---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 30 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 30. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 30. Book VI · chapters 12–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/30/#p-N

[¶0] 12.4. It is probable either that in the intervals between wars successive generations sprang up —as happens nowadays in the levies of the Romans —which they used for their frequent renewals of war; or that it was not always the same tribes from which they enrolled their armies —though it was always the same nation which made war; or else that there was an innumerable multitude of freemen in those regions which in our day scarce afford a scanty seed-plot for soldiers, and are only saved from becoming a waste desert by gangs of Roman slaves.

> Latin: 12.4. simile ueri est aut interuallis bellorum, sicut nunc in dilectibus fit Romanis, alia atque alia subole iuniorum ad bella instauranda totiens usos esse aut non ex iisdem semper populis exercitus scriptos, quamquam eadem semper gens bellum intulerit, aut innumerabilem multitudinem liberorum capitum in eis fuisse locis quae nunc uix seminario exiguo militum relicto seruitia Romana ab solitudine uindicant.

[¶1] 12.6. In any case, all the authorities would agree that the army of the Volsci was an enormous one, although their state had recently suffered a heavy blow from the generalship and auspices of Camillus. There were, besides, additional forces of Latins and Hernici, as well as a certain number from Circeii, and even Roman colonists from Velitrae. On the morning after he had made his camp, the dictator took the auspices, and coming forth from his tent offered up a victim and besought the favour of Heaven. He then with great cheerfulness presented himself before the soldiers, who were already arming by the first rays of light, as they had been warned to do when the signal for battle should be displayed.

> Latin: 12.6. ingens certe, quod inter omnes auctores conueniat, quamquam nuper Camilli ductu atque auspicio accisae res erant, Uolscorum exercitus fuit; ad hoc Latini Hernicique accesserant et Circeiensium quidam et coloni etiam a Uelitris Romani.—dictator castris eo die positis, postero cum auspicato prodisset hostiaque caesa pacem deum adorasset, laetus ad milites iam arma ad propositum pugnae signum, sicut edictum erat, luce prima capientes processit.

[¶2] 12.8. “Ours is the victory, soldiers,” he exclaimed, “if the gods and the soothsayers who interpret them can at all see what is coming. And so, as befits men who with sure confidence are about to fight with those who are no match for them, let us lay our javelins at our feet and arm our right hands with swords only. I would have none run out from the line, but all stand firmly planted and receive the onset of our enemies.”

> Latin: 12.8. 'nostra uictoria est, milites' inquit, 'si quid di uatesque eorum in futurum uident. itaque, ut decet certae spei plenos et cum imparibus manus conserturos, pilis ante pedes positis gladiis tantum dextras armemus. ne procurri quidem ab acie uelim sed obnixos uos stabili gradu impetum hostium excipere.

[¶3] 12.9. “When they have discharged their missiles without effect, and come thronging upon you where you stand, then let your blades flash out, and let every man of you bethink him that the gods are the Roman's helpers, that the gods have with fair omens sent him into battle.”

> Latin: 12.9. ubi illi uana iniecerint missilia et effusi stantibus uobis se intulerint, tum micent gladii et ueniat in mentem unicuique deos esse qui Romanum adiuuent deos qui secundis auibus in proelium miserint.

[¶4] 12.10. “Do you, Titus Quinctius, hold back your cavalry and watch for the first beginning of the mellay; when you see that the lines are already close-locked, foot to foot, then loose the terrors of your horse against them, while they are taken up with another fear; charge them as they fight, and break their ranks.”

> Latin: 12.10. tu, T. Quincti, equitem intentus ad primum initium moti certaminis teneas; ubi haerere iam aciem conlato pede uideris, tum terrorem equestrem occupatis alio pauore infer inuectusque ordines pugnantium dissipa.' sic eques, sic pedes, ut praeceperat, pugnant;

[¶5] 12.11. so horse and foot fought exactly as they had been ordered; the general failed not his legions, nor fortune the general.

> Latin: 12.11. nec dux legiones nec fortuna fefellit ducem.

[¶6] 13.1. The hostile multitude, relying on numbers only and measuring both armies with their eyes, recklessly began the fight and as recklessly gave it up;

> Latin: 13.1. multitudo hostium nulli rei praeterquam numero freta et oculis utramque metiens aciem temere proelium iniit, temere omisit;

[¶7] 13.2. their boldness went no further than the battle-cry, the discharge of missiles, and the first fury of the onset; the play of swords, when foot met foot, and the glance of the foeman that darted out the fire of his spirit, they could not abide.

> Latin: 13.2. clamore tantum missilibusque telis et primo pugnae impetu ferox gladios et conlatum pedem et uoltum hostis ardore animi micantem ferre non potuit.

[¶8] 13.3. Their front was first driven in and communicated its disorder to the supports; the horsemen, too, inspired a terror of their own; next the ranks were broken at many points, and all was in commotion, and the line resembled a surging wave. Then, as soon as each began to see that with the fall of those in front his own turn to be killed would soon be coming, they turned and fled.

> Latin: 13.3. impulsa frons prima et trepidatio subsidiis inlata; et suum terrorem intulit eques; rupti inde multis locis ordines motaque omnia et fluctuanti similis acies erat. dein postquam cadentibus primis iam ad se quisque peruenturam caedem cernebat, terga uertunt.

[¶9] 13.4. The Romans pressed on after them, and as long as they retained their arms and withdrew in masses, it was the infantry's task to pursue them; but when the enemy were seen to be throwing away their weapons on every hand and their army to be dispersed in flight over the fields; then the cavalry squadrons were let loose, with orders not to stop to kill single fugitives and afford meanwhile an opportunity to the main body of escaping;

> Latin: 13.4. instare Romanus; et donec armati confertique abibant, peditum labor in persequendo fuit: postquam iactari arma passim fugaque per agros spargi aciem hostium animaduersum est, tum equitum turmae emissae, dato signo ne in singulorum morando caede spatium ad euadendum interim multitudini darent:

[¶10] 13.5. it was sufficient if by darting missiles at them to alarm them, and by riding across their path, they should hold the column in check, till the infantry could overtake the enemy and utterly destroy them.

> Latin: 13.5. satis esse missilibus ac terrore impediri cursum obequitandoque agmen teneri dum adsequi pedes et iusta caede conficere hostem posset.

[¶11] 13.6. Flight and pursuit continued until nightfall. The Volscian camp was also captured the same day and sacked, and all the booty except the persons of freemen was turned over to the soldiers.

> Latin: 13.6. fugae sequendique non ante noctem finis fuit. capta quoque ac direpta eodem die castra Uolscorum praedaque omnis praeter libera corpora militi concessa est.

[¶12] 13.7. The chief part of the prisoners consisted of Latins and Hernici, not all of whom were plebeians, such as might be supposed to have served as mercenaries, but certain youths of high rank were discovered, a clear proof that their states had publicly countenanced the Volscian enemy.

> Latin: 13.7. pars maxima captiuorum ex Latinis atque Hernicis fuit, nec hominum de plebe, ut credi posset mercede militasse, sed principes quidam iuuentutis inuenti, manifesta fides publica ope Uolscos hostes adiutos.

[¶13] 13.8. Some, again, were recognized as being from Circeii and from the colony at Velitrae. They were all sent to Rome, and being questioned by the chief senators, gave the same answers they had given the dictator, and in no uncertain terms laid bare the defection of their respective peoples.

> Latin: 13.8. Circeiensium quoque quidam cogniti et coloni a Uelitris; Romamque omnes missi percontantibus primoribus patrum eadem quae dictatori defectionem sui quisque populi haud perplexe indicauere.

[¶14] 14.1. The dictator maintained his army in camp, not doubting in the least that the senate would declare war on those nations; when a greater disturbance broke out at home and obliged them to summon him to the City, where the sedition was increasing from day to day, and occasioned more than the usual alarm by reason of the man who was behind it.

> Latin: 14.1. dictator exercitum in statiuis tenebat, minime dubius bellum cum iis populis patres iussuros, cum maior domi exorta moles coegit acciri Romam eum gliscente in dies seditione, quam solito magis metuendam auctor faciebat.

[¶15] 14.2. For now not only the speeches of Marcus Manlius, but his actions as well, while ostensibly democratic, were really revolutionary, considering the purpose which inspired them.

> Latin: 14.2. non enim iam orationes modo M. Manli sed facta, popularia in speciem, tumultuosa eadem, qua mente fierent intuenda erant.

[¶16] 14.3. A centurion renowned for military prowess had been condemned for debt. As he was being led away, Manlius caught sight of him, and hastening to his side through the midst of the Forum with his band of retainers, he laid hold of him, and exclaiming at the arrogance of the patricians, the heartlessness of the money-lenders, the sufferings of the plebs, and the merits and misfortunes of this man, “Then in very truth,” he cried, “was it all in vain that with this right hand I saved the Capitol and the Citadel, if I am to see my fellow citizen and fellow soldier carried off a captive —as though the Gauls had conquered us —to servitude and chains!”

> Latin: 14.3. centurionem, nobilem militaribus factis, iudicatum pecuniae cum duci uidisset, medio foro cum caterua sua accurrit et manum iniecit; uociferatusque de superbia patrum ac crudelitate feneratorum et miseriis plebis, uirtutibus eius uiri fortunaque, 'tum uero ego' inquit 'nequiquam hac dextra Capitolium arcemque seruauerim, si ciuem commilitonemque meum tamquam Gallis uictoribus captum in seruitutem ac uincula duci uideam.'

[¶17] 14.5. He then paid the money to the creditor in full sight of the people, and with the ceremony of the scales and bronze redeemed the debtor and set him free, to invoke the blessing of gods and men on Marcus Manlius, his liberator, the father of the Roman plebs.

> Latin: 14.5. inde rem creditori palam populo soluit libraque et aere liberatum emittit, deos atque homines obtestantem ut M. Manlio, liberatori suo, parenti plebis Romanae, gratiam referant.

[¶18] 14.6. The man was at once received into the midst of a tumultuous throng, and added to the tumult by displaying the scars he had received in the Veientine, the Gallic, and other successive wars.

> Latin: 14.6. acceptus extemplo in tumultuosam turbam et ipse tumultum augebat, cicatrices acceptas Ueienti Gallico aliisque deinceps bellis ostentans:

[¶19] 14.7. While he had himself been fighting, he said, and rebuilding his ruined home, he had been overwhelmed with usury, though he had paid already many times the amount of the capital debt, for the interest always swallowed up the principal;

> Latin: 14.7. se militantem, se restituentem euersos penates, multiplici iam sorte exsoluta, mergentibus semper sortem usuris, obrutum fenore esse; uidere lucem, forum, ciuium ora M. Manli opera;

[¶20] 14.8. that he beheld the light of day, the Forum, the faces of his fellow citizens, he owed to the generosity of Marcus Manlius, at whose hands he had experienced all the loving-kindness of parents; to him he solemnly devoted his remaining strength and life and blood; what ties soever bound him to native land and the gods of his state and family, bound him to one man alone.

> Latin: 14.8. omnia parentum beneficia ab illo se habere; illi deuouere corporis uitaeque ac sanguinis quod supersit; quodcumque sibi cum patria penatibus publicis ac priuatis iuris fuerit, id cum uno homine esse.

[¶21] 14.9. Excited by these words, the commons were already at the beck of a single man, when Manlius did another thing even better calculated to promote a general embroilment.

> Latin: 14.9. his uocibus instincta plebes cum iam unius hominis esset, addita alia commodioris ad omnia turbanda consilii res.

[¶22] 14.10. For he gave a farm in the Veientine district, which formed the main part of his fortune, to an auctioneer to sell, — “that I may not suffer one of your number, Quirites,” said he, “to be condemned, made over, and carried off to slavery, so long as anything of my estate remains.” At this their ardour was so kindled that it was clear that in every measure, right or wrong, they would follow the champion of their liberty.

> Latin: 14.10. fundum in Ueienti, caput patrimonii, subiecit praeconi, 'ne quem uestrum' inquit, 'Quirites, donec quicquam in re mea supererit, iudicatum addictumue duci patiar.' id uero ita accendit animos, ut per omne fas ac nefas secuturi uindicem libertatis uiderentur.

[¶23] 14.11. Besides this he delivered in his house harangues that were full of accusation against the patricians; amongst other things, he declared, with reckless indifference to truth or falsehood, that the patricians were concealing treasures of Gallic gold, and were no longer content with possessing the state lands, unless they could also divert to their own use the money of the state —money which, if it were employed for the common weal, would suffice to clear the plebs of debt. On this hope being held out to them, the commons felt that they were indeed ill-used.

> Latin: 14.11. ad hoc domi contionantis in modum sermones pleni criminum in patres; inter quos [cum] omisso discrimine uera an uana iaceret, thesauros Gallici auri occultari a patribus iecit nec iam possidendis publicis agris contentos esse nisi pecuniam quoque publicam auertant; ea res si palam fiat, exsolui plebem aere alieno posse.

[¶24] 14.12. When, they said, it had been necessary to raise gold for the redemption of their City from the Gauls, it had been collected by taxation; but this same gold, after being captured from the enemy, had become the spoil of a few.

> Latin: 14.12. quae ubi obiecta spes est, enimuero indignum facinus uideri, cum conferendum ad redimendam ciuitatem a Gallis aurum fuerit, tributo conlationem factam, idem aurum ex hostibus captum in paucorum praedam cessisse.

[¶25] 14.13. They therefore persistently demanded to be told where all that stolen money was hid; and when he put them off with the promise that he would tell them at the proper time, they dropped their other concerns and became one and all so absorbed in this, that it was evident he would reap no little gratitude if his report proved true, and no small offence if it turned out to be false.

> Latin: 14.13. itaque exsequebantur quaerendo ubi tantae rei furtum occultaretur; differentique et tempore suo se indicaturum dicenti ceteris omissis eo uersae erant omnium curae apparebatque nec ueri indicii gratiam mediam nec falsi offensionem fore.

[¶26] 15.1. Such was the critical state of affairs when the dictator was sent for from the army and came to Rome. Next day he held a meeting of the senate, and having satisfied himself of the people's support, he commanded the senators not to leave him, and coming forth with a great company of them into the Comitium, he there set up his curule chair and dispatched an officer for Marcus Manlius.

> Latin: 15.1. ita suspensis rebus dictator accitus ab exercitu in urbem uenit. postero die senatu habito, cum satis periclitatus uoluntates hominum discedere senatum ab se uetuisset, stipatus ea multitudine sella in comitio posita uiatorem ad M. Manlium misit;

[¶27] 15.2. Being thus summoned by order of the dictator, Manlius signalled to his friends that the struggle was at hand, and advanced with a great train of followers to the tribunal.

> Latin: 15.2. qui dictatoris iussu uocatus, cum signum suis dedisset adesse certamen, agmine ingenti ad tribunal uenit. hinc senatus, hinc plebs, suum quisque intuentes ducem, uelut in acie constiterant.

[¶28] 15.4. On this side were ranged the senators, on that the plebs, looking, every man of them, to his respective leader, as though they had formed up for battle. Then, having obtained silence, the dictator began: “I would,” said he, “that I arid the senators of Rome might agree with the plebs in all things else as readily as I am confident we shall do regarding you, Manlius, and the demand I am about to make of you.”

> Latin: 15.4. tum dictator silentio facto, 'utinam' inquit, 'mihi patribusque Romanis ita de ceteris rebus cum plebe conueniat, quemadmodum, quod ad te attinet eamque rem quam de te sum quaesiturus conuenturum satis confido.

[¶29] 15.5. “I perceive that you have caused the citizens to hope that the money which has been lent may be repaid, without injury to credit, out of Gallic treasure which prominent patricians are concealing.”

> Latin: 15.5. spem factam a te ciuitati uideo fide incolumi ex thesauris Gallicis, quos primores patrum occultent, creditum solui posse. cui ego rei tantum abest ut impedimento sim ut contra te, M. Manli, adhorter, liberes fenore plebem Romanam et istos incubantes publicis thesauris ex praeda clandestina euoluas.

[¶30] 15.6. “This proposal I am so far from hindering, that on the contrary I exhort you, Marcus Manlius, to free the Roman plebs from usury, and dislodge from their secret hoards those men who are brooding jealously over the public treasure; which if you do not, whether that you may share the spoil yourself, or because your story is a lie, I shall order you into custody, nor suffer you any longer to excite the multitude with delusive hopes.”

> Latin: 15.6. quod nisi facis, siue ut et ipse in parte praedae sis siue quia uanum indicium est, in uincla te duci iubebo nec diutius patiar a te multitudinem fallaci spe concitari.'

[¶31] 15.7. To this Manlius replied that he had not failed to perceive that the appointment of a dictator was aimed, not at the Volsci, who were enemies whenever it suited the convenience of the patricians, nor at the Latins and Hernici, whom they were driving by false accusations to take up arms, but at himself and the Roman plebs.

> Latin: 15.7. ad ea Manlius nec se fefellisse ait non aduersus Uolscos, totiens hostes quotiens patribus expediat, nec aduersus Latinos Hernicosque, quos falsis criminibus in arma agant, sed aduersus se ac plebem Romanam dictatorem creatum esse;

[¶32] 15.8. And now they had dropped their pretended war and were attacking him; now the dictator was coming out as the champion of the money-lenders against the plebs; and they were seeking now to derive from the people's friendliness to him some charge that might lead to his destruction.

> Latin: 15.8. iam omisso bello quod simulatum sit, in se impetum fieri; iam dictatorem profiteri patrocinium feneratorum aduersus plebem; iam sibi ex fauore multitudinis crimen et perniciem quaeri.

[¶33] 15.9. “Does it offend you,” he asked, “Aulus Cornelius, and you, Conscript Fathers, that a crowd attends me? Why do you not take it from me by doing, each of you, acts of kindness, by saving debtors, by rescuing your fellow citizens from prison, by preventing the enslavement of those who have been condemned and assigned, by employing your superfluity of wealth to sustain the necessities of others?”

> Latin: 15.9. 'offendit' inquit, 'te, A. Corneli, uosque, patres conscripti, circumfusa turba lateri meo? quin eam diducitis a me singuli uestris beneficiis, intercedendo, eximendo de neruo ciues uestros, prohibendo iudicatos addictosque duci, ex eo quod afluit opibus uestris sustinendo necessitates aliorum?

[¶34] 15.10. “But why should I ask of you that you spend of your own money? Receive what is outstanding of the original debts, after deducting from the principal what has been paid in interest, and my retinue will soon attract no more notice than any man's. But why, you will ask, am I the only man to be concerned for my fellow citizens?”

> Latin: 15.10. sed quid ego uos de uestro impendatis hortor? sortem reliquam ferte: de capite deducite quod usuris pernumeratum est; iam nihilo mea turba quam ullius conspectior erit.

[¶35] 15.11. “I can no more answer you than if you were to ask why I was the only man to save the Capitol and Citadel.” “As then —to the best of my ability —I helped the people at large, so now will I help single persons. And touching the Gallic treasure —the thing itself is simple, but your questioning makes it difficult. For why do you ask about a thing you know? Why do you bid us shake out what is in your purses, and not rather lay it down yourselves —unless there is some cheat involved?”

> Latin: 15.11. at enim quid ita solus ego ciuium curam ago? nihilo magis quod respondeam habeo quam si quaeras quid ita solus Capitolium arcemque seruauerim. et tum uniuersis quam potui opem tuli et nunc singulis feram. nam quod ad thesauros Gallicos attinet, rem suapte natura facilem difficilem interrogatio facit. cur enim quaeritis quod scitis? cur quod in sinu uestro est excuti iubetis potius quam ponatis, nisi aliqua fraus subest?

[¶36] 15.13. “The more you bid us expose your sleight-of-hand, the more I fear you may have robbed us even of our eyes, while we were watching you. And so it is not I that must be forced to tell of your plunder, but you that must be compelled to give it up.”

> Latin: 15.13. quo magis argui praestigias iubetis uestras, eo plus uereor ne abstuleritis obseruantibus etiam oculos. itaque non ego uobis ut indicem praedas uestras, sed uos id cogendi estis ut in medium proferatis.'

[¶37] 16.1. But the dictator bade him cease to quibble, and insisted that he should either make his indictment good or confess to the crime of having accused the senate falsely and exposed it to the unmerited odium of a charge of theft; and when Manlius refused to speak at the pleasure of his enemies, he commanded him to be imprisoned.

> Latin: 16.1. cum mittere ambages dictator iuberet et aut peragere uerum indicium cogeret aut fateri facinus insimulati falso crimine senatus oblataeque uani furti inuidiae, negantem arbitrio inimicorum se locuturum in uincla duci iussit.

[¶38] 16.2. On being arrested by the attendant, Manlius cried out, “Jupiter Optimus Maximus, and Queen Juno and Minerva, and all ye other gods and goddesses that dwell in the Capitol and in the Citadel, is it thus ye suffer your soldier and protector to be tormented by his adversaries?”

> Latin: 16.2. arreptus a uiatore 'Iuppiter' inquit, 'optime maxime Iunoque regina ac Minerua ceterique di deaeque, qui Capitolium arcemque incolitis, sicine uestrum militem ac praesidem sinitis uexari ab inimicis? haec dextra, qua Gallos fudi a delubris uestris, iam in uinclis et catenis erit?'

[¶39] 16.3. “Shall this right arm wherewith I routed the Gauls from your shrines be now chained and fettered?” There was none that could endure to behold or hear this shame; but there were certain rules of conduct which the citizens, deeply submissive to regular authority, had made inviolable; nor did either the tribunes of the plebs or the plebs themselves dare to lift their eyes or open their mouths against the power of the dictator.

> Latin: 16.3. nullius nec oculi nec aures indignitatem ferebant; sed inuicta sibi quaedam patientissima iusti imperii ciuitas fecerat, nec aduersus dictatoriam uim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs attollere oculos aut hiscere audebant.

[¶40] 16.4. But after Manlius was cast into gaol, it is certain that a great part of the people put on mourning, and that many men permitted their hair and beards to grow, and that a mournful throng hung about the entrance to the prison.

> Latin: 16.4. coniecto in carcerem Manlio satis constat magnam partem plebis uestem mutasse, multos mortales capillum ac barbam promisisse, obuersatamque uestibulo carceris maestam turbam.

[¶41] 16.5. The dictator triumphed over the Volsci, but gained more ill-will thereby than glory; for men murmured that he had earned it, not in the field, but at home, not over an enemy, but over a citizen; one thing only had been lacking to his arrogance, in that Marcus Manlius had not been led before his car.

> Latin: 16.5. dictator de Uolscis triumphauit, inuidiaeque magis triumphus quam gloriae fuit; quippe domi non militiae partum eum actumque de ciue non de hoste fremebant: unum defuisse tantum superbiae, quod non M. Manlius ante currum sit ductus.

[¶42] 16.6. By this time the feeling was grown well-nigh seditious; and to appease it the senate —though none demanded it —became all at once a voluntary giver, and commanded two thousand Roman citizens to be led out to plant a colony at Satricum.

> Latin: 16.6. iamque haud procul seditione res erat; cuius leniendae causa postulante nullo largitor uoluntarius repente senatus factus Satricum coloniam duo milia ciuium Romanorum deduci iussit. bina iugera et semisses agri adsignati;

[¶43] 16.7. Two iugera and a half of land were allotted them; but since they chose to regard it as too little, and only given to a few, and as being the price of Manlius's condemnation, the remedy but aggravated the sedition.

> Latin: 16.7. quod cum et paruum et paucis datum et mercedem esse prodendi M. Manli interpretarentur, remedio inritatur seditio.

[¶44] 16.8. And now the Manlian party were more conspicuous than before, both for their sordid dress and for the sorrowful countenances of defendants; men's fears had been removed by the abdication of the dictator, following his triumph, and their tongues and spirits had been set free.

> Latin: 16.8. et iam magis insignis et sordibus et facie reorum turba Manliana erat, amotusque post triumphum abdicatione dictaturae terror et linguam et animos liberauerat hominum.

[¶45] 17.1. Accordingly one began to hear the opinion openly expressed that the people were to blame, because they always by their favours raised their champions to a dizzy eminence, and then at the critical juncture left them in the lurch:

> Latin: 17.1. audiebantur itaque propalam uoces exprobrantium multitudini, quod defensores suos semper in praecipitem locum fauore tollat, deinde in ipso discrimine periculi destituat:

[¶46] 17.2. it had been so with Spurius Cassius and with Spurius Maelius, of whom the former was destroyed while summoning the people to the land, and the latter while endeavouring at his own expense to stave off starvation from his fellow citizens;

> Latin: 17.2. sic Sp. Cassium in agros plebem uocantem, sic Sp. Maelium ab ore ciuium famem suis impensis propulsantem oppressos, sic M. Manlium mersam et obrutam fenore partem ciuitatis in libertatem ac lucem extrahentem proditum inimicis;

[¶47] 17.3. it was so with Marcus Manlius, who, finding a part of the citizens overwhelmed and sunk in debt, was dragging them out into light and liberty, when they betrayed him to his adversaries; the plebs fattened their own defenders for the shambles. Was this the penalty a consular must undergo, if he answered not when the dictator nodded to him?

> Latin: 17.3. saginare plebem populares suos ut iugulentur. hocine patiendum fuisse, si ad nutum dictatoris non responderit uir consularis? fingerent mentitum ante atque ideo non habuisse quod tum responderet; cui seruo unquam mendacii poenam uincula fuisse?

[¶48] 17.4. Let them assume that he had lied before, and for that reason was then unable to reply: what slave had ever been cast into prison for a lie? Did they not recall that night which had almost been the last eternal night of the Roman name? Could they not see the line of Gauls scaling the Tarpeian Rock? Could they not see Marcus Manlius himself, as they had seen him, covered with sweat and blood, when he had rescued as it were Jupiter himself from the hands of our enemies?

> Latin: 17.4. non obuersatam esse memoriam noctis illius quae paene ultima atque aeterna nomini Romano fuerit? non speciem agminis Gallorum per Tarpeiam rupem scandentis? non ipsius M. Manli, qualem eum armatum, plenum sudoris ac sanguinis ipso paene Ioue erepto ex hostium manibus uidissent?

[¶49] 17.5. Had their half-pound measures of meal requited the saviour of their country? Would they suffer one whom they had well-nigh made a god, and in surname, at any rate, the equal of Jupiter Capitolinus, to be confined in prison, and to draw his breath in darkness, at the mercy of the executioner? When one man had been quite able to help them all, was there no help in so many men for one?

> Latin: 17.5. selibrisne farris gratiam seruatori patriae relatam? et quem prope caelestem, cognomine certe Capitolino Ioui parem fecerint eum pati uinctum in carcere, in tenebris obnoxiam carnificis arbitrio ducere animam? adeo in uno omnibus satis auxilii fuisse, nullam opem in tam multis uni esse?

[¶50] 17.6. By this time the crowd would not even leave the place at night and were threatening that they would force the gaol, when suddenly, just as they were about to rescue Manlius, the senate voted to release him —an act which, instead of ending the sedition, supplied it with a leader.

> Latin: 17.6. iam ne nocte quidem turba ex eo loco dilabebatur refracturosque carcerem minabantur, cum remisso quod erepturi erant ex senatus consulto Manlius uinculis liberatur; quo facto non seditio finita sed dux seditioni datus est.

[¶51] 17.7. At about this time came Latins and Hernici, with colonists from Circeii and from Velitrae, to clear themselves of the charge of joining in the Volscian war and to ask for the release of the captives, that they might punish them in accordance with their own laws. They were harshly answered —especially the colonists, because, though Roman citizens, they had formed the impious design of attacking their native country.

> Latin: 17.7. per eosdem dies Latinis et Hernicis, simul colonis Circeiensibus et a Uelitris, purgantibus se Uolsci crimine belli captiuosque repetentibus ut suis legibus in eos animaduerterent, tristia responsa reddita, tristiora colonis quod ciues Romani patriae oppugnandae nefanda consilia inissent.

[¶52] 17.8. And so they were not only denied the captives, but received a rebuke which the allies were spared; being commanded in the name of the senate to make haste and depart the City, out of the presence and sight of the Roman People, lest they should find no protection in the rights of envoys, which were meant for foreigners, not for citizens.

> Latin: 17.8. non negatum itaque tantum de captiuis sed, in quo ab sociis tamen temperauerant, denuntiatum senatus uerbis facesserent propere ex urbe ab ore atque oculis populi Romani, ne nihil eos legationis ius externo, non ciui comparatum tegeret.

[¶53] 18.1. The sedition of Manlius was breaking out afresh, towards the end of the year, when an election was held which resulted in the choice of the following consular tribunes: Servius Cornelius Maluginensis (for the second time), Publius Valerius Potitus (for the second), Marcus Furius Camillus (for the fifth), Servius Sulpicius Rufus (for the second), Gaius Papirius Crassus, and (for the second time) Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus.

> Latin: 18.1. recrudescente Manliana seditione sub exitum anni comitia habita creatique tribuni militum consulari potestate Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis iterum P. Ualerius Potitus iterum M. Furius Camillus quintum Ser. Sulpicius Rufus iterum C. Papirius Crassus T. Quinctius Cincinnatus iterum.

[¶54] 18.2. The peace which was enjoyed in the early part of this year was equally advantageous to the patricians and to the plebs; to the plebs because, not being called to service by the levy, they had hopes that they might be able under their powerful leader to storm the stronghold of usury; to the patricians, because they desired not to be diverted by any foreign peril from healing the sores of the state.

> Latin: 18.2. cuius principio anni et patribus et plebi peropportune externa pax data: plebi, quod non auocata dilectu spem cepit, dum tam potentem haberet ducem, fenoris expugnandi: patribus, ne quo externo terrore auocarentur animi ab sanandis domesticis malis.

[¶55] 18.3. Accordingly both sides had taken the field with much more spirit, and the hour of conflict was now at hand. Manlius indeed was inviting the plebeians to his house, and night and day discussing with their leaders plans for accomplishing the revolution, for he was much bolder and more resentful than before.

> Latin: 18.3. igitur cum pars utraque acrior aliquanto coorta esset, iam propinquum certamen aderat. et Manlius aduocata domum plebe cum principibus nouandarum rerum interdiu noctuque consilia agitat, plenior aliquanto animorum irarumque quam antea fuerat.

[¶56] 18.4. His wrath had been kindled by his recent humiliations, for his pride was a stranger to insult; and his courage had waxed, as he considered that the dictator had not dared to serve him as Quinctius Cincinnatus had served Spurius Maelius, and that his imprisonment had aroused such hatred as not only the dictator had resigned his office to escape, but even the senate had been unable to endure.

> Latin: 18.4. iram accenderat ignominia recens in animo ad contumeliam inexperto: spiritus dabat, quod nec ausus esset idem in se dictator quod in Sp. Maelio Cincinnatus Quinctius fecisset, et uinculorum suorum inuidiam non dictator modo abdicando dictaturam fugisset sed ne senatus quidem sustinere potuisset.

[¶57] 18.5. At once elated and exasperated by these thoughts, he began to work upon the already excited emotions of the plebs. “How long, pray,” he asked them, “will you remain ignorant of your own strength, which nature has willed that even brutes shall know? At least count up your numbers and the number of your adversaries. For as many as you were that gathered as clients about a single patron, so many shall you now be against a single enemy.”

> Latin: 18.5. his simul inflatus exacerbatusque iam per se accensos incitabat plebis animos. 'quousque tandem ignorabitis uires uestras, quas natura ne beluas quidem ignorare uoluit? numerate saltem quot ipsi sitis, quot aduersarios habeatis. quot enim clientes circa singulos fuistis patronos, tot nunc aduersus unum hostem eritis.

[¶58] 18.6. “If you were going to meet them man for man, I should still believe that you would fight more fiercely for your liberty than they for domination.”

> Latin: 18.6. si singuli singulos adgressuri essetis, tamen acrius crederem uos pro libertate quam illos pro dominatione certaturos.

[¶59] 18.7. “Make but a show of war, and you shall have peace. Let them see you ready to resist, and they will give you your rights of their own accord.”

> Latin: 18.7. ostendite modo bellum; pacem habebitis. uideant uos paratos ad uim; ius ipsi remittent. audendum est aliquid uniuersis aut omnia singulis patienda.

[¶60] 18.8. “We must all unite in some bold stroke, or else, divided, submit to every evil. How long will you keep looking round for me? It is true I shall not fail a single one of you; but you must see to it that fortune fail not me. I myself, your champion, was suddenly brought to naught, when it pleased your enemies; and you all beheld that man dragged off to prison who had protected each of yourselves from imprisonment.”

> Latin: 18.8. quousque me circumspectabitis? ego quidem nulli uestrum deero; ne fortuna mea desit uidete. ipse uindex uester, ubi uisum inimicis est, nullus repente fui, et uidistis in uincula duci uniuersi eum qui a singulis uobis uincula depuleram.

[¶61] 18.9. “What can I expect, if my enemies grow bolder? Must I look forward to dying like Cassius and Maelius? You do well to express abhorrence. The gods will forbid such a thing; but they will never come down from heaven on my account; they must give you the inspiration to forbid it, as they gave me, in war and in peace, the inspiration to defend you from the barbarity of your foes and the arrogance of your fellow citizens.”

> Latin: 18.9. quid sperem, si plus in me audeant inimici? an exitum Cassi Maelique exspectem? bene facitis quod abominamini. di prohibebunt haec; sed nunquam propter me de caelo descendent; uobis dent mentem oportet ut prohibeatis, sicut mihi dederunt armato togatoque ut uos a barbaris hostibus, a superbis defenderem ciuibus.

[¶62] 18.10. “Is there so little spirit in this great people that you are always satisfied with the help your tribunes lend you against your adversaries, and never quarrel with the senators, save as to the length you will suffer them to go in ruling you? And this is no native trait in you, but you are slaves by use.”

> Latin: 18.10. tam paruus animus tanti populi est ut semper uobis auxilium aduersus inimicos satis sit nec ullum, nisi quatenus imperari uobis sinatis, certamen aduersus patres noritis? nec hoc natura insitum uobis est, sed usu possidemini.

[¶63] 18.11. “Why, pray, are you so high and mighty with foreigners as to deem yourselves meet to be their lords?” “It is because you have been used to vie with them for sovereignty; but against these men, though you make attempts at gaining your liberty, you are not used to defend it. Nevertheless, with such leaders as you have had, and such courage as you yourselves could muster, you have thus far obtained, by violence or good fortune, whatever you have sought.”

> Latin: 18.11. cur enim aduersus externos tantum animorum geritis ut imperare illis aequum censeatis? quia consuestis cum eis pro imperio certare, aduersus hos temptare magis quam tueri libertatem. tamen, qualescumque duces habuistis, qualescumque ipsi fuistis, omnia adhuc quantacumque petistis obtinuistis, seu ui seu fortuna uestra.

[¶64] 18.13. “The time has come to attempt even greater things. Do but make trial of your own good fortune and of me, whom, as I think, you have already happily proved; you will find it less trouble to impose a ruler on the patricians, than you encountered in imposing tribunes on them to resist their rule.”

> Latin: 18.13. tempus est etiam maiora conari. experimini modo et uestram felicitatem et me, ut spero, feliciter expertum; minore negotio qui imperet patribus imponetis quam qui resisterent imperantibus imposuistis.

[¶65] 18.14. “Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled with the ground, that the Roman plebs may be enabled to lift its head.” “Stand by me, then; prevent all court-proceedings regarding moneys; I avow myself the patron of the commons —a title with which my zeal and loyalty have invested me: if you choose to give your leader a more striking title of authority or honour, you will find him the more able to make good your wishes.”

> Latin: 18.14. solo aequandae sunt dictaturae consulatusque, ut caput attollere Romana plebes possit. proinde adeste; prohibete ius de pecuniis dici. ego me patronum profiteor plebis, quod mihi cura mea et fides nomen induit: uos si quo insigni magis imperii honorisue nomine uestrum appellabitis ducem, eo utemini potentiore ad obtinenda ea quae uoltis.'

[¶66] 18.16. It was thus, they say, that the agitation for kingly power was begun; but there is no very clear tradition with whom or to what length his plans were matured.

> Latin: 18.16. inde de regno agendi ortum initium dicitur; sed nec cum quibus nec quem ad finem consilia peruenerint, satis planum traditur.

[¶67] 19.1. On the other side the senate were discussing the secret gathering of the plebs in a private house —a house, too, that, as it happened, was situated in the Citadel —and the grave danger that threatened liberty.

> Latin: 19.1. at in parte altera senatus de secessione in domum priuatam plebis, forte etiam in arce positam, et imminenti mole libertate agitat.

[¶68] 19.2. The majority exclaimed that a Servilius Ahala was needed, one who would not exasperate a public enemy by ordering his imprisonment, but would sacrifice a single citizen to end a domestic war.

> Latin: 19.2. magna pars uociferantur Seruilio Ahala opus esse, qui non in uincla duci iubendo inritet publicum hostem sed unius iactura ciuis finiat intestinum bellum.

[¶69] 19.3. However, they had recourse to a proposal which sounded milder, though its force was identical, namely, that the magistrates should see to it that the republic took no harm by the ruinous devices of Marcus Manlius.

> Latin: 19.3. decurritur ad leniorem uerbis sententiam, uim tamen eandem habentem, ut uideant magistratus ne quid ex perniciosis consiliis M. Manli res publica detrimenti capiat.

[¶70] 19.4. Thereupon the consular tribunes and the tribunes of the plebs —for they too, perceiving that their own authority would come to an end with the general liberty, had made their submission to the Fathers —all these men, I say, thereupon took counsel together, what was needful to be done.

> Latin: 19.4. tum tribuni consulari potestate tribunique plebi—nam et <ei>, quia eundem [et] suae potestatis, quem libertatis omnium, finem cernebant, patrum auctoritati se dediderant—hi tum omnes quid opus facto sit consultant.

[¶71] 19.5. They could none of them see any way but violence and bloodshed, which would clearly involve a mighty struggle, when Marcus Menenius and Quintus Publilius, tribunes of the plebs, addressed them as follows: “Why do we make a conflict between patricians and plebeians out of what ought to be the quarrel of the state with a single pestilent citizen?”

> Latin: 19.5. cum praeter uim et caedem nihil cuiquam occurreret, eam autem ingentis dimicationis fore appareret, tum M. Menenius et Q. Publilius tribuni plebis:

[¶72] 19.6. “Why in attacking him do we attack the plebs as well, when it is safer to attack him by the help of this same plebs, that his very strength may bring about his ruin?”

> Latin: 19.6. 'quid patrum et plebis certamen facimus, quod ciuitatis esse aduersus unum pestiferum ciuem debet? quid cum plebe adgredimur eum quem per ipsam plebem tutius adgredi est ut suis ipse oneratus uiribus ruat?

[¶73] 19.7. “We propose to summon him to trial. Nothing is less popular than kingly power. As soon as the populace, perceiving that our quarrel is not with them, are changed from supporters into judges, and see that the prosecutors are plebeians, the defendant a patrician, and the accusation that of seeking to set up a kingdom, they will not favour any man at the expense of their own liberty.”

> Latin: 19.7. diem dicere ei nobis in animo est. nihil minus populare quam regnum est. simul multitudo illa non secum certari uiderint et ex aduocatis iudices facti erunt et accusatores de plebe patricium reum intuebuntur et regni crimen in medio, nulli magis quam libertati fauebunt suae.'

[¶74] 20.1. This argument won universal approbation, and Manlius was indicted. The first effect of this was to rouse great feeling in the commons, especially when they saw the defendant meanly clad and not attended by a single senator, or even by his kinsmen or connexions, or indeed by his own brothers, Aulus and Titus Manlius.

> Latin: 20.1. adprobantibus cunctis diem Manlio dicunt. quod ubi est factum, primo commota plebs est, utique postquam sordidatum reum uiderunt nec cum eo non modo patrum quemquam sed ne cognatos quidem aut adfines, postremo ne fratres quidem A.

[¶75] 20.2. That a man's nearest friends should not join him in assuming mourning in an hour so fraught with danger to him, was something that had never until that day occurred.

> Latin: 20.2. et T. Manlios, quod ad eum diem nunquam usu uenisset, ut in tanto discrimine non et proximi uestem mutarent:

[¶76] 20.3. They remembered that on the imprisonment of Appius Claudius, his enemy Gaius Claudius and all the Claudian family had gone into mourning; and they concluded that there must be a general conspiracy to put down the people's friend because he had been the first to forsake the patricians for the plebs.

> Latin: 20.3. Ap. Claudio in uincula ducto C. Claudium inimicum Claudiamque omnem gentem sordidatam fuisse; consensu opprimi popularem uirum, quod primus a patribus ad plebem defecisset.

[¶77] 20.4. The day of the trial came, but I do not find it stated in any authority what facts were alleged by his accusers that bore directly on the charge of plotting to establish a kingdom, except gatherings of the populace and seditious expressions and his largesses and false charge;

> Latin: 20.4. cum dies uenit, quae praeter coetus multitudinis seditiosasque uoces et largitionem et fallax indicium pertinentia proprie ad regni crimen ab accusatoribus obiecta sint reo, apud neminem auctorem inuenio;

[¶78] 20.5. and yet I doubt not they were of moment, since the reluctance of the plebs to condemn him was not owing to his cause but to the place. One thing appears worthy of remark, that men may know what great and glorious achievements a vile lust for regal power rendered not merely thankless but actually hateful.

> Latin: 20.5. nec dubito haud parua fuisse, cum damnandi mora plebi non in causa sed in loco fuerit. illud notandum uidetur, ut sciant homines quae et quanta decora foeda cupiditas regni non ingrata solum sed inuisa etiam reddiderit:

[¶79] 20.6. It is said that he brought forward nearly four hundred men to whom he had lent money without interest, thus saving their goods from being sold and their persons from enslavement;

> Latin: 20.6. homines prope quadringentos produxisse dicitur, quibus sine fenore expensas pecunias tulisset, quorum bona uenire, quos duci addictos prohibuisset;

[¶80] 20.7. that besides this the military distinctions which he not only enumerated but produced for all to see, comprised the spoils of thirty enemies whom he had slain, and some forty decorations from his generals, amongst which were conspicuous two mural and eight civic crowns;

> Latin: 20.7. ad haec decora quoque belli non commemorasse tantum sed protulisse etiam conspicienda, spolia hostium caesorum ad triginta, dona imperatorum ad quadraginta, in quibus insignes duas murales coronas, ciuicas octo;

[¶81] 20.8. that he told, besides, of citizens saved from the enemy, and among these named Gaius Servilius, the master of the horse, who was not present. And after rehearsing his services in war, in a speech as magnificent as the height of his achievements and equalling his deeds with its words, he is said to have bared his breast, marked with the scars of battle, and gazing steadily at the Capitol to have called on Jupiter and the other gods to help him, that they might inspire the Roman People in his hour of danger with the same spirit they had given him when he- defended the Capitoline Hill; and to have implored the Romans one and all to fix their eyes on the Capitol and Citadel, and turn to the immortal gods while they judged him.

> Latin: 20.8. ad hoc seruatos ex hostibus ciues [produxit], inter quos C. Seruilium magistrum equitum absentem nominatum; et cum ea quoque quae bello gesta essent pro fastigio rerum oratione etiam magnifica, facta dictis aequando, memorasset, nudasse pectus insigne cicatricibus bello acceptis et identidem Capitolium spectans Iouem deosque alios deuocasse ad auxilium fortunarum suarum precatusque esse ut, quam mentem sibi Capitolinam arcem protegenti ad salutem populi Romani dedissent, eam populo Romano in suo discrimine darent, et orasse singulos uniuersosque ut Capitolium atque arcem intuentes, ut ad deos immortales uersi de se iudicarent.

[¶82] 20.10. In the Campus Martius, when the people were being called by centuries, and the defendant, stretching forth his hands to the Capitol, had turned from men to make his prayers to the gods, the tribunes clearly saw that unless they could also emancipate men's eyes from the associations of so glorious a deed, no accusation, however true, could ever find lodgment in their grateful hearts.

> Latin: 20.10. in campo Martio cum centuriatim populus citaretur et reus ad Capitolium manus tendens ab hominibus ad deos preces auertisset, apparuit tribunis, nisi oculos quoque hominum liberassent tanti memoria decoris, nunquam fore in praeoccupatis beneficio animis uero crimini locum.

[¶83] 20.11. And so they adjourned the day of trial and appointed a council of the people to meet in the Peteline Wood outside the Flumentane Gate, whence no prospect of the Capitol was afforded. There they made good their charge; men steeled their hearts and pronounced a dolorous judgment, abhorrent to the very ones who rendered it.

> Latin: 20.11. ita prodicta die in Petelinum lucum extra portam Flumentanam, unde conspectus in Capitolium non esset, concilium populi indictum est. ibi crimen ualuit et obstinatis animis triste iudicium inuisumque etiam iudicibus factum.

[¶84] 20.12. Some authorities assert that he was condemned by duumvirs appointed to deal with a charge of treason. The tribunes flung him from the Tarpeian Rock, and the same spot served to commemorate extraordinary fame and the extremity of punishment, as experienced by the self-same man.

> Latin: 20.12. sunt qui per duumuiros, qui de perduellione anquirerent creatos, auctores sint damnatum. tribuni de saxo Tarpeio deiecerunt locusque idem in uno nomine et eximiae gloriae monumentum et poenae ultimae fuit.

[¶85] 20.13. To his death were added marks of ignominy: one of a public nature, because the people were asked to vote that, since his house had stood where the temple and mint of Moneta now are, no patrician might dwell in the Citadel or the Capitol;

> Latin: 20.13. adiectae mortuo notae sunt: publica una, quod, cum domus eius fuisset ubi nunc aedes atque officina Monetae est, latum ad populum est ne quis patricius in arce aut Capitolio habitaret;

[¶86] 20.14. the other proceeding from his family, in that the Manlian clan made a decree forbidding anyone thenceforth to bear the name of Marcus Manlius. Such was the end of a man who, had he not been born in a free state, would have left a memorable name.

> Latin: 20.14. gentilicia altera, quod gentis Manliae decreto cautum est ne quis deinde M. Manlius uocaretur. hunc exitum habuit uir, nisi in libera ciuitate natus esset, memorabilis.

[¶87] 20.15. In a short time the people, remembering —now that he was no longer a source of danger —only his good qualities, regretted him. Moreover a pestilence soon ensued, and caused a heavy mortality for which there were no obvious causes, and this many people ascribed to the execution of Manlius:

> Latin: 20.15. populum breui, postquam periculum ab eo nullum erat, per se ipsas recordantem uirtutes desiderium eius tenuit. pestilentia etiam breui consecuta nullis occurrentibus tantae cladis causis ex Manliano supplicio magnae parti uideri orta:

[¶88] 20.16. the Capitol, they said, had been polluted by the blood of its saviour, and the gods had not been pleased that the man who had rescued their temples from the hands of the enemy, should be punished almost under their very eyes.

> Latin: 20.16. uiolatum Capitolium esse sanguine seruatoris nec dis cordi fuisse poenam eius oblatam prope oculis suis, a quo sua templa erepta e manibus hostium essent.

[¶89] 21.1. The pestilence was succeeded by a scarcity of corn, and in the following year, when the rumour of these two misfortunes had got abroad, by various wars. The consular tribunes were Lucius Valerius (for the fourth time), Aulus Manlius (for the third), Servius Sulpicius (for the third), Lucius Lucretius, Lucius Aemilius (for the third time) and Marcus Trebonius.

> Latin: 21.1. pestilentiam inopia frugum et uolgatam utriusque mali famam anno insequente multiplex bellum excepit, L. Ualerio quartum A. Manlio tertium Ser. Sulpicio tertium L. Lucretio L. Aemilio tertium M. Trebonio tribunis militum consulari potestate.

[¶90] 21.2. Besides the Volsci, who had been provided, as it were by a kind of fatality, to furnish perpetual occupation for the Roman arms, and the colonies of Circeii and Velitrae, which had long been scheming a rebellion, and the Latins, whose loyalty was suspected, a new enemy suddenly rose up at Lanuvium, a city which until then had been very faithful.

> Latin: 21.2. hostes noui praeter Uolscos, uelut sorte quadam prope in aeternum exercendo Romano militi datos, Circeiosque et Uelitras colonias, iam diu molientes defectionem, et suspectum Latium Lanuuini etiam, quae fidelissima urbs fuerat, subito exorti.

[¶91] 21.3. Believing that they were now actuated by contempt, on finding the revolt of the Veliterni, who were Roman citizens, to go so long unpunished, the senate decreed that a proposal should be laid before the people, at the earliest possible moment, for declaring war on them;

> Latin: 21.3. id patres rati contemptu accidere, quod Ueliternis ciuibus suis tam diu impunita defectio esset, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore ad populum ferretur de bello eis indicendo.

[¶92] 21.4. and, to make the plebs readier for this campaign, they appointed five commissioners to divide up the Pomptine land, and three to conduct a colony to Nepete.

> Latin: 21.4. ad quam militiam quo paratior plebes esset, quinqueuiros Pomptino agro diuidendo et triumuiros Nepete coloniae deducendae creauerunt.

[¶93] 21.5. They then asked the people for a declaration of war, and notwithstanding the opposition of the plebeian tribunes, all the tribes voted for war.

> Latin: 21.5. tum, ut bellum iuberent, latum ad populum est et nequiquam dissuadentibus tribunis plebis omnes tribus bellum iusserunt.

[¶94] 21.6. Preparations for the campaign were made that year, but owing to the pestilence the army did not take the field. This delay would have given the colonists time to sue the senate for pardon — and in fact a majority of them were in favour of sending an embassy to Rome to make submission — but danger to the commonwealth was bound up, as often happens, with that of individuals, and the ring-leaders of the revolt were so afraid of the Romans —lest they alone might be charged with the crime and offered up as a sacrifice to Roman indignation —that they turned the colonies away from peaceful counsels.

> Latin: 21.6. apparatum eo anno bellum est, exercitus propter pestilentiam non eductus, eaque cunctatio colonis spatium dederat deprecandi senatum; et magna hominum pars eo ut legatio supplex Romam mitteretur inclinabat, ni priuato, ut fit, periculo publicum implicitum esset auctoresque defectionis ab Romanis metu, ne soli crimini subiecti piacula irae Romanorum dederentur, auertissent colonias a consiliis pacis.

[¶95] 21.8. Moreover, not content with merely opposing the embassy in their senate, they egged on a great part of the commons to go out and pillage the Roman lands; and this new outrage destroyed all hope of peace.

> Latin: 21.8. neque in senatu solum per eos legatio impedita est sed magna pars plebis incitata ut praedatum in agrum Romanum exirent. haec noua iniuria exturbauit omnem spem pacis.

[¶96] 21.9. The Praenestines, too, were that year, for the first time, reported as disloyal; evidence against them was given by the Tusculans, the Gabini, and the Labicani, whose borders they had invaded; but the senate returned so mild an answer that it was evident that they refused to believe in the charges because they wished them not to be true.

> Latin: 21.9. de Praenestinorum quoque defectione eo anno primum fama exorta; arguentibusque eos Tusculanis et Gabinis et Labicanis, quorum in fines incursatum erat, ita placide ab senatu responsum est ut minus credi de criminibus, quia nollent ea uera esse, appareret.

[¶97] 22.1. The next year Spurius and Lucius Papirius, the new consular tribunes, led the levies to Velitrae, while their four colleagues, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis (in his third term), Quintus Servilius, Gaius Sulpicius, and Lucius Aemilius (in his fourth term), remained behind to protect the City and to guard against any fresh commotion which might be reported from Etruria —a quarter from which everything was suspected.

> Latin: 22.1. insequenti anno Sp. et L. Papirii noui tribuni militum consulari potestate Uelitras legiones duxere, quattuor collegis Ser. Cornelio Maluginensi tertium Q. Seruilio C. Sulpicio L. Aemilio quartum tribunis ad praesidium urbis et si qui ex Etruria noui motus nuntiarentur—omnia enim inde suspecta erant—relictis.

[¶98] 22.2. Near Velitrae the Romans defeated an army in which auxiliaries from Praeneste almost outnumbered the colonists themselves; but the city was so close at hand that, as it occasioned their early retreat, so it afforded them their only refuge. The tribunes abstained from attacking the place; they were not certain of succeeding, nor did they think it right to aim at the extermination of the colony.

> Latin: 22.2. ad Uelitras aduersus maiora paene auxilia Praenestinorum quam ipsam colonorum multitudinem secundo proelio pugnatum est ita ut propinquitas urbis hosti et causa maturioris fugae et unum ex fuga receptaculum esset.

[¶99] 22.3. In the letter which they sent to the senate in Rome, announcing the victory, they were more severe upon the enemies from Praeneste than upon those of Velitrae.

> Latin: 22.3. oppidi oppugnatione tribuni abstinuere, quia et anceps erat nec in perniciem coloniae pugnandum censebant. litterae Romam ad senatum cum uictoriae nuntiis acriores in Praenestinum quam in Ueliternum hostem missae.

[¶100] 22.4. And so, by resolution of the senate and popular enactment, war was proclaimed against the people of Praeneste; who, uniting in the following year with the Volsci, attacked the Roman colony of Satricum, and having carried it, despite the obstinate resistance of the colonists, abused their victory by cruel treatment of the captives.

> Latin: 22.4. itaque ex senatus consulto populique iussu bellum Praenestinis indictum; qui coniuncti Uolscis anno insequente Satricum, coloniam populi Romani, pertinaciter a colonis defensam, ui expugnarunt foedeque in captis exercuere uictoriam.

[¶101] 22.5. This incensed the Romans, and they elected Marcus Furius Camillus tribune of the soldiers, for the sixth time. To be his colleagues they gave him Aulus and Lucius Postumius Regillensis and Lucius Furius, together with Lucius Lucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus.

> Latin: 22.5. eam rem aegre passi Romani M. Furium Camillum sextum tribunum militum creauere. additi collegae A. et L. Postumii Regillenses ac L. Furius cum L. Lucretio et M. Fabio Ambusto.

[¶102] 22.6. The Volscian war was entrusted, out of the regular course, to Marcus Furius. Of the other tribunes, Lucius Furius was assigned him by lot for his assistant, not so much (it should seem) for the good of the commonwealth, as that he might be the source of all honour to his colleague; who gained it in his public capacity because he made good what the other's rashness had lost, and as a man because he used the error of Lucius to earn his gratitude rather than glory for himself. Camillus was now extremely old.

> Latin: 22.6. Uolscum bellum M. Furio extra ordinem decretum; adiutor ex tribunis sorte L. Furius datur, non tam e re publica quam ut collegae materia ad omnem laudem esset et publice, quod rem temeritate eius prolapsam restituit et priuatim, quod ex errore gratiam potius eius sibi quam suam gloriam petiit.

[¶103] 22.7. At the election he was prepared to excuse himself by taking the customary oath on the score of health, had not the unanimous wishes of the people prevented him. But a lusty spirit flourished in his sturdy breast, and his senses were as keen as ever; and though he no longer much concerned himself with politics, wars excited him.

> Latin: 22.7. exactae iam aetatis Camillus erat, comitiisque iurare parato in uerba excusandae ualetudini solita consensus populi restiterat; sed uegetum ingenium in uiuido pectore uigebat uirebatque integris sensibus, et ciuiles iam res haud magnopere obeuntem bella excitabant.