33.4. In this year a treaty was made with the Latin peoples. In order to make this treaty one of the consuls remained in Rome, while the other was dispatched to the Volscian war, and defeated and put to flight the Volsci of Antium. Forcing them to take refuge in the town of Longula, he followed them up and captured the place.
33.4. iis consulibus cum Latinis populis ictum foedus. ad id feriendum consul alter Romae mansit: alter ad Uolscum bellum missus Antiates Uolscos fundit fugatque; compulsos in oppidum Longulam persecutus moenibus potitur.
33.5. Thence he proceeded to take Polusca, another Volscian town, after which he directed a strong attack upon Corioli. There was in camp at that time amongst the young nobles Gnaeus Marcius, a youth of active mind and ready hand, who afterwards gained the surname of Coriolanus.
33.5. inde protinus Poluscam, item Uolscorum, cepit; tum magna ui adortus est Coriolos. erat tum in castris inter primores iuuenum Cn. Marcius, adulescens et consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen postea Coriolano fuit.
33.6. The Romans were laying siege to Corioli and were intent upon the townspeople shut up within the walls, with no thought of danger from any attack which might be impending from without, when they found themselves suddenly assailed by a Volscian army from Antium, and simultaneously by the besieged, who made a sortie from the town. It happened that Marcius was on guard.
33.6. cum subito exercitum Romanum Coriolos obsidentem atque in oppidanos quos intus clausos habebat intentum, sine ullo metu extrinsecus [imminentis] belli, Uolscae legiones profectae ab Antio inuasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit.
33.7. Taking a picked body of men he not only repelled the sally, but boldly forced his way through the open gate, and having spread carnage through the adjacent part of the town, caught up a firebrand on the spur of the moment, and threw it upon the buildings which overhung the wall.
33.7. is cum delecta militum manu non modo impetum erumpentium rettudit, sed per patentem portam ferox inrupit in proxima urbis, caedeque facta ignem temere arreptum imminentibus muro aedificiis iniecit.
33.8. Thereupon the townspeople raised a shout, mingled with such a wailing of women and children as is generally heard at the first alarm. This brought new courage to the Romans and covered the Volsci with confusion —as was natural when the city which they had come to relieve was taken.
33.8. clamor inde oppidanorum mixtus muliebri puerilique ploratu ad terrorem, ut solet, primum orto et Romanis auxit animum et turbauit Uolscos utpote capta urbe cui ad ferendam opem uenerant.
33.9. Thus the men of Antium were routed, and Corioli was won. So completely did the glory of Marcius overshadow the consul's fame, that, were it not for the record on a bronze column of the treaty with the Latins which was struck by Spurius Cassius alone, in the absence of his colleague, men would have forgotten that Postumus Cominius had waged war on the Volsci.
33.9. ita fusi Uolsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum; tantumque sua laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius ut, nisi foedus cum Latinis <in> columna aenea insculptum monumento esset ab Sp. Cassio uno, quia collega afuerat, ictum, Postumium Cominium bellum gessisse cum Uolscis memoria cessisset.
33.10. That same year saw the death of Agrippa Menenius, a man who throughout his life had been equally beloved by patricians and plebeians, and who after the secession was even dearer to the commons.
33.10. eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, uir omni in uita pariter patribus ac plebi carus, post secessionem carior plebi factus.
33.11. This mediator and umpire of civil harmony, this ambassador of the senators to the people, this restorer of the plebs to Rome, did not leave sufficient wealth to pay for a funeral. He was buried by the commons, who contributed a sextans each to the cost.
33.11. huic interpreti arbitroque concordiae ciuium, legato patrum ad plebem, reductori plebis Romanae in urbem sumptus funeri defuit; extulit eum plebs sextantibus conlatis in capita.
34.1. The consuls next chosen were Titus Geganius and Publius Minucius. This year, though there was no war to occasion trouble from without and the breach at home had been healed, another and a much more serious misfortune befell the nation; for first the price of corn went up, from men's failure to cultivate the fields during the withdrawal of the plebs; and this was followed by a famine, such as comes to a beleaguered city.
34.1. consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minucius facti. eo anno cum et foris quieta omnia a bello essent et domi sanata discordia, aliud multo grauius malum ciuitatem inuasit, caritas primum annonae ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris, fames deinde, qualis clausis solet.
34.3. It would have meant starvation for the slaves, at least, and the plebeians, had not the consuls met the situation by sending agents far and wide to buy up corn, not only to Etruria, northwards along the coast from Ostia, and south past the Volsci by sea, all the way to Cumae, but even to Sicily —so far afield had the enmity of Rome's neighbours driven her to seek for help.
34.3. uentumque ad interitum seruitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni consules prouidissent dimissis passim ad frumentum coemendum, non in Etruriam modo dextris ab Ostia litoribus laeuoque per Uolscos mari usque ad Cumas, sed quaesitum in Sicilia quoque; adeo finitimorum odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis.
34.4. When grain had been purchased at Cumae the ships were held back by Aristodemus, the tyrant, in satisfaction for the property of the Tarquinii, whose heir he was. Among the Volsci and Pomptini the agents could not even make any purchases, and they were actually in danger from the violence of the people.
34.4. frumentum Cumis cum coemptum esset, naues pro bonis Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat, retentae sunt; in Uolscis Pomptinoque ne emi quidem potuit; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum ipsis frumentatoribus fuit;
34.5. From the Tuscans corn came in by way of the Tiber, and with this the plebs were kept alive. A disastrous war would have been added to the distresses arising from the scarcity of provisions, had not a grievous pestilence descended upon the Volsci just as they were beginning hostilities.
34.5. ex Tuscis frumentum Tiberi uenit; eo sustentata est plebs. incommodo bello in tam artis commeatibus uexati forent, ni Uolscos iam mouentes arma pestilentia ingens inuasisset.
34.6. Its ravages so terrified the enemy that even after the worst of it was over they did not fully recover from their fear, and the Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae and sent out a new colony to Norba, in the mountains, as a stronghold for the Pomptine country.
34.6. ea clade conterritis hostium animis, ut etiam ubi ea remisisset terrore aliquo tenerentur, et Uelitris auxere numerum colonorum Romani, et Norbam in montes nouam coloniam, quae arx in Pomptino esset, miserunt.
34.7. Next year, in the consulship of Marcus Minucius and Aulus Sempronius, a large quantity of grain was imported from Sicily, and the senate debated at what price it should be sold to the plebeians.
34.7. M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus magna uis frumenti ex Sicilia aduecta, agitatumque in senatu quanti plebi daretur.
34.8. Many thought the time had come for repressing the commons, and resuming the rights which they had violently extorted from the Fathers by secession. Conspicuous among these was Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy to the tribunician power, who said: “If they want corn at the old price let them restore to the senate its ancient rights.”
34.8. multi uenisse tempus premendae plebis putabant reciperandique iura quae extorta secessione ac ui patribus essent. in primis Marcius Coriolanus, hostis tribuniciae potestatis, 'si annonam' inquit, 'ueterem uolunt, ius pristinum reddant patribus.
34.9. “Why do I see plebeian magistrates, why do I, after being sent beneath the yoke and ransomed, as it were, from brigands, behold Sicinius in power?”
34.9. cur ego plebeios magistratus, cur Sicinium potentem uideo, sub iugum missus, tamquam ab latronibus redemptus?
34.10. “Shall I endure these humiliations any longer than I must? When I would not brook Tarquinius as king, must I brook Sicinius? Let him secede now and call out the plebs; the way lies open to the Sacred Mount and the other hills. Let them seize grain from our fields as they did two years ago. Let them enjoy the corn-prices they have brought about by their own madness.”
34.10. egone has indignitates diutius patiar quam necesse est? Tarquinium regem qui non tulerim, Sicinium feram? secedat nunc; auocet plebem; patet uia in Sacrum montem aliosque colles; rapiant frumenta ex agris nostris, quemadmodum tertio anno rapuere.
34.11. “I make bold to say that this evil plight will so tame them that they will sooner till the land themselves than withdraw under arms and prevent its cultivation by others.”
34.11. fruantur annona quam furore suo fecere. audeo dicere hoc malo domitos ipsos potius cultores agrorum fore quam ut armati per secessionem coli prohibeant.'
34.12. It is not so easy to say whether it would have been right to do this, as it is clear, I think, that it lay within the Fathers' power to have made such conditions for reducing the price of corn as to have freed themselves from the tribunician authority and all the terms which they had unwillingly agreed to.
34.12. haud tam facile dictu est faciendumne fuerit quam potuisse arbitror fieri ut condicionibus laxandi annonam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia inuitis iura imposita patres demerent sibi.
35.1. Even the senate deemed the proposal too harsh, and the plebs were so angry that they almost resorted to arms. Starvation, they said, was now being employed against them, as though they were public enemies, and they were being defrauded of their food and sustenance; the imported corn, their only supply, unexpectedly bestowed on them by Fortune, was to be snatched from their mouths unless the tribunes should be delivered up in chains to Gnaeus Marcius, unless he should work his will on the persons of the Roman plebeians; in him a new executioner had risen up against them, who bade them choose between death and slavery.
35.1. et senatui nimis atrox uisa sententia est et plebem ira prope armauit. fame se iam sicut hostes peti, cibo uictuque fraudari; peregrinum frumentum, quae sola alimenta ex insperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi nisi Cn. Marcio uincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis Romanae satisfiat; eum sibi carnificem nouum exortum, qui aut mori aut seruire iubeat.
35.2. When he came out from the Curia they would have set upon him, had not the tribunes, in the nick of time, appointed a day to try him; whereupon their anger subsided, for every man saw that he was himself made his enemy's judge, and held over him the power of life and death.
35.2. in exeuntem e curia impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni diem dixissent. ibi ira est suppressa; se iudicem quisque, se dominum uitae necisque inimici factum uidebat.
35.3. With contempt at first Marcius heard the threats of the tribunes, alleging that the right to help, not to punish, had been granted to that office, and that they were tribunes not of the Fathers, but of the plebs. But the commons had risen in such a storm of anger that the Fathers had to sacrifice one man to appease them.
35.3. contemptim primo Marcius audiebat minas tribunicias: auxilii, non poenae ius datum illi potestati, plebisque, non patrum tribunos esse. sed adeo infensa erat coorta plebs ut unius poena defungendum esset patribus.
35.4. For all that, they resisted the hatred of their adversaries and called upon the private resources of the several senators, as well as the strength of the entire order. At first they tried, by posting their clients here and there, to frighten persons from coming together for deliberation, in the hope that they might thereby break up their plans.
35.4. restiterunt tamen aduersa inuidia, usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius ordinis uiribus. ac primo temptata res est si dispositis clientibus absterrendo singulos a coitionibus conciliisque disicere rem possent.
35.5. Then they came out in a body —you would have said all the members of the senate were on their trial —and entreated the plebs to release to them one citizen, one senator; if they were unwilling to acquit him as innocent let them give him up, though guilty, as a favour.
35.5. uniuersi deinde processere —quidquid erat patrum, reos diceres—precibus plebem exposcentes, unum sibi ciuem, unum senatorem, si innocentem absoluere nollent, pro nocente donarent.
35.6. But when Marcius himself, on the day appointed for the hearing, failed to appear, men's hearts were hardened against him. Condemned in his absence, he went into exile with the Volsci, uttering threats against his country, and even then breathing hostility. When he came among the Volsci they received him with a kindness which increased from one day to the next, in proportion as he allowed a greater hatred of his own people to appear, and was more and more frequently heard to utter both complaints and threats.
35.6. ipse cum die dicta non adesset, perseueratum in ira est. damnatus absens in Uolscos exsulatum abiit, minitans patriae hostilesque iam tum spiritus gerens. uenientem Uolsci benigne excepere, benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae, nunc minae percipiebantur.
35.7. His host was Attius Tullius, at that time by far the foremost of the Volscian name and ever unfriendly to the Romans. And so, spurred on, the one by his inveterate hatred and the other by fresh resentment, they took counsel together how they might make war on Rome.
35.7. hospitio utebatur Atti Tulli. longe is tum princeps Uolsci nominis erat Romanisque semper infestus. ita cum alterum uetus odium, alterum ira recens stimularet, consilia conferunt de Romano bello.
35.8. They believed that it would be no easy matter to induce the Volscian commons to take up the arms which they had so often unluckily essayed; the destruction of their young men in oft-repeated wars, and finally by the plague, had, they supposed, broken their spirit; artifice must be invoked, where hate had grown dull with lapse of time, that they might find some new cause of anger to exasperate men's hearts.
35.8. haud facile credebant plebem suam impelli posse, ut totiens infeliciter temptata arma caperent: multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo amissa iuuentute fractos spiritus esse; arte agendum in exoleto iam uetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacerbarentur animi.
36.1. It so happened that at Rome preparations were making to repeat the Great Games. The reason of the repetition was as follows: at an early hour of the day appointed for the games, before the show had begun, a certain householder had driven his slave, bearing a yoke, through the midst of the circus, scourging the culprit as he went.
36.1. ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae parabantur. instaurandi haec causa fuerat. ludis mane seruum quidam pater familiae, nondum commisso spectaculo, sub furca caesum medio egerat circo; coepti inde ludi, uelut ea res nihil ad religionem pertinuisset.
36.2. The games had then been begun, as though this circumstance had in no way affected their sanctity. Not long after, Titus Latinius, a plebeian, had a dream. He dreamt that Jupiter said that the leading dancer at the games had not been to his liking; that unless there were a sumptuous repetition of the festival the City would be in danger; that Latinius was to go and announce this to the consuls.
36.2. haud ita multo post Tito Latinio, de plebe homini, somnium fuit; uisus Iuppiter dicere sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse; nisi magnifice instaurarentur ii ludi, periculum urbi fore; iret, ea consulibus nuntiaret.
36.3. Though the man's conscience was by no means at ease, nevertheless the awe he felt at the majesty of the magistrates was too great; he was afraid of becoming a laughing-stock.
36.3. quamquam haud sane liber erat religione animus, uerecundia tamen maiestatis magistratuum [timorem] uicit, ne in ora hominum pro ludibrio abiret.
36.4. Heavy was the price he paid for his hesitation, for a few days later he lost his son. Lest this sudden calamity should leave any uncertainty as to its cause in the mind of the wretched man, the same phantom appeared again before him in his dreams, and asked him, as he thought, whether he had been sufficiently repaid for spurning the gods; for a greater recompense was at hand unless he went quickly and informed the consuls.
36.4. magno illi ea cunctatio stetit; filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. cuius repentinae cladis ne causa ei dubia esset, aegro animi eadem illa in somnis obuersata species uisa est rogitare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem;
36.5. This brought the matter nearer home. Yet he still delayed and put off going, till a violent attack of illness suddenly laid him low.
36.5. maiorem instare ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. iam praesentior res erat. cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens uis morbi adorta est debilitate subita.
36.6. Then at last the anger of the gods taught him wisdom. And so, worn out with his sufferings, past and present, he called a council of his kinsmen and explained to them what he had seen and heard, how Jupiter had so often confronted him in his sleep, and how the threats and anger of the god had been instantly fulfilled in his own misfortunes.
36.6. tunc enimuero deorum cura <ea> admonuit. fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque, consilio propinquorum adhibito, cum uisa atque audita et obuersatum totiens somno Iouem, minas irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, consensu inde haud dubio omnium qui aderant in forum ad consules lectica defertur.
36.7. Then, with the unhesitating approval of all who were present, he was carried on a litter to the consuls in the Forum; and thence, by their command, to the Curia, where he had no sooner told the same story to the Fathers, greatly to the wonder of them all, when — lo, another miracle!
36.7. inde in curiam iussu consulum delatus, eadem illa cum patribus ingenti omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miraculum:
36.8. For it is related that he who had been carried into the senate-house afflicted in all his members, returned home, after discharging his duty, on his own feet.
36.8. qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum redisse traditum memoriae est.
37.1. Games of the greatest possible splendour were decreed by the senate, and to see them came, at the suggestion of Attius Tullius, a host of Volsci.
37.1. ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent senatus decreuit. ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio uis magna Uolscorum uenit.
37.2. Before the beginning of the spectacle Tullius, in pursuance of the plan he and Marcius had formed at home, went to the consuls and told them that he had something of public importance which he wished to discuss with them in private.
37.2. priusquam committerentur ludi, Tullius, ut domi compositum cum Marcio fuerat, ad consules uenit; dicit esse quae secreto agere de re publica uelit.
37.3. When the bystanders had been removed, “I am loath,” he said, “to tell concerning my countrymen what may discredit them. Still I do not come to charge them with having committed any crime, but to put you on your guard lest they should commit one.”
37.3. arbitris remotis, 'inuitus' inquit, 'quod sequius sit, de meis ciuibus loquor. non tamen admissum quicquam ab iis criminatum uenio, sed cautum ne admittant.
37.4. “The disposition of our people is far more fickle than I could wish.”
37.4. nimio plus quam uelim, nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia.
37.5. “Many disasters have taught us the truth of this, since it is not to our own merit, but to your patience, that we owe our preservation. A great crowd of Volsci is now in Rome; there are games; the citizens will be intent upon the spectacle.”
37.5. multis id cladibus sensimus, quippe qui non nostro merito sed uestra patientia incolumes simus. magna hic nunc Uolscorum multitudo est; ludi sunt; spectaculo intenta ciuitas erit.
37.6. “I remember what the Sabine youths did in this City on the same opportunity arising; I tremble lest something ill-advised and rash may happen. It has seemed to me that both on our account and on yours I ought to tell you this beforehand, consuls.”
37.6. memini quid per eandem occasionem ab Sabinorum iuuentute in hac urbe commissum sit; horret animus, ne quid inconsulte ac temere fiat. haec nostra uestraque causa prius dicenda uobis, consules, ratus sum.
37.7. “For my own part I intend to go home at once, lest being on the spot I might be implicated in some act or word and be compromised.” With this he departed. The consuls laid before the senate this vague warning which came from so reliable a source.
37.7. quod ad me attinet, extemplo hinc domum abire in animo est, ne cuius facti dictiue contagione praesens uioler.' haec locutus abiit.
37.8. It was the source, as often happens, rather than the story, which induced them to take precautions, even though they might prove superfluous. The senate decreed that the Volsci should leave the City, and heralds were sent about to command them all to depart before nightfall.
37.8. consules cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo detulissent, auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad praecauendum uel ex superuacuo mouit, factoque senatus consulto ut urbe excederent Uolsci, praecones dimittuntur qui omnes eos proficisci ante noctem iuberent.
37.9. At first they were stricken with a great alarm, as they hurried this way and that to the houses of their hosts to get their things. But when they had started, their hearts swelled with indignation, that like malefactors and polluted persons, they should have been driven off from the games at a time of festival, and excluded, in a way, from intercourse with men and gods.
37.9. ingens pauor primo discurrentes ad suas res tollendas in hospitia perculit; proficiscentibus deinde indignatio oborta, se ut consceleratos contaminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam modo hominum deorumque abactos esse.
38.1. As they journeyed on in an almost unbroken line, Tullius, who had gone ahead, arrived before them at the source of the Ferentina. There, when any of their chief men arrived, he met them with words of complaint and indignation. These leaders, eagerly drinking in the words with which he ministered to their anger, he conducted and, thanks to their influence, the rest of the throng also, to a field which lay below the road.
38.1. cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque ueniret, primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, et eos ipsos, sedulo audientes secunda irae uerba, et per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum uiae campum deduxit.
38.2. There he launched out upon a speech like a general's harangue. “Though you should forget all else,” he cried, “the ancient wrongs done by the Roman People and the disasters that have overtaken the Volscian race, with what feelings, pray, can you bear the insult which this day has brought to us, making our humiliation serve as the opening of their festival?”
38.2. ibi in contionis modum orationem exorsus 'ut omnia' inquit, 'obliuiscamini alia, ueteres populi Romani iniurias cladesque gentis Uolscorum, hodiernam hanc contumeliam quo tandem animo fertis, qua per nostram ignominiam ludos commisere?
38.3. “Or did you not feel that they were triumphing over you to-day? That you furnished a spectacle to everybody when you departed —to the citizens, to the strangers, to all the neighbouring nations?”
38.3. an non sensistis triumphatum hodie de uobis esse? uos omnibus, ciuibus, peregrinis, tot finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntes fuisse? uestras coniuges, uestros liberos traductos per ora hominum?
38.4. “That your wives and children were made a mock in the eyes of the world? What of those who heard the words of the herald? What of those who saw us going away? What of those who have met this ignominious procession? What think you they all supposed, but that we were certainly attainted of some sin; that because, were we to be present at the spectacle, we should pollute the games and incur the god's displeasure —for that reason we were being expelled from the seat of the righteous and from their gathering and their council?”
38.4. quid eos qui audiuere uocem praeconis, quid, qui nos uidere abeuntes, quid eos qui huic ignominioso agmini fuere obuii, existimasse putatis nisi aliquod profecto nefas esse quo, si intersimus spectaculo, uiolaturi simus ludos piaculumque merituri; ideo nos ab sede piorum, coetu concilioque abigi?
38.5. “Moreover, does it not occur to you that we are alive because we hastened to depart? —if, indeed, this is a departure and not rather a flight. And this City —do you not regard it as a city of enemies, when if you had delayed there a single day, you would all have had to die?”
38.5. quid deinde? illud non succurrit, uiuere nos quod maturarimus proficisci? si hoc profectio et non fuga est. et hanc urbem uos non hostium ducitis, ubi si unum diem morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit? bellum uobis indictum est, magno eorum malo qui indixere si uiri estis.'
38.6. “War has been declared upon you, and greatly shall they rue it who have been responsible, if you are men.” So, their spontaneous anger fanned to a flame, they dispersed to their several homes, and, every man arousing his own people, they brought about a revolt of the entire Volscian name.
38.6. ita et sua sponte irarum pleni et incitati domos inde digressi sunt, instigandoque suos quisque populos effecere ut omne Uolscum nomen deficeret.
39.1. As generals for this war the nations all agreed in choosing Attius Tullius and Gnaeus Marcius, the Roman exile, who inspired rather more hope than did his colleague.
39.1. imperatores ad id bellum de omnium populorum sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Marcius, exsul Romanus, in quo aliquanto plus spei repositum.
39.2. This hope he by no means disappointed, so that it was easy to see that Rome's commanders were a greater source of strength to her than her armies were. Marching first to Circei, he drove out the Roman colonists from that city and turned it over, thus liberated, to the Volsci.
39.2. quam spem nequaquam fefellit, ut facile appareret ducibus ualidiorem quam exercitu rem Romanam esse. Circeios profectus primum colonos inde Romanos expulit liberamque eam urbem Uolscis tradidit;
39.3. He took Satricum, Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, places which the Romans had recently acquired. He then recovered Lavinium, and then, passing over by cross-roads into the Latin Way, captured in succession Corbio, Vetelia, Trebium, Labici, and Pedum.
39.3. Satricum, Longulam, Poluscam, Coriolos, nouella haec Romanis oppida ademit; inde Lauinium recepit; inde in Latinam uiam transuersis tramitibus transgressus, tunc deinceps Corbionem, Ueteliam, Trebium, Labicos, Pedum cepit.
39.5. From Pedum he finally led his army against Rome and, pitching his camp at the Cluilian Trenches, five miles from the City, laid waste the Roman territory from that base, sending out guards with the pillagers to preserve intact the farms of the patricians, whether from anger at the plebs, or to sow dissension between them and the Fathers. And no doubt it would have sprung up, so vehemently did the tribunes seek by their accusations to rouse the already headstrong commons against the nation's leaders, but dread of invasion, the strongest bond of harmony, tended to unite their feelings, however they might suspect and dislike one another.
39.5. postremum ad urbem a Pedo ducit, et ad fossas Cluilias quinque ab urbe milia passuum castris positis, populatur inde agrum Romanum, custodibus inter populatores missis qui patriciorum agros intactos seruarent, siue infensus plebi magis, siue ut discordia inde inter patres plebemque oreretur. quae profecto orta esset—adeo tribuni iam ferocem per se plebem criminando in primores ciuitatis instigabant—; sed externus timor, maximum concordiae uinculum, quamuis suspectos infensosque inter se iungebat animos.
39.8. In this one point they were unable to agree, that the senate and the consuls saw no hope anywhere but in arms, while the plebs preferred anything to war. Spurius Nautius and Sextus Furius were now consuls.
39.8. id modo non conueniebat quod senatus consulesque nusquam alibi spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia quam bellum malebat.
39.9. While they were reviewing their levies and distributing garrisons about the walls and the other places where they had seen fit to place pickets and sentries, a great multitude of people demanding peace first terrified them with their rebellious clamour, and then forced them to call the senate together and propose the sending of envoys to Gnaeus Marcius. The Fathers consented to propose it when they saw that the plebeians were growing discouraged, and ambassadors were sent to Marcius to treat for peace.
39.9. Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius consules erant. eos recensentes legiones, praesidia per muros aliaque in quibus stationes uigiliasque esse placuerat loca distribuentes, multitudo ingens pacem poscentium primum seditioso clamore conterruit, deinde uocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn. Marcium mittendis coegit.
39.10. Stern was the answer they brought back. If the land of the Volsci were restored to them the question of peace could be taken up; if the Romans wished to enjoy the spoils of war without doing anything, he would forget neither the wrong his fellow-citizens had done him nor the kindness of his hosts, but would strive to show that exile had quickened his courage, not broken it.
39.10. acceperunt relationem patres, postquam apparuit labare plebis animos; missique de pace ad Marcium oratores atrox responsum rettulerunt: si Uolscis ager redderetur, posse agi de pace: si praeda belli per otium frui uelint, memorem se et ciuium iniuriae et hospitum beneficii adnisurum, ut appareat exsilio sibi inritatos, non fractos animos esse.
39.12. When the same envoys were sent back a second time, they were denied admittance to the camp. Even priests, wearing the appropriate fillets, are said to have gone as suppliants to the enemy's camp, where they were no more able than the envoys had been to alter the determination of Marcius.
39.12. iterum deinde iidem missi non recipiuntur in castra. sacerdotes quoque suis insignibus uelatos isse supplices ad castra hostium traditum est; nihilo magis quam legatos flexisse animum.
40.1. Then the married women gathered in large numbers at the house of Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia, his wife.
40.1. tum matronae ad Ueturiam matrem Coriolani Uolumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. id publicum consilium an muliebris timor fuerit, parum inuenio:
40.2. Whether this was public policy or woman's fear I cannot find out; in any case they prevailed with them that both Veturia, an aged woman, and Volumnia should take the two little sons of Marcius and go with them to the camp of the enemy; and that, since the swords of the men could not defend the City, the women should defend it with their prayers and tears.
40.2. peruicere certe, ut et Ueturia, magno natu mulier, et Uolumnia duos paruos ex Marcio ferens filios secum in castra hostium irent et, quoniam armis uiri defendere urbem non possent, mulieres precibus lacrimisque defenderent.
40.3. When they reached the camp, and the word came to Coriolanus that a great company of women was at hand, at first, as might have been expected of one whom neither the nation's majesty could move, as represented in its envoys, nor the awfulness of religion, as conveyed to heart and eye by the persons of her priests, he showed even greater obduracy in resisting women's tears.
40.3. ubi ad castra uentum est nuntiatumque Coriolano est adesse ingens mulierum agmen, ut qui nec publica maiestate in legatis nec in sacerdotibus tanta offusa oculis animoque religione motus esset, multo obstinatior aduersus lacrimas muliebres erat;
40.4. Then one of his friends, led by Veturia's conspicuous sadness to single her out from amongst the other women, as she stood between her son's wife and his babies, said: “Unless my eyes deceive me, your mother is here and your wife and children.”
40.4. dein familiarium quidam qui insignem maestitia inter ceteras cognouerat Ueturiam, inter nurum nepotesque stantem, 'nisi me frustrantur' inquit, 'oculi, mater tibi coniunxque et liberi adsunt.'
40.5. Coriolanus started up like a madman from his seat, and running to meet his mother would have embraced her, but her entreaties turned to anger, and she said: “Suffer me to learn, before I accept your embrace, whether I have come to an enemy or a son; whether I am a captive or a mother in your camp.”
40.5. Coriolanus prope ut amens consternatus ab sede sua cum ferret matri obuiae complexum, mulier in iram ex precibus uersa 'sine, priusquam complexum accipio, sciam' inquit, 'ad hostem an ad filium uenerim, captiua materne in castris tuis sim.
40.6. “Is it this to which long life and an unhappy old age have brought me, that I should behold in you an exile and then an enemy? Could you bring yourself to ravage this country, which gave you birth and reared you?”
40.6. in hoc me longa uita et infelix senecta traxit ut exsulem te deinde hostem uiderem? potuisti populari hanc terram quae te genuit atque aluit?
40.7. “Did not your anger fall from you, no matter how hostile and threatening your spirit when you came, as you passed the boundary? Did it not come over you, when Rome lay before your eyes: ' Within those walls are my home and my gods, my mother, my wife, and my children?' ” “So then, had I not been a mother Rome would not now be besieged!
40.7. non tibi, quamuis infesto animo et minaci perueneras, ingredienti fines ira cecidit? non, cum in conspectu Roma fuit, succurrit: intra illa moenia domus ac penates mei sunt, mater coniunx liberique?
40.8. Had I no son I should have died a free woman, in a free land!” “But I can have nothing now to suffer which could be more disgraceful to you or more miserable for myself; nor, wretched though I am, shall I be so for long: it is these you must consider, for whom, if you keep on, untimely death or long enslavement is in store.” The embraces of his wife and children, following this speech, and the tears of the entire company of women, and their lamentations for themselves and their country, at last broke through his resolution.
40.8. ergo ego nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur; nisi filium haberem, libera in libera patria mortua essem. sed ego mihi miserius nihil iam pati nec tibi turpius <us>quam possum, nec ut sum miserrima, diu futura sum: de his uideris, quos, si pergis, aut immatura mors aut longa seruitus manet.' uxor deinde ac liberi amplexi, fletusque ob omni turba mulierum ortus et comploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem uirum.
40.10. He embraced his family and sent them back, and withdrew his forces from before the City. Having then led his army out of Rome's dominions he is said to have perished beneath the weight of resentment which this act caused, by a death which is variously described. I find in Fabius, by far the oldest authority, that Coriolanus lived on to old age.
40.10. complexus inde suos dimittit: ipse retro ab urbe castra mouit. abductis deinde legionibus ex agro Romano, inuidia rei oppressum perisse tradunt, alii alio leto. apud Fabium, longe antiquissimum auctorem, usque ad senectutem uixisse eundem inuenio;
40.11. At least he reports that this saying was often on his lips, that exile was a far more wretched thing when one was old. There was no envy of the fame the women had earned, on the part of the men of Rome —so free was life in those days from disparagement of another's glory —and to preserve its memory the temple of Fortuna Muliebris was built and dedicated.
40.11. refert certe hanc saepe eum exacta aetate usurpasse uocem multo miserius seni exsilium esse. non inuiderunt laude sua mulieribus uiri Romani—adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae uiuebatur—;
40.12. Afterwards the Volsci again invaded Roman soil, in conjunction with the Aequi, but these would no longer put up with Attius Tullius for their general.
40.12. monumento quoque quod esset, templum Fortunae muliebri aedificatum dedicatumque est. rediere deinde Uolsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum Romanum; sed Aequi Attium Tullium haud ultra tulere ducem.
40.13. Whereupon the dispute as to whether the Volsci or the Aequi should furnish a commander for the allied army, led to a quarrel, and this to a bloody battle. There the good fortune of the Roman People destroyed two hostile armies in one struggle, which was no less ruinous than it was obstinately fought.
40.13. hinc ex certamine Uolsci Aequine imperatorem coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio, deinde atrox proelium ortum. ibi fortuna populi Romani duos hostium exercitus haud minus pernicioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit.
40.14. The consulship of Titus Sicinius and Gaius Aquilius. Sicinius got the Volscian war for his command, and Aquilius that with the Hernici —for they too were up in arms. This year the Hernici were conquered, while the campaign against the Volsci was indecisive.
40.14. consules T. Sicinius et C. Aquilius. Sicinio Uolsci, Aquilio Hernici—nam ii quoque in armis erant—prouincia euenit. eo anno Hernici deuicti: cum Uolscis aequo Marte discessum est.
41.1. Spurius Cassius and Proculus Verginius were then made consuls. A treaty was struck with the Hernici, and two-thirds of their land was taken from them. Of this the consul Cassius proposed to divide one half amongst the Latins and the other half amongst the plebeians.
41.1. Sp. Cassius deinde et Proculus Uerginius consules facti. cum Hernicis foedus ictum; agri partes duae ademptae. inde dimidium Latinis, dimidium plebi diuisurus consul Cassius erat.
41.2. To this gift he wished to add some part of that land which, he charged, was held by individuals, although it belonged to the state. Whereupon many of the Fathers, being themselves in possession of the land, took fright at the danger which threatened their interests. But the senators were also concerned on public grounds, namely, that the consul by his largesses should be building up an influence perilous to liberty.
41.2. adiciebat hic muneri agri aliquantum, quem publicum possideri a priuatis criminabatur. id multos quidem patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum suarum terrebat; sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere.
41.3. This was the first proposal for agrarian legislation, and from that day to within living memory it has never been brought up without occasioning the most serious disturbances.
41.3. tum primum lex agraria promulgata est, nunquam deinde usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis motibus rerum agitata.
41.4. The other consul resisted the largess, and the Fathers supported him; nor were the commons solidly against him, for to begin with, they had taken offence that the bounty had been made general, being extended to include allies as well as citizens;
41.4. consul alter largitioni resistebat auctoribus patribus nec omni plebe aduersante, quae primo coeperat fastidire munus uolgatum †a ciuibus isse in socios†;
41.5. and again, they often heard the consul Verginius declare in his speeches, as though he read the future, that destruction lurked in the gift proposed by his colleague; that those lands would bring servitude to the men who should receive them, and were being made a road to monarchy.
41.5. saepe deinde et Uerginium consulem in contionibus uelut uaticinantem audiebat pestilens collegae munus esse; agros illos seruitutem iis qui acceperint laturos; regno uiam fieri.
41.6. For what reason had there been, he asked, in including the allies and the Latin name, and in restoring to the Hernici, who had been enemies a short time before, a third of the land which had been taken from them, if it were not that these tribes might have Cassius in the room of Coriolanus for their captain?
41.6. quid ita enim adsumi socios et nomen Latinum, quid attinuisset Hernicis, paulo ante hostibus, capti agri partem tertiam reddi, nisi ut hae gentes pro Coriolano duce Cassium habeant?
41.7. Popular favour now began to go over to the opponent and vetoer of the land-legislation. Each consul then began, as if vying with the other, to pamper the plebs. Verginius said that he would permit lands to be assigned, provided they were assigned to none but Roman citizens.
41.7. popularis iam esse dissuasor et intercessor legis agrariae coeperat. uterque deinde consul, ut certatim, plebi indulgere. Uerginius dicere passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui nisi ciui Romano adsignentur:
41.8. Cassius, having by his proposed agrarian grants made a bid for the support of the allies and thereby lowered himself in the eyes of the Romans, desired to regain the affection of his fellow-citizens by another donation, and proposed that the money received from the Sicilian corn should be paid back to the people.
41.8. Cassius, quia in agraria largitione ambitiosus in socios eoque ciuibus uilior erat, ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret ciuium animos, iubere pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui populo.
41.9. But this the people spurned, as a downright attempt to purchase regal power; to such an extent did their instinctive suspicion of monarchy render them scornful of his gifts, as if they had possessed a superfluity of everything; and Cassius had no sooner laid down his office than he was condemned and executed, as all authorities agree.
41.9. id uero haud secus quam praesentem mercedem regni aspernata plebes; adeo propter suspicionem insitam regni, uelut abundarent omnia, munera eius [in animis hominum] respuebantur.
41.10. There are those who say that his father was responsible for his punishment: that he tried the case in his house, and that, after causing his son to be scourged and put to death, he consecrated to Ceres his personal property, from the proceeds of which a statue was made and inscribed “the gift of the Cassian family.”
41.10. quem ubi primum magistratu abiit damnatum necatumque constat. sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant: eum cognita domi causa uerberasse ac necasse peculiumque filii Cereri consecrauisse; signum inde factum esse et inscriptum:
41.11. I find in certain authors, and this is the more credible account, that the quaestors Caeso Fabius and Lucius Valerius brought him to trial for treason, and that he was found guilty by judgment of the people and his house pulled down by popular decree. Its site is now the open space in front of the temple of Tellus.
41.11. 'ex Cassia familia datum.' inuenio apud quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a quaestoribus Caesone Fabio et L. Ualerio diem dictam perduellionis, damnatumque populi iudicio, dirutas publice aedes. ea est area ante Telluris aedem.
41.12. But whether it was a domestic or a state trial, he was condemned in the consulship of Servius Cornelius and Quintus Fabius.
41.12. ceterum siue illud domesticum siue publicum fuit iudicium, damnatur Seruio Cornelio Q. Fabio consulibus.
42.1. It was not long before the people forgot the anger they had felt against Cassius. The inherent attractiveness of the agrarian legislation appealed to them on its own account, when its author had been removed, and their desire for it was enhanced by the meanness of the Fathers, who after the defeat in that year of the Volsci and the Aequi defrauded the soldiers of their booty.
42.1. haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit. dulcedo agrariae legis ipsa per se, dempto auctore, subibat animos, accensaque ea cupiditas est malignitate patrum, qui deuictis eo anno Uolscis Aequisque, militem praeda fraudauere.
42.2. Whatever was taken from the enemy Fabius sold and placed the proceeds in the public treasury. The Fabian name was hateful to the plebs, on the last consul's account; nevertheless the patricians succeeded in procuring the election of Caeso Fabius to that office, along with Lucius Aemilius.
42.2. quidquid captum ex hostibus est, uendidit Fabius consul ac redegit in publicum. inuisum erat Fabium nomen plebi propter nouissimum consulem; tenuere tamen patres ut cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur.
42.3. This increased the rancour of the plebeians, and by their seditions at home they brought about a foreign war. The war then caused domestic strife to be interrupted, while with one mind and purpose patricians and plebeians met the rebellious Volsci and Aequi and, led by Aemilius, defeated them in a successful action.
42.3. eo infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum externum exciuit. bello deinde ciuiles discordiae intermissae; uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes Uolscos et Aequos duce Aemilio prospera pugna uicere.
42.4. Yet more of the enemy perished in flight than in the battle, so relentlessly did the cavalry pursue their routed forces.
42.4. plus tamen hostium fuga quam proelium absumpsit; adeo pertinaciter fusos insecuti sunt equites.
42.5. Castor's temple was dedicated the same year, on the fifteenth of July. It had been vowed during the Latin war by Postumius, the dictator. His son, being made duumvir for this special purpose, dedicated it.
42.5. Castoris aedis eodem anno idibus Quintilibus dedicata est; uota erat Latino bello <a> Postumio dictatore; filius eius duumuir ad id ipsum creatus dedicauit.
42.6. The desires of the plebs were this year again excited by the charms of the land-law. The tribunes of the plebs endeavoured to recommend their democratic office by a democratic law, while the senators, who thought there was frenzy enough and to spare in the populace, without rewarding it, shuddered at the thought of land-grants and encouragements to rashness.
42.6. sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis animi plebis. tribuni plebi popularem potestatem lege populari celebrabant: patres, satis superque gratuiti furoris in multitudine credentes esse, largitiones temeritatisque inuitamenta horrebant. acerrimi patribus duces ad resistendum consules fuere.
42.7. The most strenuous of leaders were at hand for the senatorial opposition, in the persons of the consuls. Their party was therefore victorious and not only won an immediate success but, besides, elected as consuls for the approaching year Marcus Fabius, Caeso's brother, and one whom, on account of the prosecution of Spurius Cassius, the people hated even more, namely, Lucius Valerius.
42.7. ea igitur pars rei publicae uicit, nec in praesens modo sed in uenientem etiam annum M. Fabium, Caesonis fratrem, et magis inuisum alterum plebi accusatione Sp. Cassi, L. Ualerium, consules dedit.
42.8. This year also there was a conflict with the tribunes. Nothing came of the legislation, and its supporters fell into contempt, from boasting of a measure which they could not carry through. The Fabii were thence-forward held in great repute, after their three successive consulships, which had all without interruption been subjected to the proof of struggles with the tribunes; accordingly the office, as if well invested, was permitted to remain some time in that family.
42.8. certatum eo quoque anno cum tribunis est. uana lex uanique legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti. Fabium inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulatus unoque uelut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis certaminibus habitum; itaque, ut bene locatus, mansit in ea familia aliquamdiu honos.
42.9. War then broke out with Veii, and the Volsci revolted. But for foreign wars there was almost a superabundance of resources, and men misused them in quarrelling amongst themselves.
42.9. bellum inde Ueiens initum, et Uolsci rebellarunt; sed ad bella externa prope supererant uires, abutebanturque iis inter semet ipsos certando.
42.10. To increase the general anxiety which was now felt, portents implying the anger of the gods were of almost daily occurrence in the City and the country. For this expression of divine wrath no other reason was alleged by the soothsayers, when they had enquired into it both officially and privately, sometimes by inspecting entrails and sometimes by observing the flight of birds, than the failure duly to observe the rites of religion.
42.10. accessere ad aegras iam omnium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope cotidianas in urbe agrisque ostentantia minas; motique ita numinis causam nullam aliam uates canebant publice priuatimque nunc extis, nunc per aues consulti, quam haud rite sacra fieri;
42.11. These alarms at length resulted in the condemnation of Oppia, a Vestal virgin, for unchastity, and her punishment.
42.11. qui terrores tamen eo euasere ut Oppia uirgo Uestalis damnata incesti poenas dederit.
43.1. Quintus Fabius and Gaius Julius were then made consuls. This year there was no less discord at home, and the menace of war was greater. The Aequi took up arms, and the Veientes even made a foray into Roman territory. During the increasing anxiety occasioned by these campaigns Caeso Fabius and Spurius Furius were elected to the consulship.
43.1. Q. Fabius inde et C. Iulius consules facti. eo anno non segnior discordia domi et bellum foris atrocius fuit. ab Aequis arma sumpta; Ueientes agrum quoque Romanorum populantes inierunt. quorum bellorum crescente cura, Caeso Fabius et Sp. Furius consules fiunt.
43.2. Ortona, a Latin city, was being besieged by the Aequi; while the Veientes, who by this time had their fill of rapine, were threatening to attack Rome itself.
43.2. Ortonam, Latinam urbem, Aequi oppugnabant: Ueientes, pleni iam populationum, Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos minabantur.
43.3. These alarms, though they should have restrained the animosity of the plebeians, actually heightened it; and they resumed their custom of refusing service, though not of their own initiative; for it was Spurius Licinius, tribune of the plebs, who, deeming that the moment had come for forcing a land-law on the patricians by the direst necessity, had undertaken to obstruct the preparations for war.
43.3. qui terrores cum compescere deberent, auxere insuper animos plebis, redibatque non sua sponte plebi mos detractandi militiam, sed Sp. Licinius tribunus plebis, uenisse tempus ratus per ultimam necessitatem legis agrariae patribus iniungendae, susceperat rem militarem impediendam.
43.4. But he drew upon his own head all the odium attaching to the tribunician office, nor did the consuls inveigh against him more fiercely than did his own colleagues, and with their help the consuls held a levy.
43.4. ceterum tota inuidia tribuniciae potestatis uersa in auctorem est, nec in eum consules acrius quam ipsius collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilectum consules habent.
43.5. Armies were enlisted for two wars at the same time; the command of one, which was to invade the Aequi, was given to Fabius, while with the other Furius was to oppose the Veientes.
43.5. ad duo simul bella exercitus scribitur; ducendus Fabio in Aequos, Furio datur in Ueientes. <in Ueientes> nihil dignum memoria gestum [est];
43.6. Against the Veientes nothing worth recording was accomplished; and in the Aequian campaign Fabius had somewhat more trouble with his fellow-Romans than with the enemy. That one man, the consul himself, preserved the state, which the army in its hatred of the consul would, so far as it was able, have betrayed.
43.6. et in Aequis quidem Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum ciuibus quam cum hostibus fuit. unus ille uir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit, quam exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat.
43.7. For when the consul, besides the many other instances of good generalship which he displayed in preparing for the war and in his conduct of it, had so drawn up the battle-line that a charge of the cavalry alone sufficed to rout the enemy's army, the foot refused to pursue the flying foe;
43.7. nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes, quas parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita instruxisset aciem ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum hostium funderet, insequi fusos pedes noluit;