38.4. The decemvirs considered what they had best do; for they were left in the lurch by the hatred of the patricians on the one side and of the plebs on the other.
38.4. nuntii solum sed per urbem agrestium fuga trepidationem iniecit. consultant quid opus facto sit, destituti inter patrum et plebis odia. terrorem insuper alium fortuna.
38.5. Moreover Fortune sent an additional alarm. The Aequi came from another quarter and encamped on Algidus, and from there raided the lands of Tusculum. Tusculan envoys brought tidings of these acts, and besought protection. The fright which this occasioned drove the decemvirs, now that the City was hemmed in between two simultaneous wars, to consult the senate.
38.5. Aequi alia ex parte castra in Algido locant depopulanturque inde excursionibus Tusculanum agrum. ea ab Tusculo praesidium orantes nuntiant.
38.6. They ordered the Fathers to be summoned to the Curia, though they were not ignorant how great a storm of unpopularity was brewing:
38.6. pavor perculit decemviros ut senatum simul duobus circumstantibus urbem bellis consulerent. iubent in curiam patres haud baud ignari quanta invidiae immineret tempestas:
38.7. the devastation of the land and the dangers which impended would be laid by everybody at their doors; and this would lead to an attempt being made to abolish their magistracy, unless they presented a united resistance, and by sharply exercising their power upon the few really daring spirits, put a stop to the efforts of the rest.
38.7. omnes vastati agri periculorumque imminentium causas in se congesturos, temptationemque eam earn fore abolendi sibi magistratus, ni consensu resisterent imperioque inhibendo acriter in paucos praeferocis animi conatus aliorum comprimerent.
38.8. When the crier's voice was heard in the Forum, calling the senators to meet the decemvirs in the Curia, it was like an innovation, so long had they disregarded the custom of consulting the senate, and it aroused the attention of the plebs, who wondered what in the world could have happened, that after so long an interval they should be reviving a forgotten usage; the enemy and the war deserved men's gratitude, if anything whatever was being done which was usual in a free state.
38.8. audita vox in foro est praeconis patres in curiam ad decemviros vocantis, velut nova res, quia intermiserant iam diu morem consulendi senatus, mirabundam plebem convertit, quidnam incidisset, cur ex tanto intervallo rem desuetam usurparent;
38.9. Men looked about in every corner of the Forum to discover a senator, and seldom recognized one anywhere; then their glances rested on the Curia and the decemvirs sitting there alone.
38.9. hostibus belloque gratiam habendam, quod solitum quicquam liberae civitati fieret. omnibus fori partibus senatorem raroque usquam noscitare;
38.10. Meantime the decemvirs themselves explained the Fathers' failure to assemble as owing to the universal detestation of their rule; the commons as due to their having no authority, being private citizens, to convoke the senate: a beginning, it seemed, was already being made towards the recovery of freedom, if the plebs would join with the senate; and if, even as the Fathers were refusing, when summoned, to attend the session, so they, for their part, would reject the levy. Such were the murmurs of the plebs.
38.10. curiam inde ac solitudinem circa decemviros intueri, cum et ipsi consensu invisum imperium et plebs, quia privatis ius non esset vocandi senatum, non convenire patres interpretarentur: iam caput fieri libertatem repetentium, si se plebs comitem senatui det, et quem ad modum patres vocati non coeant in senatum, sic plebs abnuat dilectum.
38.11. Of senators there was scarce one in the Forum, and there were but few in the City. In their resentment at the situation they had withdrawn to their farms and were absorbed in their private affairs, disregarding those of the nation; for they felt that they were secure from insult only so far as they removed themselves from contact and association with their tyrannical masters.
38.11. fremunt plebes. haud fere quisquam in foro, in urbe rari erant. rerum cesserant in agros, suarumque rerum erant amissa publica, tantum ab iniuria se abesse rati, quantum a coetu congressuque impotentium dominorum se amovissent.
38.12. When on being cited they failed to appear, officers were sent round to their houses, for the double purpose of exacting fines and of ascertaining whether their recalcitrancy were deliberate. They reported that the senators were in the country. This was more pleasing to the decemvirs than if they had announced that the Fathers were in town and repudiated their authority.
38.12. citati non conveniebant, dimissi circa domos apparitores simul ad pignera capienda sciscitandumque num consulto detrectarent referunt senatum in agris esse. id decemviris accidit quam si praesentes detrectare imperium referrent.
38.13. They commanded them all to be summoned, and proclaimed a meeting of the senate for the following day. This session was somewhat better attended than they had themselves expected. Whereupon the plebs concluded that liberty had been betrayed by the senators, since those who had already gone out of office and were mere private citizens, save for the force they exercised, were obeyed by them as though they had the authority to command.
38.13. acciri omnes, senatumque in diem posterum edicunt; qui aliquanto spe ipsorum frequentior convenit. facto proditam a patribus plebs libertatem rata, quod iis qui iam magistratu abissent privatisque, si vis abesset, tamquam iure cogentibus senatus paruisset.
39.1. But their obedience in coming to the senate-house was greater, we are told, than their submissiveness in the expression of their views.
39.1. magis oboedienter ventum in curiam quam obnoxie dictas sententias accepimus.
39.2. It is related that Lucius Valerius Potitus, after Appius Claudius had proposed his motion and before the senators were called upon in order for their opinions, demanded leave to speak on the state of the nation; and when the decemvirs tried with threats to prevent his doing so, stirred up a violent commotion by declaring that he would go before the plebs.
39.2. L. Valerium Potitum proditum memoriae est post relationem Ap. Claudi, priusquam ordine sententiae rogarentur, postulando ut de re publica liceret dicere, prohibentibus minaciter decemviris proditurum se ad plebem denuntiantem tumultum excivisse.
39.3. With equal spirit, it is said, did Marcus Horatius Barbatus enter the dispute, calling them ten Tarquinii, and warning them that the Valerii and the Horatii had been leaders in the expulsion of the kings.
39.3. minus ferociter M. Horatium Barbatum isse in certamen, decem Tarquinios appellantem admonentemque Valeriis et Horatiis ducibus pulsos reges.
39.4. Nor was it the name, said he, which had then disgusted men, since by this name Jupiter was duly called; and Romulus, the founder of the City; and the successive kings; and it had even been retained for religious rites as a solemn title.
39.4. nominis homines tum pertaesum esse, quippe quo Iovem appellari fas sit, quo Romulum, conditorem urbis, deincepsque reges, quod sacris etiam ut sollemne retentum sit: superbiam violentiamque tum perosos regis.
39.5. No, it was the pride and violence of the king which men had hated in those days; and if these qualities had then been intolerable in a king, or the son of a king, who would endure them in so many private citizens?
39.5. si in rege tum aut in filio regis ferenda non fuerint, quem eadem laturum in tot privatis?
39.6. Let them beware lest by denying men freedom of speech in the Curia they should set them a-talking outside the Curia as well. He could not see, he continued, how, as a private citizen, he was less entitled to assemble the people for a speech than they were to convene the senate.
39.6. ne vetando in curia libere homines loqui extra curiam etiam moverent vocem; neque se videre qui sibi minus privato ad contionem populum vocare quam illis senatum cogere liceat.
39.7. When they liked they might learn by making the experiment how much stronger indignation was in the vindication of a man's own liberty than was ambition in defence of unjust power.
39.7. vellent experirentur quanto fortior dolor in libertate sua vindicanda quam cupiditas in iniusta dominatione esset.
39.8. The decemvirs talked of a Sabine war, as if any war were more important to the Roman People than war with those who, though they had been appointed to propose statutes, had left no law in the state; who had done away with elections, with annual magistracies, with the succession of new governors —the only means of equalizing liberty; —and who, though private citizens, had the rods and the power of kings.
39.8. bello Sabino eos referre, tamquam maius ullum populo Romano bellum sit quam cum iis qui legum ferendarum causa creati nihil iuris in civitate reliquerint, qui comitia, qui annuos magistratus, qui vicissitudinem imperitandi, quod unum exaequandae sit libertatis, sustulerint; qui privati fasces et regium imperium habeant.
39.9. Following the expulsion of the kings there had been patrician magistrates; later, after the secession of the plebs, plebeian magistrates had been elected. Of what party, he asked, were they? Of the popular party? Pray what had they done through the agency of the people? Of the aristocratic party? When they had held no meeting of the senate for close upon a year, and were now so conducting it as to suppress discussion of the national welfare?
39.9. regibus exactis patricios magistratus, creatos postea post secessionem plebis plebeios; cuius illi partis essent, rogitare.? Quid enim eos per populum egisse egiss?? Qui anno iam prope senatum non habuerint, nunc ita habeant, ut de re publica loqui prohibeant?
39.10. Let them not trust too much to other men's fears; the things men were enduring now seemed more grievous to them than the things they feared.
39.10. nimium in metu alieno spei ponerent; graviora quae patiantur videri iam hominibus quam quae metuant.
40.1. While Horatius was thus declaiming, the decemvirs were at a loss to know how far they could afford either to resent or to overlook it; nor could they make out what the upshot was likely to be.
40.1. vociferante Horatio cum decemviri nec irae nec ignoscendi modum reperirent nec quo evasura res esset cernerent, C.
40.2. But Gaius Claudius, the uncle of Appius the decemvir, made a speech, approaching more nearly to entreaty than expostulation, in which he implored him in the name of his own brother's and his father's departed spirits to remember rather the civil society in which he had been born than the wicked compact he had entered into with his colleagues.
40.2. Claudi, qui patruus Appi decemviri erat, oratio fuit precibus quam iurgio similior, orantis per sui fratris parentisque eius manes ut civilis potius societatis, in qua natus esset, quam foederis nefarie icti cum collegis meminisset. id magis se illius causa orare quam rei publicae;
40.4. This he begged much more for Appius's own sake than for the sake of the nation; indeed the nation would demand its rights in spite of the decemvirs, if they did not accord them voluntarily; but a great struggle usually aroused great passions, and he shuddered to think what these might lead to.
40.4. quippe rem publicam, si a volentibus nequeat, ab invitis ius expetituram; sed ex magno certamine magnas excitari ferme iras; earum eventum se horrere.
40.5. Although the decemvirs wished to prevent discussion of anything but the subject they had introduced, they were ashamed to interrupt Claudius, who accordingly brought his speech to a conclusion, with the proposal that the senate should take no action.
40.5. aliud praeterquam de quo rettulissent decemviri dicere prohiberent, Claudium interpellandi verecundia fuit. igitur peregit nullum placere senatus consultum fieri.
40.6. Everybody accepted this as meaning that Claudius held the decemvirs to be private citizens; and many of consular rank signified their approval, without discussion.
40.6. ita accipiebant, privatos eos a Claudio iudicatos; multique ex consularibus verbo adsensi sunt.
40.7. Another motion, ostensibly harsher, but in reality somewhat less drastic, directed the patricians to assemble and proclaim an interrex. For by passing any measure whatsoever they declared those who presided over the senate to be magistrates; whereas they had been rated as mere citizens by him who advised the senate against adopting any resolution.
40.7. sententia, asperior in speciem, vim minorem aliquanto habuit, quae patricios coire ad prodendum interregem iubebat. enim quodcumque magistratus esse qui senatum haberent iudicabant, quos privatos fecerat auctor nullius senatus consulti faciendi.
40.8. Thus the cause of the decemvirs was already collapsing, when Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius the decemvir, who had purposely been reserved to be the last speaker among the ex-consuls, defended his brother and his brother's colleagues by feigning anxiety about the war. He said he wondered by what fatality it had come about that the decemvirs were being attacked solely, or at least chiefly, by those who had sought election to that office;
40.8. labente iam causa decemvirorum L. Cornelius Maluginensis, M. Corneli decemviri frater, cum ex consularibus ad ultimum dicendi locum consulto servatus esset, simulando curam belli fratrem collegasque eius tuebatur, quonam fato incidisset mirari se dictitans ut decemviros, qui decemviratum petissent—aut soli ii aut maxime—oppugnarent;
40.10. or why it was that during the many months in which the state had been at peace nobody had raised the question whether regular magistrates were at the head of affairs, and only now, when the enemy were almost at their gates, were men sowing political dissension; unless it was because they thought that in troubled waters it would be harder to discern what was going on.
40.10. aut quid ita, cum per tot menses vacua civitate nemo iustine magistratus summae rerum praeessent controversiam fecerit, nunc demum cum hostes prope ad portas sint, civiles discordias serant, nisi quod in turbido minus perspicuum fore putent quid agatur.
40.11. For the rest, was it not right that when men's attention was taken up with the larger concern, all prejudgment of so important a matter should be eliminated? He therefore proposed, concerning the charge brought by Valerius and Horatius that the official term of the decemvirs had expired on the day before the Ides of May, that they should first conclude the impending wars and restore the state's tranquillity, and then refer the question to the senate for settlement;
40.11. —nonne enim maiore cura occupatis animis verum esse praeiudicium rei tantae auferri?—sibi placere de eo quod Valerius Horatiusque ante idus Maias decemviros abisse magistratu insimulent, bellis quae immineant perfectis, re publica in tranquillum redacta, senatu disceptante agi, et iam nunc ita se parare Ap.
40.12. and that Appius Claudius should at once make up his mind to recognize that he must explain, regarding the comitia which he had held for the election of decemvirs —being one himself —whether they were chosen for one year or until the missing laws should be enacted.
40.12. Claudium ut comitiorum quae decemviris creandis decemvir ipse habuerit sciat sibi rationem reddendam esse utrum in unum annum creati sint, an donec leges quae deessent perferrentur.
40.13. For the present he thought they should pay no attention to anything but the war. If the current rumours about it seemed to them to be false, and if they supposed that not only the couriers but the Tusculan envoys also had brought them idle stories, he suggested that they send out scouts to investigate and return with more certain information.
40.13. praesentia omnia praeter bellum omitti placere; cuius si falso famam volgatam, vanaque non nuntios solum sed Tusculanorum etiam legatos adtulisse putent, speculatores mittendos censere qui certius explorata referant;
40.14. But if they trusted both couriers and envoys, a levy should be held at the earliest possible moment; and the decemvirs should lead the armies whither it seemed good to each of them, giving precedence to no other business.
40.14. sin fides et nuntiis et legatis habeatur, dilectum primo quoque tempore haberi et decemviros quo cuique eorum videatur exercitus ducere nec rem aliam praeverti.
41.1. The younger senators were about to force this motion through on a division, when Valerius and Horatius, in a second and more impassioned outburst, demanded that they be permitted to speak about the state of the nation. They would address the people, they said, if they were restrained by a faction from speaking in the senate; for neither could private citizens prevent them, whether in the senate-house or in an assembly, nor would they yield to the emblems of a fictitious authority.
41.1. hanc sententiam ut discederetur iuniores patrum evincebant. iterum coorti Valerius Horatiusque vociferari ut de re publica liceret dicere; dicturos ad populum, si in senatu per factionem non liceat; neque enim sibi privatos aut in curia aut in contione posse obstare, neque se imaginariis fascibus eorum cessuros esse.
41.2. Thereupon Appius, thinking the moment was at hand when, unless he opposed their violence with equal boldness, his authority was doomed, cried out, “It will be safer not to utter a word except on the subject of debate!” And when Valerius asserted that he would not be silenced by a mere citizen, he sent a lictor to arrest him.
41.2. Appius, iam prope esse ratus ut ni violentiae eorum pari resisteretur audacia victum imperium esset, erit melius inquit, nisi de quo consulimus vocem misisse, et ad Valerium, negantem se privato reticere, lictorem accedere iussit.
41.4. Valerius was imploring the citizens for help, from the threshold of the Curia, when Lucius Cornelius, throwing his arms about Appius, and feigning to be concerned for the other man, stopped the quarrel. At his request Valerius was permitted to say what he wished. But liberty went no further than speech; the decemvirs made good their design.
41.4. Quiritium fidem implorante Valerio a curiae limine, L. Cornelius complexus Appium, non cui simulabat consulendo, diremit certamen; factaque per Cornelium Valerio dicendi gratia quae vellet, cum libertas non ultra vocem excessisset, decemviri propositum tenuere.
41.5. Even the ex-consuls and the elder senators, in consequence of their lingering hatred of the tribunician power, which they thought the plebs regretted much more keenly than they did the authority of the consuls, almost preferred that at some later time the decemvirs should voluntarily abdicate than that hatred of them should lead to another rising of the plebs.
41.5. quoque ac seniores ab residuo tribuniciae potestatis odio, cuius desiderium plebi multo acrius quam consularis imperii rebantur esse, prope malebant postmodo ipsos decemviros voluntate abire magistratu quam invidia eorum exsurgere rursus plebem:
41.6. If gentle measures should restore the government to the consuls, without any popular outcry, they might, either through the intervention of wars, or through the moderation of the consuls in the exercise of their power, bring the plebeians to forget the tribunes.
41.6. si leniter ducta res sine populari strepitu ad consules redisset, aut bellis interpositis aut moderatione consulum in imperiis exercendis posse in oblivionem tribunorum plebem adduci.
41.7. The senators permitted in silence the proclamation of a levy. The young men answered to their names, since the authority of the decemvirs was without appeal. When the legions were enrolled, the decemvirs settled among themselves who ought to go to the front and who command the armies.
41.7. patrum edicitur dilectus., cum sine provocatione imperium esset, ad nomina respondent. scriptis inter se decemviri comparant, quos ire ad bellum, quos praeesse exercitibus oporteret.
41.8. Chief among the ten were Quintus Fabius and Appius Claudius. The war at home seemed more important than that abroad. The violence of Appius was, they thought, more adapted to quell disturbances in the City; while Fabius was of a character deficient in steady rectitude rather than actively bad.
41.8. inter decemviros erant Q. Fabius et Ap. Claudius. domi maius quam foris apparebat. Appi violentiam aptiorem rati ad comprimendos urbanos motus; in Fabio minus in bono constans potius quam navum in malitia ingenium esse.
41.9. For this man, once pre-eminent in civil and in military affairs, had been so altered by the decemvirate and by his colleagues that he chose rather to be like Appius than like himself. To him was intrusted the war in the Sabine country, and Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Poetelius were given him as colleagues.
41.9. enim virum, egregium olim domi militiaeque, decemviratus collegaeque ita mutaverant, ut Appi quam sui similis mallet esse. bellum in Sabinis M'. Rabuleio et Q. Poetelio additis collegis mandatum.
41.10. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Mount Algidus, with Lucius Minucius, Titus Antonius, Caeso Duillius, and Marcus Sergius. Spurius Oppius they assigned to Appius Claudius, to help him in looking out for the City; and they gave them the same powers as had been exercised by the entire board.
41.10. M. Cornelius in Algidum missus cum L. Minucio et T. Antonio et K. Duillio et M. Sergio. Sp. Oppium Ap. Claudio adiutorem ad urbem tuendam aequo omnium decemvirorum imperio decernunt.
42.1. The business of the nation was managed no better in the field than at home.
42.1. militiae quam domi melius res publica administrata est.
42.2. The only fault of the generals was that they had made the citizens detest them; the rest of the blame belonged to the soldiers, who, that nothing might anywhere prosper under the command and auspices of the decemvirs, permitted themselves to be beaten, to their own disgrace and that of their commanders.
42.2. modo in ducibus culpa quod ut odio essent civibus fecerant; alia omnis penes milites noxia erat, qui ne quid ductu atque auspicio decemvirorum prospere usquam gereretur vinci se per suum atque illorum dedecus patiebantur.
42.3. Their armies were routed, both by the Sabines near Eretum, and on Algidus by the Aequi. From Eretum they fled in the silence of the night, and intrenched themselves near the City, between Fidenae and Crustumeria, on elevated ground.
42.3. et ab Sabinis ad Eretum et in Algido ab Aequis exercitus erant. Ab Ereto per silentium noctis profugi propius urbem, inter Fidenas Crustumeriamque, loco edito castra communierant;
42.4. When the enemy followed them up, they nowhere ventured to fight in the open field, but defended themselves by the position and their rampart, not by bravery and arms.
42.4. persecutis hostibus nusquam se aequo certamine committentes, natura loci ac vallo, non virtute aut armis tutabantur.
42.5. The disgrace on Algidus was worse, and a worse disaster was sustained; even the camp was lost, and stripped of all their baggage, the soldiers fled to Tusculum, to subsist by the loyalty and compassion of their hosts, —which nevertheless did not fail them.
42.5. flagitium in Algido, maior etiam clades accepta; castra quoque amissa erant, exutusque omnibus utensilibus miles Tusculum se, fide misericordiaque victurus hospitum, quae tamen non fefellerunt, contulerat.
42.6. To Rome came such alarming reports that the patricians, laying aside now their hatred of the decemvirs, voted to establish watches in the City, and commanded all who were of an age to bear arms to guard the walls and do outpost duty before the gates.
42.6. Romam tanti erant terrores allati ut posito iam decemvirali odio patres vigilias in urbe habendas censerent, omnes qui per aetatem arma ferre possent custodire moenia ac pro portis stationes agere iuberent, arma Tusculum ac supplementum decernerent decemvirosque ab arce Tusculi degressos in castris militem habere;
42.7. They decreed that arms should be dispatched to Tusculum, and reinforcements, and that the decemvirs should descend from the Tusculan citadel and hold their troops in camp; that the other camp should be transferred from Fidenae to Sabine territory, so that by taking the offensive they might frighten the enemy into abandoning his design to besiege the City.
42.7. castra alia a Fidenis in Sabinum agrum transferri, belloque ultro inferendo deterreri hostes a consilio urbis oppugnandae.
43.1. To the disaster suffered at the hands of the enemy the decemvirs added two shameful crimes, one committed in the field, the other at home.
43.1. clades ab hostibus acceptas duo nefanda facinora decemviri belli domique adiciunt.
43.2. Lucius Siccius was serving in the Sabine campaign. Taking advantage of the hatred entertained for the decemvirs, he would scatter hints, in secret conversations with the common soldiers, that they should elect tribunes and secede.
43.2. L. Siccium in Sabinis, per invidiam decemviralem tribunorum creandorum secessionisque mentiones ad volgus militum sermonibus occultis serentem, prospeculatum ad locum castris capiendum mittunt.
43.3. So the generals sent him to look out a place for an encampment; and instructed the men whom they assigned to share his expedition to set upon him when they had got to a suitable spot, and kill him.
43.3. negotium militibus quos miserant expeditionis eius comites ut eum opportuno adorti loco interficerent.
43.4. He died not unavenged. For he laid about him, and several of the assassins fell, for he was very strong, and though surrounded, defended himself with a courage equal to his strength.
43.4. inultum interfecere; nam circa repugnantem aliquot insidiatores cecidere, cum ipse se praevalidus pari viribus animo circumventus tutaretur.
43.5. The others reported at the camp that they had fallen into an ambuscade, and that Siccius had perished, fighting valiantly, and with him certain soldiers.
43.5. in castra ceteri praecipitatum in insidias esse; Siccium egregie pugnantem militesque quosdam cum eo amissos.
43.6. At first their report was believed; afterwards a cohort set out, by permission of the decemvirs, to bury the slain; and finding that none of the bodies there had been despoiled, and that Siccius lay armed in the midst, with all the bodies facing him, while the enemy had left no dead nor any indication of having withdrawn, they brought back the corpse, and declared that Siccius had certainly been murdered by his own men.
43.6. fides nuntiantibus fuit; profecta deinde cohors ad sepeliendos qui ceciderant decemvirorum decemviroru m permissu, postquam nullum spoliatum ibi corpus Sicciumque in medio iacentem armatum omnibus in eum versis corporibus videre, hostium neque corpus ullum nec vestigia abeuntium, profecto ab suis interfectum memorantes rettulere corpus.
43.7. The camp was ablaze with indignation, and it was resolved that Siccius should be carried to Rome forthwith; but the decemvirs made haste to give him a military funeral at the public cost. The soldiers sorrowed greatly at his burial, and the worst reports were current about the decemvirs.
43.7. plena castra erant, et Romam ferri protinus Siccium placebat, ni decemviri funus militare ei publica public inpensa facere maturassent. ingenti militum maestitia, pessima decemvirorum in volgus fama est.
44.1. This outrage was followed by another, committed in Rome, which was inspired by lust and was no less shocking in its consequences than that which had led, through the rape and the death of Lucretia, to the expulsion of the Tarquinii from the City and from their throne; thus not only did the same end befall the decemvirs as had befallen the kings, but the same cause deprived them of their power.
44.1. aliud in urbe nefas ab libidine ortum, haud minus foedo eventu quam quod per stuprum caedemque Lucretiae urbe regnoque Tarquinios expulerat, ut non finis solum idem decemviris qui regibus sed causa etiam eadem imperii amittendi esset.
44.2. Appius Claudius was seized with the desire to debauch a certain maiden belonging to the plebs. The girl's father, Lucius Verginius, a centurion of rank, was serving on Algidus, a man of exemplary life at home and in the army.
44.2. Ap. Claudium virginis plebeiae stuprandae libido cepit. virginis, L. Verginius, honestum ordinem in Algido ducebat, vir exempli recti domi militiaeque. uxor instituta fuerat liberique instituebantur.
44.3. His wife had been brought up in the same principles, and his children were being trained in them. He had betrothed his daughter to the former tribune Lucius Icilius, an active man of proven courage in the cause of the plebeians.
44.3. filiam L. Icilio tribunicio, viro acri et pro causa plebis expertae virtutis.
44.4. She was a grown girl, remarkably beautiful, and Appius, crazed with love, attempted to seduce her with money and promises. But finding that her modesty was proof against everything, he resolved on a course of cruel and tyrannical violence.
44.4. virginem adultam forma excellentem Appius amore amens pretio ac spe perlicere adortus, postquam omnia pudore saepta animadvertit, ad crudelem superbamque vim animum convertit.
44.5. He commissioned Marcus Claudius, his client, to claim the girl as his slave, and not to yield to those who demanded her liberation, thinking that the absence of the maiden's father afforded an opportunity for the wrong.
44.5. M. Claudio clienti negotium dedit ut virginem in servitutem adsereret neque cederet secundum libertatem postulantibus vindicias, quod pater puellae abesset locum iniuriae esse ratus.
44.6. As Verginia was entering the Forum —for there, in booths, were the elementary schools —the minister of the decemvir's lust laid his hand upon her, and calling her the daughter of his bond-woman and herself a slave, commanded her to follow him, and threatened to drag her off by force if she hung back.
44.6. venienti in forum —ibi namque in tabernaculis litterarum ludi erant— minister decemviri libidinis manum iniecit, serva sua natam servamque appellans, sequique se iubebat: cunctantem vi abstracturum.
44.7. Terror made the maiden speechless, but the cries of her nurse imploring help of the Quirites quickly brought a crowd about them. The names of Verginius her father and of her betrothed Icilius were known and popular. Their acquaintance were led to support the girl out of regard for them; the crowd was influenced by the shamelessness of the attempt.
44.7. puella stupente ad clamorem nutricis fidem Quiritium implorantis fit concursus. Vergini patris sponsique Icili populare nomen celebrabatur. gratia eorum, turbam indignitas rei virgini conciliat.
44.8. She was already safe from violence, when the claimant protested that there was no occasion for the people to become excited; he was proceeding lawfully, not by force.
44.8. a vi tuta erat, cum adsertor nihil opus esse multitudine concitata ait; se iure grassari, non vi. puellam in ius.
44.9. He then summoned the girl to court. She was advised by her supporters to 145 follow him, and they went before the tribunal of Appius. The plaintiff acted out a comedy familiar to the judge, since it was he and no other who had invented the plot: The girl had been born, said Marcus, in his house, and had thence been stealthily conveyed to the home of Verginius and palmed off upon him as his own;
44.9. qui aderant ut Sequeretur, Ad tribunal Appi perventum est. iudici fabulam petitor, quippe apud ipsum auctorem argumenti, peragit: puellam domi suae natam furtoque inde in domum Vergini translatam suppositam ei esse;
44.10. he had good evidence for what he said, and would prove it even though Verginius himself were judge, who was more wronged than he was; meanwhile it was right that the hand-maid should follow her master.
44.10. id se indicio compertum adferre probaturumque vel ipso Verginio iudice, ad quem maior pars iniuriae eius pertineat; interim dominum sequi ancillam aequum esse.
44.11. The friends of the girl said that Verginius was absent on the service of the state; he would be at hand in two days' time if he were given notice of the matter; it was unjust that a man should be involved in litigation about his children when away from home; they therefore requested Appius to leave the case open until the father arrived, and in accordance with the law he had himself proposed, grant the custody of the girl to the defendants, nor suffer a grown maiden's honour to be jeopardized before her freedom should be adjudicated.
44.11. puellae, cum Verginium rei publicae causa dixissent abesse, biduo adfuturum si nuntiatum ei sit, iniquum esse absentem de liberis dimicare, postulant ut rem integram in patris adventum differat, lege ab ipso lata vindicias det secundum libertatem, neu patiatur virginem adultam famae prius quam libertatis periculum adire.
45.1. Appius prefaced his decision by saying that it was evident how much he favoured liberty from that very law which the friends of Verginius made the pretext for their claim;
45.1. Appius decreto praefatur, quam libertati faverit eam ipsam legem declarare quam Vergini amici postulationi suae praetendant;
45.2. but the law would afford liberty a sure protection only if it varied neither with causes nor with persons; for in the case of others who were claimed as free, the demand was legal, since any one might bring an action: in the case of one who was under the authority of a father there was no one else to whom the master ought to yield the custody;
45.2. ceterum ita in ea firmum libertati fore praesidium si nec causis nec personis variet; in aliis enim qui adserantur in libertatem quia quivis lege agere possit, id iuris esse: in ea quae in patris manu sit neminem esse alium cui dominus possessione cedat.
45.3. accordingly he decreed that the father should be summoned, and that meanwhile the claimant should not relinquish his right, but should take the girl in charge and guarantee that she should be produced at the coming of him who was called her father.
45.3. itaque patrem arcessiri, interea iuris sui iacturam adsertorem non facere quin ducat puellam sistendamque in adventum eius qui pater dicatur promittat.
45.4. Against the injustice of the decree, though many murmured their disapproval, there was not a single man who dared to stand out; when Publius Numitorius, the girl's great-uncle, and her lover Icilius, arrived on the scene.
45.4. iniuriam decreticum multi magis fremerent quam quisquam unus recusare auderet, P. Numitorius, puellae avus, et sponsus Icilius interveniunt;
45.5. When a path had been opened for them through the throng, since the crowd believed that the intervention of Icilius would be particularly effectual in resisting Appius, the lictor cried that the case had been decided, and as Icilius began to protest, attempted to thrust him aside.
45.5. dataque inter turbam via, cum multitudo multitude Icili maxime interventu resisti posse Appio crederet, lictor decresse ait vociferantemque Icilium submovet.
45.6. Even a placid nature would have been incensed by so violent an insult. “You must use iron to rid yourself of me, Appius,” he cried, “that you may carry through in silence what you desire should be concealed. This maiden I am going to wed; and I intend that my bride shall be chaste.”
45.6. quoque ingenium tam atrox iniuria accendisset. hinc tibi submovendus sum, Appi inquit, ut tacitum feras quod celari vis. ego hanc sum ducturus nuptamque pudicam habiturus.
45.7. “So call together all your colleagues' lictors too; bid them make ready rods and axes: the promised wife of Icilius shall not pass the night outside her father's house.”
45.7. omnes collegarum quoque lictores convoca; expediri virgas et secures iube; non manebit extra domum patris sponsa Icili.
45.8. “No! If you have taken from the Roman plebs the assistance of the tribunes and the right of appeal, two citadels for the defence of liberty, it has not therefore been granted to your lust to lord it over our children and our wives as well!”
45.8. , si tribunicium auxilium et provocationem plebi Romanae, duas arces libertatis tuendae, ademistis, ideo in liberos quoque nostros coniugesque regnum vestrae libidini datum est.
45.9. “Vent your rage upon our backs and our necks: let our chastity at least be safe. If that shall be assailed, I will call on the Quirites here present to protect my bride, Verginius will invoke the help of the soldiers in behalf of his only daughter, and all of us will implore the protection of gods and men;”
45.9. in tergum et in cervices nostras: pudicitia saltem in tuto sit. si vis adferetur, ego praesentium Quiritium pro sponsa, Verginius militum pro unica filia, omnes deorum hominumque implorabimus fidem, neque tu istud unquam decretum sine caede nostra referes.
45.10. “nor shall you ever repeat that decree of yours without shedding our blood. I ask you, Appius, to consider earnestly whither you are going.”
45.10. , Appi, etiam atque etiam consideres quo progrediare.
45.11. “Let Verginius decide what to do about his daughter, when he comes; but of one thing he may rest assured: if he yields to this man's claim, he will have to seek a husband for her. As for me, in defence of the freedom of my bride I will sooner die than prove disloyal.”
45.11. Verginius viderit de filia ubi venerit quid agat; hoc tantum sciat, sibi si huius vindiciis cesserit condicionem filiae quaerendam esse. vindicantem sponsam in libertatem vita citius deseret quam fides.
46.1. The crowd was deeply moved and a conflict appeared to be imminent. The lictors had surrounded Icilius, but had nevertheless gone no further than to threaten him, since Appius declared that it was not a question of Verginia's defence by Icilius, but of a turbulent fellow, who even now breathed the spirit of the tribunate, seeking an opportunity to stir up strife.
46.1. multitudo erat certamenque instare videbatur. Icilium circumsteterant; nec ultra minas tamen processum est, cum Appius non Verginiam defendi ab Icilio, sed inquietum hominem et tribunatum etiam nunc spirantem locum seditionis quaerere diceret.
46.3. He would furnish him no excuse for it that day; but that he might know now that the concession had not been made to his own wantonness but to the absent Verginius, to the name of father, and to liberty, he would not pronounce judgment that day nor deliver a decision; he would request Marcus Claudius to waive his right and suffer the girl to remain at large until the morrow;
46.3. praebiturum se illi eo die materiam; sed ut iam sciret non id petulantiae suae sed Verginio absenti et patrio nomini et libertati datum, ius eo die se non dicturum neque decretum interpositurum: a M. Claudio petiturum, ut decederet iure suo vindicarique puellam in posterum diem pateretur;
46.4. but unless the father should appear the next day, he gave notice to Icilius and to those like Icilius that the proposer of his law would not fail to support it, nor the decemvir be wanting in firmness; and in any case he should not call together his colleagues' lictors to repress the instigators of sedition, but rest content with his own.
46.4. quod nisi pater postero die adfuisset, denuntiare se Icilio similibusque Icili, neque legi suae latorem neque decemviro constantiam defore. se utique collegarum lictores convocaturum ad coercendos seditionis auctores: contentum se suis lictoribus fore.
46.5. The time for accomplishing the wrong having been postponed, the girl's supporters went apart by themselves, and decided that first of all the brother of Icilius and the son of Numitorius, active young men, should proceed straight to the City gate and make all possible haste to the camp, to summon Verginius; for the maiden's safety turned on her protector's being at hand in time.
46.5. dilatum tempus iniuriae esset secessissentque advocati puellae, placuit omnium primum fratrem Icili filiumque Numitori, impigros iuvenes, pergere inde recta ad portam, et quantum adcelerari posset Verginium acciri e castris:
46.6. They set out the moment they got their orders, and galloping their horses, carried the message through to the father.
46.6. in eo verti puellae salutem, si postero die vindex iniuriae ad tempus praesto esset. pergunt citatisque equis nuntium ad patrem perferunt.
46.7. When the claimant of the girl pressed Icilius to furnish the sureties required of her guarantor, and Icilius said that it was precisely that which he was considering (though he was doing his best to consume time, that the messengers who had been dispatched to the camp might get a start on the way), the people began on every side to raise their hands, and every man of them to indicate his readiness to go bail for Icilius.
46.7. instaret adsertor puellae ut vindicaret sponsoresque daret, atque id ipsum agi diceret Icilius, sedulo tempus terens dum praeciperent iter nuntii missi in castra, manus tollere undique multitudo multitude et se quisque paratum ad spondendum Icilio ostendere.
46.8. And Icilius said, with tears in his eyes, “I am grateful to you; to-morrow I will use your services; of sureties I now have enough.” So Verginia was surrendered, on the security of her kinsmen.
46.8. ille lacrimabundus Gratum est inquit; crastina die vestra opera utar; sponsorum nunc satis est. vindicatur Verginia spondentibus propinquis.
46.9. Appius waited a little while, that he might not appear to have sat for this case only, and when nobody applied to him —for all other matters were forgotten in men's concern over this, —he went to his house and wrote to his colleagues in camp that they should grant no furlough to Verginius, and should even detain him in custody.
46.9. Appius paulisper moratus ne eius rei causa sedisse videretur, postquam omissis rebus aliis prae cura unius nemo adibat, domum se recepit collegisque in castra scribit, ne Verginio commeatum dent atque etiam in custodia habeant.
46.10. His base design was too late, as it deserved to be; Verginius had already got his leave, and had set out in the fore-part of the night, nor was it until early the next morning that the letters for detaining him were delivered, to no purpose.
46.10. consilium serum, ut debuit, fuit, et iam commeatu sumpto profectus Verginius prima vigilia erat, cum postero die mane de retinendo eo nequiquam litterae redduntur.
47.1. But in the City, as the citizens at break of day were standing in the Forum, agog with expectation, Verginius, dressed in sordid clothes and leading his daughter, who was also meanly clad and was attended by a number of matrons, came down into the market-place with a vast throng of supporters.
47.1. in urbe prima luce cum civitas in foro exspectatione erecta staret, Verginius sordidatus filiam secum obsoleta veste comitantibus aliquot matronis cum ingenti advocatione in forum deducit.
47.2. He then began to go about and canvass people, and not merely to ask their aid as a favour, but to claim it as his due, saying that he stood daily in the battle-line in defence of their children and their wives; that there was no man of whom more strenuous and courageous deeds in war could be related —to what end, if despite the safety of the City those outrages which were dreaded as the worst that could follow a city's capture must be suffered by their children? Pleading thus, as if in a kind of public appeal, he went about amongst the people.
47.2. ibi et prensare homines coepit et non orare solum precariam opem, sed pro debita petere: Se pro liberis eorum ac coniugibus cottidie in acie stare, nec alium virum esse cuius strenue ac fortiter facta in bello plura memorari possent; quid prodesse si, incolumi urbe, quae capta ultima timeantur liberis suis sint patienda?
47.3. Similar appeals were thrown out by Icilius; but the women who attended them were more moving, as they wept in silence, than any words.
47.3. prope contionabundus circumibat homines. his ab Icilio iactabantur.
47.4. In the face of all these things Appius hardened his heart —so violent was the madness, as it may more truly be called than love, that had overthrown his reason —and mounted the tribunal. The plaintiff was actually uttering a few words of complaint, on the score of having been balked of his rights the day before through partiality, when, before he could finish his demand, or Verginius be given an opportunity to answer, Appius interrupted him.
47.4. muliebris plus tacito fletu quam ulla vox movebat. quae omnia obstinato animo Appius—tanta vis amentiae verius quam amoris mentem turbaverat—in tribunal escendit, et ultro querente pauca petitore quod ius sibi pridie per ambitionem dictum non esset, priusquam aut ille postulatum perageret aut Verginio respondendi daretur locus, Appius interfatur.
47.5. The discourse with which he led up to his decree may perhaps be truthfully represented in some one of the old accounts, but since I can nowhere discover one that is plausible, in view of the enormity of the decision, it seems my duty to set forth the naked fact, upon which all agree, that he adjudged Verginia to him who claimed her as his slave.
47.5. decreto sermonem praetenderit, forsan aliquem verum auctores antiqui tradiderint: quia nusquam ullum in tanta foeditate decreti veri similem invenio, id quod constat nudum videtur proponendum, decresse vindicias secundum servitutem.
47.6. At first everybody was rooted to the spot in amazement at so outrageous a proceeding, and for a little while after the silence was unbroken. Then, when Marcus Claudius was making his way through the group of matrons to lay hold upon the girl, and had been greeted by the women with wails and lamentations, Verginius shook his fist at Appius and cried, “It was to Icilius, Appius, not to you that I betrothed my daughter; and it was for wedlock, not dishonour, that I brought her up.”
47.6. stupor omnes admiratione rei tam atrocis defixit; silentium inde aliquamdiu tenuit. cum M. Claudius circumstantibus matronis iret ad prehendendam virginem, lamentabilisque eum mulierum comploratio excepisset, Verginius intentans in Appium manus, Icilio inquit, Appi, non tibi filiam despondi et ad nuptias, non ad stuprum educavi.
47.7. “Would you have men imitate the beasts of the field and the forest in promiscuous gratification of their lust? Whether these people propose to tolerate such conduct I do not know: I cannot believe that those who have arms will endure it.”
47.7. pecudum ferarumque ritu promisce in concubitus ruere? haec isti sint, nescio: non spero esse passuros illos, qui arma habent.
47.8. The claimant of the maiden was being forced back by the ring of women and supporters who surrounded her, when silence was commanded by a herald;
47.8. repelleretur adsertor virginis a globo mulierum circumstantiumque advocatorum, silentium factum per praeconem.
48.1. and the decemvir, crazed with lust, declared that he knew, not only from the abusive words uttered by Icilius the day before and the violence of Verginius, which he could prove by the testimony of the Roman People, but also from definite information, that all through the night meetings had been held in the City to promote sedition.
48.1. alienatus ad libidinem animo negat ex hesterno tantum convicio Icili violentiaque Vergini, cuius testem populum Romanum habeat, sed certis quoque indiciis compertum se habere nocte tota coetus in urbe factos esse ad movendam seditionem.
48.2. Accordingly, having been aware of the approaching struggle, he had come down into the Forum with armed men, not that he might do violence to any peaceable citizen, but to coerce, conformably to the dignity of his office, those who would disturb the nation's peace.
48.2. se haud baud inscium eius dimicationis cum armatis descendisse, non ut quemquam quietum violaret, sed ut turbantes civitatis otium pro maiestate imperii imperil coerceret.
48.3. “You will therefore,” he cried, “best be quiet! Go, lictor, remove the mob and open a way for the master to seize his slave!” When he had wrathfully thundered out these words, the crowd parted spontaneously and left the girl standing there, a prey to villainy.
48.3. quiesse erit melius. I, inquit, lictor, submove turbam et da viam domino ad prehendendum mancipium. haec intonuisset plenus irae, multitudo multitude ipsa se sua sponte dimovit desertaque praeda iniuriae puella stabat.
48.4. Then Verginius, seeing no help anywhere, said, “I ask you, Appius, first to pardon a father's grief if I have somewhat harshly inveighed against you; and then to suffer me to question the nurse here, in the maiden's presence, what all this means, that if I have been falsely called a father, I may go away with a less troubled spirit.”
48.4. Verginius ubi nihil usquam auxilii vidit, inquit, Appi, primum ignosce patrio dolori, si quo inclementius in te sum invectus; deinde sinas hic coram virgine nutricem percontari quid hoc rei sit, ut si falso pater dictus sum aequiore hinc animo discedam.
48.5. Permission being granted, he led his daughter and the nurse apart, to the booths near the shrine of Cloacina, now known as the “New Booths,” and there, snatching a knife from a butcher, he exclaimed, “Thus, my daughter, in the only way I can, do I assert your freedom!” He then stabbed her to the heart, and, looking back to the tribunal, cried, 'Tis you, Appius, and your life I devote to destruction with this blood! The shout which broke forth at the dreadful deed roused Appius, and he ordered Verginius to be seized.
48.5. venia seducit filiam ac nutricem prope Cloacinae ad tabernas quibus nunc novis est nomen atque ibi ab lanio cultro arrepto, te uno quo possum ait modo, filia, in libertatem vindico. deinde puellae transfigit respectansque ad tribunal inquit, Appi, tuumque caput sanguine hoc consecro.
48.6. But Verginius made a passage for himself with his knife wherever he came, and was also protected by a crowd of men who attached themselves to him, and so reached the City gate. Icilius and Numitorius lifted up the lifeless body and showed it to the people, bewailing the crime of Appius, the girl's unhappy beauty, and the necessity that had constrained her father.
48.6. ad tam atrox facinus orto excitus Appius comprehendi Verginium iubet. ferro quacumque ibat viam facere, donec multitudine etiam prosequentium tuente ad portam perrexit.
48.7. After them came the matrons crying aloud, “Was it on these terms that children were brought into the world?”
48.7. Icilius Numitoriusque exsangue corpus sublatum ostentant populo; scelus Appi, puellae infelicem formam, necessitatem patris deplorant.
48.8. “Were these the rewards of chastity?” —with such other complaints as are prompted at a time like this by a woman's anguish, and are so much the more pitiful as their lack of self-control makes them the more give way to grief.
48.8. clamitant matronae: eamne liberorum procreandorum condicionem, ea pudicitiae praemia esse?—cetera quae in tali re muliebris dolor, quo est maestior imbecillo animo, eo miserabilia magis querentibus subicit.
48.9. The men, and especially Icilius, spoke only of the tribunician power; of the right of appeal to the people which had been taken from them; and of their resentment at the nation's wrongs.
48.9. et maxime Icili vox tota tribuniciae potestatis ac provocationis ad populum ereptae publicarumque indignationum erat.
49.1. The wildest excitement prevailed amongst the people, occasioned in part by the atrocity of the crime, in part by the hope of improving the opportunity to regain their liberty.
49.1. multitudo multitude partim atrocitate sceleris, partim spe per occasionem repetendae libertatis.
49.2. Appius first commanded that Icilius be summoned; then, on his resisting, that he be arrested; and at last, when the crowd would not allow his attendants to approach the man, he headed a band of patrician youths in person, and advancing through the mob, bade them drag his enemy off to prison.
49.2. Appius nunc vocari Icilium, nunc retractantem arripi, postremo, cum locus adeundi apparitoribus non daretur, ipse cum agmine patriciorum iuvenum per turbam vadens in vincula duci iubet.
49.3. By this time Icilius was supported not only by the populace but by the leaders of the populace as well, Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, who, forcing the lictor back, declared that if Appius proceeded legally, they would protect Icilius from the prosecution of a mere citizen; if he sought to make use of violence, there too they would be a match for him.
49.3. circa Icilium non solum multitudo sed duces quoque multitudinis erant, L. Valerius et M. Horatius, qui repulso lictore, si iure ageret, vindicare se a privato Icilium aiebant; si vim adferre conaretur, ibi quoque haud impares fore.
49.4. This led to a desperate struggle. The decemvir's lictor now made a rush at Valerius and Horatius; his rods were broken by the mob. Appius mounted the platform; Horatius and Valerius followed him.
49.4. atrox rixa oritur. Valerium Horatiumque lictor decemviri invadit: franguntur a multitudine fasces. contionem Appius escendit: sequuntur Horatius Valeriusque. contio audit: decemviro obstrepitur.
49.5. To them the crowd listened; the decemvir's voice they drowned with noise. And now, as though vested with authority, Valerius was commanding the lictors to withdraw from one who was a private citizen; when Appius, broken in spirit and fearing for his life, covered up his head and sought refuge in a house near the Forum, unobserved by his opponents.
49.5. pro imperio Valerius discedere a privato lictores iubebat, cum fractis animis Appius vitae metuens in domum se propinquam foro insciis adversariis capite obvoluto recipit.
49.6. Spurius Oppius, wishing to assist his colleague, burst into the Forum from the other quarter. He saw that authority had been overcome by force. Distracted then by the suggestions which came from every side, and timidly agreeing first with one and then with another of his many advisers, he ended by ordering the senate to be summoned.
49.6. Sp. Oppius, ut auxilio collegae esset, in forum ex altera parte inrumpit. imperium vi victum. deinde consiliis ad quae ex omni parte adsentiendo multis auctoribus trepidaverat, senatum postremo vocari iussit.
49.7. This course, inasmuch as a great proportion of the patricians appeared to disapprove of the decemvirs' acts, afforded hopes that the senators would end their power, and so quieted the multitude.
49.7. res, quod magnae parti patrum displicere acta decemvirorum videbantur, spe per senatum finiendae potestatis eius multitudinem sedavit.
49.8. The senate decided that the plebs must not be provoked, and that it was even more necessary to see to it that the arrival of Verginius in the army should not occasion any turbulence.
49.8. nec plebem inritandam censuit et multo magis providendum ne quid Verginii adventus in exercitu motus faceret.
50.1. Accordingly certain of the younger senators were dispatched to the camp, which was then on Mount Vecilius, and carried word to the decemvirs that they must employ all their resources to keep the troops from mutiny.
50.1. missi iuniores patrum in castra, quae tum in monte Vecilio erant, nuntiant decemviris ut omni ope ab seditione milites contineant.
50.2. There Verginius aroused a greater commotion than he had left in Rome. For besides that he was seen approaching attended by a body of nearly four hundred men, who had joined him when he left the City, in their anger and resentment at the affair, the weapon in his hand and the gore with which he was spattered drew the attention of the entire camp upon him. Then too the appearance of togas in the camp, in many places, produced the effect of a greater company of civilians than were actually there.
50.2. Verginius maiorem quam reliquerat in urbe motum excivit. praeterquam quod agmine prope quadringentorum hominum veniens, qui ab urbe indignitate rei accensi comites ei se dederant, conspectus est, strictum etiam telum respersusque ipse cruore tota in se castra convertit. togae multifariam in castris visae maioris aliquanto quam erat speciem urbanae multitudinis fecerant.
50.4. Being asked what the matter was, Verginius wept, and for a long time answered never a word; at length, when the bustle and confusion of the gathering had subsided and silence had ensued, he gave an orderly account of all that had taken place.
50.4. quid rei esset flens diu vocem non misit; tandem, ut iam ex trepidatione concurrentium turba constitit ac silentium fuit, ordine cuncta, ut gesta erant, exposuit.
50.5. Then, lifting up his hands in an attitude of prayer, and addressing the crowd as his fellow-soldiers, he besought them not to attribute to him the crime of which Appius Claudius stood guilty, nor to repudiate him as one who had murdered his child.
50.5. deinde tendens manus commilitones appellans orabat ne quod scelus Ap. Claudi esset sibi attribuerent neu se ut parricidam liberum aversarentur.
50.6. To him the life of his daughter had been dearer than his own, if she had been permitted to live pure and chaste; when he saw her being carried off like a slave to be dishonoured, thinking it better to lose his children by death than by outrage, he had been impelled by pity to an act of seeming cruelty; nor would he have survived his daughter, had he not hoped to avenge her death by the help of his fellow-soldiers.
50.6. vitam filiae sua cariorem fuisse, si liberae ac pudicae vivere licitum fuisset: cum velut servam ad stuprum rapi videret, morte amitti melius ratum quam contumelia liberos, misericordia se in speciem crudelitatis lapsum.
50.7. They too had daughters, sisters, and wives; the lust of Appius Claudius had not been extinguished with the life of Verginia, but its lawlessness would be proportioned to its impunity. In the calamity of another they had been given a warning to be on their guard against similar wrongs.
50.7. se superstitem filiae futurum fuisse, nisi spem ulciscendae mortis eius in auxilio commilitonum habuisset. quoque enim filias sorores coniugesque esse, nec cum filia sua libidinem Ap. Claudi exstinctam esse, sed quo impunitior sit, eo effrenatiorem fore.
50.8. So far as he was concerned, his wife had been taken from him in the course of nature, his daughter, because she could no longer have lived chaste, had died a pitiful but an honourable death;
50.8. calamitate documentum datum illis cavendae similis iniuriae. ad se attineat, uxorem sibi fato ereptam, filiam, quia non ultra pudica victura fuerit, miseram sed honestam mortem occubuisse;