---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 31 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 31. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 31. Book VI · chapters 22–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/31/#p-N

[¶0] 22.8. He enrolled four legions, each of four thousand men, appointed the army to assemble on the following day at the Esquiline Gate, and marched on Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony were waiting for him, undismayed, for they confided in their numbers, in which they possessed a considerable superiority.

> Latin: 22.8. quattuor legionibus quaternum milium scriptis, exercitu indicto ad portam Esquilinam in posteram diem ad Satricum profectus. ibi eum expugnatores coloniae haudquaquam perculsi, fidentes militum numero quo aliquantum praestabant, opperiebantur.

[¶1] 22.9. On perceiving the approach of the Romans they formed up at once. It was their purpose to engage immediately in a decisive battle; for so the numerical weakness of their enemies would derive no help from the skill of their unique commander, which constituted —so they assumed —their sole reliance.

> Latin: 22.9. postquam appropinquare Romanos senserunt, extemplo in aciem procedunt nihil dilaturi quin periculum summae rerum facerent: ita paucitati hostium nihil artes imperatoris unici, quibus solis confiderent, profuturas esse.

[¶2] 23.1. There was the same ardour in the Roman army, and in one of its generals. The hazard of an immediate battle was only postponed by the wisdom and the authority of one man, who sought an opportunity to supplement his resources with strategy, by prolonging the campaign.

> Latin: 23.1. idem ardor et in Romano exercitu erat et in altero duce, nec praesentis dimicationis fortunam ulla res praeterquam unius uiri consilium atque imperium morabatur, qui occasionem iuuandarum ratione uirium trahendo bello quaerebat.

[¶3] 23.2. This made the enemy the more urgent, and, no longer content with deploying their line before the camp, they advanced into the middle of the field, and, marching up almost to the rampart of the Romans, displayed the proud confidence which their strength gave them.

> Latin: 23.2. eo magis hostis instare nec iam pro castris tantum suis explicare aciem sed procedere in medium campi et uallo prope hostium signa inferendo superbam fiduciam uirium ostentare.

[¶4] 23.3. The Roman soldiers were mortified at this, and even more mortified was one of their two tribunes, Lucius Furius. His youth and native disposition made him head strong, and the utterly baseless enthusiasm of the rank and file filled him with assurance.

> Latin: 23.3. id aegre patiebatur Romanus miles, multo aegrius alter ex tribunis militum, L. Furius, ferox cum aetate et ingenio, tum multitudinis ex incertissimo sumentis animos spe inflatus.

[¶5] 23.4. The soldiers were already in a state of excitement, but he further instigated them by disparaging his colleague in the only possible way, on the score of age.

> Latin: 23.4. hic per se iam milites incitatos insuper instigabat eleuando, qua una poterat, aetate auctoritatem collegae, iuuenibus bella data dictitans et cum corporibus uigere et deflorescere animos;

[¶6] 23.5. Wars, he insisted, were the province of youth; the growth and decay of the spirit kept pace with those of the body; the most energetic of soldiers was become a procrastinator, and he who had been wont to storm a camp or a city on the first approach, was sitting still and wasting time behind intrenchments.

> Latin: 23.5. cunctatorem ex acerrimo bellatore factum et, qui adueniens castra urbesque primo impetu rapere sit solitus, eum residem intra uallum tempus terere, quid accessurum suis decessurumue hostium uiribus sperantem?

[¶7] 23.6. What accession to his own strength did he look for, or what diminution of the enemy's? What opportunity, what favourable moment, what ground for an ambush was he making ready?

> Latin: 23.6. quam occasionem, quod tempus, quem insidiis instruentem locum?

[¶8] 23.7. The old man's strategy was cold and torpid. But why, though Camillus had had enough both of life and of glory, should they permit the state, which ought to be immortal, to sink into decrepitude in company with the mortal body of one man?

> Latin: 23.7. frigere ac torpere senis consilia. sed Camillo cum uitae satis tum gloriae esse; quid attinere cum mortali corpore uno ciuitatis quam immortalem esse deceat pati consenescere uires?

[¶9] 23.8. When he had won over the entire army by these speeches, and the men were everywhere demanding battle, he said to his colleague: “Marcus Furius, we can no longer resist the enthusiasm of the soldiers; and the enemy, whose courage we have augmented by our delay, is insulting us with an arrogance no longer to be endured. Give way, for you are alone against us all, and suffer yourself to be overcome in counsel, that you may overcome the sooner in war.”

> Latin: 23.8. his sermonibus tota in se auerterat castra; et cum omnibus locis posceretur pugna, 'sustinere' inquit, ' M. Furi, non possumus impetum militum, et hostis, cuius animos cunctando auximus, iam minime toleranda superbia insultat; cede unus omnibus et patere te uinci consilio ut maturius bello uincas'.

[¶10] 23.9. To this Camillus replied that in the wars which up to that day had been conducted under his sole auspices neither the Roman People nor himself had repented of his strategy or fortune; he was aware that he had now a colleague of equal commission and authority, and of more vigorous years;

> Latin: 23.9. ad ea Camillus, quae bella suo unius auspicio gesta ad eam diem essent, negare in eis neque se neque populum Romanum aut consilii sui aut fortunae paenituisse; nunc scire se collegam habere iure imperioque parem, uigore aetatis praestantem;

[¶11] 23.10. and so, although —as regarded the army —he was accustomed not to be governed but to govern, yet he had no power to thwart the authority of his associate.

> Latin: 23.10. itaque se quod ad exercitum attineat, regere consuesse, non regi: collegae imperium se non posse impedire. dis bene iuuantibus ageret quod e re publica duceret:

[¶12] 23.11. Let him proceed, with Heaven's blessing, to do what he thought best for the commonwealth: for his own grey hairs he begged this favour, that he might not be assigned to the front; of such duties as belonged in war to an old man he would not be negligent. One thing he entreated of the immortal gods: that no mischance might occur, to make his own appear to have been the wiser plan.

> Latin: 23.11. aetati suae se ueniam etiam petere ne in prima acie esset. quae senis munia in bello sint, iis se non defuturum: id a dis immortalibus precari ne qui casus suum consilium laudabile efficiat.

[¶13] 23.12. But neither did men heed these salutary words, nor the immortal gods his loyal prayers. The man responsible for the engagement marshalled the battle-line. Camillus provided adequate supports, and stationed a strong out-guard before the camp; he then took up his post on an eminence, and watched intently for the issue of another's strategy.

> Latin: 23.12. nec ab hominibus salutaris sententia nec a dis tam piae preces auditae sunt. primam aciem auctor pugnae instruit, subsidia Camillus firmat ualidamque stationem pro castris opponit; ipse edito loco spectator intentus in euentum alieni consilii constitit.

[¶14] 24.1. At the very instant of the first clash of arms the enemy gave ground, not out of fear, but guile.

> Latin: 24.1. simul primo concursu concrepuere arma, hostis dolo non metu pedem rettulit.

[¶15] 24.2. Behind them the ground sloped gently up from the battle-line to their camp; and having plenty of men they had left a few strong cohorts armed and drawn up within the camp, which were to sally forth when the fighting had got under way, and the Romans had approached the rampart.

> Latin: 24.2. lenis ab tergo cliuus erat inter aciem et castra; et, quod multitudo suppeditabat, aliquot ualidas cohortes in castris armatas instructasque reliquerant, quae inter commissum iam certamen, ubi uallo appropinquasset hostis, erumperent.

[¶16] 24.3. The Romans pursued the retreating enemy without order, and were drawn into an unfavourable position, where this attack could be made upon them with advantage. Thus the victors were threatened in their turn, and, what with the new foe and the declivity, the Roman line gave way.

> Latin: 24.3. Romanus cedentem hostem effuse sequendo in locum iniquum pertractus opportunus huic eruptioni fuit; uersus itaque in uictorem terror et nouo hoste et supina ualle Romanam inclinauit aciem.

[¶17] 24.4. They were closely pressed by the fresh Volsci who had made the sortie, and those, too, who had pretended flight renewed the battle. And now the Roman soldiers were no longer retiring in order, but regardless of their late impetuosity and their ancient fame, had turned their backs and were everywhere in full flight towards the camp; when Camillus was lifted into the saddle by his attendants, and rapidly throwing his reserves into the fight, “Soldiers,” he cried, “is this the battle you demanded? What man, what god is there, whom you could accuse? Yours was the rashness then, now the infamy is yours.”

> Latin: 24.4. instant Uolsci recentes qui e castris impetum fecerant; integrant et illi pugnam qui simulata cesserant fuga. iam non recipiebat se Romanus miles sed immemor recentis ferociae ueterisque decoris terga passim dabat atque effuso cursu castra repetebat, cum Camillus subiectus ab circumstantibus in equum et raptim subsidiis oppositis 'haec est' inquit, 'milites, pugna quam poposcistis? quis homo, quis deus est, quem accusare possitis? uestra illa temeritas, uestra ignauia haec est.

[¶18] 24.6. “You have followed another leader: follow now Camillus, and, as your habit is when I am leading, conquer. Why do you look on the rampart and the camp? Not one of you shall find entrance there, save as a victor.”

> Latin: 24.6. secuti alium ducem sequimini nunc Camillum et quod ductu meo soletis uincite. quid uallum et castra spectatis? neminem uestrum illa nisi uictorem receptura sunt'.

[¶19] 24.7. A sense of shame at first checked their headlong flight; then, as they saw the standards face about and the line form up against the enemy, while their general, distinguished for his many triumphs and rendered venerable by his age, exposed himself at the front amidst the ensigns, where the fighting and the danger were the greatest, they began each and every one to cry out against themselves and their fellows, and their mutual encouragements ran through the entire army in a ringing cheer.

> Latin: 24.7. pudor primo tenuit effusos; inde, ut circumagi signa obuertique aciem uiderunt in hostem et dux, praeterquam quod tot insignis triumphis, etiam aetate uenerabilis inter prima signa ubi plurimus labor periculumque erat se offerebat, increpare singuli se quisque et alios, et adhortatio in uicem totam alacri clamore peruasit aciem.

[¶20] 24.8. Nor was the other tribune behindhand, but being sent by his colleague —who was re-forming the line of foot —to rally the horse, he did not chide them —for his share in their fault would have made this of little use —but turning wholly from commands to entreaties, he besought them one and all to save him from the guilt of that day's mishap, for which he was responsible.

> Latin: 24.8. neque alter tribunus rei defuit sed missus a collega restituente peditum aciem ad equites, non castigando—ad quam rem leuiorem auctorem eum culpae societas fecerat—sed ab imperio totus ad preces uersus orare singulos uniuersosque ut se reum fortunae eius diei crimine eximerent:

[¶21] 24.9. “Notwithstanding,” he said, “the refusal and the opposition of my colleague, I gave my adhesion to the general recklessness in preference to the prudence of one man.”

> Latin: 24.9. 'abnuente ac prohibente collega temeritati me omnium potius socium quam unius prudentiae dedi. Camillus in utraque uestra fortuna suam gloriam uidet; ego, ni restituitur pugna, quod miserrimum est, fortunam cum omnibus, infamiam solus sentiam.'

[¶22] 24.10. “Camillus sees glory for himself, whichever way your fortune turns; but I, if the battle is not restored, shall experience the utter misery of sharing with everybody the disaster, while enduring the infamy alone.” It seemed best, as the battle-line was wavering, to dismiss the horses and attack the enemy on foot. Conspicuous for their arms and their courage, they advanced where they saw the foot-soldiers hardest pressed.

> Latin: 24.10. optimum uisum est in fluctuante acie tradi equos et pedestri pugna inuadere hostem. eunt insignes armis animisque qua premi parte maxime peditum copias uident. nihil neque apud duces neque apud milites remittitur a summo certamine animi.

[¶23] 24.11. Neither generals nor soldiers relaxed their utmost efforts, and the help afforded by their brave exertions was felt in the result. The Volsci fled in a genuine panic over the ground where they had lately pretended fear. Great numbers of them were slain both in the battle itself and in the flight which followed; the others were cut down in the camp, which was captured in the same charge; but more were made prisoners than were slain.

> Latin: 24.11. sensit ergo euentus uirtutis enixae opem et Uolsci, qua modo simulato metu cesserant, ea in ueram fugam effusi, magna pars et in ipso certamine et post in fuga caesi, ceteri in castris quae capta eodem impetu sunt; plures tamen capti quam occisi.

[¶24] 25.1. In taking account of the prisoners, they recognized some as being Tusculans. These were separated from the rest and brought before the tribunes, to whom they confessed, on being questioned, that they had served at the bidding of the state.

> Latin: 25.1. ubi in recensendis captiuis cum Tusculani aliquot noscitarentur, secreti ab aliis ad tribunos adducuntur percontantibusque fassi publico consilio se militasse.

[¶25] 25.2. The danger of so near a war disturbed Camillus, who declared that he would straight-way carry the prisoners to Rome, that the Fathers might not be kept in ignorance how the Tusculans had broken the alliance.

> Latin: 25.2. cuius tam uicini belli metu Camillus motus extemplo se Romam captiuos ducturum ait, ne patres ignari sint Tusculanos ab societate descisse: castris exercituique interim, si uideatur, praesit collega.

[¶26] 25.3. In the meantime he proposed that his colleague should, if agreeable, take charge of the camp and the army. A single day had taught Lucius Furius not to prefer his own to wiser counsels, yet neither he nor anyone in the army supposed that Camillus would condone his fault, which had plunged the commonwealth into such desperate peril;

> Latin: 25.3. documento unus dies fuerat, ne sua consilia melioribus praeferret; nec tamen aut ipsi aut in exercitu cuiquam satis placato animo Camillus laturus culpam eius uidebatur, qua data in tam praecipitem casum res publica esset;

[¶27] 25.4. and everybody, not in the army only, but also in Rome, agreed in saying, that in the ups and downs of the Volscian war, the responsibility for the defeat and flight lay with Lucius Furius, and all the credit for the victory with Camillus.

> Latin: 25.4. et cum in exercitu tum Romae constans omnium fama erat, cum uaria fortuna in Uolscis gesta res esset, aduersae pugnae fugaeque in L. Furio culpam, secundae decus omne penes M. Furium esse.

[¶28] 25.5. But when the prisoners had been introduced into the senate, and the Fathers, having decided that they must make war on Tusculum, had designated Camillus to conduct it, he requested that he might have a single lieutenant to assist him, and being permitted to select any one of his colleagues whom he might desire, contrary to everybody's expectation he selected Lucius Furius —an instance of magnanimity which, while it lightened the disgrace of his colleague, also brought great honour to himself.

> Latin: 25.5. introductis in senatum captiuis cum bello persequendos Tusculanos patres censuissent Camilloque id bellum mandassent, adiutorem sibi ad eam rem unum petit, permissoque ut ex collegis optaret quem uellet contra spem omnium L. Furium optauit;

[¶29] 25.6. But no war was, in fact, waged with the Tusculans: by their steadfast adherence to peace they saved themselves from violation by the Romans, as they could not have done by resorting to arms.

> Latin: 25.6. qua moderatione animi cum collegae leuauit infamiam tum sibi gloriam ingentem peperit. nec fuit cum Tusculanis bellum: pace constanti uim Romanam arcuerunt quam armis non poterant.

[¶30] 25.7. When the Romans entered their territory, they did not withdraw from the places near the line of march, nor break off their labour in the fields; the gates of their city stood wide open; the citizens, wearing the toga, came out in great numbers to meet the generals;

> Latin: 25.7. intrantibus fines Romanis non demigratum ex propinquis itineri locis, non cultus agrorum intermissus; patentibus portis urbis togati obuiam frequentes imperatoribus processere; commeatus exercitui comiter in castra ex urbe et ex agris deuehitur.

[¶31] 25.8. and provisions for the army were obligingly brought into the camp from the city and the farms. Camillus set up his camp before the gates, and desirous of knowing whether the same aspect of peace prevailed within the walls that was displayed in the country, entered the city and beheld the house-doors open, the shops with their shutters off and all their wares exposed, the craftsmen all busy at their respective trades, the schools buzzing with the voices of the scholars, crowds in the streets, and women and children going about amongst the rest, this way and that, as their several occasions called them —with never anywhere an indication of surprise, much less of fear.

> Latin: 25.8. Camillus castris ante portas positis, eademne forma pacis quae in agris ostentaretur etiam intra moenia esset scire cupiens, ingressus urbem ubi patentes ianuas et tabernis apertis proposita omnia in medio uidit intentosque opifices suo quemque operi et ludos litterarum strepere discentium uocibus ac repletas semitas inter uolgus aliud puerorum et mulierum huc atque illuc euntium qua quemque suorum usuum causae ferrent, nihil usquam non pauidis modo sed ne mirantibus quidem simile, circumspiciebat omnia, inquirens oculis ubinam bellum fuisset;

[¶32] 25.11. He looked everywhere for any visible evidence that a war had been on foot; but there was no sign that anything had been either removed or brought out for the moment; everything looked so undisturbed and peaceful that it seemed scarce credible that so much as a rumour of war should have come there.

> Latin: 25.11. adeo nec amotae rei usquam nec oblatae ad tempus uestigium ullum erat sed ita omnia constanti tranquilla pace ut eo uix fama belli perlata uideri posset.

[¶33] 26.1. Overcome therefore by the enemy's submissiveness, he commanded their senate to be called. “Men of Tusculum,” he said, “until now you alone have discovered the right weapons and the right resources with which to defend your possessions from the resentment of the Romans.”

> Latin: 26.1. uictus igitur patientia hostium senatum eorum uocari iussit. 'soli adhuc' inquit, 'Tusculani, uera arma uerasque uires quibus ab ira Romanorum uestra tutaremini inuenistis.

[¶34] 26.2. “Go to Rome, to the senate; the Fathers will determine whether you have deserved more punishment hitherto or pardon now. I will not forestall them by accepting your gratitude for a favour that must be granted by the state; from me you shall have an opportunity to solicit mercy; the answer to your suit must be such as the senate sees fit to make.”

> Latin: 26.2. ite Romam ad senatum; aestimabunt patres utrum plus ante poenae an nunc ueniae meriti sitis. non praecipiam gratiam publici beneficii; deprecandi potestatem a me habueritis; precibus euentum uestris senatus quem uidebitur dabit.'

[¶35] 26.3. When the Tusculans arrived in Rome, and the senators of a people who before had been faithful allies appeared in the vestibule of the Curia, covered with dejection, the Fathers were straightway moved, and in a spirit that had already more in it of hospitality than hostility bade them be at once admitted.

> Latin: 26.3. postquam Romam Tusculani uenerunt senatusque paulo ante fidelium sociorum maestus in uestibulo curiae est conspectus, moti extemplo patres uocari eos iam tum hospitaliter magis quam hostiliter iussere.

[¶36] 26.4. The Tusculan dictator thus addressed them: “Though you declared war on us and invaded our country, Conscript Fathers, we went forth to meet your generals and your legions armed and accoutred exactly as you now behold us standing in the entrance of your senate-house.”

> Latin: 26.4. dictator Tusculanus ita uerba fecit: 'quibus bellum indixistis intulistisque, patres conscripti, sicut nunc uidetis nos stantes in uestibulo curiae uestrae, ita armati paratique obuiam imperatoribus legionibusque uestris processimus.

[¶37] 26.5. “Such has ever been our garb and the garb of our people —ay, and ever shall be —save at such times as we have been armed by you and for your defence. We give thanks to your commanders and your armies, since they have believed their eyes more than their ears, and where they encountered no hostility, themselves have showed none.”

> Latin: 26.5. hic noster, hic plebis nostrae habitus fuit eritque semper, nisi si quando a uobis proque uobis arma acceperimus. gratias agimus et ducibus uestris et exercitibus, quod oculis magis quam auribus crediderunt et ubi nihil hostile erat ne ipsi quidem fecerunt.

[¶38] 26.6. “The peace we have used towards you, we ask of you in return; direct your war, we beseech you, to that quarter where war, if anywhere, exists; if we must try, by suffering, what your arms can achieve against ourselves, we will try unarmed.”

> Latin: 26.6. pacem, quam nos praestitimus, eam a uobis petimus; bellum eo, sicubi est, auertatis precamur; in nos quid arma polleant uestra, si patiendo experiundum est, inermes experiemur. haec mens nostra est—di immortales faciant—tam felix quam pia.

[¶39] 26.7. “Such is our resolution; Heaven send it be not less fortunate than loyal. As to the charges which stirred you to declare a war, though it skills not to disprove with words what facts have already confuted, still, even were they true, we think we might safely plead guilty to them, since our repentance is so evident. Let men wrong you, so long as you continue worthy to receive such amends.”

> Latin: 26.7. quod ad crimina attinet quibus moti bellum indixistis, etsi reuicta rebus uerbis confutare nihil attinet, tamen, etiamsi uera sint, uel fateri nobis ea, cum tam euidenter paenituerit, tutum censemus. peccetur in uos, dum digni sitis quibus ita satisfiat'.

[¶40] 26.8. To this purport was the speech of the Tusculans. They were granted peace for the present, and not long after were even admitted to be citizens. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum.

> Latin: 26.8. tantum fere uerborum ab Tusculanis factum. pacem in praesentia nec ita multo post ciuitatem etiam impetrauerunt. ab Tusculo legiones reductae.

[¶41] 27.1. Renowned for his strategy and courage in the Volscian war and his success in the expedition against Tusculum, and for his singular gentleness and generosity on both occasions towards his colleague, Camillus laid down his office, after announcing the election of military tribunes for the ensuing year.

> Latin: 27.1. Camillus, consilio et uirtute in Uolsco bello, felicitate in Tusculana expeditione, utrobique singulari aduersus collegam patientia et moderatione insignis, magistratu abiit creatis tribunis militaribus in insequentem annum L.

[¶42] 27.2. The successful candidates were Lucius and Publius Valerius (Lucius for the fifth and Publius for the third time), Gaius Sergius (for the third time), Lucius Menenius (for the second time), Publius Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis.

> Latin: 27.2. et P. Ualeriis —Lucio quintum, Publio tertium—[et] C. Sergio tertium Licinio† Menenio iterum P. Papirio Ser. Cornelio Maluginense.

[¶43] 27.3. There was need also this year of censors, chiefly on account of the uncertain reports which were going about in regard to debt. The tribunes of the plebs even exaggerated the extent of this grievance, whereas it was understated by those who were interested in having it appear that loans were more in danger from the bad faith than the bad fortune of the debtors.

> Latin: 27.3. censoribus quoque eguit annus, maxime propter incertam famam aeris alieni, adgrauantibus summam etiam inuidiae eius tribunis plebis, cum ab iis eleuaretur quibus fide magis quam fortuna debentium laborare creditum uideri expediebat.

[¶44] 27.4. The censors chosen were Gaius Sulpicius Camerinus and Spurius Postumius Regillensis, and they had already set about their task, when it was interrupted by the death of Postumius; for there were religious scruples against replacing the colleague of a censor.

> Latin: 27.4. creati censores C. Sulpicius Camerinus Sp. Postumius Regillensis, coeptaque iam res morte Postumi, quia collegam suffici censori religio erat, interpellata est.

[¶45] 27.5. So then, Sulpicius resigned, and other censors were elected, but, owing to a defect in the election, did not serve. The senate could not bring itself to proceed to a third election, being persuaded that the gods would permit no censorship that year.

> Latin: 27.5. igitur cum Sulpicius abdicasset se magistratu, censores alii uitio creati non gesserunt magistratum; tertios creari uelut dis non accipientibus in eum annum censuram religiosum fuit.

[¶46] 27.6. But this irresolution the tribunes characterized as an intolerable mockery of the plebs. The senate, they said, was seeking to avoid the evidence of witnesses and public records regarding the property of every man, because they were unwilling it should be seen how great was the volume of debt, which would show that half of the state had been ruined by the other half, while the debt-ridden plebs were in the meantime being exposed to one enemy after another;

> Latin: 27.6. eam uero ludificationem plebis tribuni ferendam negabant: fugere senatum testes tabulas publicas census cuiusque, quia nolint conspici summam aeris alieni, quae indicatura sit demersam partem a parte ciuitatis, cum interim obaeratam plebem obiectari aliis atque aliis hostibus;

[¶47] 27.7. wars were now sought indiscriminately, far and wide; from Antium the legions had been marched to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae, from there to Tusculum; now it was the Latins, the Hernici and the Praenestini who were threatened with attack, more out of hatred of Rome's citizens than of her enemies. The object was to wear the plebeians out with service and give them no time to take breath in the City, or leisure to bethink them of liberty or to stand in the assembly, where they might sometimes hear the voice of a tribune urging the reduction of interest and the removal of their other grievances.

> Latin: 27.7. passim iam sine ullo discrimine bella quaeri: ab Antio Satricum, ab Satrico Uelitras, inde Tusculum legiones ductas; Latinis Hernicis Praenestinis iam intentari arma ciuium magis quam hostium odio, ut in armis terant plebem nec respirare in urbe aut per otium libertatis meminisse sinant aut consistere in contione, ubi aliquando audiant uocem tribuniciam de leuando fenore et finem aliarum iniuriarum agentem.

[¶48] 27.8. But if the plebs had the spirit to recall their fathers' liberty, they would allow no Roman citizen to be bound to a creditor, nor any levy to be held, until the amount of indebtedness had been examined and a plan for lessening it put into operation, that every man might know what was his own and what another's, and whether his person was still free, or whether even that was owing to the gaol.

> Latin: 27.8. quod si sit animus plebi memor patrum libertatis, se nec addici quemquam ciuem Romanum ob creditam pecuniam passuros neque dilectum haberi, donec inspecto aere alieno initaque ratione minuendi eius sciat unus quisque quid sui, quid alieni sit, supersit sibi liberum corpus an id quoque neruo debeatur.

[¶49] 27.9. The reward held out to sedition soon brought sedition to a head. For many were being bound over, and the senate had voted to enlist new levies on the rumour of hostilities at Praeneste. Both these proceedings began at the same time to be interfered with by the exercise of the tribunician protection and the common action of the plebs; for the tribunes would not allow those who had been bound over to be led away, nor would the young men give in their names.

> Latin: 27.9. merces seditionis proposita confestim seditionem excitauit. nam et addicebantur multi, et ad Praenestini famam belli nouas legiones scribendas patres censuerant; quae utraque simul auxilio tribunicio et consensu plebis impediri coepta;

[¶50] 27.10. The patricians were for the moment less concerned with enforcing the law of debt than with the levy —not unnaturally, since the enemy were reported as having already set out from Praeneste and encamped in the territory of Gabii —but on the tribunes of the plebs this intelligence had acted more as an incentive to the struggle they had undertaken than as a deterrent, and the only thing that was able to allay the quarrel in the City was the approach of the enemy to its very walls.

> Latin: 27.10. nam neque duci addictos tribuni sinebant neque iuniores nomina dabant. cum patribus minor <in> praesens cura creditae pecuniae iuris exsequendi quam dilectus esset —quippe iam a Praeneste profectos hostes in agro Gabino consedisse nuntiabatur—interim tribunos plebis fama ea ipsa inritauerat magis ad susceptum certamen quam deterruerat neque aliud ad seditionem exstinguendam in urbe quam prope inlatum moenibus ipsis bellum ualuit.

[¶51] 28.1. For when the Praenestini were informed that no army had been enrolled in Rome, that there was no one definitely in command, that patricians and plebeians had turned against each other, their leaders concluded that their opportunity had come, and quickly putting their troops in motion, they devastated the fields along their line of march and advanced against the Colline Gate.

> Latin: 28.1. nam cum esset Praenestinis nuntiatum nullum exercitum conscriptum Romae, nullum ducem certum esse, patres ac plebem in semet ipsos uersos, occasionem rati duces eorum raptim agmine facto, peruastatis protinus agris ad portam Collinam signa intulere.

[¶52] 28.3. Great was the consternation in the City. The call to arms was given, and men hurried to the walls and gates. They had turned at last from domestic strife to war, and proceeded to make Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator, who named Aulus Sempronius Atratinus master of the horse. No sooner was this known —so great was the terror the dictatorship inspired —than the enemy at once withdrew from before the walls, and the Romans of military age assembled without offering objection, in accordance with the edict.

> Latin: 28.3. ingens in urbe trepidatio fuit. conclamatum 'ad arma', concursumque in muros adque portas est; tandemque ab seditione ad bellum uersi dictatorem T. Quinctium Cincinnatum creauere. is magistrum equitum A. Sempronium Atratinum dixit. quod ubi auditum est— tantus eius magistratus terror erat—simul hostes a moenibus recessere et iuniores Romani ad edictum sine retractatione conuenere.

[¶53] 28.5. While the army was being enrolled at Rome, the enemy had gone into camp not far from the Allia. From this centre they pillaged in all directions, and boasted to one another that they had occupied a position that was fraught with fate for the City of Rome; there would be another rout there like the one in the Gallic war; for if the Romans feared a day infected with evil omen and marked it with the name of that place, how much more than the Day of the Allia would they dread the Allia itself, that memorial of their great defeat?

> Latin: 28.5. dum conscribitur Romae exercitus, castra interim hostium haud procul Allia flumine posita; inde agrum late populantes, fatalem se urbi Romanae locum cepisse inter se iactabant; similem pauorem inde ac fugam fore ac bello Gallico fuerit; etenim si diem contactum religione insignemque nomine eius loci timeant Romani, quanto magis Alliensi die Alliam ipsam, monumentum tantae cladis, reformidaturos? species profecto iis ibi truces Gallorum sonumque uocis in oculis atque auribus fore.

[¶54] 28.7. They were sure to behold there apparitions of ruthless Gauls, and to have the sound of their voices in their ears. Indulging these idle speculations on idle themes, they had rested their hopes on the fortune of the place.

> Latin: 28.7. has inanium rerum inanes ipsas uoluentes cogitationes fortunae loci delegauerant spes suas. Romani contra, ubicumque esset Latinus hostis, satis scire eum esse quem ad Regillum lacum deuictum centum annorum pace obnoxia tenuerint:

[¶55] 28.8. The Romans on the other hand were well assured that wherever their Latin enemy was, he was one whom they had conquered at Lake Regillus and had held in peaceable subjection for a hundred years; a place notorious for the memory of disaster would rather inspire them to wipe out the recollection of the disgrace than cause them to fear that any ground was inauspicious for their victory;

> Latin: 28.8. locum insignem memoria cladis inritaturum se potius ad delendam memoriam dedecoris quam ut timorem faciat, ne qua terra sit nefasta uictoriae suae;

[¶56] 28.9. nay, if the Gauls themselves should confront them on that spot, they would fight as they had fought at Rome in recovering their City and on the following day at Gabii, when they left no enemy who had entered the walls of Rome, to bear home tidings either of weal or woe.

> Latin: 28.9. quin ipsi sibi Galli si offerantur illo loco, se ita pugnaturos ut Romae pugnauerint in repetenda patria ut postero die ad Gabios, tunc cum effecerint ne quis hostis qui moenia Romana intrasset nuntium secundae aduersaeque fortunae domum perferret.

[¶57] 29.1. Such were the feelings on either side when the Romans arrived at the Allia. As they came within sight of the enemy, drawn up and eager for the fray, the dictator addressed Sempronius. “Do you see,” he said, “how they have made their stand at the Allia, putting their trust in the fortune of the place? We shall find the immortal gods have given them no surer grounds for confidence nor any more substantial help.”

> Latin: 29.1. his utrimque animis ad Alliam uentum est. dictator Romanus, postquam in conspectu hostes erant instructi intentique, 'uidesne tu' inquit, ' A. Semproni, loci fortuna illos fretos ad Alliam constitisse? nec illis di immortales certioris quicquam fiduciae maiorisue quod sit auxilii dederint.

[¶58] 29.2. “But do you confide in arms and valour, and charge their centre at the gallop; I, with the legions, will attack them when they are in disorder and confusion. Be with us, gods of the treaty, and exact the penalties due to you for the injury you have suffered and to us for the deception put upon us in your holy name!”

> Latin: 29.2. at tu, fretus armis animisque, concitatis equis inuade mediam aciem; ego cum legionibus in turbatos trepidantesque inferam signa. adeste, di testes foederis, et expetite poenas debitas simul uobis uiolatis nobisque per uestrum numen deceptis.' non equitem, non peditem sustinuere Praenestini.

[¶59] 29.3. The men of Praeneste could cope with neither horse nor foot. Their ranks were broken at the first shout and charge; then, as their line yielded at every point, they turned and fled, and in their confusion were carried even beyond their own camp; neither did they check their headlong flight until they had come within sight of Praeneste.

> Latin: 29.3. primo impetu ac clamore dissipati ordines sunt dein, postquam nullo loco constabat acies, terga uertunt consternatique et praeter castra etiam sua pauore praelati non prius se ab effuso cursu sistunt quam in conspectu Praeneste fuit.

[¶60] 29.4. There the scattered remnants of the rout took up a position which lent itself to hasty fortification, lest, if they sought refuge within the walls, they might immediately find the torch put to their crops, and, after losing everything, be subjected to a siege.

> Latin: 29.4. ibi ex fuga dissipati locum quem tumultuario opere communirent capiunt, ne, si intra moenia se recepissent, extemplo ureretur ager depopulatisque omnibus obsidio urbi inferretur.

[¶61] 29.5. But no sooner had the victorious Romans appeared, fresh from plundering the camp on the Allia, than they abandoned these defences also, and, regarding even walls as little enough protection, immured themselves in the town of Praeneste.

> Latin: 29.5. sed postquam direptis ad Alliam castris uictor Romanus aderat, id quoque munimentum relictum; et uix moenia tuta rati oppido se Praeneste includunt.

[¶62] 29.6. There were eight other towns which were under the sway of the Praenestini. Against these the Romans directed their campaign, and having taken them, with no great exertion, one after the other, marched to Velitrae and stormed that place also.

> Latin: 29.6. octo praeterea oppida erant sub dicione Praenestinorum. ad ea circumlatum bellum deincepsque haud magno certamine captis Uelitras exercitus ductus; eae quoque expugnatae. tum ad caput belli Praeneste uentum.

[¶63] 29.8. Coming then to Praeneste, the fountain-head of the war, they got possession of it not by force but through capitulation. Titus Quinctius had gained one pitched battle, captured two camps, taken nine towns by assault, and received the surrender of Praeneste. He returned to Rome bringing with him from Praeneste the image of Jupiter Imperator.

> Latin: 29.8. id non ui sed per deditionem receptum est. T. Quinctius, semel acie uictor, binis castris hostium, nouem oppidis ui captis, Praeneste in deditionem accepto Romam reuertit triumphansque signum Praeneste deuectum Iouis Imperatoris in Capitolium tulit.

[¶64] 29.9. This he bore in triumph to the Capitol, where he dedicated it, between the shrine of Jupiter and that of Minerva.

> Latin: 29.9. dedicatum est inter cellam Iouis ac Mineruae tabulaque sub eo fixa, monumentum rerum gestarum, his ferme incisa litteris fuit: 'Iuppiter atque diui omnes hoc dederunt ut T.

[¶65] 29.10. Below it he placed a tablet, in commemoration of his deeds, with an inscription to the following effect: “Jupiter and all the gods granted Titus Quinctius the dictator that he should take nine towns.” On the twentieth day after his appointment he resigned the dictatorship.

> Latin: 29.10. Quinctius dictator oppida nouem caperet'. die uicesimo quam creatus erat dictatura se abdicauit.

[¶66] 30.1. In the ensuing election of military tribunes with consular powers, patricians and plebeians came off alike.

> Latin: 30.1. comitia inde habita tribunorum militum consulari potestate, quibus aequatus patriciorum plebeiorumque numerus.

[¶67] 30.2. Of the patricians Publius and Gaius Manlius were successful, along with Lucius Julius; the plebs returned Gaius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius. The Manlii were superior in birth to their plebeian colleagues, and in popularity to Julius.

> Latin: 30.2. ex patribus creati P. et C. Manlii cum L. Iulio; plebes C. Sextilium M. Albinium L. Antistium dedit. Manliis, quod genere plebeios, gratia Iulium anteibant, Uolsci prouincia sine sorte, sine comparatione, extra ordinem data;

[¶68] 30.3. To them, therefore, by special enactment, without reference to the lot or to mutual agreement, was given the command against the Volsci —an honour which they rued in the upshot, as did also the senators who had conferred it. Without reconnoitring they sent some troops to forage, and believing them to be cut of, for they had received a false report that such was the case, they hastened to their assistance, without so much as securing the author of the story —a Latin enemy who had deceived them in the guise of a Roman soldier, —and plunged into an ambuscade.

> Latin: 30.3. cuius et ipsos postmodo et patres qui dederant paenituit. inexplorato pabulatum cohortes misere; quibus uelut circumuentis, cum id falso nuntiatum esset, dum praesidio ut essent citati feruntur, ne auctore quidem adseruato qui eos hostis Latinus pro milite Romano frustratus erat ipsi in insidias praecipitauere.

[¶69] 30.5. While they were making a stand there on unfavourable ground, by the sheer courage of the men, who were selling their lives dearly, the Roman camp which lay in the plain was attacked by the enemy on the opposite side. In both places victory was thrown away by the rashness and ignorance of the generals.

> Latin: 30.5. ibi dum iniquo loco sola uirtute militum restantes caedunt caedunturque, castra interim Romana iacentia in campo ab altera parte hostes inuasere.

[¶70] 30.6. Whatever was left of the good fortune of the Roman People was saved by the pluck of the soldiers, which continued steadfast even when it lacked guidance.

> Latin: 30.6. ab ducibus utrobique proditae temeritate atque inscitia res; quidquid superfuit Fortunae populi Romani, id militum etiam sine rectore stabilis uirtus tutata est.

[¶71] 30.7. On the announcement of these events at Rome, it was at first resolved to appoint a dictator; but later, when word came that things were quiet in the Volscian country, and it appeared that the enemy knew not how to use his victory and opportunity, even the armies and commanders which were there were withdrawn, and thereafter there was no trouble as far as the Volsci were concerned;

> Latin: 30.7. quae ubi Romam sunt relata, primum dictatorem dici placebat; deinde, postquam quietae res ex Uolscis adferebantur et apparuit nescire eos uictoria et tempore uti, reuocati etiam inde exercitus ac duces;

[¶72] 30.8. the only disturbance —towards the close of the year —was a mutiny of the Praenestini, who had stirred the peoples of Latium to revolt.

> Latin: 30.8. otiumque inde, quantum a Uolscis, fuisset; id modo extremo anno tumultuatum quod Praenestini concitatis Latinorum populis rebellarunt.

[¶73] 30.9. That same year new colonists were enrolled for Setia, whose inhabitants themselves were complaining of their lack of men. For the ill success of the war there was consolation in the tranquillity at home, which was due to the influence of the plebeian military tribunes and the honour in which their order held them.

> Latin: 30.9. eodem anno Setiam ipsis querentibus penuriam hominum noui coloni adscripti; rebusque haud prosperis bello domestica quies, quam tribunorum militum ex plebe gratia maiestasque inter suos obtinuit, solacium fuit.

[¶74] 31.1. The following year started off in a blaze of party strife. The military tribunes with consular powers were Spurius Furius, Quintus Servilius (for the second time), Lucius Menenius (for the third), Publius Cloelius, Marcus Horatius, and Lucius Geganius.

> Latin: 31.1. insequentis anni principia statim seditione ingenti arsere tribunis militum consulari potestate Sp. Furio Q. Seruilio iterum Licinio† Menenio tertium P. Cloelio M. Horatio L. Geganio.

[¶75] 31.2. Now the subject and reason of the strife was debt. But when Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Cloelius Siculus had been made censors in order that they might investigate the situation, they were prevented from doing so by a war;

> Latin: 31.2. erat autem et materia et causa seditionis aes alienum; cuius noscendi gratia Sp. Seruilius Priscus Q. Cloelius Siculus censores facti ne rem agerent bello impediti sunt;

[¶76] 31.3. for first frightened messengers, and then the country-folk fleeing from the fields, brought word that the Volscian legions had crossed the border, and were everywhere devastating Roman territory.

> Latin: 31.3. namque trepidi nuntii primo, fuga deinde ex agris legiones Uolscorum ingressas fines popularique passim Romanum agrum attulere.

[¶77] 31.4. Yet with all this alarm, the danger from abroad was so far from restraining dissensions at home, that on the contrary the tribunes but acted with the greater violence, in exerting their powers to block the levy; until the senate submitted to their terms, and agreed that till the war was finished no one should pay a war-tax or give judgment in a case of debt.

> Latin: 31.4. in qua trepidatione tantum afuit ut ciuilia certamina terror externus cohiberet, ut contra eo uiolentior potestas tribunicia impediendo dilectu esset, donec condiciones impositae patribus ne quis, quoad bellatum esset, tributum daret aut ius de pecunia credita diceret.

[¶78] 31.5. The plebs, on obtaining this relief, ceased to obstruct the levy. When the new legions had been enrolled, it was resolved to divide them and form two armies to invade the country of the Volsci. Spurius Furius and Marcus Horatius marched to the right, towards Antium and the coast; Quintus Servilius and Lucius Geganius to the left, in the direction of Ecetra and the mountains.

> Latin: 31.5. eo laxamento plebi sumpto mora dilectui non est facta. legionibus nouis scriptis placuit duos exercitus in agrum Uolscum legionibus diuisis duci. Sp. Furius M. Horatius dextrorsus <in> maritimam oram atque Antium, Q. Seruilius et L. Geganius laeua ad montes <et> Ecetram pergunt.

[¶79] 31.6. In neither region did they find the enemy. They accordingly laid waste the country, not in the desultory fashion of the Volsci, who like bandits, trusting in the discord of their foes but fearing their courage, had made a hasty foray in fear and trembling, —but with a regular army, justly provoked, and the more destructive in that they took more time.

> Latin: 31.6. neutra parte hostis obuius [fuit]. populatio itaque non illi uagae similis quam Uolscus latrocinii more, discordiae hostium fretus et uirtutem metuens, per trepidationem raptim fecerat sed ab iusto exercitu iusta ira facta, spatio quoque temporis grauior.

[¶80] 31.7. In fact, the Volsci had confined their pillaging to the borders, because of their fear lest an army might come out from Rome while they were at it; the Romans, on the contrary, were partly actuated, in remaining on hostile ground, by the desire of luring the enemy into a battle.

> Latin: 31.7. quippe a Uolscis timentibus ne interim exercitus ab Roma exiret incursiones in extrema finium factae erant; Romano contra etiam in hostico morandi causa [erat], ut hostem ad certamen eliceret.

[¶81] 31.8. So they burned all the farm-houses everywhere, and even certain villages, and leaving not a single fruit-tree nor the standing corn with its hope of harvest, they carried off as booty all the men and beasts outside the towns, and led both armies back to Rome.

> Latin: 31.8. itaque omnibus passim tectis agrorum uicisque etiam quibusdam exustis, non arbore frugifera, non satis in spem frugum relictis, omni quae extra moenia fuit hominum pecudumque praeda abacta Romam utrimque exercitus reducti.

[¶82] 32.1. The debtors had been given a little time for breathing, but no sooner did hostilities cease than the courts began once more to be alive with prosecutions, and not only was there no prospect of obtaining relief from the old debts, but further debts were incurred through the levying of a tax to build a wall of hewn stone, which the censors had contracted for.

> Latin: 32.1. paruo interuallo ad respirandum debitoribus dato, postquam quietae res ab hostibus erant, celebrari de integro iuris dictio et tantum abesse spes ueteris leuandi fenoris, ut tributo nouum fenus contraheretur in murum a censoribus locatum saxo quadrato faciundum;

[¶83] 32.2. To this burden the plebs were forced to submit, in the absence of any levy which their tribunes could obstruct.

> Latin: 32.2. cui succumbere oneri coacta plebes, quia quem dilectum impedirent non habebant tribuni plebis.

[¶84] 32.3. The nobles even possessed sufficient influence to oblige the plebs to elect all patricians to the millitary tribunate; these were Lucius Aemilius, Publius Valerius (for the fourth time), Gaius Veturius Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Gaius Quinctius Cincinnatus.

> Latin: 32.3. tribunos etiam militares patricios omnes coacta principum opibus fecit, L. Aemilium P. Ualerium quartum C. Ueturium Ser. Sulpicium L. et C. Quinctios Cincinnatos.

[¶85] 32.4. The same influence enabled them to carry through their plans against the Latins and the Volsci, who had united their forces and were encamped near Satricum.

> Latin: 32.4. iisdem opibus obtinuere ut aduersus Latinos Uolscosque, qui coniunctis legionibus ad Satricum castra habebant, nullo impediente omnibus iunioribus sacramento adactis tres exercitus scriberent:

[¶86] 32.5. No one objected when the men of military age were all compelled to take the oath, and three armies were enrolled: one was intended to defend the City; another was for use in sudden expeditions, if a revolt should break out anywhere; a third —much the strongest —marched to Satricum, under Publius Valerius and Lucius Aemilius.

> Latin: 32.5. unum ad praesidium urbis: alterum qui, si qui alibi motus exstitisset, ad subita belli mitti posset: tertium longe ualidissimum P. Ualerius et L. Aemilius ad Satricum duxere.

[¶87] 32.6. There they found the enemy drawn up in a strong position, and at once attacked them; and though victory was not yet assured, yet the battle was in a hopeful state, when great gusts of wind brought on a heavy downpour of rain and interrupted it.

> Latin: 32.6. ubi cum aciem instructam hostium loco aequo inuenissent, extemplo pugnatum; et ut nondum satis claram uictoriam, sic prosperae spei pugnam imber ingentibus procellis fusus diremit. postero die iterata pugna; et aliquamdiu aequa uirtute fortunaque Latinae maxime legiones longa societate militiam Romanam edoctae restabant.

[¶88] 32.8. Next day the combat was renewed, and for some little time the enemy —particularly the Latin legions, schooled in Roman discipline by their long alliance —resisted with equal courage and success. But the cavalry were sent against them and threw their ranks into confusion, and before they could recover, the infantry were upon them;

> Latin: 32.8. sed eques immissus ordines turbauit; turbatis signa peditum inlata, quantumque Romana se inuexit acies, tantum hostes gradu demoti; et ut semel inclinauit pugna, iam intolerabilis Romana uis erat.

[¶89] 32.9. in proportion as the Roman line advanced, was the enemy forced out of his position; and when once the tide of battle turned, there was no stopping the onrush of the Romans.

> Latin: 32.9. fusi hostes cum Satricum, quod duo milia inde aberat, non castra peterent, ab equite maxime caesi: castra capta direptaque.

[¶90] 32.10. The routed enemy made for Satricum, two miles away, instead of their camp, and suffered great slaughter, especially at the hands of the cavalry. Their camp was taken and sacked. The night after the battle they fled rather than marched towards Antium; and though the Roman army followed hard after, fear proved swifter than wrath.

> Latin: 32.10. ab Satrico nocte quae proelio proxima fuit, fugae simili agmine petunt Antium; et cum Romanus exercitus prope uestigiis sequeretur, plus tamen timor quam ira celeritatis habuit.

[¶91] 32.11. So the enemy got within the walls before the Romans could harass or delay their rear. A few days were then consumed in ravaging the land, since the Romans had not enough equipment to attack the walls, nor the enemy to risk a battle.

> Latin: 32.11. prius itaque moenia intrauere hostes quam Romanus extrema agminis carpere aut morari posset. inde aliquot dies uastando agro absumpti nec Romanis satis instructis apparatu bellico ad moenia adgredienda nec illis ad subeundum pugnae casum.

[¶92] 33.1. A quarrel now broke out between the Antiates and the Latins. The men of Antium, overwhelmed by their misfortunes and worn out by a war which had lasted from their birth to their old age were minded to capitulate:

> Latin: 33.1. seditio tum inter Antiates Latinosque coorta, cum Antiates uicti malis subactique bello in quo et nati erant et consenuerant deditionem spectarent, Latinos ex diutina pace noua defectio recentibus adhuc animis ferociores ad perseuerandum in bello faceret.

[¶93] 33.2. the Latins had but just revolted after a long peace; their spirits were still fresh; and they meant to continue boldly with the war. The dispute came to an end as soon as each party saw that the other could not prevent it in any way from carrying out its policy.

> Latin: 33.2. finis certaminis fuit postquam utrisque apparuit nihil per alteros stare quo minus incepta persequerentur.

[¶94] 33.3. The Latins departed, and freed themselves from all share in what they considered a degrading peace; the Antiates, being rid of inconvenient witnesses to their salutary measures, surrendered their city and lands to the Romans.

> Latin: 33.3. Latini profecti, ab societate pacis, ut rebantur, inhonestae sese uindicauerunt; Antiates incommodis arbitris salutarium consiliorum remotis urbem agrosque Romanis dedunt.

[¶95] 33.4. The frenzied wrath of the Latins sought relief —since they could neither do the Romans any injury in war nor retain the Volsci under arms —in burning Satricum, the town which had been their first place of refuge after their defeat.

> Latin: 33.4. ira et rabies Latinorum, quia nec Romanos bello laedere nec Uolscos in armis retinere potuerant, eo erupit ut Satricum urbem, quae receptaculum primum eis aduersae pugnae fuerat, igni concremarent. nec aliud tectum eius superfuit urbis, cum faces pariter sacris profanisque inicerent, quam Matris Matutae templum;

[¶96] 33.5. They applied the torch without discrimination both to sacred and to secular buildings, and not one escaped destruction, except the temple of Mater Matuta; from this they were kept away, according to the story, neither by their own scruples, nor by their reverence for the gods, but by an awe-inspiring voice that issued from the temple and threatened dire retribution if they did not remove those impious fires to a distance from the sacred walls.

> Latin: 33.5. inde eos nec sua religio nec uerecundia deum arcuisse dicitur sed uox horrenda edita templo cum tristibus minis ni nefandos ignes procul delubris amouissent.

[¶97] 33.6. Crazed and infuriated, a sudden impulse carried them to Tusculum. They were angry that the Tusculans had deserted the common council of the Latins and had yielded themselves to be not only allies but citizens of Rome.

> Latin: 33.6. incensos ea rabie impetus Tusculum tulit ob iram, quod deserto communi concilio Latinorum non in societatem modo Romanam sed etiam in ciuitatem se dedissent.

[¶98] 33.7. The gates were open, for their attack was unexpected, and the first shout had not died away when the town was taken, all except the citadel. To this the townsfolk fled for safety, with their wives and children, and sent off messengers to Rome to let the senate know of their predicament.

> Latin: 33.7. patentibus portis cum improuiso incidissent, primo clamore oppidum praeter arcem captum est. in arcem oppidani refugere cum coniugibus ac liberis nuntiosque Romam, qui certiorem de suo casu senatum facerent, misere.

[¶99] 33.8. With a promptness worthy of the honour of the Roman People, an army marched to Tusculum, commanded by the military tribunes Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius.

> Latin: 33.8. haud segnius quam fide populi Romani dignum fuit exercitus Tusculum ductus; L. Quinctius et Ser. Sulpicius tribuni militum duxere.

[¶100] 33.9. They found the gates of Tusculum closed and the Latins at once besiegers and besieged; on the one hand they were defending the walls of the town, on the other assailing the fortress, and they experienced themselves the same terror they inspired.

> Latin: 33.9. clausas portas Tusculi Latinosque simul obsidentium atque obsessorum animo hinc moenia [Tusculi] tueri uident, illinc arcem oppugnare, terrere una ac pauere.

[¶101] 33.10. The arrival of the Romans produced a change in the spirits of both sides: the Tusculans were roused from the depths of despair to the greatest cheerfulness; the Latins, who had felt almost certain that since the town was theirs they would soon possess the citadel, were reduced almost to despair of their own lives.

> Latin: 33.10. aduentus Romanorum mutauerat utriusque partis animos: Tusculanos ex ingenti metu in summam alacritatem, Latinos ex prope certa fiducia mox capiendae arcis, quoniam oppido potirentur, in exiguam de se ipsis spem uerterat.

[¶102] 33.11. The Tusculans in the citadel gave a cheer and were answered by one much louder from the Roman army. On both sides the Latins were hard pressed: they could neither resist the charges of the townsmen, as they rushed down from above, nor drive back the Romans, who were coming up under the walls and forcing the bars of the gates.

> Latin: 33.11. tollitur ex arce clamor ab Tusculanis; excipit aliquanto maior ab exercitu Romano. utrimque urgentur Latini: nec impetus Tusculanorum decurrentium ex superiore loco sustinent nec Romanos subeuntes moenia molientesque obices portarum arcere possunt.

[¶103] 33.12. The walls were first scaled and captured; then the fastenings of the gates were burst. The Latins were caught between two enemies, who assailed them hotly in front and rear; they had no strength to fight and no room to escape, and were slain where they stood, to the very last man. Having recovered Tusculum from its enemies, the army returned to Rome.

> Latin: 33.12. scalis prius moenia capta, inde effracta claustra portarum; et cum anceps hostis et a fronte et a tergo urgeret nec ad pugnam ulla uis nec ad fugam loci quicquam superesset, in medio caesi ad unum omnes. reciperato ab hostibus Tusculo exercitus Romam est reductus.

[¶104] 34.1. But in proportion as the successful wars of that year had everywhere secured tranquillity abroad, in the City the violence of the patricians and the sufferings of the plebs were increasing from one day to another, since the very fact that payment was compulsory made it more difficult to pay.

> Latin: 34.1. quanto magis prosperis eo anno bellis tranquilla omnia foris erant, tanto in urbe uis patrum in dies miseriaeque plebis crescebant, cum eo ipso, quod necesse erat solui, facultas soluendi impediretur.

[¶105] 34.2. And so, now that a man could make no compensation with his property, his reputation and his person were made over and assigned to his creditor by way of satisfaction, and punishment had come to take the place of payment.

> Latin: 34.2. itaque cum iam ex re nihil dari posset, fama et corpore iudicati atque addicti creditoribus satisfaciebant poenaque in uicem fidei cesserat.

[¶106] 34.3. So abject indeed was the surrender not only of the lowest of the plebs but even of their leaders, that, far from contending with patricians for the military tribuneship —a privilege for which they had striven with such energy —there was not a man of them of sufficient force and enterprise to seek or to administer the plebeian magistracies. The patricians seemed therefore to have regained possession in perpetuity of an office which the plebeians had merely assumed for some few years.

> Latin: 34.3. adeo ergo obnoxios summiserant animos non infimi solum sed principes etiam plebis, ut non modo ad tribunatum militum inter patricios petendum, quod tanta ui ut liceret tetenderant, sed ne ad plebeios quidem magistratus capessendos petendosque ulli uiro acri experientique animus esset, possessionemque honoris usurpati modo a plebe per paucos annos reciperasse in perpetuum patres uiderentur.