanto maxime posset moto pulvere se ostendere. his intentus imperator erat, altercatio inter pullarios orta de auspicio eius diei exauditaque ab equitibus Romanis, qui rem haud spernendam rati Sp. Papirio, fratris fratis filio consulis, ambigi de auspicio renuntiaverunt.

[¶27] 40.10. The consul replied: “yourself, I commend your conduct and your diligence; but he who takes the auspices, if he reports aught that is false, draws down the wrath of Heaven upon ” “himself; as for me, I was told that the corn had danced; it is an excellent omen for the Roman People and the army.”

> Latin: 40.10. ante doctrinam deos spernentem natus rem inquisitam, ne quid incompertum deferret, ad consulem detulit.

[¶28] 40.11. then ordered the centurions to station the keepers of the chickens in the front rank. The Samnites, too, advanced their standards, which were followed by the battle —line in gorgeous armour —a splendid spectacle, though composed of enemies.

> Latin: 40.11. ille: quidem macte virtute diligentiaque esto! qui auspicio adest si quid falsi nuntiat, in semet ipsum religionem recipit: mihi quidem tripudium nuntiatum; populo Romano exercituique egregium auspicium est.

[¶29] 40.12. the first shout and the clash of arms, a random javelin struck the chicken —keeper and he fell before the standards.

> Latin: 40.12. deinde imperavit uti pullarios inter prima signa constituerent. et Samnites signa; insequitur acies ornata armataque, ut hostium quoque magnificum spectaculum esset.

[¶30] 40.13. The consul, on being told of this, exclaimed, “The gods are present in the battle; the guilty wretch has paid the penalty!” front of the consul a raven, just as he spoke, uttered a clear cry, and Papirius, rejoiced with the augury, and declaring that never had the gods been more instant to intervene in human affairs, bade sound the trumpets and give a cheer. The battle was fought fiercely, but with far from equal spirit. The Romans were filled with rage and hope and ardour for the combat, and, thirsting for their enemies' blood, rushed into the engagement. for the Samnites, in most cases it was necessity and the fear of Heaven that compelled them, however reluctant, rather to resist than to attack. would they have held out against the first battle —cry and onset of the Romans, accustomed, as they had now been for some years, to being beaten, had not another yet more powerful fear benumbed their hearts and prevented them from fleeing.

> Latin: 40.13. clamor tolleretur concurrereturque, emisso temere pilo ictus pullarius ante signa cecidit. ubi consuli nuntiatum est, Di in proelio sunt inquit; habet poenam noxium caput! consulem haec dicentem corvus voce clara occinuit; quo laetus augurio consul, adfirmans nunquam humanis rebus magis praesentes interfuisse deos, signa canere et clamorem tolli iussit. commissum atrox, ceterum longe disparibus animis: Romanos ira spes ardor certaminis avidos hostium sanguinis in proelium rapit; Samnitium magnam partem necessitas ac religio invitos magis resistere quam inferre pugnam cogit. sustinuissent primum clamorem atque impetum Romanorum, per aliquot iam annos vinci adsueti, ni potentior alius metus insidens pectoribus a fuga retineret.

[¶31] 41.3. their eyes beheld all that array of the secret rite, and the armed priests, and the mingled slaughter of men and beasts, and the altars spattered with the blood of victims —and with that other blood —and they could hear the baleful execrations and that dire oath, framed to invoke perdition on their families and on their stock.

> Latin: 41.3. in oculis erat omnis ille occulti paratus sacri et armati sacerdotes et promiscua hominum pecudumque strages et respersae fando nefandoque sanguine arae et dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen, detestandae familiae stirpique compositum; iis vinculis fugae obstricti stabant, civem magis quam hostem timentes.

[¶32] 41.4. These were the chains that stayed them from flight, and they feared their countrymen more than they feared their foes. came the Romans from either wing and from the centre, and cut them down as they stood there dazed by the dread of gods and men.

> Latin: 41.4. Romanus a cornu utroque, a media acie, et caedere deorum hominumque attonitos metu; repugnatur segniter, ut ab iis quos timor moraretur a fuga.

[¶33] 41.5. resisted, but sluggishly, like men whom cowardice restrained from running. The carnage had now reached almost to the standards, when a cloud of dust appeared on their flank, as though raised by the oncoming of a mighty host.

> Latin: 41.5. prope ad signa caedes pervenerat, cum ex transverse pulvis velut ingentis agminis incessu motus apparuit; Sp. Nautius—Octavium Maecium quidam eum tradunt—cum auxiliaribus cohortibus erat;

[¶34] 41.6. was Spurius Nautius —some say Octavius Maecius —with the auxiliary cohorts; they made more dust than their numbers warranted, for the grooms who rode the mules were dragging leafy branches along the ground. and standards were made out in the van through the murky air, and behind them another denser cloud of dust seemed to show that cavalry were closing the rear, and deceived not only the Samnites, but the Romans as well.

> Latin: 41.6. pulverem maiorem quam pro numero excitabant; incidentes mulis calones frondosos ramos per terram trahebant. signaque per turbidam lucem in primo apparebant; post altior densiorque pulvis equitum speciem cogentium agmen dabat fefellitque non Samnites modo sed etiam Romanos;

[¶35] 41.7. mistake the consul confirmed by calling out in the front ranks, so loud that his voice carried even to the enemy, that Cominium was taken, and that his victorious colleague was at hand; let them therefore strive to conquer before the other army won the glory.

> Latin: 41.7. et consul adfirmavit errorem clamitans inter prima signa, ita ut vox etiam ad hostis accideret, captum Cominium, victorem collegam adesse: adniterentur vincere, priusquam gloria alterius exercitus fieret. insidens equo;

[¶36] 41.8. was on horseback as he shouted these words. then commanded the tribunes and centurions to open a path for the cavalry, having previously admonished Trebonius and Caedicius that when they saw him holding his lance aloft and shaking it, they should make their horsemen run full tilt against the enemy.

> Latin: 41.8. inde tribunis centurionibusque imperat, ut viam equitibus patefaciant; ipse Trebonio Caedicioque praedixerat, ubi se cuspidem erectam quatientem vidissent, quanta maxima vi possent concitarent equites in hostem.

[¶37] 41.9. fell out according to his wishes, as happens when plans are laid beforehand. were opened up between the files; the cavalry dashed out, and with levelled spears assailed the midst of the enemy's array, and broke his ranks wherever they charged.

> Latin: 41.9. nutum omnia, ut ex ante praeparato, fiunt; panduntur inter ordines viae; provolat eques atque infestis cuspidibus in medium agmen hostium ruit perrumpitque ordines quacumque impetum dedit. Volumnius et Scipio et perculsos sternunt.

[¶38] 41.10. after them came Volumnius and Scipio, and made havoc of the disordered Samnites. at last, overwhelmed by gods and men, the Linen Cohorts were put to rout; the sworn and the unsworn fled alike, and knew no fear but fear of the enemy.

> Latin: 41.10. iam deorum hominumque victa vi, funduntur linteatae cohortes; pariter iurati iniuratique fugiunt nec quemquam praeter hostes metuunt.

[¶39] 41.11. portion of the foot as survived the battle was driven to the camp or to Aquilonium; the nobles and cavalry escaped to Bovianum. were pursued by horse, infantry by infantry. The Roman wings advanced on different objectives, the right on the Samnite camp, the left on their city.

> Latin: 41.11. quod superfuit pugnae in castra aut Aquiloniam compulsum est; nobilitas equitesque Bovianum perfugerunt. eques sequitur, peditem pedes; diversa cornua dextrum ad castra Samnitium, laevum ad urbem tendit.

[¶40] 41.12. Volumnius succeeded somewhat sooner in capturing the camp. the city Scipio met with a more violent resistance —not that vanquished men are more courageous, but walls avail better to keep out armed enemies than does a rampart; and from thence they drove their assailants off with stones.

> Latin: 41.12. aliquanto Volumnius castra cepit; ad urbem Scipioni maiore resistitur vi, non quia plus animi victis est sed melius muri quam vallum armatos arcent; inde lapidibus propulsant hostem.

[¶41] 41.13. Scipio, fearing that it would be a tedious task to reduce a fortified city, unless the affair were concluded during the first panic of his enemies and before they should collect their spirits, asked his soldiers whether they could be content that the other wing should have taken the camp, while they, though victors, were repulsed from the city gates.

> Latin: 41.13. Scipio, nisi in primo pavore priusquam colligerentur animi transacta res esset, lentiorem fore munitae urbis oppugnationem ratus, interrogat milites satin aequo animo paterentur ab altero cornu castra capta esse, se victores pelli a portis urbis.

[¶42] 41.14. they all together cried out “!” he himself led the way to the gate, shield over head, and the others, following him, formed a testudo, burst into the city, and hurling down the defenders seized the walls adjoining the gate; they durst not venture into the middle of the city, because their numbers were so small.

> Latin: 41.14. universis primus ipse scuto super caput elato pergit ad portam; secuti alii testudine facta in urbem perrumpunt deturbatisque Samnitibus quae circa portam erant muri occupavere; penetrare in interiora urbis, quia pauci admodum erant, non audent. primo ignorare consul et intentus recipiendo exercitui esse; iam enim praeceps in occasum sol erat et appetens nox periculosa et suspecta omnia etiam victoribus faciebat.

[¶43] 42.2. these events the consul was at first unaware, and was intent upon the withdrawal of his army; for the sun was now rapidly sinking in the west, and night coming on apace made all things dangerous and suspect, even to the victors. he rode farther forward, he saw on his right hand that the camp was taken, while from the city, on his left, a confused uproar was rising in which the shouts of the combatants were mingled with screams of terror; and it so happened that at that very moment the struggle at the gate was in progress. , riding nearer and perceiving that his men were on the walls and that his course was already marked out for him, since the adventurousness of a few men had provided him with a great opportunity, he gave orders that the troops withdrawn should be called back and advance against the city.

> Latin: 42.2. longius ab dextra capta castra videt, ab laeva clamorem in urbe mixtum pugnantium ac paventium fremitu esse; et tum forte certamen ad portam erat. deinde equo propius, ut suos in muris videt nec iam integri quicquam esse, quoniam temeritate paucorum magnae rei parta occasio esset, acciri quas receperat copias signaque in urbem inferri iussit.

[¶44] 42.4. entered it on the nearest side, and, as night was approaching, bivouacked; in the night the town was abandoned by the enemy.

> Latin: 42.4. proxima ex parte quia nox appropinquabat, quievere. oppidum ab hostibus desertum est.

[¶45] 42.5. were slain that day of the Samnites at Aquilonia twenty thousand three hundred and forty, and three thousand eight hundred and seventy were captured, with ninety —seven military standards.

> Latin: 42.5. illo die ad Aquiloniam Samnitium milia viginti trecenti quadraginta, capta tria milia octingenti et septuaginta, signa militaria nonaginta septem.

[¶46] 42.6. also avers that hardly had there ever been a general more joyous in combat, whether owing to his native temper or to his confidence that he should gain the victory.

> Latin: 42.6. illud memoriae traditur, non ferme alium ducem laetiorem in acie visum seu suopte ingenio seu fiducia bene gerundae rei.

[¶47] 42.7. resulted from the same stoutness of heart that he was not to be recalled from giving battle by the dispute about the omen, and that in the hour of crisis, when it was customary to vow temples to the immortal gods, he made a vow to Jupiter the Victor that if he routed the legions of the enemy he would present him with a thimbleful of mead before he drank strong wine himself. vow was pleasing to the gods and they gave a good tum to the auspices.

> Latin: 42.7. eodem robore animi neque controverso auspicio revocari a proelio potuit et in ipso discrimine quo templa deis immortalibus voveri mos erat voverat Iovi Victori, si legiones hostium fudisset, pocillum mulsi priusquam temetum biberet, sese facturum. votum dis cordi fuit et auspicia in bonum verterunt. fortuna ab altero consule ad Cominium gesta res. luce ad moenia omnibus copiis admotis corona cinxit urbem subsidiaque firma, ne qua eruptio fieret, portis opposuit.

[¶48] 43.2. The same good fortune attended the other consul at Cominium. the dawn he led up all his forces under the walls and invested the city, posting strong supports to prevent any sally from the gates. was in the act of giving the signal when the courier from his colleague came up with the alarming news about the twenty cohorts, thus delaying the assault and obliging him to recall a part of his troops who were already drawn up and eager to attack.

> Latin: 43.2. signum dantem eum nuntius a collega trepidus de viginti cohortium adventu et ab impetu moratus est et partem copiarum revocare instructam intentamque ad oppugnandum coegit.

[¶49] 43.3. commanded Decimus Brutus Scaeva, his lieutenant, to proceed with the first legion, ten auxiliary cohorts, and the cavalry, to confront the new forces of the enemy:

> Latin: 43.3. D. Brutum Scaevam legatum cum legione prima et decem cohortibus alariis equitatuque ire adversus subsidium hostium iussit:

[¶50] 43.4. wherever he fell in with them, he was to block their path and delay them, giving battle if the situation happened to require it; but on no account must these troops be suffered to approach Cominium.

> Latin: 43.4. quocumque in loco fuisset obvius, obsisteret ac moraretur manumque, si forte ita res posceret, conferret, modo ne ad Cominium eae copiae admoveri possent.

[¶51] 43.5. himself gave orders to bring up scaling —ladders from every side against the walls of the city, and under a mantlet of shields approached the gates. at the same instant the gates were burst open and the walls assaulted. The Samnites, although, until they beheld armed men upon their walls, they had pluck enough to keep their enemies from coming near the city, yet when the combat was no longer carried on with missiles at long range, but was fought hand —to —hand, and when those who had mounted with difficulty from the. plain on to the walls —overcoming the inequality of position, which was what they had chiefly dreaded —were making easy work of it on the level ground with an enemy that was no match for them, they forsook their towers and battlements, and, huddled all together in the market —place, made there one last brief attempt to redeem the day.

> Latin: 43.5. scalas ferri ad muros ab omni parte urbis iussit ac testudine ad portas successit; simul et refringebantur portae et vis undique in muros fiebat. Samnites sicut antequam in muris viderent armatos satis animi habuerunt ad prohibendos urbis aditu hostes, ita, postquam iam non ex intervallo nec missilibus sed comminus gerebatur res et qui aegre successerant ex plano piano in muros, loco quem magis timuerant victo, facile in hostem imparem ex aequo pugnabant, relictis turribus murisque in forum omnes compulsi paulisper inde temptaverunt extremam pugnae fortunam;

[¶52] 43.8. , throwing down their arms, some eleven thousand four hundred men cast themselves on the mercy of the consul; about four thousand eight hundred had been slain.

> Latin: 43.8. deinde abiectis armis ad undecim milia hominum et quadringenti in fidem consulis venerunt; caesa ad quattuor milia octingenti octoginta.

[¶53] 43.9. were the operations at Cominium and at Aquilonia. the place between, where a third battle had been looked for, the enemy were not encountered. by their leaders when seven miles from Cominium, they had not been present at either engagement.

> Latin: 43.9. ad Cominium, sic ad Aquiloniam gesta res; in medio inter duas urbes spatio, ubi tertia exspectata erat pugna, hostes non inventi. milia passuum cum abessent a Cominio, revocati ab suis neutri proelio occurrerunt.

[¶54] 43.10. the evening shadows began to fall, when they had already come within sight of the camp and of Aquilonia, they had been halted by the shouts, which were equally loud from both directions.

> Latin: 43.10. ferme tenebris, cum in conspectu iam castra, iam Aquiloniam habuissent, clamor eos utrimque par accidens sustinuit;

[¶55] 43.11. afterwards, from the direction of the camp, which had been fired by the Romans, the flames broke out so extensively, with their warning of an unmistakable disaster, as to keep them from advancing further, and throwing themselves on the ground at random, just where they were, without stopping to remove their arms, they passed the whole weary night in waiting for the dawn, which at the same time they dreaded.

> Latin: 43.11. deinde regione castrorum, quae incensa ab Romanis erant, flamma late fusa certioris cladis indicio progredi longius prohibuit; eo ipso loco temere sub armis strati passim inquietum omne tempus noctis exspectando timendoque lucem egere.

[¶56] 43.13. the day broke, they were hesitating which way to march, when the Roman cavalry, who had pursued the Samnites when they left their town in the night, caught sight of the army, lying there without breastworks or outpost, and instantly routed them.

> Latin: 43.13. luce incerti quam in partem intenderent iter repente in fugam consternantur conspecti ab equitibus, qui egressos nocte ab oppido Samnites persecuti viderant multitudinem non vallo, non stationibus firmatam.

[¶57] 43.14. mass had been seen, too, from the walls of Aquilonia, and presently the legionary cohorts were likewise in pursuit of them. the infantry could not overtake the fugitives, though the cavalry killed some two hundred and eighty of the rear —guard, who in their fright abandoned a quantity of arms and eighteen military standards.

> Latin: 43.14. et ex muris Aquiloniae ea multitudo erat iamque etiam legionariae cohortes sequebantur; ceterum nec pedes fugientes persequi potuit et ab equite novissimi agminis ducenti ferme et octoginta interfecti; arma multa pavidi ac signa militaria duodeviginti reliquere;

[¶58] 43.15. The rest of the column made good its escape, as safely as could be in so great a confusion, to Bovianum. The rejoicing in each of the Roman armies was enhanced by the good fortune the other had enjoyed. consul, with the approval of his fellow, made over the town he had captured to be sacked by the soldiers, and when the houses had been emptied, gave it to the flames. on the same day Aquilonia and Cominium were destroyed by fire, and the consuls, amid the mutual exultations and good wishes of their legions and themselves, united their camps.

> Latin: 43.15. alio agmine incolumi, ut ex tanta trepidatione, Bovianum perventum est. utriusque exercitus Romani auxit et ab altera parte feliciter gesta res. ex alterius sententia consul captum oppidum diripiendum militi dedit, exhaustis deinde tectis ignem iniecit; eodemque die Aquilonia et Cominium deflagravere et consules cum gratulatione mutua legionum suaque castra coniunxere.

[¶59] 44.3. the full sight of both armies Carvilius commended his men as each had merited, and presented them with decorations; and Papirius, who had fought an engagement of many sorts —in line of battle, round the camp, and about the city —awarded armlets and wreaths of gold to Spurius Nautius and to his nephew Spurius Papirius, and to four centurions and a maniple of hastati —to Nautius for the charge by which, as though with a huge force, he had dismayed the enemy; to the young Papirius for his valiant service with the cavalry, both in the battle and in the night when he harassed the flight of the Samnites after their secret departure from

> Latin: 44.3. conspectu duorum exercituum et Carvilius suos pro cuiusque merito laudavit donavitque; et Papirius, apud quem multiplex in acie, circa castra, circa urbem fuerat certamen, Sp. Nautium, Sp. Papirium, fratris filium, et quattuor centuriones manipulumque hastatorum armillis aureisque coronis donavit: propter expeditionem qua magni agminis modo terruerat hostes, iuvenem Papirium propter navatam cum equitatu et in proelio operam et nocte qua fugam infestam Samnitibus ab Aquilonia clam egressis fecit, centuriones militesque quia primi portam murumque Aquiloniae ceperant;

[¶60] 44.5. Aquilonia; to the centurions and soldiers because they had been the first to capture the gate and wall of Aquilonia. the horsemen, in recognition of their distinguished conduct in many places, he decorated with little silver horns and silver armlets.

> Latin: 44.5. equites omnes ob insignem multis locis opera corniculis armillisque argenteis donat.

[¶61] 44.6. council of war was then held, and the question was debated whether the time were now come for withdrawing both armies, or at any rate one of the two, from Samnium. they decided that the greater the damage they had inflicted on the Samnites, the more sharply and pertinaciously ought they to carry out such measures as remained, and to persist until they could hand over to the consuls who succeeded them a Samnium utterly subdued.

> Latin: 44.6. inde habitum iamne tempus esset deducendi de Samnio exercitus aut utriusque aut certe alterius, optimum visum, quo magis fractae res Samnitium essent, eo pertinacius et infestius agere cetera et persequi ut perdomitum Samnium insequentibus consulibus tradi posset.

[¶62] 44.8. there was no longer any hostile army that seemed likely to engage in a pitched battle with them, one form of war alone remained, the storming of cities; by destroying which they would be able to enrich their troops with booty and crush their enemies, who would fight for their altars and their hearths., after dispatching letters to the senate and the Roman People recounting their achievements, the consuls parted company, Papirius marching to attack Saepinum, and Carvilius Velia.

> Latin: 44.8. iam nullus esset hostium exercitus, qui signis conlatis dimicaturus videretur, unum superesse belli genus, urbium oppugnationes, quarum per excidia militem locupletare praeda et hostem pro aris ac focis dimicantem conficere possent. litteris missis ad senatum populumque Romanum de rebus ab se gestis diversi Papirius ad Saepinum, Carvilius ad Veliam oppugnandam legiones ducunt. consulum ingenti laetitia et in curia et in contione auditae, et quadridui supplicatione publicum gaudium privatis studiis celebratum est.

[¶63] 45.2. The consuls' letters were listened to with vast exultation both in Senate —house and in assembly, and the general rejoicing found expression in the eagerness with which a thanksgiving of four days' duration was observed by individual citizens. the Roman People, moreover, it was not only a great but also a very seasonable victory, since it happened that they got news at about the same time that the Etruscans had commenced hostilities again. wondered how they could have withstood Etruria if anything had gone wrong in Samnium; for the Samnite coalition and the diversion of both consuls and all Rome's military strength to Samnium had encouraged these other enemies to revolt while the Roman People had their hands full.

> Latin: 45.2. populo Romano magna solum sed peropportuna etiam ea victoria fuit, quia per idem forte tempus rebellasse Etruscos allatum est. cogitatio animum quonam modo tolerabilis futura Etruria fuisset si quid in Samnio adversi evenisset, quae coniuratione Samnitium erecta, quoniam ambo consules omnisque Romana vis aversa in Samnium esset, occupationem populi Romani pro occasione rebellandi habuisset.

[¶64] 45.4. from the allies, introduced into the senate by Marcus Atilius the praetor, complained that their lands were being burnt and devastated by the neighbouring Etruscans, because they were not willing to forsake the Roman People, and besought the Conscript Fathers to defend them against the violence and injuries of their common foes.

> Latin: 45.4. sociorum, a M. Atilio praetore in senatum introductae, querebantur uri ac vastari agros a finitimis Etruscis quod desciscere a populo Romano nollent, obtestabanturque patres conscriptos ut se a vi atque iniuria communium hostium tutarentur.

[¶65] 45.5. was made to the deputations that the senate would see to it that the allies should not regret their loyalty:

> Latin: 45.5. legatis curae senatui futurum ne socios fidei suae paeniteret: Etruscorum propediem eandem fortunam quam Samnitium fore.

[¶66] 45.6. the Etruscans would shortly meet with the same fortune as the Samnites, Nevertheless, the Etruscan business would have dragged but for intelligence that the Faliscans likewise, who had for many years been friendly, were now united in arms with the Etruscans.

> Latin: 45.6. tamen, quod ad Etruriam attinebat, acta res esset, ni Faliscos quoque, qui per multos annos in amicitia fuerant, allatum foret arma Etruscis iunxisse.

[¶67] 45.7. The proximity of this people sharpened the anxiety of the Fathers, and they decreed that fetials should be dispatched to demand redress. the refusal of this demand, war was declared against the Faliscans, by command of the people, on the authorization of the senate, and the consuls were bidden to cast lots to determine which should cross over with his army from Samnium into Etruria.

> Latin: 45.7. propinquitas populi acuit curam patribus, ut fetiales mittendos ad res repetendas censerent; quibus non redditis ex auctoritate patrum iussu populi bellum Faliscis indictum est iussique consules sortiri uter ex Samnio in Etruriam cum exercitu transiret.

[¶68] 45.9. Carvilius had already taken Velia and Palumbinum and Herculaneum from the Samnites —Velia in a few days' time, and Palumbinum the same day that he approached its walls.

> Latin: 45.9. Carvilius Veliam et Palumbinum et Herculaneum ex Samnitibus ceperat, Veliam intra paucos dies, Palumbinum eodem quo ad muros accessit.

[¶69] 45.10. Herculaneum he even fought a regular engagement, of which the issue was for some time in doubt and his losses heavier than the enemy's; he then pitched his camp and shut the enemy up within his walls, and finally stormed the town and captured it.

> Latin: 45.10. Herculaneum etiam signis conlatis ancipiti proelio et cum maiore sua quam hostium iactura dimicavit; castris deinde positis moenibus hostem inclusit; oppugnatum oppidum captumque.

[¶70] 45.11. these three places ten thousand or so of the enemy were taken or put to death, with the prisoners very slightly outnumbering the slain. the consuls cast lots for their commands, Etruria fell to Carvilius, thus answering the prayers of his soldiers, who could endure no longer the rigorous cold in Samnium.

> Latin: 45.11. his tribus urbibus capta aut caesa ad decem milia hominum, ita ut parvo admodum plures caperentur. provincias consulibus Etruria Carvilio evenit secundum vota militum, qui vim frigoris iam in Samnio non patiebantur.

[¶71] 45.12. Papirius, before Saepinum, had a larger body of the enemy still to reckon with. troops were many times engaged in regular battle, many times when marching, and many times about the city itself, in resisting the sorties of the enemy. was not a siege, but war upon even terms; for the Samnites protected their walls with arms and men full as much as the walls protected them.

> Latin: 45.12. Papirio ad Saepinum maior vis hostium restitit. in acie, saepe in agmine, saepe circa ipsam urbem adversus eruptiones hostium pugnatum. obsidio sed bellum ex aequo erat; non enim muris magis se Samnites quam armis ac viris moenia tutabantur.

[¶72] 45.13. length, fighting hard, he forced the enemy to submit to a regular blockade, and by assault and siege —works captured the place.

> Latin: 45.13. pugnando in obsidionem iustam coegit hostes obsidendoque vi atque operibus urbem expugnavit.

[¶73] 45.14. The exasperation of the Romans made the massacre more bloody when the city fell. thousand four hundred were slain and fewer than three thousand were made prisoners. The booty, which was very great, since the Samnites had gathered their wealth together in a few cities, was handed over to the soldiers.

> Latin: 45.14. ab ira plus caedis editum capta urbe; septem milia quadringenti caesi, capta minus tria milia hominum., quae plurima fuit congestis Samnitium rebus in urbes paucas, militi concessa est. iam omnia oppleverant nec durari extra tecta poterat; itaque consul exercitum de Samnio deduxit.

[¶74] 46.2. The ground was now covered with snow and men could no longer live out of doors. The consul therefore withdrew his army from Samnium. his coming to Rome he was unanimously voted a triumph. he celebrated, while still holding office, in a style which, for the circumstances of those days, was magnificent.

> Latin: 46.2. Romam triumphus omnium consensu est delatus. in magistratu, insigni, ut illorum temporum habitus erat, triumpho.

[¶75] 46.3. -soldiers and horsemen marched or rode past the crowds adorned with their decorations; many civic crowns were seen, and many that had been won at the escalade of a rampart or a city wall. inspected the spoils that he had taken from the Samnites, and compared them for splendour and beauty with those his father had won, which were familiar to them from being often used in the decoration of public places. number of noble captives, famous for their own and their fathers' deeds, were led in the procession. heavy bronze there were carried past two million five hundred and thirty —three thousand pounds. bronze had been collected, it was said, from the sale of captives. silver which had been taken from the cities there were eighteen hundred and thirty pounds.

> Latin: 46.3. equitesque insignes donis transiere ac transvecti sunt; multae civicae coronae vallaresque ac murales conspectae; inspectata spolia Samnitium et decore ac pulchritudine paternis spoliis, quae nota frequenti publicorum ornatu locorum erant, comparabantur; nobiles aliquot captivi, clari suis patrumque factis, ducti.

[¶76] 46.5. the bronze and silver was placed in the Treasury, none of the booty being given to the soldiers. The ill —feeling which this gave rise to in the plebs was increased by the gathering of a war —tax to pay the troops, since, if the consul had forgone the glory of depositing the captured money in the Treasury, the booty would then have afforded the soldiers a donative, as well as providing for their pay.

> Latin: 46.5. gravis travecta viciens centum milia et quingenta triginta tria milia; id aes redactum ex captivis dicebatur; argenti quod captum ex urbibus erat pondo mille octingenta triginta. aes argentumque in aerarium conditum, militibus nihil datum ex praeda est;

[¶77] 46.6. Papirius dedicated the temple of Quirinus. find no ancient authority who states that it was vowed in the hour of conflict, nor indeed could it possibly have been completed in so short a time; his father had vowed it when dictator, and the son as consul dedicated it, adorning it with the spoils of the enemy.

> Latin: 46.6. auctaque ea invidia est ad plebem quod tributum etiam in stipendium militum conlatum est, cum, si spreta gloria fuisset captivae pecuniae in aerarium inlatae, et militi tum donum dari ex praeda et stipendium militare praestari potuisset.

[¶78] 46.7. these there was such a great quantity that not only were the temple and the Forum bedecked with them, but they were distributed also amongst the allies and the neighbouring colonies for the decoration of their temples and public squares.

> Latin: 46.7. Quirini dedicavit—quam in ipsa dimicatione votam apud neminem neminen veterem auctorem invenio neque hercule tam exiguo tempore perficere potuisset—ab dictatore patre votam filius consul dedicavit exornavitque hostium spoliis;

[¶79] 46.8. triumphing, Papirius led his army into the country of the Vescini —a district infested by the Samnites —to pass the winter.

> Latin: 46.8. quorum tanta multitudo fuit ut non templum tantum forumque iis ornaretur sed sociis etiam coloniisque finitimis ad templorum locorumque publicorum ornatum dividerentur.

[¶80] 46.9. Etruria meanwhile the consul Carvilius, having made his preparations to begin with an attack on Troilum, agreed with four hundred and seventy of the wealthiest inhabitants for a large sum of money to let them go; the rest of the population and the town itself he took by assault.

> Latin: 46.9. triumpho exercitum in agrum Vescinum, quia regio ea infesta ab Samnitibus erat, hibernatum duxit.

[¶81] 46.10. then stormed five fortresses situated in positions of great strength. he slew two thousand four hundred of the enemy, making fewer than two thousand prisoners. also granted a year's truce to the Faliscans —who came to him seeking peace —having stipulated for a hundred thousand of heavy bronze and the year's pay for his soldiers.

> Latin: 46.10. haec Carvilius consul in Etruria Troilum primum oppugnare adortus quadringentos septuaginta ditissimos, pecunia grandi pactos ut abire inde liceret, dimisit; ceteram multitudinem oppidumque ipsum vi cepit. quinque castella locis sita munitis expugnavit.

[¶82] 46.12. these exploits he departed to enjoy his triumph, which, though less distinguished than his colleague's had been for success against the Samnites, was a match for it when the Etruscan war was counted in.

> Latin: 46.12. ibi hostium duo milia quadringenti, minus duo milia capta. Faliscis pacem petentibus annuas indutias dedit, pactus centum milia gravis aeris et stipendium eius anni militibus.

[¶83] 46.13. - Of heavy bronze he lodged in the Treasury three hundred and eighty thousand pounds; with what remained he contracted for a temple to Fors Fortuna to be erected from the general's spoils, near the temple of that goddess dedicated by King Servius Tullius, while to the soldiers he apportioned from the rest of the booty one hundred and two asses each, and as much again to the centurions and horsemen.

> Latin: 46.13. rebus actis ad triumphum decessit, ut minus clarum de Samnitibus quam collegae triumphus fuerat ita cumulo Etrusci belli aequatum.

[¶84] 46.14. These allowances were all the more welcome because of the parsimony of his colleague. The consul's popularity served to shield his lieutenant Lucius Postumius from the people. had been indicted by Marcus Scantius, a plebeian tribune, but had escaped trial before the people —so the story ran —through his appointment to the lieutenancy; so that it was easier to threaten him than to carry home the accusation. The year having now run its course, new tribunes of the plebs came in, but owing to a flaw in their election they were themselves supplanted by others, five days later. The lustrum was closed that year by the censors Publius Cornelius Arvina and Gaius Marcius Rutulus; there were enrolled two hundred and sixty —two thousand three hundred and twenty —one. The censors were the twenty —sixth pair from the first censors; the lustrum was the nineteenth.

> Latin: 46.14. gravis tulit in aerarium trecenta octoginta milia; reliquo aere aedem Fortis Fortunae de manubiis faciendam locavit prope aedem eius deae ab rege Ser. dedicatam, et militibus ex praeda centenos binos asses et alterum tantum centurionibus atque equitibus, malignitate collegae gratius accipientibus munus, divisit. consulis tutatus ad populum est L. Postumium legatum eius, qui dicta die a M. Scantio tribuno plebis fugerat legatione, ut fama ferebat, populi iudicium; iactarique magis quam peragi accusatio eius poterat. iam anno novi tribuni plebis magistratum inierant; bisque ipsis, quia vitio creati erant, quinque post dies alii suffecti. conditum eo anno est a P. Cornelio Arvina C. Marcio Rutulo censoribus; censa capitum milia ducenta sexaginta duo trecenta viginti unum. vicesimi sexti a primis censoribus, lustrum undevicesimum fuit.

[¶85] 47.3. year for the first time those who had been presented with crowns because of gallant behaviour in the war wore them at the Roman games, and palms were then for the first time conferred upon the victors, in accordance with a custom borrowed from the Greeks.

> Latin: 47.3. anno coronati primum ob res bello bene gestas ludos Romanos spectarunt palmaeque tum tun primum translato e Graeco more victoribus datae.

[¶86] 47.4. The same year the curule aediles who gave those games procured the conviction of a number of graziers, and with their fines paved the road from the temple of Mars as far as Bovillae.

> Latin: 47.4. anno ab aedilibus curulibus qui eos cos ludos fecerunt damnatis aliquot pecuariis, via a Martis silice ad Bovillas perstrata est. consularia L. Papirius habuit;

[¶87] 47.5. The consular comitia were held by Lucius Papirius, who declared the election of Quintus Fabius Gurges, the son of Maximus, and Decimus Junius Brutus Scaeva.

> Latin: 47.5. creavit consules Q. Fabium Maximi filium Gurgitem et D. Iunium Brutum Scaevam. Papirius praetor factus.

[¶88] 47.6. Papirius himself was chosen praetor. The year had been one of many blessings, which yet were hardly a consolation for one misfortune —a pestilence which ravaged both city and countryside. devastation was now grown portentous, and the Books were consulted to discover what end or what remedy the gods proposed for this misfortune.

> Latin: 47.6. rebus laetus annus vix ad solacium unius mali, pestilentiae urentis simul urbem atque agros, suffecit; portentoque iam similis clades erat, et libri aditi quinam finis aut quod remedium eius mali ab dis daretur.

[¶89] 47.7. was discovered in the Books that Aesculapius must be summoned to Rome from Epidaurus; but nothing could be done about it that year, because the consuls were occupied with the war, except that for one day a supplication to that god was held.

> Latin: 47.7. in libris Aesculapium ab Epidauro Romam arcessendum; neque eo anno, quia bello occupati consules erant, quicquam de ea re actum, praeterquam quod unum diem Aesculapio supplicatio habita est.