---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 19 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 19. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 19. Book IV · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/19/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. MARCUS GENUClUS and Gaius Curtius succeeded these men as consuls. It was a year of quarrels both at home and abroad. For at its commencement Gaius Canuleius, a tribune of the plebs, proposed a bill regarding the intermarriage of patricians and plebeians which the patricians looked upon as involving the debasement of their blood and the subversion of the principles inhering in the gentes, or families; and a suggestion, cautiously put forward at first by the tribunes, that it should be lawful for one of the consuls to be chosen from the plebs, was afterwards carried so far that nine tribunes proposed a bill giving the people power to choose consuls as they might see fit, from either the plebs or the patriciate.

> Latin: 1.1. secuti M. Genucius et C. Curtius consules. annus domi forisque infestus. principio et de conubio patrum et plebis C. Canuleius tribunus plebis rogationem promulgavit, qua contaminari sanguinem suum patres confandique iura gentium rebantur, et mentio primo sensim inlata a tribunis, ut alterum ex plebe consulem liceret fieri, eo processit deinde ut rogationem novem tribuni promulgarent,

[¶1] 1.3. To carry out this last proposal would be, in the estimation of the patricians, not merely to give a share of the supreme authority to the lowest of the citizens, but actually to take it away from the nobles and bestow it on the plebs.

> Latin: 1.3. ut populo potestas esset, seu de plebe seu de patribus vellet, consules faciendi; id vero si fieret, non volgari modo cum infimis, sed prorsus auferri a primoribus ad plebem summum imperium credebant.

[¶2] 1.4. The Fathers therefore rejoiced to hear that the people of Ardea had revolted because of the unjust decision which deprived them of their land; that the men of Veii had ravaged the Roman frontier; and that the Volsci and Aequi were murmuring at the fortification of Verrugo; so decidedly did they prefer even an unfortunate war to an ignominious peace.

> Latin: 1.4. ergo audiere patres Ardeatium populum ob iniuriam agri abiudicati descisse, et Veientes depopulatos extrema agri Romani, et Volscos Aequosque ob communitam Verruginem fremere; adeo vel infelix bellum ignominiosae paci praeferebant.

[¶3] 1.5. Accordingly they made the most of these threats, that the proposals of the tribunes might be silenced amidst the din or so many wars; and ordered levies to be held and military preparations to be made with the utmost energy, and if possible, even more strenuously than had been done when Titus Quinctius was consul.

> Latin: 1.5. itaque in maius etiam acceptis, ut inter strepitum tot bellorum conticiscerent actiones tribuniciae, dilectus haberi, bellum armaque vi summa apparari iubent, si quo intentius possit, quam T. Quinctio consule apparatum sit.

[¶4] 1.6. Thereupon Gaius Canuleius curtly proclaimed in the senate that it was in vain the consuls sought to frighten the plebs out of their concern for the new laws; and, declaring that they should never hold the levy, while he lived, until the plebs had voted on the measures which he and his colleagues had brought forward, at once convened an assembly.

> Latin: 1.6. C. Canuleius pauca in senatu vociferatus: nequiquam territando consules avertere plebem a cura novarum legum; nunquam eos se vivo dilectum habituros, antequam ea quae promulgata ab se collegisque essent plebes scivisset, confestim ad contionem advocavit.

[¶5] 2.1. At one and the same time the consuls were inciting the senate against the tribune, and the tribune was arousing the people against the consuls. The consuls declared that the frenzy of the tribunes could no longer be endured; the end had now been reached, and there was more war being stirred up at home than abroad.

> Latin: 2.1. tempore et consules senatum in tri. bunum et tribunus populum in consules incitabat. consules iam ultra ferri posse furores tribunicios; ventum iam ad finem esse; domi plus belli concitari quam foris. adeo non plebis quam patrum neque tribunorum magis quam consulum culpa accidere.

[¶6] 2.2. This state of things was, to be sure, as much the fault of the senators as of the plebs, and the consuls were as guilty as the tribunes.

> Latin: 2.2. rei praemium sit in civitate, eam earn maximis semper auctibus crescere; sic pace bonos, sic bello fieri.

[¶7] 2.3. That tendency which a state rewarded always attained the greatest growth; it was thus that good men were produced, both in peace and in war.

> Latin: 2.3. Romae praemium seditionum esse; ideo singulis universisque semper honori fuisse.

[¶8] 2.4. In Rome the greatest reward was given to sedition, which had, therefore, ever been held in honour by all and sundry. Let them recall the majesty of the senate when they had taken it over from their fathers, and think what it was likely to be when they passed it on to their sons, and how the plebs could glory in the increase of their strength and consequence.

> Latin: 2.4. quam maiestatem senatus ipsi a patribus accepissent, quam liberis tradituri essent, vel quem ad modum plebs gloriari posset auctiorem amplioremque se esse. ergo non fieri nec futuram donec quam felices seditiones tam honorati seditionum auctores essent.

[¶9] 2.5. There was no end in sight, nor would be, so long as the fomenters of insurrection were honoured in proportion to the success of their projects. What tremendous schemes had Gaius Canuleius set on foot!

> Latin: 2.5. quantasque res C. Canuleium adgressum! gentium, perturbationem auspiciorum publicorum privatorumque adferre, ne quid sinceri, ne quid incontaminati sit, ut discrimine omni sublato nec se quisquam nec suos noverit.

[¶10] 2.6. He was aiming to contaminate the gentes and throw the auspices, both public and private, into confusion, that nothing might be pure, nothing unpolluted; so that, when all distinctions had been obliterated, no man might recognise either himself or his kindred. For what else, they asked, was the object of promiscuous marriages, if not that plebeians and patricians might mingle together almost like the beasts?

> Latin: 2.6. enim aliam vim conubia promiscua habere nisi ut ferarum prope ritu volgentur concubitus plebis patrumque? qui natus sit ignoret, cuius sanguinis, quorum sacrorum sit; dimidius patrum sit, dimidius plebis, ne secum quidem ipse concors.

[¶11] 2.7. The son of such a marriage would be ignorant to what blood and to what worship he belonged; he would pertain half to the patricians, half to the plebs, and be at strife even with himself. It was not enough for the disturbers of the rabble to play havoc with all divine and human institutions: they must now aim at the consulship. And whereas they had at first merely suggested in conversations that one of the two consuls should be chosen from the plebeians, they were now proposing a law that the people should elect consuls at its pleasure from patriciate or plebs.

> Latin: 2.7. id videri, quod omnia divina humanaque turbentur; iam ad consulatum volgi turbatores accingi. primo ut alter consul ex plebe fieret, id modo sermonibus temptasse; nunc rogari ut seu ex patribus seu ex plebe velit populus consules creet. creaturos haud dubie ex plebe seditiosissimum quemque; Canuleios igitur Iciliosque consules fore.

[¶12] 2.8. Its choice would without doubt always fall upon plebeians of the most revolutionary sort, and the result would be that they would have consuls of the type of Canuleius and Icilius. They called on Jupiter Optimus Maximus to forbid that a power regal in its majesty should sink so low. For their parts, they would sooner die a thousand deaths than suffer so shameful a thing to be done.

> Latin: 2.8. id Iuppiter optimus maximus sineret regiae maiestatis imperium eo recidere; et se miliens morituros potius quam ut tantum dedecoris admitti patiantur. habere maiores quoque, si divinassent concedendo omnia non mitiorem in se plebem, sed asperiorem alia ex aliis iniquiora postulando cum prima impetrasset futuram, primo quamlibet dimicationem subituros fuisse potius quam eas leges sibi imponi paterentur.

[¶13] 2.10. They felt certain that their forefathers too, had they divined that all sorts of concessions would make the commons not more tractable but more exacting, and that the granting of their first demands would lead to others, ever more unjust, would rather have faced any conflict whatsoever than have permitted such laws to be imposed upon them. Because they had yielded then, in the matter of the tribunes, they had yielded a second time; it was impossible there should be any settlement of the trouble, if in one and the same state there were both plebeian tribunes and patricians; one thing or the other must go, — the patriciate or the tribunate. It was better late than never to oppose their rashness and temerity.

> Latin: 2.10. tum concessum sit de tribunis, iterum concessum esse; fine non fieri posse si in eadem civitate tribuni plebis et patres essent; aut hunc ordinem aut illum magistratum tollendum esse, potiusque sero quam nunquam obviam eundum audaciae temeritatique.

[¶14] 2.12. Were they to be suffered with impunity first to sow discord and stir up neighbouring wars, and then to prevent the state from arming and defending itself against the wars they had raised themselves? When they had all but invited in the enemy, should they refuse to allow the enrolment of armies to oppose that enemy; while Canuleius had the hardihood to announce in the senate that unless the Fathers permitted his laws to be received, as though he were a conqueror, he would forbid the levy? What else was this than a threat that he would betray his native City to attack and capture? How must that speech encourage, not the Roman plebs, but the Volsci, the Aequi, and the Veientes!

> Latin: 2.12. ut impune primo discordias serentes concitent finitima bella, deinde adversus ea, quae concitaverint, armari civitatem defendique prohibeant, et cum hostes tantum non arcessierint, exercitus conscribi adversus hostes non patiantur, sed audeat Canuleius in senatu proloqui se, nisi suas leges tamquam victoris patres accipi sinant, dilectum haberi prohibiturum? esse aliud quam minari se proditurum patriam, oppugnari atque capi passurum! eam earn vocem animorum non plebi Romanae, sed Volscis et Aequis et Veientibus allaturam!

[¶15] 2.14. Would they not hope that, led by Canuleius, they would be able to scale the Capitol and the Citadel? Unless the tribunes had robbed the patricians of their courage when they took away their rights and their dignity, the consuls were prepared to lead them against criminal citizens sooner than against armed enemies.

> Latin: 2.14. Canuleio duce se speraturos Capitolium atque arcem scandere posse? patribus tribuni cum iure ac maiestate adempta animos etiam eripuerint, consules paratos esse duces prius adversus scelus civium quam adversus hostium arma.

[¶16] 3.1. At the very time when these opinions were finding expression in the senate, Canuleius held forth in this fashion in behalf of his laws and in opposition to the consuls:

> Latin: 3.1. maxime haec in senatu agerentur, Canuleius pro legibus suis et adversus consules ita disseruit:

[¶17] 3.2. "How greatly the patricians despised you, Quirites, how unfit they deemed you to live in the City, within the same walls as themselves, I think I have often observed before, but never more clearly than at this very moment, when they are rallying so fiercely against these proposals of ours. Yet what else do we intend by them than to remind our fellow citizens that we are of them, and that, though we possess not the same wealth, still we dwell in the same City they inhabit?

> Latin: 3.2. "Quanto opere vos, Quirites, contemnerent patres, quam indignos ducerent qui una secum urbe intra eadem moenia viveretis, saepe equidem et ante videor animadvertisse, nunc tamen maxime quod adeo atroces in has rogationes nostras coorti sunt, quibus quid aliud quam admonemus cives nos eorum esse, et si non easdem opes habere, eandem tamen patriam incolere?

[¶18] 3.4. In the one bill we seek the right of intermarriage, which is customarily granted to neighbours and foreigners —indeed we have granted citizenship, which is more than intermarriage, even to defeated enemies;

> Latin: 3.4. conubium petimus, quod finitimis externisque dari dai solet—nos quidem civitatem, quae plus quam conubium est, hostibus etiam victis dedimus;

[¶19] 3.5. —in the other we propose no innovation, but reclaim and seek to exercise a popular right, to wit that the Roman People shall confer office upon whom it will.

> Latin: 3.5. —altera nihil novi ferimus, sed id quod populi est repetimus atque usurpamus, ut quibus velit populus Romanus honores mandet.

[¶20] 3.6. What reason is there, pray, why they should confound heaven and earth; why they should almost have attacked me just now in the senate; why they should declare that they will place no restraint on force, and should threaten to violate our sacrosanct authority?

> Latin: 3.6. tandem est cur caelum ac terras misceant, cur in me impetus modo paene in senatu sit factus, negent se manibus temperaturos violaturosque denuntient sacrosanctam potestatem?

[¶21] 3.7. If the Roman People is granted a free vote, that so it may commit the consulship to what hands it likes, if even the plebeian is not cut off from the hope of gaining the highest honours —if he shall be deserving of the highest honours —will this City of ours be unable to endure? Is her dominion at an end? When we raise the question of making a plebeian consul, is it the same as if we were to say that a slave or a freedman should attain that office?

> Latin: 3.7. populo Romano liberum suffragium datur, ut quibus velit consulatum mandet, et non praeciditur spes plebeio quoque, si dignus summo honore erit, apiscendi summi honoris, stare urbs haec non poterit? imperio actum est? perinde hoc valet, plebeiusne consul fiat, tamquam servum aut libertinum aliquis consulem futurum dicat?

[¶22] 3.8. Have you any conception of the contempt in which you are held? They would take from you, were it possible, a part of this daylight.

> Latin: 3.8. sentitis in quanto contemptu vivatis? vobis huius partem, si liceat, adimant; quod spiratis, quod vocem mittitis, quod formas hominum habetis, indignantur;

[¶23] 3.9. That you breathe, that you speak, that you have the shape of men, fills them with resentment. Nay, they assert, if you please, that it is sinning against Heaven to elect a plebeian consul. Tell me, if we are not admitted to consult the Fasti or the Commentaries of the Pontiffs, are we therefore ignorant of what all men, even foreigners, know, viz. that the consuls succeeded to the place of the kings, and possess no jot nor tittle of right or dignity that belonged not to the kings before?

> Latin: 3.9. quin etiam, si dis placet, nefas aiunt esse consulem plebeium fieri. vos, si non ad fastos, non ad commentarios pontificum admittimur, ne ea quidem scimus quae omnes peregrini etiam sciunt, consules in locum regum successisse nec aut iuris aut maiestatis quicquam habere quod non in regibus ante fuerit?

[¶24] 3.10. Come! Would you believe the story was ever heard how Numa Pompilius —not only no patrician, but not even a Roman citizen —was sent for from the country of the Sabines, and reigned at Rome, by command of the people and with the senators' consent?

> Latin: 3.10. unquam creditis fando auditum esse Numam Pompilium, non modo non patricium sed ne civem quidem Romanum, ex Sabino agro accitum, populi iussu, patribus auctoribus Romae regnasse?

[¶25] 3.11. And again, how Lucius Tarquinius, who was not even of Italian stock —not to mention Roman —being the son of Demaratus of Corinth, and an immigrant from Tarquinii, was made king, while the sons of Ancus were still living?

> Latin: 3.11. L. deinde Tarquinium, non Romanae modo, sed ne Italicae quidem gentis, Demarati Corinthii filium, incolam ab Tarquiniis, vivis liberis Anci, regem factum?

[¶26] 3.12. And how after him Servius Tullius, son of a captive woman from Corniculum, who had nobody for his father and a bond-woman for his mother, held the royal power by his innate ability and worth? For why should I speak of Titus Tatius the Sabine, with whom Romulus himself, the Father of the City, shared his sovereignty?

> Latin: 3.12. Ser. Tullium post hunc, captiva Corniculana natum, patre nullo, matre serva, ingenio virtute regnum tenuisse? enim de T. Tatio Sabino dicam, quem ipse Romulus, parens urbis, in societatem regni accepit?

[¶27] 3.13. Well then, so long as men despised no family that could produce conspicuous excellence, the dominion of Rome increased. And are you now to scorn a plebeian consul, when our ancestors were not above accepting alien kings, and when the City was not closed against the meritorious foreigner, even after the expulsion of the kings?

> Latin: 3.13. dum nullum fastiditur genus in quo eniteret virtus, crevit imperium Romanum. nunc vos plebeii consulis, cum maiores nostri advenas reges non fastidierint et ne regibus quidem exactis clausa urbs fuerit peregrinae virtuti?

[¶28] 3.14. The Claudian family at least we not only received from the Sabine country, after the kings had been driven out, and gave them citizenship, but even admitted them to the number of patricians.

> Latin: 3.14. certe gentem post reges exactos ex Sabinis non in civitatem modo accepimus sed etiam in patriciorum numerum.

[¶29] 3.15. Shall the son of a stranger become patrician and then consul, but a Roman citizen, if plebeian, be cut off from all hope of the consulship?

> Latin: 3.15. peregrinone patricius, deinde consul fiat, civis Romanus si sit ex plebe, praecisa consulatus spes erit?

[¶30] 3.16. Do we not believe it possible that a bold and strenuous man, serviceable both in peace and in war, should come from the plebs, —a man like Numa, Lucius Tarquinius, or Servius Tullius? Or shall we refuse, even if such an one appear, to let him approach the helm of state? Must we rather look forward to consuls like the decemvirs, the vilest of mortals, who nevertheless were all of patrician birth, than to such as shall resemble the best of the kings, new men though they were?

> Latin: 3.16. tandem non credimus fieri posse ut vir fortis ac strenuus, pace belloque bonus, ex plebe sit, Numae, L. Tarquinio, Ser. similis, an, ne si sit quidem, ad gubernacula rei publicae accedere eum patiemur, potiusque decemviris, taeterrimis mortalium, qui tamen omnes ex patribus erant, quam optimis regum, novis hominibus, similes consules sumus habituri?

[¶31] 4.1. "'But,' you will say, ' from the time the kings were expelled no plebeian has ever been consul.' Well, what then?. Must no new institution be adopted? Ought that which has not yet been done —and in a new nation many things have not yet been done —never to be put in practice, even if it be expedient?

> Latin: 4.1. " enim nemo post reges exactos de plebe consul fuit. postea? res nova institui debet, et quod nondum est factum—multa enim nondum sunt facta in novo populo,—ea ne si utilia quidem sint fieri oportet?

[¶32] 4.2. There were neither pontiffs nor augurs in the reign of Romulus; Numa Pompilius created them. There was no census in the state, no registration of centuries and classes; Servius Tullius made one. There had never been any consuls; when the kings had been banished, consuls were elected.

> Latin: 4.2. , augures Romulo regnante nulli erant; ab Numa Pompilio creati sunt. in civitate et discriptio centuriarum classiumque non erat; ab Ser. est facta.

[¶33] 4.3. Neither the power nor the name of dictator had ever been known; in the time of our fathers they began. Plebeian tribunes, aediles, and quaestors, there were none; men decided to have them. Within the past ten years we have elected decemvirs for drawing up the laws, and removed them from the commonwealth.

> Latin: 4.3. nunquam fuerant; regibus exactis creati sunt. nec imperium nec nomen fuerat: apud patres esse coepit. plebi, aediles, quaestores nulli erant; institutum est, ut fierent. legibus scribendis intra decem hos annos et creavimus et e re publica sustulimus.

[¶34] 4.4. Who can question that in a city founded for eternity and of incalculable growth, new powers, priesthoods, and rights of families and individuals, must be established?

> Latin: 4.4. dubitat quin in aeternum urbe condita, in immensum crescente nova imperia, sacerdotia, iura gentium hominumque instituantur?

[¶35] 4.5. Was not this very provision, that patricians and plebeians might not intermarry, enacted by the decemvirs a few years since, with the worst effect on the community and the gravest injustice to the plebs? Or can there be any greater or more signal insult than to hold a portion of the state unworthy of intermarriage, as though it were defiled?

> Latin: 4.5. ipsum, ne conubium patribus cum plebe esset, non decemviri tulerunt paucis his annis pessimo publico, cum summa iniuria plebis? An esse ulla maior aut insignitior contumelia potest quam partem civitatis velut contaminatam indignam conubio haberi?

[¶36] 4.6. What else is this but to suffer exile within the same walls and banishment? They guard against having us for connections or relations, against the mingling of our blood with theirs.

> Latin: 4.6. est aliud quam exsilium intra eadem moenia, quam relegationem pati? adfinitatibus, ne propinquitatibus immisceamur cavent, ne societur sanguis.?

[¶37] 4.7. Why, if this pollutes that fine nobility of yours —which many of you, being of Alban or of Sabine origin, possess not by virtue of race or blood, but through co-optation into the patriciate, having been chosen either by the kings, or, after their expulsion, by decree of the people —could you not keep it pure by your own private counsels, neither taking wives from the plebs nor permitting your daughters and sisters to marry out of the patriciate? No plebeian would offer violence to a patrician maiden: that is a patrician vice.

> Latin: 4.7. si polluit nobilitatem istam vestram, quam plerique oriundi ex Albanis et Sabinis non genere nec sanguine sed per cooptationem in patres habetis, aut ab regibus lecti aut post reges exactos iussu populi, sinceram servare privatis consiliis non poteratis, nec ducendo ex plebe neque vestras filias sororesque enubere ecnubere sinendo e patribus?

[¶38] 4.8. No one would have compelled anybody to enter a compact of marriage against his will.

> Latin: 4.8. plebeius patriciae virgini vim adferret; patriciorum ista libido est; nemo invitum pactionem nuptialem quemquam facere coegisset.

[¶39] 4.9. But let me tell you that in the statutory prohibition and annulment of intermarriage between patricians and plebeians we have indeed at last an insult to the plebs. Why, pray, do you not bring in a law that there shall be no intermarrying of rich and poor?

> Latin: 4.9. enimvero lege id prohiberi et conubium tolli patrum ac plebis, id demum demumr contumeliosum plebi est. enim non fertis, ne sit conubium divitibus ac pauperibus?

[¶40] 4.10. That which has always and everywhere been a matter of private policy, that a woman might marry into whatever family it had been arranged, that a man might take a wife from that house where he had engaged himself, you would subject to the restraint of a most arrogant aw, that thereby you might break up our civil society and make two states out of one.

> Latin: 4.10. privatorum consiliorum ubique semper fuit, ut in quam cuique feminae convenisset domum nuberet, ex qua pactus esset vir domo in matrimonium duceret, id vos sub legis superbissimae vincula conicitis, qua dirimatis societatem civilem duasque ex una civitate faciatis.

[¶41] 4.11. Why do you not enact that a plebeian shall not live near a patrician, nor go on the same road? That he shall not enter the same festive company? That he shall not stand by his side in the same Forum? For what real difference does it make if a patrician takes a plebeian wife, or a plebeian a patrician? What right, pray, is invaded?

> Latin: 4.11. non sancitis ne vicinus patricio sit plebeius nec eodem itinere eat, ne idem convivium ineat, ne in foro eodem consistat? enim in re est aliud, si plebeiam patricius duxerit, si patriciam plebeius? iuris tandem mutatur? patrem sequuntur liberi.

[¶42] 4.12. The children of course take the father's rank. There is nothing we are seeking to gain from marriage with you, except that we should be accounted men and citizens. Neither have you any reason to oppose us, unless you delight in vying with each other how you may outrage and humiliate us.

> Latin: 4.12. quod nos ex conubio vestro petamus quicquam est, praeterquam ut hominum, ut civium numero simus, nec vos, nisi in contumeliam ignominiamque nostram certare iuvat, quod contendatis quicquam est.

[¶43] 5.1. “Finally I would ask, is it you, or the Roman People, who have supreme authority? Did the banishment of the kings bring you dominion, or to all men equal liberty?”

> Latin: 5.1. utrum tandem populi Romani an vestrum summum imperium est? exactis utrum vobis dominatio an omnibus aequa libertas parta est?

[¶44] 5.2. “Ought the Roman People to be permitted, if it so desire, to enact a law; or shall you, as each proposal is brought up, proclaim a levy by way of penalty, and so soon as I, the tribune, begin to summon the tribes to vote, shall you, the consul, at once administer the oath to those of military age and march them out to camp, with threats against the plebs and with threats against the tribune?”

> Latin: 5.2. licere populo Romano, si velit, iubere legem; an, ut quaeque rogatio promulgata erit, vos dilectum pro poena decernetis, et, simul ego tribunus vocare tribus in suffragium coepero, tu statim consul sacramento iuniores adiges et in castra educes et minaberis plebi, minaberis tribuno?

[¶45] 5.3. “How would it be if you had not twice already proved how little those threats of yours are worth against the unanimous will of the plebs? ' I suppose it was consideration for our good that made you refrain from fighting? Or was this rather the reason there was no strife, because the stronger side was also the more moderate?”

> Latin: 5.3. si non quantum istae minae adversus plebis consensum valerent, bis iam experti essetis? quia nobis consultum volebatis, certamine abstinuistis; an ideo non est dimicatum, quod quae pars firmior eadem modestior fuit?

[¶46] 5.4. “Neither will there be any struggle now, Quirites; they will always test your courage; but will never put your strength to the proof.”

> Latin: 5.4. nunc erit certamen, Quirites; animos vestros illi temptabunt semper, vires non experientur.

[¶47] 5.5. “And so the commons are ready, consuls, for those wars you deal in, be they feigned or genuine, if you give them back their right of intermarriage, and make this a single state at last; if you enable them to coalesce, to unite, to merge with you in domestic alliances; if the hope of attaining honours is held out to strenuous men and brave; if they are granted a share in the partnership of government; if, in the enjoyment of equal liberty, they are allowed to govern and obey in turn, with the annual change of magistrates.”

> Latin: 5.5. ad bella ista, seu falsa seu vera sunt, consules, parata vobis plebes est, si conubiis redditis unam hanc civitatem tandem facitis; si coalescere, si iungi miscerique vobis privatis necessitudinibus possunt; si spes, si aditus ad honores viris strenuis et fortibus datur; si in consortio, si in societate rei publicae esse, si, quod aequae libertatis est, in vicem annuis magistratibus parere atque imperitare licet.

[¶48] 5.6. “If anyone shall prevent these reforms, you may talk of wars, and multiply them in the telling; but nobody will give in his name, nobody will take up arms, nobody will fight for haughty masters with whom he has no association in the honours of the state nor in the marriages of private life.”

> Latin: 5.6. haec impediet aliquis, ferte sermonibus et multiplicate fama bella; nemo est nomen daturus, nemo arma capturus, nemo dimicaturus pro superbis dominis, cum quibus nec in re publica honorum nec in privata conubii societas est.

[¶49] 6.1. When the consuls had come forth to the people and set speeches had given place to wrangling, the tribune demanded what reason there was why a plebeian should not be chosen consul; to whom Curtius replied, with truth perhaps, yet, in the circumstances, to little purpose, “because no plebeian has the auspices, and that is the reason the decemvirs have forbidden intermarriages, lest the auspices should be confounded by the uncertain standing of those born of them.”

> Latin: 6.1. in contionem consumes processissent et res a perpetuis orationibus in altercationem vertisset, interroganti tribuno cur plebeium consulem fieri non oporteret, ut fortasse vere, sic parum utiliter in praesens Curtius respondit, nemo plebeius auspicia haberet, ideoque decemviros conubium diremisse ne incerta prole auspicia turbarentur.

[¶50] 6.3. At this the plebs fairly blazed with indignation, because it was declared that; they could not take auspices, as though they were hated by the immortal gods; nor was the controversy ended —for the plebeians had got a most energetic champion in their tribune, and rivalled him themselves in determination, —until at last the patricians were beaten, and allowed the law regarding intermarriage to be passed, chiefly because they thought that so the tribunes would either wholly give over their contention for plebeian consuls or would postpone it until after the war, and that the plebs meantime, contented with the right to intermarry, would be ready to submit to the levy.

> Latin: 6.3. ad id maxime maxinme indignatione exarsit, quod auspicari, tamquam invisi dis immortalibus, negarentur posse; nec ante finis contentionum fuit, cum et tribunum acerrimum auctorem plebes nacta esset et ipsa cum eo pertinacia certaret, quam victi tandem patres ut de conubio ferretur concessere, ita maxime rati contentionem de plebeiis consulibus tribunos aut totam deposituros aut post bellum dilaturos esse, contentamque interim conubio plebem paratam dilectui fore.

[¶51] 6.5. But since Canuleius was grown so great through his victory over the patricians and the favour of the plebs, the other tribunes were encouraged to take up the quarrel; and they fought for their measure with the utmost violence, hindering the levy, though the rumours of war increased from day to day.

> Latin: 6.5. Canuleius victoria de patribus et plebis favore ingens esset, accensi alii tribuni ad certamen pro rogatione sua summa vi pugnant et crescente in dies fama belli dilectum impediunt.

[¶52] 6.6. The consuls, since they were powerless to do anything through the senate when the tribunes interposed their veto, held councils of their leading men in private. It was clear that they must submit to be conquered either by the enemy or by their fellow citizens.

> Latin: 6.6. , cum per senatum intercedentibus tribunis nihil agi posset, concilia principum domi habebant. aut hostibus aut civibus de victoria concedendum concedendurn esse.

[¶53] 6.7. Of all the consulars only Valerius and Horatius took no part in their deliberations. Gaius Claudius spoke in favour of arming the consuls against the tribunes; the Quinctii, both Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, were opposed to bloodshed and to injuring those whom they had acknowledged by a solemn treaty with the plebs to be inviolable.

> Latin: 6.7. ex consularibus Valerius atque Horatius non intererant consiliis. C. Claudi sententia consules armabat in tribunos; Quinctiorum, Cincinnatique et Capitolini, sententiae abhorrebant a caede violandisque quos foedere icto cum plebe sacrosanctos accepissent.

[¶54] 6.8. The upshot of these consultations was this, that they permitted military tribunes with consular authority to be chosen indifferently from the patriciate and the plebs, but made no change in the election of consuls. With this decision both tribunes and commons were content. An election was called, for choosing three tribunes with consular powers.

> Latin: 6.8. haec consilia eo deducta est res ut tribunos militum consulari potestate promisce ex patribus ac plebe creari sinerent, de consulibus creandis nihil mutaretur; eoque contenti tribuni, contenta plebs fuit.

[¶55] 6.9. No sooner was it proclaimed than everybody who had ever spoken or acted in a seditious manner, especially those who had been tribunes, fell to canvassing voters and bustling about all over the Forum in the white robes of candidates;

> Latin: 6.9. tribunis consulari potestate tribus creandis indicuntur. indictis indietis extemplo quicumque aliquid seditiose dixerat aut fecerat unquam, maxime tribunicii, et prensare homines et concursare toto foro candidati coepere, ut patricios desperatio primo inritata plebe apiscendi honoris, deinde indignatio, si cum his gerendus esset honos, deterreret.

[¶56] 6.10. so that the patricians, what with despair of obtaining office now that the plebs were so wrought up, and what with scorn if they must share its administration with these fellows, were deterred from standing. At last, however, they were compelled by their leaders to compete, lest they might seem to have surrendered the control of the commonwealth. The outcome of this election showed how different are men's minds when struggling for liberty and station from what they are when they have laid aside their animosities and their judgment is unbiassed; for the people chose all the tribunes from among the patricians, quite satisfied that plebeians should have been allowed to stand.

> Latin: 6.10. coacti tamen a primoribus prirnoribus petiere, ne cessisse possessione rei publicae viderentur. eorum comitiorum docuit alios animos in contentione libertatis dignitatisque, alios secundum deposita certamina incorrupto iudicio esse; tribunos enim omnes patricios creavit populus, contentus eo quod ratio habita plebeiorum esset.

[¶57] 6.12. Where shall you now find in one single man that moderation, fairness, and loftiness of mind, which at that time characterized the entire people?

> Latin: 6.12. hanc modestiam aequitatemque et altitudinem animi ubi nunc in uno inveneris, quae tum populi universi fuit?

[¶58] 7.1. In the year three hundred and ten from B.C. 444 the founding of Rome, military tribunes for the first time took office in place of consuls. Their names were Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, and Titus Cloelius. During their administration domestic harmony insured peace abroad, as well.

> Latin: 7.1. trecentesimo decimo quam urbs Roma condita erat primum primurn tribuni militum pro consulibus magistratum ineunt, A. Sempronius Atratinus L. Atilius T. Cloelius, quorum in magistratu concordia domi pacem etiam foris praebuit.

[¶59] 7.2. (Some say that on account of a war with Veii, which broke out in addition to the war with the Aequi and Volsci and the revolt of the men of Ardea, two consuls were unable to cope with so many wars at once, and therefore three military tribunes were created. These writers say nothing of the promulgation of a law about the election of consuls from the plebs, but record that the three tribunes enjoyed the authority and insignia of consuls.)

> Latin: 7.2. qui propter adiectum Aequorum Volscorumque bello et Ardeatium defectioni Veiens bellum, quia duo consules obire tot simul bella nequirent, tribunos militum tres creatos dicant, sine mentione promulgatae legis de consulibus creandis ex plebe, et imperio et insignibus consularibus usos.

[¶60] 7.3. Still, the power of that magistracy was not yet upon a firm footing, for three months after they had taken up their office they laid it down, the augurs having decreed that there had been a flaw in their election, because Gaius Curtius, who had presided over the assembly, had not properly selected the ground for the tent.

> Latin: 7.3. tamen pro firmato iam stetit magistratus eius ius, quia tertio mense quam inierunt, augurum decreto perinde ac vitio creati, honore abiere, quod C. Curtius, qui comitiis eorum praefuerat, parum recte tabernaculum cepisset.

[¶61] 7.4. Ambassadors from Ardea came to Rome, complaining of the injustice done them, and with such fairness that it was evident that if they were granted redress, through the restoration of their land, they would abide by the treaty and remain friendly.

> Latin: 7.4. ab Ardea Romam venerunt, ita de iniuria querentes ut si demeretur ea in foedere atque amicitia mansuros restituto agro appareret.

[¶62] 7.5. The senate replied that the judgment of the people could not be rescinded by them, not only because they had no precedent or authority for such action, but also because they had regard to the harmony between the orders.

> Latin: 7.5. Ab senatu responsum est iudicium populi rescindi ab senatu non posse, praeterquam quod nullo nec exemplo nec iure fieret, concordiae etiam ordinum causa:

[¶63] 7.6. If the Ardeates would bide their time and leave the senate to decide upon a remedy for the injury done them, the day would come when they would be glad that they had controlled their anger, and they would learn that the senators had been equally concerned that no wrong should be done them and that what had been done should be speedily redressed.

> Latin: 7.6. si Ardeates sua tempora exspectare velint arbitriumque senatui levandae iniuriae suae permittant, fore ut postmodo gaudeant se irae moderatos moderates, sciantque patribus aeque curae fuisse ne qua iniuria in eos oreretur ac ne orta diuturna esset.

[¶64] 7.7. So the ambassadors, having said that they would refer the whole matter to their people, were courteously dismissed. The patricians, since the state was without any curule magistrate, met and chose an interrex.

> Latin: 7.7. legati cum se rem integram relaturos dixissent, comiter dimissi., cum sine curuli magistratu res publica esset, coiere et interregem creavere. consulesne an tribuni militum crearentur in interregno rem dies complures tenuit.

[¶65] 7.8. A dispute whether consuls or military tribunes should be appointed kept the state in an interregnum for several days. The interrex and the senate held out for the election of consuls; the plebeian tribunes and the plebs were for military tribunes.

> Latin: 7.8. ac senatus consulum comitia, tribuni plebis et plebs tribunorum militum ut habeantur tendunt. patres, quia et plebs, patriciis seu hunc seu illum delatura honorem honored, frustra certare supersedit, et principes plebis ea comitia malebant quibus non haberetur ratio sua, quam quibus ut indigni praeterirentur.

[¶66] 7.9. Victory rested with the senators, not only because the plebs gave up the idle contest whether they should confer this honour or that upon the patricians, but also because the leaders of the plebs preferred an election in which they would not be reckoned candidates to one in which they would be passed over as unworthy. The tribunes, too, of the plebs relinquished the unavailing contest in favour of the leaders of the patricians. Titus Quinctius Barbatus, as interrex, declared the election of Lucius Papirius Mugillanus and Lucius Sempronius Atratinus.

> Latin: 7.9. quoque plebi certamen sine effectu in beneficio apud primores patrum reliquere. T. Quinctius Barbatus interrex consules creat L. Papirium Mugillanum, L. Sempronium Atratinum. consulibus cum Ardeatibus foedus renovatum est; idque monumenti est consules eos illo anno fuisse, qui neque in annalibus priscis neque in libris magistratuum inveniuntur.

[¶67] 7.11. In their consulship the treaty with the Ardeates was renewed; and in this lies the proof that these men were consuls that year, although their names are found neither in the ancient annals nor in the lists of magistrates; I suppose that, because there were military tribunes in the beginning of the year, the consuls who were elected in their place were passed over as if the tribunes had been in power throughout the year.

> Latin: 7.11. quod tribuni militum initio anni fuerunt, eo perinde ac si totum totunm annum in imperio fuerint, suffectos iis consules praetermissos.

[¶68] 7.12. Licinius Macer testifies that the names of these consuls were given both in the treaty with Ardea and in the Linen Rolls in the temple of Moneta. Things were quiet both abroad and at home, despite the numerous alarms which neighbouring states had caused.

> Latin: 7.12. consulum horum Licinius Macer auctor est et in foedere Ardeatino et in linteis libris ad Monetae inventa. foris, cum tot terrores a finitimis ostentati essent, et domi otium fuit.

[¶69] 8.1. This year, whether it had tribunes only or B.C. 443 tribunes succeeded by consuls, was followed by one which had consuls about whom there is no question. These were Marcus Geganius Macerinus, for the second time, and Titus Quinctius Capitolinus, for the fifth time.

> Latin: 8.1. annum, seu tribunos modo seu tribunis suffectos consules quoque habuit, sequitur annus haud dubiis consulibus, M. Geganio Macerino iterum T. Quinctio Capitolino quintum.

[¶70] 8.2. This same year saw the adoption of the censorship, an institution which originated in a small way but afterwards grew to such dimensions that it was invested with the regulation of the morals and discipline of the Romans. The distribution of honour and ignominy amongst the senate and the centuries of the knights was controlled by this magistracy, while jurisdiction over public and private sites, together with the revenues of the Roman People, were entirely subject to its discretion.

> Latin: 8.2. hic annus censurae initium fuit, rei a parva origine ortae, quae deinde tanto incremento aucta est ut morum disciplinaeque Romanae penes eam earn regimen, senatui equitumque centuriis decoris dedecorisque discrimen sub dicione eius magistratus, ius publicorum privatorumque locorum, vectigalia populi Romani sub nutu atque arbitrio eius essent.

[¶71] 8.3. What first gave rise to the office was this: the people had not been rated for many years and the census could not be postponed; yet the consuls, when so many nations threatened war, had no time for this work.

> Latin: 8.3. autem initium est rei, quod in populo per multos annos incenso neque differri census poterat neque consulibus, cum tot populorum bella imminerent, operae erat id negotium agere.

[¶72] 8.4. The subject was brought up in the senate, where it was held that the task, which was a laborious one and beneath the dignity of a consul, required its own proper magistrates, who should have a staff of clerks, assume the custody of the records, and regulate the form of the census.

> Latin: 8.4. inlata ad senatum est rem operosam ac minime consularem suo proprio magistratu egere, cui scribarum ministerium custodiaeque tabularum cura, cui arbitrium formulae censendi subiceretur.

[¶73] 8.5. The senators, though it was a small matter, nevertheless gladly welcomed the suggestion, in order that there might be more patrician magistracies in the administration of the state. They thought even then, I imagine, as afterwards proved to be the case, that it would not be long before the consequence of those who held the office would lend authority and dignity to the office itself. The tribunes also, regarding it as a necessary rather than a showy service, as in those days it actually was, did not hold out against the plan, lest they might seem to be vexatiously obstinate even in trifles.

> Latin: 8.5. patres quamquam rem parvam, tamen taren quo plures patricii magistratus in re publica essent, laeti accepere, id quod evenit, futurum, credo, etiam rati, ut mox opes eorum qui praeessent ipsi honori ius maiestatemque adicerent; et tribuni, id quod tunc tune erat, magis necessarii quam speciosi ministerii procurationem intuentes, ne in parvis quoque rebus incommode adversarentur, haud sane tetendere.

[¶74] 8.7. The principal men in the state scorned the office, and the taking of the census was, by the votes of the people, committed to Papirius and Sempronius (whose consulship is questioned), that they might round out their incomplete year of office with this magistracy. They were called censors from their function.

> Latin: 8.7. a primoribus civitatis spretus honor esset, Papirium Semproniumque, quorum de consulatu dubitatur, ut eo magistratu parum solidum consulatum explerent, censui agendo populus suffragiis praefecit. ab re appellati sunt.

[¶75] 9.1. While these things were going on in Rome, there came envoys from Ardea begging the Romans in the name of their ancient alliance, renewed by the recent treaty, to send help to their city, which was on the brink of ruin.

> Latin: 9.1. haec Romae geruntur, legati ab Ardea veniunt pro veterrima societate renovataque foedere recenti auxilium prope eversae urbi implorantes.

[¶76] 9.2. For the enjoyment of peace, which they had most wisely preserved with the Roman People, had been denied them, owing to civil war. This is said to have had its cause and origin in the rivalry of factions, which have been and will be fraught with destruction to more nations than foreign wars, or famine and pestilence, or whatsoever other scourges men attribute, as the most desperate national calamities, to the wrath of Heaven.

> Latin: 9.2. namque pace optimo consilio cum populo Romano servata per intestina arma non licuit; quorum causa atque initium traditur ex certamine factionum ortum, quae fuerunt eruntque pluribus populis exitio quam bella externa, quam fames morbive, quaeque alia in deum iras velut ultima publicorum malorum vertunt.

[¶77] 9.4. A maiden of plebeian family who was famous for her beauty had two youthful suitors. One was of her own class and relied on the approval of her guardians, who were themselves of the same standing.

> Latin: 9.4. plebeii generis maxime forma notam duo petiere iuvenes, alter virgini genere par, tutoribus fretus, qui et ipsi eiusdem corporis erant, nobilis alter, nulla re praeterquam forma captus.

[¶78] 9.5. The other was a noble, captivated solely by her good looks, who was supported by the favour of the optimates, which resulted in the introduction of party strife into the household of the girl herself. The noble was preferred by the mother, who wished her daughter to make as grand a match as possible. The guardians, mindful even in a matter like this of political interests, held out for their fellow plebeian.

> Latin: 9.5. eum optumatium studia, per quae in domum quoque puellae certamen partium penetravit. superior iudicio matris esse, quae quam splendidissimis nuptiis iungi puellam volebat: tutores in ea quoque re partium memores ad suum tendere.

[¶79] 9.6. When the dispute could not be settled privately, a suit was instituted. After listening to the pleas of the mother and the guardians, the magistrates decreed that the mother should have power to decide as she saw fit about the marriage.

> Latin: 9.6. res peragi intra parietes nequisset, ventum in ius est. audito matris tutorumque magistratus secundum parentis arbitrium dant ius nuptiarum.

[¶80] 9.7. But violence was stronger than they; for the guardians, after openly addressing a crowd of their own party in the market-place, on the injustice of the decision, collected a party and carried the girl off from her mother's house.

> Latin: 9.7. vis potentior fuit; namque tutores, inter suae partis homines de iniuria decreti palam in foro contionati, manu facta virginem ex domo matris rapiunt;

[¶81] 9.8. To confront them an even more warlike band of nobles gathered, under the leadership of the injured and indignant youth, and a desperate battle followed. The plebs were routed, but, unlike the Roman plebs, having armed and withdrawn from their city and encamped upon a certain hill, they sallied forth, sword and torch in hand, to sack the farms of the nobles.

> Latin: 9.8. adversus quos infestior coorta optumatium acies sequitur accensum iniuria iuvenem. proelium atrox. plebs, nihil Romanae plebi similis, armata ex urbe profecta colle quodam capto in agros optumatium cum ferro ignique excursiones facit;

[¶82] 9.9. They even prepared to besiege the city itself, for the entire body of artizans, even those who had hitherto had no part in the quarrel, had been called out by the hope of plunder;

> Latin: 9.9. urbem quoque omni etiam expertium ante certaminis multitudine opificum ad spem praedae evocata obsidere parat;

[¶83] 9.10. nor was there wanting any form of the horrors of war, as though the nation had been infected with the madness of the two young men who sought a fatal marriage in the ruin of their country.

> Latin: 9.10. nec ulla species cladesque belli abest velut contacta civitate rabie duorum iuvenum funestas nuptias ex occasu patriae petentium.

[¶84] 9.11. Neither side saw that there had been enough of war and arms at home; the optimates called upon the Romans to relieve their beleaguered city; the plebeians sent for the Volsci to help them capture Ardea.

> Latin: 9.11. parti utrique domi armorum bellique est visum; optumates Romanos ad auxilium urbis obsessae, plebs ad expugnandam secum Ardeam Volscos excivere.

[¶85] 9.12. The Volsci, with the Aequian Cluilius for their leader, were the first to reach Ardea, and threw up intrenchments against the walls of their enemies.

> Latin: 9.12. Volsci duce Aequo Cluilio Ardeam venere et moenibus hostium vallum obiecere. ubi Romam est nuntiatum, extemplo M.

[¶86] 9.13. When the news was brought to Rome, Marcus Geganius the consul immediately set out with an army. When three miles from the enemy he chose a place for his camp; and as the day was now fast drawing to a close, ordered his soldiers to refresh themselves.

> Latin: 9.13. Geganius consul cum exercitu profectus tria milia passuum ab hoste locum castris cepit praecipitique iam die curare corpora milites iubet. deinde vigilia signa profert, coeptumque opus adeo adproperatum est ut sole orto Volsci firmiore se munimento ab Romanis circumvallatos quam a se urbem viderent;

[¶87] 9.14. Then in the fourth watch he marched out, and commencing a contravallation, made such speed that at sunrise the Volsci perceived that they were more securely hemmed in by the Romans than was the city by themselves; and on one side the consul had thrown out a work to join the walls of Ardea, in order that his friends in the town might be enabled to come and go. The Volscian commander, who had maintained his men up to that time not out of a store provided in advance, but with corn taken from day to day in pillaging the country-side, was no sooner shut in by the rampart than he found himself all at once destitute of everything. He therefore invited the consul to a parley, and said that if the Roman general had come for the purpose of raising the siege, he would lead the Volscians off.

> Latin: 9.14. et alia parte consul muro Ardeae bracchium iniunxerat, qua ex oppido sui commeare possent. Volscus imperator, qui ad eam diem non commeatu praepalato sed ex populatione agrorum rapto in diem frumento aluisset militem, postquam saeptus vallo repente inops omnium rerum erat, ad conloquium consule evocato, si solvendae obsidionis causa venerit Romanus, abducturum se inde Volscos ait.

[¶88] 10.2. The consul replied that it was for the conquered to accept terms, not to make them; the Volsci had consulted their own pleasure in coming to attack the allies of the Roman People; it would be otherwise with their departure.

> Latin: 10.2. ea consul victis condiciones accipiendas esse, non ferendas respondit, neque ut venerint ad oppugnandos socios populi Romani suo arbitrio, ita abituros Volscos esse.

[¶89] 10.3. He ordered them to surrender their general, to lay down their arms, and, confessing themselves defeated, to yield to his authority; if they did not, he would be their determined enemy, whether they attempted to go or to stay, and would rather bring back to Rome a victory over the Volsci than a treacherous peace with them.

> Latin: 10.3. imperatorem, arma poni iubet, et fatentes victos se esse imperio parere; aliter tam abeuntibus quam manentibus se hostem infensum victoriam potius ex Volscis quam pacem infidam Romam relaturum.

[¶90] 10.4. The Volsci, testing the small hope that arms held out to them —for all other hope had been cut off —fought, not to speak of other disadvantages, in a position that was unfavourable for battle and still more unfavourable for flight; and being cut to pieces on every side, left off fighting and fell to entreaties; and after giving up their general and handing over their weapons, were sent under the yoke, with a single garment each, and so dismissed, overwhelmed with shame and disaster.

> Latin: 10.4. Volsci exiguam spem in armis alia undique abscisa cum temptassent, praeter cetera adversa loco quoque iniquo ad pugnam congressi, iniquiore ad fugam, cum ab omni parte caederentur, ad preces a certamine versi, dedito imperatore traditisque armis sub iugum missi cum singulis vestimentis ignominiae cladisque pleni dimittuntur;

[¶91] 10.5. But on their encamping not far from the city of Tusculum, the Tusculans, upon an old grudge, attacked them in their defenseless state, and exacted so heavy a penalty that they scarce left any to report the massacre.

> Latin: 10.5. et cum haud procul urbe Tusculo consedissent, vetere Tusculanorum odio inermes oppressi dederunt poenas vix nuntiis caedis relictis.

[¶92] 10.6. The Roman commander, finding Ardea distracted by sedition, composed its troubles by beheading the ringleaders of the revolt and confiscating their property to the public treasury of the Ardeates. The townsmen thought that the great service which the Roman People had thus rendered them had cancelled the injustice of the judgment, but the Roman senate felt that something still remained to do in order to wipe out that reminder of the national greed.

> Latin: 10.6. Romanus Ardeae turbatas seditione res principibus eius motus securi percussis bonisque eorum in publicum Ardeatium redactis composuit; demptamque iniuriam iudicii tanto beneficio populi Romani Ardeates credebant; senatui superesse aliquid ad delendum publicae avaritiae monumentum videbatur.

[¶93] 10.7. The consul returned to the City and triumphed, making Cluilius, the leader of the Volsci, walk before his chariot, and displaying the spoils which he had taken from the hostile army, before sending them under the yoke.

> Latin: 10.7. triumphans in urbem redit Cluilio duce Volscorum ante currum ducto praelatisque spoliis quibus dearmatum exercitum hostium sub iugum miserat.

[¶94] 10.8. It is no easy thing to do, but the consul Quinctius equalled in civil life the fame of his armed colleague; for so well did he maintain domestic peace and concord, by tempering the law to high and low, that the Fathers regarded him as a strict consul, and the plebs as mild enough.

> Latin: 10.8. , quod haud facile est, Quinctius consul togatus armati gloriam collegae, quia concordiae pacisque domesticae curam iura infimis summisque moderando ita tenuit ut eum et patres severum consulem et plebs satis comem crediderint.

[¶95] 10.9. He held his own, too, with the tribunes, more by his personal influence than by contending with them. Five consulships administered on the self-same principles, and a life which had been throughout of consular dignity, made the man himself almost more revered than his office. Hence there was no talk of military tribunes while these men were consuls.

> Latin: 10.9. adversus tribunos auctoritate plura quam certamine tenuit; quinque consulatus eodem tenore gesti vitaque omnis consulariter acta verendum paene ipsum magis quam honorem faciebant. tribunorum militarium nulla mentio his consulibus fuit.

[¶96] 11.1. Marcus Fabius Vibulanus and Postumus Aebutius Cornicen were elected to the consulship.

> Latin: 11.1. creantur M. Fabius Vibulanus, Postumus Aebutius Cornicen.

[¶97] 11.2. These men, perceiving that they succeeded to a period of great renown for civil and military achievements, and that nothing made the year so memorable in the eyes of neighbouring peoples, both allies and enemies, as the earnestness with which the Romans had come to the assistance of the Ardeates in their dangerous crisis, were the more concerned to erase completely from men's minds the disgrace of the judgment. They accordingly caused the senate to decree that inasmuch as the citizens of Ardea had been reduced by domestic troubles to a small number, colonists should be enrolled to defend that city against the Volsci.

> Latin: 11.2. Fabius et Aebutius consules, quo maiori gloriae rerum domi forisque gestarum succedere se cernebant, maxime autem memorabilem annum apud finitimos socios hostesque esse, quod Ardeatibus in re praecipiti tanta foret cura subventum, eo impensius, ut delerent prorsus ex animis hominum infamiam iudicii, senatus consultum fecerunt ut, quoniam civitas Ardeatium intestino tumultu redacta ad paucos esset, coloni eo praesidii causa adversus Volscos scriberentur.

[¶98] 11.4. This was the form in which the decree was drawn up and published, that the plebs and the tribunes might not perceive that a plan was on foot for rescinding the judgment; but the senators had privately agreed that they would enrol as colonists a much larger proportion of Rutulians than Romans, and that no land should be parcelled out except that which had been sequestered by the infamous decision, nor a single clod assigned there to any Roman until all the Rutulians had been provided for.

> Latin: 11.4. palam relatum in tabulas, ut plebem tribunosque falleret iudicii rescindendi consilium initum; consenserant autem ut multo maiore parte Rutulorum colonorum quam Romanorum scripta nec ager ullus divideretur nisi is, qui interceptus iudicio infami erat, nec ulli prius Romano ibi quam omnibus Rutulis divisus esset, gleba ulla agri adsignaretur.

[¶99] 11.5. Thus the land reverted to the Ardeates. As triumvirs for establishing the colony at Ardea they appointed Agrippa Menenius, Titus Cloelius Siculus, Marcus Aebutius Helva.

> Latin: 11.5. ager ad Ardeates rediit. ad coloniam Ardeam deducendam creati Agrippa Menenius T. Cloelius Siculus, M. Aebutius Helva;

[¶100] 11.6. These men not only had a far from popular service to perform, and offended the plebs by assigning to the allies land which the Roman People had adjudged to be its own; but failed to satisfy even the great patricians, because they had done nothing to conciliate any man's goodwill. They therefore avoided vexatious attacks before the people —where the tribunes had already summoned them for trial —by remaining in the colony, which bore witness to their integrity and justice.

> Latin: 11.6. qui praeter minime populare ministerium, agro adsignando sociis quem populus Romanus suum iudicasset cum plebem offendissent, ne primoribus quidem patrum satis accepti, quod nihil gratiae cuiusquam dederant, vexationes ad populum iam die dicta ab tribunis, remanendo in colonia, quam testem integritatis iustitiaeque habebant, vitavere.

[¶101] 12.1. There was peace at home and abroad during this and the following year, when Gaius Furius Paculus and Marcus Papirius Crassus were consuls.

> Latin: 12.1. domi forisque fuit et hoc et insequente anno C. Furio Paculo et M. Papirio Crasso consulibus.

[¶102] 12.2. The games which the decemvirs had vowed in pursuance of a decree of the senate, during the secession of the plebs from the patricians, were that year celebrated.

> Latin: 12.2. ab decemviris per secessionem plebis a patribus ex senatus consulto voti eo anno facti sunt.