---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 29 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 29. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 29. Book VI · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/29/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE history of the Romans from the founding of the City of Rome to the capture of the same —at first under kings and afterwards under consuls and dictators, decemvirs and consular tribunes —their foreign wars and their domestic dissensions, I have set forth in five books, dealing with matters which are obscure not only by reason of their great antiquity —like far-off objects which can hardly be descried —but also because in those days there was but slightly and scanty use of writing, the sole trustworthy guardian of the memory of past events, and because even such records as existed in the commentaries of the pontiffs and in other public and private documents, nearly all perished in the conflagration of the City.

> Latin: 1.1. quae ab condita urbe Roma ad captam eandem Romani sub regibus primum, consulibus deinde ac dictatoribus decemuirisque ac tribunis consularibus gessere, foris bella, domi seditiones, quinque libris exposui, res cum uetustate nimia obscuras uelut quae magno ex interuallo loci uix cernuntur, tum quid rarae per eadem tempora litterae fuere, una custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum, et quod, etiam si quae in commentariis pontificum aliisque publicis priuatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe pleraeque interiere.

[¶1] 1.3. From this point onwards a clearer and more definite account shall be given of the City's civil and military history, when, beginning for a second time, it sprang up, as it were from the old roots, with a more luxuriant and fruitful growth.

> Latin: 1.3. clariora deinceps certioraque ab secunda origine uelut ab stirpibus laetius feraciusque renatae urbis gesta domi militiaeque exponentur.

[¶2] 1.4. Now it stood at first by leaning on the same support by which it had raised itself up, that is on Marcus Furius, its foremost citizen;

> Latin: 1.4. ceterum primo quo adminiculo erecta erat eodem innixa M. Furio principe stetit, neque eum abdicare se dictatura nisi anno circumacto passi sunt.

[¶3] 1.5. neither would men suffer him to resign the dictatorship till the completion of the year.

> Latin: 1.5. comitia in insequentem annum tribunos habere quorum in magistratu capta urbs esset, non placuit; res ad interregnum rediit.

[¶4] 1.6. That elections for the ensuing year should be held by the tribunes, in whose magistracy the City had been captured, was considered inadvisable, and the state reverted to an interregnum. While the citizens were engrossed in unremitting toil and labour to restore the City, Quintus Fabius had no sooner quitted his magistracy than he was indicted by Gnaeus Marcius, a tribune of the plebs, on the ground of his having fought in violation of the law of nations against the Gauls, to whom he had been sent as an envoy —a trial which he escaped by a death so opportune that the majority believed it voluntary.

> Latin: 1.6. cum ciuitas in opere ac labore assiduo reficiendae urbis teneretur, interim Q. Fabio, simul primum magistratu abiit, ab Cn. Marcio tribuno plebis dicta dies est, quod legatus in Gallos—ad quos missus erat orator—contra ius gentium pugnasset; cui iudicio eum mors, adeo opportuna ut uoluntariam magna pars crederet, subtraxit.

[¶5] 1.8. The interregnum began: Publius Cornelius Scipio was interrex; and after him Marcus Furius Camillus, who effected the election, as tribunes of the soldiers with consular authority, of Lucius Valerius Publicola (for the second time) Lucius Verginius, Publius Cornelius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Aemilius, and Lucius Postumius.

> Latin: 1.8. interregnum initum: P. Cornelius Scipio interrex et post eum M. Furius Camillus [iterum]. is tribunos militum consulari potestate creat L. Ualerium Publicolam iterum L. Uerginium P. Cornelium A. Manlium L. Aemilium L. Postumium.

[¶6] 1.9. Having, immediately after the interregnum, entered upon their term, they consulted the senate before everything else on questions of religious observance.

> Latin: 1.9. hi ex interregno cum extemplo magistratum inissent, nulla de re prius quam de religionibus senatum consuluere.

[¶7] 1.10. Among the first decrees they passed was one for searching out the treaties and laws — to wit, the twelve tables and certain laws of the kings, —so far as they could be discovered. Some of these were made accessible even to the common people, but such as dealt with sacred rites were kept private by the pontiffs, chiefly that they might hold the minds of the populace in subjection through religious fear.

> Latin: 1.10. in primis foedera ac leges—erant autem eae duodecim tabulae et quaedam regiae leges—conquiri, quae comparerent, iusserunt; alia ex eis edita etiam in uolgus: quae autem ad sacra pertinebant a pontificibus maxime ut religione obstrictos haberent multitudinis animos suppressa.

[¶8] 1.11. Then they proceeded to deliberate about days of evil omen. The 18th of July was notorious for a double misfortune, since it was on that day that the Fabii were massacred at the Cremera and that subsequently the rout at the Allia occurred, which resulted in the destruction of the City. From the latter disaster they named it the Day of the Allia, and forbade any public or private business to be done that day.

> Latin: 1.11. tum de diebus religiosis agitari coeptum, diemque a. d. XV Kal. Sextiles, duplici clade insignem, quo die ad Cremeram Fabii caesi, quo deinde ad Alliam cum exitio urbis foede pugnatum, a posteriore clade Alliensem appellarunt, †insignemque rei nullius publice priuatimque agendae† fecerunt.

[¶9] 1.12. Some think, because Sulpicius had, on the day after the Ides of July, made an unacceptable sacrifice, and, without having gained the divine approval, had two days later exposed the Roman army to the enemy, that therefore religious rites were omitted also on the days after the several Ides; and that afterwards it became traditional that the morrow after Kalends and Nones should likewise be avoided, from the same scruple.

> Latin: 1.12. quidam, quod postridie Idus Quintiles non litasset Sulpicius tribunus militum neque inuenta pace deum post diem tertium obiectus hosti exercitus Romanus esset, etiam postridie Idus rebus diuinis supersederi iussum, inde, ut postridie Kalendas quoque ac Nonas eadem religio esset, traditum putant.

[¶10] 2.1. But the Romans were not left long to the peaceful consideration of plans for raising their state after its grievous fall.

> Latin: 2.1. nec diu licuit quietis consilia erigendae ex tam graui casu rei publicae secum agitare.

[¶11] 2.2. On the one hand the Volsci, their ancient foes, had armed for the purpose of extinguishing the Roman name: on the other, merchants brought word from Etruria that the leading men of all her nations had met at the shrine of Voltumna and conspired to make war.

> Latin: 2.2. hinc Uolsci, ueteres hostes, ad exstinguendum nomen Romanum arma ceperant: hinc Etruriae principum ex omnibus populis coniurationem de bello ad fanum Uoltumnae factam mercatores adferebant.

[¶12] 2.3. A fresh alarm, too, was occasioned by the revolt of the Latins and the Hernici, who since the battle fought at Lake Regillus had continued for close upon a hundred years, with unquestioned loyalty, in the friendship of the Roman People.

> Latin: 2.3. nouus quoque terror accesserat defectione Latinorum Hernicorumque, qui post pugnam ad lacum Regillum factam per annos prope centum nunquam ambigua fide in amicitia populi Romani fuerant.

[¶13] 2.4. And so, when such dangers threatened them on every side, and it was clear to all that the name of Rome was not only held in hatred by her enemies, but even in contempt by her allies, it was resolved that the republic should be defended under the same auspices under which it had been redeemed and that Marcus Furius Camillus should be named dictator.

> Latin: 2.4. itaque cum tanti undique terrores circumstarent appareretque omnibus non odio solum apud hostes sed contemptu etiam inter socios nomen Romanum laborare, placuit eiusdem auspiciis defendi rem publicam cuius reciperata esset dictatoremque dici M. Furium Camillum.

[¶14] 2.6. Being appointed dictator he designated Gaius Servilius Ahala master of the horse, and after proclaiming a cessation of legal business, held a levy of the juniors, yet without excluding such of the older men as still possessed any vigour, to whom also he administered the oath and mustered them into centuries.

> Latin: 2.6. is dictator C. Seruilium Ahalam magistrum equitum dixit; iustitioque indicto dilectum iuniorum habuit ita ut seniores quoque, quibus aliquid roboris superesset, in uerba sua iuratos centuriaret.

[¶15] 2.7. Having enrolled the army and equipped it, he divided it into three parts. One division he stationed in the Veientine district to confront Etruria; a second he ordered to encamp before the City. These divisions were put under the command of military tribunes, Aulus Manlius for the home troops, Lucius Aemilius for those which were being dispatched against the Etruscans.

> Latin: 2.7. exercitum conscriptum armatumque trifariam diuisit: partem unam in agro Ueiente Etruriae opposuit, alteram ante urbem castra locare iussit; tribuni militum his A. Manlius, illis quia aduersus Etruscos mittebantur L. Aemilius praepositus; tertiam partem ipse ad Uolscos duxit nec procul a Lanuuio—ad Mecium is locus dicitur—castra oppugnare est adortus.

[¶16] 2.9. The third division he led himself against the Volsci, and not far from Lanuvium — ad Mecium the place is called —advanced to attack their camp. The enemy had gone to war from a feeling of contempt for the Romans, believing that their fighting strength had been nearly wiped out by the Gauls, but merely on hearing that Camillus was their general, they were so terrified that they protected themselves with a rampart and the rampart with a barricade of logs, that the Romans might nowhere be able to penetrate to their defences.

> Latin: 2.9. quibus ab contemptu, quod prope omnem deletam a Gallis Romanam iuuentutem crederent, ad bellum profectis tantum Camillus auditus imperator terroris intulerat ut uallo se ipsi, uallum congestis arboribus saepirent, ne qua intrare ad munimenta hostis posset.

[¶17] 2.10. On perceiving this, Camillus ordered his men to throw fire on the barrier. It so happened that there was a high wind blowing towards the enemy, which not only caused the blaze to open a path, but what with the flames making towards the camp, and the heat and smoke and the crackling of the green wood, so alarmed the enemy, that the Roman soldiers experienced less difficulty in scaling the fortifications of the Volscian camp than they had met with in crossing the burnt barricade.

> Latin: 2.10. quod ubi animaduertit Camillus, ignem in obiectam saepem coici iussit; et forte erat uis magna uenti uersa in hostem; itaque non aperuit solum incendio uiam sed flammis in castra tendentibus uapore etiam ac fumo crepituque uiridis materiae flagrantis ita consternauit hostes, ut minor moles superantibus uallum militibus munitum in castra Uolscorum Romanis fuerit quam transcendentibus saepem incendio absumptam fuerat.

[¶18] 2.12. Having routed and slain his enemies and taken their camp by assault, the dictator gave the booty to his soldiers, an act which, coming unexpectedly from a commander who was by no means open-handed, was all the more acceptable to the men.

> Latin: 2.12. fusis hostibus caesisque cum castra impetu cepisset dictator, praedam militi dedit, quo minus speratam minime largitore duce, eo militi gratiorem.

[¶19] 2.13. Then after pursuing the fugitives and laying waste all the Volscian countryside, he forced the Volsci to surrender at last, after seventy years of war.

> Latin: 2.13. persecutus deinde fugientes cum omnem Uolscum agrum depopulatus esset, ad deditionem Uolscos septuagesimo demum anno subegit.

[¶20] 2.14. The victor, leaving the Volsci, crossed over to the Aequi, who were themselves making preparations for war; their army he surprised at Bolae, and carried not only their camp but their city, too, at the first assault.

> Latin: 2.14. uictor ex Uolscis in Aequos transiit et ipsos bellum molientes; exercitum eorum ad Bolas oppressit, nec castra modo sed urbem etiam adgressus impetu primo cepit.

[¶21] 3.1. While affairs were thus prosperous in that region where Camillus commanded for Rome, in another direction a great danger threatened. Well-nigh the whole of Etruria was in arms and was laying siege to Sutrium, an ally of the Roman People.

> Latin: 3.1. cum in ea parte in qua caput rei Romanae Camillus erat ea fortuna esset, aliam in partem terror ingens ingruerat:

[¶22] 3.2. Envoys of the Sutrines had appeared before the senate to beg for assistance in their distress, and had obtained a decree that the dictator should march to the aid of their people at the earliest opportunity.

> Latin: 3.2. Etruria prope omnis armata Sutrium, socios populi Romani, obsidebat; quorum legati opem rebus adfectis orantes cum senatum adissent, decretum tulere ut dictator primo quoque tempore auxilium Sutrinis ferret.

[¶23] 3.3. But the plight of the besieged would not admit of their waiting till this hope was realized; and the population of the little town, exhausted with the labour, guard-mounting, and wounds, which fell always to the lot of the same men, had come to terms, and having surrendered their city to the enemy, were leaving their homes in a sad procession, unarmed and with but a single garment each, when, as it chanced, Camillus appeared on the scene with a Roman army.

> Latin: 3.3. cuius spei moram cum pati fortuna obsessorum non potuisset confectaque paucitas oppidanorum opere, uigiliis, uolneribus, quae semper eosdem urgebant, per pactionem urbe hostibus tradita inermis cum singulis emissa uestimentis miserabili agmine penates relinqueret, eo forte tempore Camillus cum exercitu Romano interuenit.

[¶24] 3.4. The disconsolate rabble cast themselves at his feet, while their leading men addressed him with words drawn from them by the direst necessity and accompanied by the wailing of the women and children, who were being dragged along as the companions of their exile. He bade the Sutrines spare their lamentations; the Etruscans were those to whom he was bringing grief and tears.

> Latin: 3.4. cui cum se maesta turba ad pedes prouoluisset principumque orationem necessitate ultima expressam fletus mulierum ac puerorum qui exsilii comites trahebantur excepisset, parcere lamentis Sutrinos iussit: Etruscis se luctum lacrimasque ferre.

[¶25] 3.5. He then gave orders that the packs should be set down; that the Sutrines should stop there, with a small guard which he left them; and that his soldiers should take their weapons and follow him. So, with his army in light marching order, he set out for Sutrium, where he was not surprised to find everything at loose ends, as a consequence —common enough —of their success; there was no outpost before the walls; the gates were open; and the victors had dispersed and were fetching the booty out of the houses of their enemies.

> Latin: 3.5. sarcinas inde deponi Sutrinosque ibi considere modico praesidio relicto, arma secum militem ferre iubet. ita expedito exercitu profectus ad Sutrium, id quod rebatur, soluta omnia rebus, ut fit, secundis inuenit, nullam stationem ante moenia, patentes portas, uictorem uagum praedam ex hostium tectis egerentem.

[¶26] 3.6. For the second time, therefore, on the same day, Sutrium was captured. The victorious Etruscans were everywhere slaughtered by the new enemy, and had no time given them to assemble and unite their forces or to arm. As they tried, every man for himself, to reach the gates, if by chance they might somehow escape out into the fields, they found them shut, for so the general had ordered in the beginning.

> Latin: 3.6. iterum igitur eodem die Sutrium capitur; uictores Etrusci passim trucidantur ab nouo hoste, neque se conglobandi coeundique in unum aut arma capiundi datur spatium. cum pro se quisque tenderent ad portas, si qua forte se in agros eicere possent, clausas—id enim primum dictator imperauerat— portas inueniunt.

[¶27] 3.8. After that some caught up their swords; others, whom the sudden attack had found already armed, tried to call their fellows together for a battle, and this would have been hotly fought, because of the enemy's despair, had not heralds been dispatched through the town who made proclamation that arms should be laid down and the unarmed receive quarter, and that none should suffer any violence except those that carried weapons.

> Latin: 3.8. inde alii arma capere, alii, quos forte armatos tumultus occupauerat, conuocare suos ut proelium inirent; quod accensum ab desperatione hostium fuisset, ni praecones per urbem dimissi poni arma et parci inermi iussissent nec praeter armatos quemquam uiolari.

[¶28] 3.9. Then even such as had in their extremity resolved to fight to the death, now that hope of life was held out to them, began everywhere to throw down their swords, and to go unarmed —for fortune had made this the safer way —to meet their enemies.

> Latin: 3.9. tum etiam quibus animi in spe ultima obstinati ad decertandum fuerant, postquam data spes uitae est, iactare passim arma inermesque, quod tutius fortuna fecerat, se hosti offerre.

[¶29] 3.10. The great throng was divided among companies of guards; and before night the town was restored to the Sutrines, unharmed and without scathe of war, because it had not been carried by assault, but had been surrendered upon terms.

> Latin: 3.10. magna multitudo in custodias diuisa; oppidum ante noctem redditum Sutrinis inuiolatum integrumque ab omni clade belli, quia non ui captum sed traditum per condiciones fuerat.

[¶30] 4.1. Camillus returned to the City and triumphed for his victories in three simultaneous wars.

> Latin: 4.1. Camillus in urbem triumphans rediit, trium simul bellorum uictor.

[¶31] 4.2. By far the greatest number of the captives led before his chariot were Etruscans; they were sold under the spear, and fetched so large a sum that after the matrons had been repaid for their gold, the surplus sufficed to make three golden bowls, which were inscribed, as is well known, with the name of Camillus, and kept, until the burning of the Capitol, in the chapel of Jupiter, at Juno's feet.

> Latin: 4.2. longe plurimos captiuos ex Etruscis ante currum duxit; quibus sub hasta uenumdatis tantum aeris redactum est ut, pretio pro auro matronis persoluto, ex eo quod supererat tres paterae aureae factae sint, quas cum titulo nominis Camilli ante Capitolium incensum in Iouis cella constat ante pedes Iunonis positas fuisse.

[¶32] 4.4. This year were received into the state such of the Veientes, Capenates, and Faliscans as had come over to the Romans in the course of these wars, and lands were allotted to these new citizens.

> Latin: 4.4. eo anno in ciuitatem accepti qui Ueientium Capenatiumque ac Faliscorum per ea bella transfugerant ad Romanos, agerque his nouis ciuibus adsignatus.

[¶33] 4.5. There were also recalled from Veii to the City, by senatorial decree, those who being too indolent to build in Rome had taken possession of empty houses in Veii and had gone there to live. They had indeed murmured at first, and had flouted the order; but the designation of a day and the threat of a capital penalty for failure to return to Rome reduced them from a defiant group to obedient individuals, as each became alarmed for himself.

> Latin: 4.5. reuocati quoque in urbem senatus consulto a Ueiis qui aedificandi Romae pigritia occupatis ibi uacuis tectis Ueios se contulerant. et primo fremitus fuit aspernantium imperium; dies deinde praestituta capitalisque poena, qui non remigrasset Romam, ex ferocibus uniuersis singulos, metu suo quemque, oboedientes fecit;

[¶34] 4.6. Rome was now growing in numbers, and in every part at once new buildings were springing up; the state contributed towards the costs, and the aediles forwarded the work as though it had been public business, while the citizens themselves, incited by their desire to be using it, hurried their building to a conclusion; and within the year there was a new City standing.

> Latin: 4.6. et Roma cum frequentia crescere, tum tota simul exsurgere aedificiis et re publica impensas adiuuante et aedilibus uelut publicum exigentibus opus et ipsis priuatis—admonebat enim desiderium usus—festinantibus ad effectum operis; intraque annum noua urbs stetit.

[¶35] 4.7. At the close of the year an election of military tribunes with consular powers was held. Those chosen were Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas (for the fifth time), Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Aquilius Corvus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Servius Sulpicius Rufus. These men led one army against the Aequi, not to war —for they confessed themselves vanquished —but from hatred, in order to waste, their territories and leave them with no strength to make new trouble; with another they invaded the district of Tarquinii, where they captured by assault the Etruscan towns Cortuosa and Contenebra.

> Latin: 4.7. exitu anni comitia tribunorum militum consulari potestate habita. creati T. Quinctius Cincinnatus Q. Seruilius Fidenas quintum L. Iulius Iulus L. Aquilius Coruus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus Ser. Sulpicius Rufus exercitum alterum in Aequos, non ad bellum—uictos namque se fatebantur—sed ab odio ad peruastandos fines, ne quid ad noua consilia relinqueretur uirium, duxere, alterum in agrum Tarquiniensem;

[¶36] 4.9. At Cortuosa there was no struggle: in a surprise attack they carried the place at the first shout and onset, and then sacked and burned it. Contenebra held out for a few days, but the continuous fighting, without respite either day or night, overcame them.

> Latin: 4.9. ibi oppida Etruscorum Cortuosa et Contenebra ui capta. ad Cortuosam nihil certaminis fuit: improuiso adorti primo clamore atque impetu cepere; direptum oppidum atque incensum est.

[¶37] 4.10. The Roman army had been divided into six corps, of which each in its turn went into battle for six hours; while the townsmen were so few that the same men were exposed to an attack that was constantly renewed, until at last they gave way and afforded the Romans an opening to enter the City.

> Latin: 4.10. Contenebra paucos dies oppugnationem sustinuit, laborque continuus non die, non nocte remissus subegit eos. cum in sex partes diuisus exercitus Romanus senis horis in orbem succederet proelio, oppidanos eosdem integro semper certamini paucitas fessos obiceret, cessere tandem locusque inuadendi urbem Romanis datus est.

[¶38] 4.11. The tribunes decided that the booty should go to the state, but were less prompt in issuing orders than in planning; and, while they procrastinated, it was already in the hands of the soldiers and could not be taken away without offending them.

> Latin: 4.11. publicari praedam tribunis placebat; sed imperium quam consilium segnius fuit; dum cunctantur, iam militum praeda erat nec nisi per inuidiam adimi poterat.

[¶39] 4.12. That same year, that the City might not grow in private buildings only, the Capitol was provided with a substructure of hewn stone, a work which even amidst the present splendours of the City is deserving of remark.

> Latin: 4.12. eodem anno, ne priuatis tantum operibus cresceret urbs, Capitolium quoque saxo quadrato substructum est, opus uel in hac magnificentia urbis conspiciendum.

[¶40] 5.1. And now, while the citizens were taken up with building, the tribunes of the plebs were trying to attract crowds to their meetings by proposals for agrarian laws.

> Latin: 5.1. iam et tribuni plebis ciuitate aedificando occupata contiones suas frequentare legibus agrariis conabantur.

[¶41] 5.2. They held out hopes of the Pomptine district, of which the Romans had then for the first time —since the defeat inflicted on the Volsci by Camillus —acquired undisputed control.

> Latin: 5.2. ostentabatur in spem Pomptinus ager, tum primum post accisas a Camillo Uolscorum res possessionis haud ambiguae.

[¶42] 5.3. The tribunes brought the charge that this district was worse plagued by the nobility than it had been by the Volsci; for the latter, as long as they were strong enough and had arms, had done no more than make incursions into it;

> Latin: 5.3. criminabantur multo eum infestiorem agrum ab nobilitate esse quam a Uolscis fuerit; ab illis enim tantum, quoad uires et arma habuerint, incursiones eo factas;

[¶43] 5.4. but the nobles were taking violent possession of the public domain, and unless it should be parcelled out before they seized it all, there would be no room there for the commons.

> Latin: 5.4. nobiles homines in possessionem agri publici grassari nec, nisi antequam omnia praecipiant diuisus sit, locum ibi plebi fore.

[¶44] 5.5. They made no great impression on the plebs, who were seldom in the Forum, because they were so intent on building, and, exhausted with the expense thereby incurred, had no thought of land, which they lacked the means of stocking.

> Latin: 5.5. haud magno opere plebem mouerunt et infrequentem in foro propter aedificandi curam et eodem exhaustam impensis eoque agri immemorem, ad quem instruendum uires non essent.

[¶45] 5.6. The citizens were much given to religious fears, and at that time, owing to the recent calamity, even the leaders were a prey to superstition; so, in order that new auspices might be had, the state went into an interregnum.

> Latin: 5.6. in ciuitate plena religionum, tunc etiam ab recenti clade superstitiosis principibus, ut renouarentur auspicia res ad interregnum rediit. interreges deinceps M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus L. Ualerius Potitus;

[¶46] 5.7. The office of interrex was successively held by Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus. Finally, the last-named held an election of military tribunes and announced that the choice had fallen on Lucius Papirius, Gaius Cornelius, Gaius Sergius, Lucius Aemilius (for the second time), Lucius Menenius and Lucius Valerius Publicola (for the third time). These men took office at the conclusion of the interregnum.

> Latin: 5.7. hic demum tribunorum militum consulari potestate comitia habuit. L. Papirium Cn.† Sergium L. Aemilium iterum Licinium† Menenium L. Ualerium Publicolam tertium creat; ii ex interregno magistratum occepere.

[¶47] 5.8. In that year the temple of Mars vowed in the Gallic war was dedicated by Titus Quinctius, duumvir for sacrifices. Four additional tribes were formed out of the new citizens, the Stellatina, Tromentina, Sabatina, and Arniensis; these filled up the number of tribes to twenty-five.

> Latin: 5.8. eo anno aedis Martis Gallico bello uota dedicata est a T. Quinctio duumuiro sacris faciendis. tribus quattuor ex nouis ciuibus additae, Stellatina Tromentina Sabatina Arniensis; eaeque uiginti quinque tribuum numerum expleuere.

[¶48] 6.1. The question of the Pomptine territory was brought up by Lucius Sicinius, a tribune of the plebs, in popular meetings which were now more numerously attended, and by men more easily induced to covet land, than had been the case before.

> Latin: 6.1. de agro Pomptino ab L. Sicinio tribuno plebis actum ad frequentiorem iam populum mobilioremque ad cupiditatem agri quam fuerat.

[¶49] 6.2. The senate talked also of war with the Latins and the Hernici, but dread of a greater war —Etruria being up in arms —caused them to defer it.

> Latin: 6.2. et de Latino Hernicoque bello mentio facta in senatu maioris belli cura, quod Etruria in armis erat, dilata est.

[¶50] 6.3. The government passed to Camillus, as tribune of the soldiers with consular authority. He was given five colleagues: Servius Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas (for a sixth term), Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius.

> Latin: 6.3. res ad Camillum tribunum militum consulari potestate rediit; collegae additi quinque, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Seruilius Fidenas sextum L. Quinctius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Puluillus P. Ualerius.

[¶51] 6.4. Early in the year the general concern was diverted from the Etruscan war, when a band of fugitives from the Pomptine district suddenly appeared in Rome with tidings that the Antiates were in arms. The Latin communities, so they reported, had sent their soldiers to help in the war, but asserted that their government was not involved, since they had merely, as they said, not forbidden their young men to serve, as volunteers, where they liked.

> Latin: 6.4. principio anni auersae curae hominum sunt a bello Etrusco, quod fugientium ex agro Pomptino agmen repente inlatum in urbem attulit Antiates in armis esse Latinorumque populos iuuentutem suam summisisse ad id bellum, eo abnuentes publicum fuisse consilium quod non prohibitos tantummodo uoluntarios dicerent militare ubi uellent.

[¶52] 6.6. The Romans had ceased by this time to make light of any wars. And so the senate gave thanks to the gods that Camillus was in office, for in sooth they would have been obliged to make him dictator, if he had been a private citizen; and his colleagues declared that the general control, when any warlike danger threatened, belonged to one man alone, and that they were resolved to subordinate their own authority to Camillus; nor did they believe that there was any derogation of their own dignity in such concessions as they might make to his. The senate commended the tribunes, and Camillus himself, deeply moved, expressed his thanks.

> Latin: 6.6. desierant iam ulla contemni bella. itaque senatus dis agere gratias quod Camillus in magistratu esset: dictatorem quippe dicendum eum fuisse si priuatus esset; et collegae fateri regimen omnium rerum, ubi quid bellici terroris ingruat, in uiro uno esse sibique destinatum in animo esse Camillo summittere imperium nec quicquam de maiestate sua detractum credere quod maiestati eius uiri concessissent. conlaudatis ab senatu tribunis et ipse Camillus confusus animo gratias egit.

[¶53] 6.8. A heavy responsibility he said, was placed upon him by the Roman People, who had now elected him for the fourth time; no small one by the senate, in so judging of him; but the greatest of all proceeded from the deference accorded him by such distinguished colleagues.

> Latin: 6.8. ingens inde ait onus a populo Romano sibi, qui se [dictatorem] iam quartum creasset, magnum ab senatu talibus de se iudiciis [eius ordinis], maximum tam honoratorum collegarum obsequio iniungi;

[¶54] 6.9. Accordingly, if it were possible to add to his exertions and his vigilance, he should vie with himself in an effort to make the very high opinion which his fellow citizens so unanimously entertained of him an abiding one.

> Latin: 6.9. itaque si quid laboris uigiliarumque adici possit, certantem secum ipsum adnisurum ut tanto de se consensu ciuitatis opinionem, quae maxima sit, etiam constantem efficiat.

[¶55] 6.10. As for the war with the men of Antium, there was more bluster in that quarter than real danger; nevertheless, as he would have them fear nothing, so he would counsel them to despise nothing.

> Latin: 6.10. quod ad bellum atque Antiates attineat, plus ibi minarum quam periculi esse; se tamen, ut nihil timendi, sic nihil contemnendi auctorem esse.

[¶56] 6.11. The City of Rome was ringed about by the envy and ill-will of her neighbours; consequently there needed several generals and armies to administer the interests of the state.

> Latin: 6.11. circumsederi urbem Romanam ab inuidia et odio finitimorum; itaque et ducibus pluribus et exercitibus administrandam rem publicam esse.

[¶57] 6.12. “It is my wish,” said he, “that you, Publius Valerius, should share my authority and deliberations, and join me in leading the legions against the enemy at Antium;”

> Latin: 6.12. 'te' inquit, ' P. Ualeri, socium imperii consiliique legiones mecum aduersus Antiatem hostem ducere placet;

[¶58] 6.13. “that you, Quintus Servilius, should organize and equip a second army, and maintain your camp near Rome, on the alert, in case any move should be made in the meantime from Etruria, as happened recently, or from this new source of anxiety, the Latins and Hernici; certain I am that you will discharge the commission in a manner worthy of your father, your grandfather, and yourself, and of your six tribuneships.”

> Latin: 6.13. te, Q. Seruili, altero exercitu instructo paratoque in urbe castra habere, intentum siue Etruria se interim, ut nuper, siue noua haec cura, Latini atque Hernici mouerint; pro certo habeo ita rem gesturum ut patre auo teque ipso ac sex tribunatibus dignum est.

[¶59] 6.14. “Let a third army be enrolled by Lucius Quinctius, out of those who are invalided or over age, to defend the City and the walls. Let Lucius Horatius provide arms, missiles, corn, and what else the exigencies of the war demand.”

> Latin: 6.14. tertius exercitus ex causariis senioribusque a L. Quinctio scribatur, qui urbi moenibusque praesidio sit. L. Horatius arma, tela, frumentum, quaeque alia [belli] tempora poscent prouideat.

[¶60] 6.15. “You, Servius Cornelius, we, your colleagues, appoint to be president of this state council, guardian of religious rites, of the elections, the laws, and all the affairs of the City.”

> Latin: 6.15. te, Ser. Corneli, praesidem huius publici consilii, custodem religionum, comitiorum, legum, rerum omnium urbanarum, collegae facimus.'

[¶61] 6.16. All promised loyally to do their best in their respective departments of their office; and Valerius, who had been selected to share in the command, added that he should regard Marcus Furius as a dictator and himself as his master of the horse;

> Latin: 6.16. cunctis in partes muneris sui benigne pollicentibus operam Ualerius, socius imperii lectus, adiecit M. Furium sibi pro dictatore seque ei pro magistro equitum futurum;

[¶62] 6.17. in proportion therefore to men's confidence in their unique commander should be their hopes of the outcome of the war. Whereat the senators in their enthusiasm shouted that they hoped right well of the war, and of the peace, and of the common weal in general; adding that the state would never need a dictator if it might have such men in office, united in such loving concord, equally ready to command and obey, and rather contributing to the common stock of glory than drawing upon it for their own behoof.

> Latin: 6.17. proinde, quam opinionem de unico imperatore, eam spem de bello haberent. se uero bene sperare patres et de bello et de pace uniuersaque re publica erecti gaudio fremunt nec dictatore unquam opus fore rei publicae, si tales uiros in magistratu habeat, tam concordibus iunctos animis, parere atque imperare iuxta paratos laudemque conferentes potius in medium quam ex communi ad se trahentes.

[¶63] 7.1. After proclaiming a suspension of legal business and holding a levy, Furius and Valerius set out for Satricum, where the Antiates had collected not only the fighting men of the Volsci, recruited from a new generation, but also a large force of Latins and Hernici, nations which, having been long at peace, were extremely strong. The consequence of this addition of new enemies to their old ones was to trouble the spirit of the Roman soldiers.

> Latin: 7.1. iustitio indicto dilectuque habito Furius ac Ualerius ad Satricum profecti, quo non Uolscorum modo iuuentutem Antiates ex noua subole lectam sed ingentem Latinorum Hernicorumque <uim> conciuerant ex integerrimis diutina pace populis. itaque nouus hostis ueteri adiunctus commouit animos militis Romani.

[¶64] 7.2. But when the centurions reported to Camillus, as he was already drawing up his line, that the men were demoralized; that they had been loath to arm and had hesitated and delayed in leaving the camp, nay, that some had even been heard to say that they would be one against a hundred in the battle, and that so great a host could hardly be withstood even though unarmed, much less when provided with weapons —being told of this, I say, Camillus vaulted upon his horse, and riding along the ranks in front of the standards, faced his troops and thus addressed them: "Soldiers, what means this gloom and this unwonted reluctance?

> Latin: 7.2. quod ubi aciem iam instruenti Camillo centuriones renuntiauerunt, turbatas militum mentes esse, segniter arma capta, cunctabundosque et resistentes egressos castris esse, quin uoces quoque auditas cum centenis hostibus singulos pugnaturos et aegre inermem tantam multitudinem, nedum armatam, sustineri posse, in equum insilit et ante signa obuersus in aciem ordines interequitans: 'quae tristitia, milites, haec, quae insolita cunctatio est?

[¶65] 7.3. Are you strangers to the enemy, or to me, or to yourselves? The enemy —what else are they but inexhaustible material for you to fashion into glorious deeds of valour? As for yourselves, when acting as my soldiers, though I say nothing of your capturing Falerii and Veii and routing the Gallic legions in your captured City, you celebrated, only the other day, a three-fold triumph for a triple victory over these very Volsci and Aequi and over Etruria.

> Latin: 7.3. hostem an me an uos ignoratis? hostis est quid aliud quam perpetua materia uirtutis gloriaeque uestrae? uos contra me duce, ut Falerios Ueiosque captos et in capta patria Gallorum legiones caesas taceam, modo trigeminae uictoriae triplicem triumphum ex his ipsis Uolscis et Aequis et ex Etruria egistis.

[¶66] 7.5. Or is it that I, having given you the signal not as dictator but as tribune of the soldiers, am not recognized as your commander? And yet neither do I desire supreme authority over you, nor ought you to regard in me anything but myself; for the dictatorship could never give me resolution, nor could even exile deprive me of it.

> Latin: 7.5. an me, quod non dictator uobis sed tribunus signum dedi, non agnoscitis ducem? neque ego maxima imperia in uos desidero, et uos in me nihil praeter me ipsum intueri decet; neque enim dictatura mihi unquam animos fecit, ut ne exsilium quidem ademit.

[¶67] 7.6. We are all, therefore, exactly as we were, and since we bring the same qualities in all respects to this campaign that we brought to earlier ones, let us look forward to the same result. As soon as you have joined battle, every man will do what he has learned and has become accustomed to: you will conquer, they will run away.

> Latin: 7.6. iidem igitur omnes sumus, et cum eadem omnia in hoc bellum adferamus quae in priora attulimus, eundem euentum belli exspectemus. simul concurreritis, quod quisque didicit ac consueuit faciet: uos uincetis, illi fugient.'

[¶68] 8.1. He then sounded the charge, and leaping from his horse, caught hold of the nearest standard bearer and hurried him towards the enemy, calling out: “Forward soldiers!”

> Latin: 8.1. dato deinde signo ex equo desilit et proximum signiferum manu arreptum secum in hostem rapit 'infer, miles' clamitans, 'signum.'

[¶69] 8.2. But when they saw Camillus, who for bodily feats was now grown old and infirm, advancing in person against the foe, they all gave a cheer and rushed forward together, and every man took up the cry of “Follow the General!”

> Latin: 8.2. quod ubi uidere, ipsum Camillum, iam ad munera corporis senecta inualidum, uadentem in hostes, procurrunt pariter omnes clamore sublato 'sequere imperatorem' pro se quisque clamantes.

[¶70] 8.3. It is even said that Camillus bade the standard-bearer hurl his ensign into the press of enemies, and urging the front ranks to recover it, then for the first time discomfited the Antiates.

> Latin: 8.3. emissum etiam signum Camilli iussu in hostium aciem ferunt idque ut repeteretur concitatos antesignanos;

[¶71] 8.4. The panic did not stop with the first line, but spread even to the troops in support.

> Latin: 8.4. ibi primum pulsum Antiatem, terroremque non in primam tantum aciem sed etiam ad subsidiarios perlatum.

[¶72] 8.5. It was not only the dash of the Roman soldiers, inspired by their leader's presence, which overcame them; for nothing so daunted the spirits of the Volsci as the sight of Camillus himself, when they happened to encounter him —so surely, wherever he went, did he carry victory with him.

> Latin: 8.5. nec uis tantum militum mouebat, excitata praesentia ducis, sed quod Uolscorum animis nihil terribilius erat quam ipsius Camilli forte oblata species;

[¶73] 8.6. This was especially apparent on the left. That wing had already nearly given way, when Camillus suddenly threw himself upon a horse, and, armed with an infantry-shield, rode up and by his presence retrieved the battle, calling out that the rest of the army was conquering.

> Latin: 8.6. ita quocumque se intulisset uictoriam secum haud dubiam trahebat. maxime id euidens fuit, cum in laeuum cornu prope iam pulsum arrepto repente equo cum scuto pedestri aduectus conspectu suo proelium restituit, ostentans uincentem ceteram aciem.

[¶74] 8.7. The fortune of the day had now turned, but the enemy's numbers were an obstacle even to their flight, and a great multitude remained for the weary soldiers to dispatch with long-drawn massacre, when suddenly great gusts of wind brought on a downpour of rain, which broke off what was rather a certain victory than a battle.

> Latin: 8.7. iam inclinata res erat, sed turba hostium et fuga impediebatur et longa caede conficienda multitudo tanta fesso militi erat, cum repente ingentibus procellis fusus imber certam magis uictoriam quam proelium diremit.

[¶75] 8.8. Thereupon the recall was sounded, and the night that followed finished the campaign for the Romans, while they slept. For the Latins and Hernici abandoned the Volsci and marched off to their homes, their evil counsels rewarded with as evil an outcome;

> Latin: 8.8. signo deinde receptui dato nox insecuta quietis Romanis perfecit bellum; Latini namque et Hernici relictis Uolscis domos profecti sunt, malis consiliis pares adepti euentus;

[¶76] 8.9. and the Volsci, perceiving themselves to be deserted by those on whom they had relied in their rebellion, forsook their camp and shut themselves up within the walls of Satricum.

> Latin: 8.9. Uolsci ubi se desertos ab eis uidere quorum fiducia rebellauerant, relictis castris moenibus Satrici se includunt; quos primo Camillus uallo circumdare et aggere atque operibus oppugnare est adortus.

[¶77] 8.10. Camillus at first set about confining them with a palisade and mound, intending to lay siege to them; but finding the enemy made no sorties to interrupt the work, he concluded they had not sufficient resolution to make him wait so long for victory. He therefore encouraged his troops not to wear themselves out with protracted toil, as though they were besieging Veii, when victory was within their grasp; and with great alacrity on the part of the soldiers, he approached the walls from every side and captured the town with scaling ladders. The Volsci threw away their weapons and surrendered.

> Latin: 8.10. quae postquam nulla eruptione impediri uidet, minus esse animi ratus in hoste quam ut in eo tam lentae spei uictoriam exspectaret, cohortatus milites ne tamquam Ueios oppugnantes in opere longinquo sese tererent, uictoriam in manibus esse, ingenti militum alacritate moenia undique adgressus scalis oppidum cepit. Uolsci abiectis armis sese dediderunt.

[¶78] 9.1. But the general's thoughts were turning to a matter of greater moment, namely Antium, which, as being the Volscian capital, he held responsible for the last war.

> Latin: 9.1. ceterum animus ducis rei maiori, Antio, imminebat: id caput Uolscorum, eam fuisse originem proximi belli.

[¶79] 9.2. But because, without extensive equipment of artillery and engines, it was impossible to take so strong a town, he left his colleague in command of the army and proceeded to Rome, that he might urge the senate to undertake the destruction of Antium.

> Latin: 9.2. sed magno apparatu tormentis machinisque tam ualida quia nisi urbs capi non poterat, relicto ad exercitum collega Romam est profectus, ut senatum ad excidendum Antium hortaretur.

[¶80] 9.3. While he was speaking —I suppose it was Heaven's will that the Antian state should continue somewhat longer —envoys from Nepete and Sutrium appeared, who asked for help against the Etruscans, saying that the opportunity of lending aid would soon be past. To this quarter Fortune diverted the energies of Camillus, away from Antium.

> Latin: 9.3. inter sermonem eius—credo rem Antiatem diuturniorem manere dis cordi fuisse—legati ab Nepete ac Sutrio auxilium aduersus Etruscos petentes ueniunt, breuem occasionem esse ferendi auxilii memorantes. eo uim Camilli ab Antio fortuna auertit.

[¶81] 9.4. For since these places were on the frontier of Etruria, and were the barriers, so to speak, and gateways of that region, the Etruscans were concerned to seize them, as often as they had any new design in hand, and the Romans to recover or defend them.

> Latin: 9.4. namque cum ea loca opposita Etruriae et uelut claustra inde portaeque essent, et illis occupandi ea cum quid noui molirentur et Romanis reciperandi tuendique cura erat.

[¶82] 9.5. The senate therefore resolved to request of Camillus that he should relinquish Antium and undertake the Etruscan war, and voted him the city levies which had been under the command of Quinctius.

> Latin: 9.5. igitur senatui cum Camillo agi placuit ut omisso Antio bellum Etruscum susciperet; legiones urbanae quibus Quinctius praefuerat ei decernuntur.

[¶83] 9.6. Although Camillus would have preferred the army, disciplined and used to his authority, which lay in the Volscian country, he made no objection, only stipulating that Valerius should be associated with him in the command.

> Latin: 9.6. quamquam expertum exercitum adsuetumque imperio qui in Uolscis erat mallet, nihil recusauit; Ualerium tantummodo imperii socium depoposcit. Quinctius Horatiusque successores Ualerio in Uolscos missi.

[¶84] 9.7. Quinctius and Horatius were dispatched to succeed Valerius against the Volsci. Leaving the City and marching to Sutrium, Furius and Valerius found that a part of the town was already captured by the Etruscans, and that in the other part the townspeople had barricaded the streets and were defending themselves with great difficulty from the onslaughts of their enemies.

> Latin: 9.7. profecti ab urbe Sutrium Furius et Ualerius partem oppidi iam captam ab Etruscis inuenere, ex parte altera intersaeptis itineribus aegre oppidanos uim hostium ab se arcentes.

[¶85] 9.8. The arrival of succour from Rome, and particularly the great reputation which Camillus enjoyed with both friends and foes, checked for the moment the disastrous course of events and afforded time to render assistance.

> Latin: 9.8. cum Romani auxilii aduentus tum Camilli nomen celeberrimum apud hostes sociosque et in praesentia rem inclinatam sustinuit et spatium ad opem ferendam dedit.

[¶86] 9.9. Accordingly, Camillus divided the army, and directed his colleague to make a circuit with his forces and to attack the walls on the side which was held by the enemy. His hope was not so much that the city would be taken by escalade, as that the enemy might be diverted to that quarter —easing thereby the strain upon the townsmen, who were already worn out with fighting —and that he might himself have an opportunity of entering the place without encountering resistance.

> Latin: 9.9. itaque diuiso exercitu Camillus collegam in eam partem circumductis copiis quam hostes tenebant moenia adgredi iubet, non tanta spe scalis capi urbem posse quam ut auersis eo hostibus et oppidanis iam pugnando fessis laxaretur labor et ipse spatium intrandi sine certamine moenia haberet.

[¶87] 9.10. But on this plan being put into effect simultaneously at both points, the Etruscans, finding themselves threatened on either side and seeing that the walls were being violently assailed and that the enemy was inside the city, threw themselves out by the only gate which chanced to be unguarded, in one panic-stricken throng.

> Latin: 9.10. quod simul utrimque factum esset ancepsque terror Etruscos circumstaret, et moenia summa ui oppugnari et intra moenia esse hostem <ut> uiderunt, porta se, quae una forte non obsidebatur, trepidi uno agmine eiecere.

[¶88] 9.11. Great was the carnage they suffered as they fled, both in the city and in the fields. Furius's men slew more within the walls; the soldiers of Valerius were more lightly equipped for pursuit, and kept up the massacre until night made it impossible to see.

> Latin: 9.11. magna caedes fugientium et in urbe et per agros est facta: plures a Furianis intra moenia caesi, Ualeriani expeditiores ad persequendos fuere, nec ante noctem, quae conspectum ademit, finem caedendi fecere.

[¶89] 9.12. Having retaken Sutrium and restored it to our allies, the army marched to Nepete, which had surrendered to the Etruscans, who were now in complete possession.

> Latin: 9.12. Sutrio recepto restitutoque sociis Nepete exercitus ductus, quod per deditionem acceptum iam totum Etrusci habebant.

[¶90] 10.1. It appeared likely that this town would be more troublesome to recover, not only because it was wholly in the hands of the enemy, but also because a faction of the Nepesini had betrayed their state and arranged the capitulation.

> Latin: 10.1. uidebatur plus in ea urbe recipienda laboris fore, non eo solum quod tota hostium erat sed etiam quod parte Nepesinorum prodente ciuitatem facta erat deditio;

[¶91] 10.2. It was nevertheless decided to send word to their leaders, that they should sever themselves from the Etruscans and extend to the Romans the same trusty aid which they had requested at their hands.

> Latin: 10.2. mitti tamen ad principes eorum placuit ut secernerent se ab Etruscis fidemque quam implorassent ab Romanis ipsi praestarent.

[¶92] 10.3. When the reply came back that they were powerless, that the Etruscans held the walls and guarded the gates, the Romans first laid waste their fields, in an effort to frighten the townsfolk;

> Latin: 10.3. unde cum responsum allatum esset nihil suae potestatis esse, Etruscos moenia custodiasque portarum tenere, primo populationibus agri terror est oppidanis admotus;

[¶93] 10.4. then, when the sanctity of their surrender proved to be more binding on them than that of their alliance, they gathered osiers from the fields and made fascines, and the army being led against the walls filled up the moat, erected scaling ladders, and carried the town at the first shout and charge.

> Latin: 10.4. deinde, postquam deditionis quam societatis fides sanctior erat, fascibus sarmentorum ex agro conlatis ductus ad moenia exercitus completisque fossis scalae admotae et clamore primo impetuque oppidum capitur.

[¶94] 10.5. The Nepesini were then commanded to lay down their weapons and the order was given to spare such as were unarmed. The Etruscans were put to death, whether armed or not. Of the Nepesini, too, those who were responsible for the surrender were executed; the innocent populace were given back their possessions, and the town was left with a garrison.

> Latin: 10.5. Nepesinis inde edictum ut arma ponant parcique iussum inermi: Etrusci pariter armati atque inermes caesi. Nepesinorum quoque auctores deditionis securi percussi: innoxiae multitudini redditae res oppidumque cum praesidio relictum.

[¶95] 10.6. After thus regaining from the enemy two cities of the allies, the victorious army under its tribunes marched gloriously back to Rome. The same year demands for reparation were made upon the Latins and the Hernici, and they were asked why, during recent years, they had furnished no soldiers, as they had agreed to do.

> Latin: 10.6. ita duabus sociis urbibus ex hoste receptis uictorem exercitum tribuni cum magna gloria Romam reduxerunt. eodem anno ab Latinis Hernicisque res repetitae quaesitumque cur per eos annos militem ex instituto non dedissent.

[¶96] 10.7. Both nations replied in plenary assemblies that no blame or evil purpose attached to the state because a few of their young men had served with the Volsci.

> Latin: 10.7. responsum frequenti utriusque gentis concilio est nec culpam in eo publicam nec consilium fuisse quod suae iuuentutis aliqui apud Uolscos militauerint;

[¶97] 10.8. These men had, for that matter, paid the penalty for their distorted judgment, and not one of them had come back; as to their having furnished no soldiers, this had been due to their constant fear of the Volsci —a pest that clung so fast to them that with all that long succession of wars they had been unable to shake it off.

> Latin: 10.8. eos tamen ipsos praui consilii poenam habere nec quemquam ex his reducem esse; militis autem non dati causam terrorem assiduum a Uolscis fuisse, quam pestem adhaerentem lateri suo tot super alia aliis bellis exhauriri nequisse.

[¶98] 10.9. On learning of this answer, the senators were of opinion that they lacked not so much the ground for war as a favourable opportunity.

> Latin: 10.9. quae relata patribus magis tempus quam causam non uisa belli habere.

[¶99] 11.1. In the following year, when the consular tribunes were Aulus Manlius, Publius Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quinctius Capitolinus, Lucius Papirius Cursor (for the second time) and Gaius Sergius (for the second time), a serious foreign war broke out, and an even more serious domestic schism.

> Latin: 11.1. insequenti anno, A. Manlio P. Cornelio T. et L. Quinctiis Capitolinis L. Papirio Cursore <iterum C. Sergio > iterum tribunis consulari potestate, graue bellum foris, grauior domi seditio exorta, bellum ab Uolscis adiuncta Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, seditio, unde minime timeri potuit, a patriciae gentis uiro et inclitae famae, M.

[¶100] 11.2. The war was set on foot by the Volsci, in conjunction with a revolt on the part of the Latins and Hernici; the schism originated where such a thing was least to be apprehended, with a man of patrician family and high renown, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus. This man, scorning, in his overweening pride, the other nobles, but envying the one who excelled them all in honours and good qualities, namely Marcus Furius, could ill endure that Camillus should at last have attained to such solitary eminence, both amongst the magistrates and in the armies, as to have those who had been chosen under the same auspices not for colleagues but for servants; whereas —if one considered the situation fairly —it would have been impossible for Marcus Furius to redeem his native City from the leaguer of her enemies, unless Manlius himself had before that saved the Capitol and Citadel.

> Latin: 11.2. Manlio Capitolino. qui nimius animi cum alios principes sperneret, uni inuideret eximio simul honoribus atque uirtutibus, M. Furio, aegre ferebat solum eum in magistratibus, solum apud exercitus esse; tantum iam eminere ut iisdem auspiciis creatos non pro collegis sed pro ministris habeat; cum interim, si quis uere aestimare uelit, a M. Furio reciperari patria ex obsidione hostium non potuerit, nisi a se prius Capitolium atque arx seruata esset;

[¶101] 11.5. Camillus had assailed the Gauls while they were receiving the gold and while their resolution was relaxed by thoughts of peace; but he himself had driven them back, as they came on, sword in hand, in the act of taking the Citadel. Of the glory of Camillus a goodly portion belonged to all the soldiers who had conquered with him: in his own victory it was acknowledged that no mortal soever had a share.

> Latin: 11.5. et ille inter aurum accipiendum et in spem pacis solutis animis Gallos adgressus sit, ipse armatos capientesque arcem depulerit; illius gloriae pars uirilis apud omnes milites sit qui simul uicerint: suae uictoriae neminem omnium mortalium socium esse.

[¶102] 11.6. Puffed up with these opinions, and being besides, through a defect of nature, impetuous and passionate, when he perceived that his abilities did not bring him that leadership amongst the nobles which he thought they merited, he was the first of all the patricians to turn demagogue and to cast in his lot with the plebeian magistrates.

> Latin: 11.6. his opinionibus inflato animo, ad hoc uitio quoque ingenii uehemens et impotens, postquam inter patres non quantum aequum censebat excellere suas opes animaduertit, primus omnium ex patribus popularis factus cum plebeiis magistratibus consilia communicare;

[¶103] 11.7. He abused the nobles, he courted the favour of the plebs; and swept along by the breath of popularity and not by good counsel chose rather to be reputed great than virtuous.

> Latin: 11.7. criminando patres, alliciendo ad se plebem iam aura non consilio ferri famaeque magnae malle quam bonae esse.

[¶104] 11.8. Moreover, not content with agrarian proposals, which had ever served the tribunes to stir up sedition, he began an attack on credit; for he held that debt was a sharper goad, since it not only threatened poverty and shame, but terrified the freeman with the thought of shackles and imprisonment.

> Latin: 11.8. et non contentus agrariis legibus, quae materia semper tribunis plebi seditionum fuisset, fidem moliri coepit: acriores quippe aeris alieni stimulos esse, qui non egestatem modo atque ignominiam minentur sed neruo ac uinculis corpus liberum territent.

[¶105] 11.9. And in fact there had been a vast piling up of debts, by reason of a thing that is ruinous even to the rich, to wit, building. And so the Volscian war, grave in itself and made still graver by the defection of the Latins and Hernici, was alleged as a reason for seeking a greater authority;

> Latin: 11.9. et erat aeris alieni magna uis re damnosissima etiam diuitibus, aedificando, contracta. bellum itaque Uolscum, graue per se, oneratum Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, in speciem causae iactatum ut maior potestas quaereretur;

[¶106] 11.10. but the revolutionary schemes of Manlius were the more compelling cause of the senate's naming a dictator. They appointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus, who appointed as his master of the horse Titus Quinctius Capitolinus.

> Latin: 11.10. sed noua consilia Manli magis compulere senatum ad dictatorem creandum. creatus A. Cornelius Cossus magistrum equitum dixit T. Quinctium Capitolinum.

[¶107] 12.1. The dictator perceived that a greater struggle was impending at home than abroad. But either the war demanded haste, or he believed that by a victory and triumph he could add power to the dictatorship itself. So he mustered his forces and proceeded to the Pomptine territory, which he had heard was invaded by a Volscian army. I doubt not that those who are surfeited with reading in all these books about endless wars waged with the Volsci will ask, as with great astonishment I did myself, on examining the historians who were nearer in point of time to those events, where the so oft defeated Volsci and Aequi got their supply of soldiers.

> Latin: 12.1. dictator etsi maiorem dimicationem propositam domi quam foris cernebat, tamen, seu quia celeritate ad bellum opus erat, seu uictoria triumphoque dictaturae ipsi uires se additurum ratus, dilectu habito in agrum Pomptinum, quo a Uolscis exercitum indictum audierat, pergit.—non dubito praeter satietatem tot iam libris adsidua bella cum Uolscis gesta legentibus illud quoque succursurum, quod mihi percensenti propiores temporibus harum rerum auctores miraculo fuit unde totiens uictis Uolscis et Aequis suffecerint milites.

[¶108] 12.3. But since the ancients have passed over this question in silence, what can I adduce other than an opinion such as everyone can by conjecture arrive at for himself?

> Latin: 12.3. quod cum ab antiquis tacitum praetermissum sit, cuius tandem ego rei praeter opinionem, quae sua cuique coniectanti esse potest, auctor sim?