24.1. But the Romans were not yet sure of victory; on descending into the plain they found another fight awaiting them.
24.1. necdum certa Romanis uictoria erat; alia in campum degressis supererat moles.
24.2. For the Gallic host, superior to any feeling for such losses, sprang up like a new army, and urged their fresh troops against the victorious foe.
24.2. namque multitudo Gallorum, sensum omnem talis damni exsuperans, uelut noua rursus exoriente acie integrum militem aduersus uictorem hostem ciebat;
24.3. The Romans, slowing down, came to a halt, for they were confronted, weary as they were, with a second struggle, and the consul, rashly exposing himself in the van, had received a javelin in his left shoulder that had like to have gone clean through it, and had withdrawn for a brief space from the fight.
24.3. stetitque suppresso impetu Romanus, et quia iterum fessis subeunda dimicatio erat et quod consul, dum inter primores incautus agitat, laeuo umero matari prope traiecto cesserat parumper ex acie.
24.4. And now the delay had almost lost them the victory, when the consul, whose wound had been dressed, rode up again to the front. “Why are you standing there, my men?” he exclaimed. “You have no Latin or Sabine foe to deal with, whom you may overcome in fight and transform from an enemy into an ally; we have drawn the sword against wild beasts, and we must have their blood or yield them ours.”
24.4. iamque omissa cunctando uictoria erat, cum consul uolnere alligato reuectus ad prima signa 'quid stas, miles?' inquit; 'non cum Latino Sabinoque hoste res est, quem uictum armis socium ex hoste facias;
24.5. “You have repulsed them from your camp, you have driven them headlong down a sloping valley, you stand on heaps of your slain enemies; cover the plain with the same carnage you have spread upon the mountains.”
24.5. in beluas strinximus ferrum; hauriendus aut dandus est sanguis. propulistis a castris, supina ualle praecipites egistis, stratis corporibus hostium superstatis; complete eadem strage campos qua montes replestis.
24.6. “Do not wait for the enemy to flee from you, while you stand still; you must move forward and attack them.”
24.6. nolite exspectare dum stantes uos fugiant; inferenda sunt signa et uadendum in hostem.'
24.7. Roused once more to action by these exhortations, they drove back the foremost of the Gallic maniples, and then, forming in wedges, burst through into the midst of the main array;
24.7. his adhortationibus iterum coorti pellunt loco primos manipulos Gallorum; cuneis deinde in medium agmen perrumpunt.
24.8. whereat the barbarians were thrown into confusion, having no definite orders nor commanders, and, turning, charged upon their fellows; and so, dispersed about the fields, and even carried past their own camp in the rout, they made for the highest point in the range of hills that met their eyes, namely, the Alban Citadel.
24.8. inde barbari dissipati, quibus nec certa imperia nec duces essent, uertunt impetum in suos; fusique per campos et praeter castra etiam sua fuga praelati, quod editissimum inter aequales tumulos occurrebat oculis, arcem Albanam petunt.
24.9. The consul did not pursue them beyond their camp, for his wound was troubling him, and he was unwilling to send his troops against the hills which the enemy had occupied. Giving over to his soldiers the entire booty of the camp, he led back his army, flushed with victory and enriched with the Gallic spoils, to Rome.
24.9. consul non ultra castra insecutus, quia et uolnus degrauabat et subicere exercitum tumulis ab hoste occupatis nolebat, praeda omni castrorum militi data uictorem exercitum opulentumque Gallicis spoliis Romam reduxit.
24.10. The consul's triumph was delayed by reason of his wound, which also made the senate wish for a dictator, that there might be someone —in the illness of the consuls —who could hold the election.
24.10. moram triumpho uolnus consulis attulit eademque causa dictatoris desiderium senatui fecit, ut esset qui aegris consulibus comitia haberet.
24.11. Lucius Furius Camillus was appointed to that office, and Publius Cornelius Scipio was made his master of the horse. Camillus restored to the patricians their ancient possession of the consulship, and in recognition of this service was himself, with their warm support, elected consul, and announced the election of Appius Claudius Crassus as his colleague.
24.11. dictator L. Furius Camillus dictus addito magistro equitum P. Cornelio Scipione reddidit patribus possessionem pristinam consulatus. ipse ob id meritum ingenti patrum studio creatus consul collegam Ap. Claudium Crassum dixit.
25.1. Before the new consuls entered office, Popilius celebrated his triumph over the Gauls, with great enthusiasm on the part of the plebeians, who, muttering low, would often ask each other if anyone regretted the choice of a plebeian consul.
25.1. prius quam inirent noui consules magistratum, triumphus a Popilio de Gallis actus magno fauore plebis; mussantesque inter se rogitabant num quem plebeii consulis paeniteret;
25.2. At the same time they railed against Camillus, who by declaring himself elected consul, when he was dictator, had got a reward, they said, for his contempt of the Licinian law more disgraceful for his personal cupidity than for the injury done the commonwealth.
25.2. simul dictatorem increpabant, qui legis Liciniae spretae mercedem [consulatum] priuata cupiditate quam publica iniuria foediorem cepisset, ut se ipse consulem dictator crearet.
25.3. The year was signalized by many and various disturbances. The Gauls came down from the Alban hills, having been unable to endure the sharpness of the winter, and ranging over the plains and sea-coast, laid waste the country.
25.3. annus multis uariisque motibus fuit insignis: Galli ex Albanis montibus, quia hiemis uim pati nequiuerant, per campos maritimaque loca uagi populabantur;
25.4. The sea was infested by fleets of Greeks, and so were the seaboard of Antium, the Laurentine district, and the mouth of the Tiber. It happened once that the sea-robbers encountered the land-raiders, and a hard-fought battle ensued, from which the Gauls withdrew to their camp and the Greeks to their ships, alike uncertain whether they had been defeated or victorious.
25.4. mare infestum classibus Graecorum erat oraque litoris Antiatis Laurensque tractus et Tiberis ostia, ut praedones maritimi cum terrestribus congressi ancipiti semel proelio decertarint dubiique discesserint in castra Galli, Graeci retro ad naues, uictos se an uictores putarent.
25.5. But by far the greatest of these alarms was occasioned by councils of the Latin tribes, assembled at the grove of Ferentina, and the unambiguous reply vouchsafed by them to a demand for soldiers.
25.5. inter hos longe maximus exstitit terror concilia populorum Latinorum ad lucum Ferentinae habita responsumque haud ambiguum imperantibus milites Romanis datum, absisterent imperare iis quorum auxilio egerent:
25.6. Let the Romans, they said, have done with issuing commands to those whose assistance they required: the Latins would sooner bear arms in behalf of their own liberty than of an alien domination.
25.6. Latinos pro sua libertate potius quam pro alieno imperio laturos arma.
25.7. Involved in two foreign wars at once, and worried besides by the defection of their allies, the senate perceived that those whom loyalty had not restrained must be restrained by fear, and bade the consuls exert the full extent of their authority in levying troops: for they must depend on a soldiery of citizens, when their allies were leaving them.
25.7. inter duo simul bella externa defectione etiam sociorum senatus anxius, cum cerneret metu tenendos quos fides non tenuisset, extendere omnes imperii uires consules dilectu habendo iussit: ciuili quippe standum exercitu esse, quando socialis [coetus] desereret.
25.8. They say that soldiers were enlisted everywhere, not in the City alone but in the country, and ten legions were embodied, each of four thousand two hundred foot and three hundred horse. The raising of a new army of this size to-day, in case of any aggression from abroad, could not easily be compassed by the concentration on one object of the existing resources of the Roman People, though the world hardly contains them; so strictly has our growth been limited to the only things for which we strive, —wealth and luxury.
25.8. undique non urbana tantum sed etiam agresti iuuentute decem legiones scriptae dicuntur quaternum milium et ducenorum peditum equitumque trecenorum, quem nunc nouum exercitum, si qua externa uis ingruat, hae uires populi Romani, quas uix terrarum capit orbis, contractae in unum haud facile efficiant; adeo in quae laboramus sola creuimus, diuitias luxuriamque.
25.10. Among the untoward occurrences of this year was the death of one of the consuls, Appius Claudius, in the midst of the preparations for war. The administration of the state passed to Camillus, over whom, as sole consul, —whether owing to his general high standing, which deserved not to be subordinated to the dictatorship, or to the happy omen, in a Gallic rising, of his surname, —the Fathers concluded it not meet to set a dictator.
25.10. inter cetera tristia eius anni consul alter Ap. Claudius in ipso belli apparatu moritur; redieratque res ad Camillum, cui unico consuli, uel ob aliam dignationem haud subiciendam dictaturae uel ob omen faustum ad Gallicum tumultum cognominis, dictatorem adrogari haud satis decorum uisum est patribus.
25.12. The consul appointed two legions to defend the City, and divided the other eight with Lucius Pinarius the praetor. Having a lively recollection of his father's prowess, he took upon himself, without drawing lots, the conduct of the Gallic war, and commanded the praetor to secure the seaboard and prevent the Greeks from landing.
25.12. consul duabus legionibus urbi praepositis, octo cum L. Pinario praetore diuisis memor paternae uirtutis Gallicum sibi bellum extra sortem sumit, praetorem maritimam oram tutari Graecosque arcere litoribus iussit.
25.13. Then, marching down into the Pomptine district, he chose a suitable site for a permanent camp; for he had no mind to meet the enemy in the field, unless compelled to do so, believing that he should effectually subdue them if he kept them from making raids, since they subsisted necessarily on plunder.
25.13. et cum in agrum Pomptinum descendisset, quia neque in campis congredi nulla cogente re uolebat et prohibendo populationibus quos rapto uiuere necessitas cogeret satis domari credebat hostem, locum idoneum statiuis delegit.
26.1. While they were there quietly passing the time in guard-duty, a Gaul came out to them, remarkable for his great stature and his armour, and, smiting his spear against his shield and thereby obtaining silence, challenged the Romans, through an interpreter, to send a man to fight with him.
26.1. ubi cum stationibus quieti tempus tererent, Gallus processit magnitudine atque armis insignis; quatiensque scutum hasta cum silentium fecisset, prouocat per interpretem unum ex Romanis qui secum ferro decernat.
26.2. There was a young tribune of the soldiers, named Marcus Valerius, who, regarding himself as no less worthy of that honour than Titus Manlius had been, first ascertained the consul's wishes, and then armed himself and advanced into the midst.
26.2. M. erat Ualerius tribunus militum adulescens, qui haud indigniorem eo decore se quam T. Manlium ratus, prius sciscitatus consulis uoluntatem, in medium armatus processit.
26.3. But the human interest of the combat was eclipsed by the intervention of the gods; for the Roman was in the very act of engaging, when suddenly a raven alighted on his helmet, facing his adversary.
26.3. minus insigne certamen humanum numine interposito deorum factum; namque conserenti iam manum Romano coruus repente in galea consedit, in hostem uersus.
26.4. This the tribune first received with joy, as a heaven-sent augury, and then prayed that whosoever, be it god or goddess, had sent the auspicious bird might attend him with favour and protection.
26.4. quod primo ut augurium caelo missum laetus accepit tribunus, precatus deinde, si diuus, si diua esset qui sibi praepetem misisset, uolens propitius adesset.
26.5. Marvellous to relate, the bird not only held to the place it had once chosen, but as often as the combatants closed, it rose on its wings and attacked the enemy's face and eyes with beak and talons, till he was terror-struck with the sight of such a portent, and bewildered at once in his vision and his mind, was dispatched by Valerius, —whereupon the raven flew off towards the east and was lost to sight.
26.5. dictu mirabile, tenuit non solum ales captam semel sedem sed, quotienscumque certamen initum est, leuans se alis os oculosque hostis rostro et unguibus appetit, donec territum prodigii talis uisu oculisque simul ac mente turbatum Ualerius obtruncat; coruus ex conspectu elatus orientem petit.
26.6. Hitherto the outguards on either side had stood quietly by; but when the tribune began to despoil the corpse of his fallen foe, the Gauls remained no longer at their station, and the Romans ran up even more swiftly to the victor.
26.6. hactenus quietae utrimque stationes fuere; postquam spoliare corpus caesi hostis tribunus coepit, nec Galli se statione tenuerunt et Romanorum cursus ad uictorem etiam ocior fuit. ibi circa iacentis Galli corpus contracto certamine pugna atrox concitatur.
26.7. There a scuffle, arising over the body of the prostrate Gaul, led to a desperate fight that was not long confined to the maniples of the nearest outposts, for the legions, rushing out on both sides, carried on the battle. Camillus ordered his soldiers to fall on, elated as they were by the tribune's victory, elated too by the present assistance of the gods; and pointing to the tribune, decked out in his spoils, he cried, “Here is your pattern, soldiers!”
26.7. iam non manipulis proximarum stationum sed legionibus utrimque effusis res geritur. Camillus laetum militem uictoria tribuni, laetum tam praesentibus ac secundis dis ire in proelium iubet; ostentansque insignem spoliis tribunum, 'hunc imitare, miles' aiebat, 'et circa iacentem ducem sterne Gallorum cateruas.'
26.8. “Bring down the Gauls in troops around their prostrate leader!” Both gods and men helped in that battle, and they fought it out with the Gauls to a conclusion that was never doubtful, so clearly had each side foreseen the result implicit in the outcome of the single combat.
26.8. di hominesque illi adfuere pugnae depugnatumque haudquaquam certamine ambiguo cum Gallis est; adeo duorum militum euentum, inter quos pugnatum erat, utraque acies animis praeceperat.
26.9. Between those who began the fray, and by their conflict drew in the others, there was a bitter struggle; but the rest of the Gallic host turned tail ere they came within the cast of a javelin. At first they scattered among the Volsci and through the Falernian countryside; from there they made their way into Apulia or to the Tuscan Sea.
26.9. inter primos, quorum concursus alios exciuerat, atrox proelium fuit: alia multitudo, priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret, terga uertit. primo per Uolscos Falernumque agrum dissipati sunt; inde Apuliam ac mare inferum petierunt.
26.10. The consul assembled his soldiers, and having eulogized the tribune, bestowed on him ten oxen and a golden coronet; Camillus himself was commanded by the senate to take charge of the operations on the coast, and accordingly joined forces with the praetor.
26.10. consul contione aduocata laudatum tribunum decem bubus aureaque corona donat; ipse iussus ab senatu bellum maritimum curare cum praetore iunxit castra.
26.11. The campaign there seemed likely to be long drawn out, for the Greeks were poltroons and refused to risk an engagement.
26.11. ibi quia res trahi segnitia Graecorum non committentium se in aciem uidebantur, dictatorem comitiorum causa T. Manlium Torquatum ex auctoritate senatus dixit.
26.12. He therefore, on the authorization of the senate, appointed Titus Manlius Torquatus to be dictator, that an election might be held. The dictator, after naming Aulus Cornelius Cossus master of the horse, presided over a consular election, and announced, amid great popular rejoicings, that the choice had fallen —in his absence —upon a youth of twenty-three, the Marcus Valerius Corvus —for this was his surname from that time —who had rivalled Manlius's own glorious achievement.
26.12. dictator magistro equitum A. Cornelio Cosso dicto comitia consularia habuit aemulumque decoris sui absentem M. Ualerium Coruum — id enim illi deinde cognominis fuit—summo fauore populi, tres et uiginti natum annos, consulem renuntiauit.
26.13. As colleague of Corvus they elected the plebeian Marcus Popilius Laenas to be for the fourth time consul. With the Greeks, Camillus fought no memorable action; they were no warriors on land, nor were the Romans on the sea.
26.13. collega Coruo de plebe M. Popilius Laenas, quartum consul futurus, datus est. cum Graecis a Camillo nulla memorabilis gesta res; nec illi terra nec Romanus mari bellator erat.
26.14. In the end, being kept off shore, and their water giving out, as well as other necessaries, they abandoned Italy.
26.14. postremo cum litoribus arcerentur, aqua etiam praeter cetera necessaria usui deficiente Italiam reliquere.
26.15. To what people or race their fleet belonged is uncertain. I am most inclined to think that they were Sicilian tyrants; for Greece proper was at that time exhausted with civil wars and trembled, even then, at the power of the Macedonians.
26.15. cuius populi ea cuiusque gentis classis fuerit nihil certi est. maxime Siciliae fuisse tyrannos crediderim; nam ulterior Graecia ea tempestate intestino fessa bello iam Macedonum opes horrebat.
27.1. When the armies had been disbanded, and there was peace with other nations, and —thanks to the goodwill betwixt the orders —quietness at home, that the happiness of the citizens might not pass all bounds, a pestilence attacked them and the senate was compelled to order the ten commissioners to consult the Sibylline Books.
27.1. exercitibus dimissis, cum et foris pax et domi concordia ordinum otium esset, ne nimis laetae res essent, pestilentia ciuitatem adorta coegit senatum imperare decemuiris ut libros Sibyllinos inspicerent; eorumque monitu lectisternium fuit.
27.2. By their direction a lectisternium was held. In the same year a colony was sent out to Satricum by the Antiates, and that city, which had been destroyed by the Latins, was rebuilt.
27.2. eodem anno Satricum ab Antiatibus colonia deducta restitutaque urbs quam Latini diruerant. et cum Carthaginiensibus legatis Romae foedus ictum, cum amicitiam ac societatem petentes uenissent.
27.3. Further, a treaty was entered into at Rome with envoys of the Carthaginians, who had come seeking friendship and an alliance. The same peaceful conditions continued at home and abroad during the consulship of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Gaius Plautius. But the rate of interest was reduced from one to one-half per cent., and debts were made payable, one-fourth down and the remainder in three annual instalments; even so some of the plebeians were distressed, but the public credit was of greater concern to the senate than were the hardships of single persons.
27.3. idem otium domi forisque mansit T. Manlio Torquato ii† C. Plautio consulibus. Semunciarium tantum ex unciario fenus factum et in pensiones aequas triennii, ita ut quarta praesens esset, solutio aeris alieni dispensata est;
27.4. What did the most to lighten the burden was the omission of the war-tax and the levy. In the second year after the rebuilding of Satricum by the Volsci, Marcus Valerius Corvus became consul for the second time, with Gaius Poetelius. A report having come out of Latium that emissaries of the Antiates were circulating amongst the Latin peoples with a view to stir up war, Valerius was ordered to deal with the Volsci before more enemies should arise, and marched to the attack of Satricum. There he was opposed by the Antiates and the other Volsci, with forces which they had levied in advance, in case any measures should be taken by the Romans; and both sides being actuated by inveterate hatred, the battle was joined without delay.
27.4. et sic quoque parte plebis adfecta fides tamen publica priuatis difficultatibus potior ad curam senatui fuit. leuatae maxime res, quia tributo ac dilectu supersessum. tertium anno post Satricum restitutum a Uolscis M. Ualerius Coruus iterum consul cum C. Poetelio factus, cum ex Latio nuntiatum esset legatos ab Antio circumire populos Latinorum ad concitandum bellum, prius quam plus hostium fieret Uolscis arma inferre iussus, ad Satricum exercitu infesto pergit. quo cum Antiates aliique Uolsci praeparatis iam ante, si quid ab Roma moueretur, copiis occurrissent, nulla mora inter infensos diutino odio dimicandi facta est.
27.7. The Volsci, a race more spirited in beginning than in prosecuting war, were defeated in the struggle and fled in disorder to the walls of Satricum. Indeed, they put no great reliance even in their walls, for when the city had been encircled with troops and was on the point of being escaladed, they surrendered, being in number about four thousand soldiers, besides the unarmed populace.
27.7. Uolsci, ferocior ad rebellandum quam ad bellandum gens, certamine uicti fuga effusa Satrici moenia petunt; et ne in muris quidem satis firma spe, cum corona militum cincta iam scalis caperetur urbs, ad quattuor milia militum praeter multitudinem imbellem sese dedidere.
27.8. The town was dismantled and burnt; only the temple of Mater Matuta was saved from the flames. All the booty was given to the soldiers. The four thousand who had surrendered were not reckoned a part of the spoils; these the consul sent in chains before his chariot when he triumphed, and they were subsequently sold, and brought in a great sum to the treasury.
27.8. oppidum dirutum atque incensum: ab aede tantum Matris Matutae abstinuere ignem: praeda omnis militi data. extra praedam quattuor milia deditorum habita; eos uinctos consul ante currum triumphans egit; uenditis deinde magnam pecuniam in aerarium redegit.
27.9. Some think that this multitude of captives consisted of slaves, and this is more likely than that surrendered men were sold.
27.9. sunt qui hanc multitudinem captiuam seruorum fuisse scribant, idque magis ueri simile est quam deditos uenisse.
28.1. These consuls were succeeded by Marcus Fabius Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus. War then broke out with the Aurunci, in consequence of a raid which they unexpectedly executed.
28.1. hos consules secuti sunt M. Fabius Dorsuo Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus. Auruncum inde bellum ab repentina populatione coeptum;
28.2. It was feared that this act of a single nation might be the joint design of all of the Latin name, and a dictator was appointed —as though to oppose a Latium already up in arms —in the person of Lucius Furius.
28.2. metuque ne id factum populi unius consilium omnis nominis Latini esset, dictator—uelut aduersus armatum iam Latium— L. Furius creatus magistrum equitum Cn. Manlium Capitolinum dixit;
28.3. After naming Gnaeus Manlius Capitolinus to be his master of the horse, he suspended the courts, and having levied troops without exemptions —as was customary in great emergencies —he led them with all possible speed against the Aurunci. These he discovered to possess the spirit of freebooters rather than of enemies, and so brought the war to a conclusion in the first engagement.
28.3. et cum—quod per magnos tumultus fieri solitum erat—iustitio indicto dilectus sine uacationibus habitus esset, legiones quantum maturari potuit in Auruncos ductae. ibi praedonum magis quam hostium animi inuenti; prima itaque acie debellatum est.
28.4. Howbeit the dictator, considering that they had been the aggressors in the war and were accepting battle without shrinking, saw fit to summon even the gods to help him, and in the heat of the encounter vowed a temple to Juno Moneta. This vow the result made binding, and the dictator having returned to Rome victorious, resigned his authority.
28.4. dictator tamen, quia et ultro bellum intulerant et sine detractatione se certamini offerebant, deorum quoque opes adhibendas ratus inter ipsam dimicationem aedem Iunoni Monetae uouit; cuius damnatus uoti cum uictor Romam reuertisset, dictatura se abdicauit.
28.5. The senate ordered that two commissioners should be designated to erect the temple in a style becoming to the grandeur of the Roman People, and a site was appointed for it in the Citadel, where once had stood the house of Marcus Manlius Capitolinus.
28.5. senatus duumuiros ad eam aedem pro amplitudine populi Romani faciendam creari iussit; locus in arce destinatus, quae area aedium M. Manli Capitolini fuerat.
28.6. The consuls, employing the dictator's army for the Volscian war, made a surprise attack upon the enemy and captured Sora. The temple of Moneta was dedicated the next year after it was vowed, when Gaius Marcius Rutulus was consul for the third time and Titus Manlius Torquatus for the second.
28.6. consules dictatoris exercitu ad bellum Uolscum usi Soram ex hostibus, incautos adorti, ceperunt. anno postquam uota erat aedes Monetae dedicatur C. Marcio Rutulo tertium T. Manlio Torquato iterum consulibus.
28.7. The dedication was immediately followed by a prodigy like the one which had happened long before on the Alban Mount; for a shower of stones fell, and a curtain of night seemed to stretch across the sky; and when the Books had been consulted and the City was filled with forebodings of divine displeasure, the senate resolved on the appointment of a dictator, to establish days of worship.
28.7. prodigium extemplo dedicationem secutum, simile uetusto montis Albani prodigio; namque et lapidibus pluit et nox interdiu uisa intendi; librisque inspectis cum plena religione ciuitas esset, senatui placuit dictatorem feriarum constituendarum causa dici.
28.8. The choice fell on Publius Valerius Publicola, who was given Quintus Fabius Ambustus as master of the horse. They determined that not only the Roman tribes but the neighbouring peoples also should offer supplications; and they appointed an order for them, on what day each should make entreaty.
28.8. dictus P. Ualerius Publicola; magister equitum ei Q. Fabius Ambustus datus est. non tribus tantum supplicatum ire placuit sed finitimos etiam populos, ordoque iis, quo quisque die supplicarent, statutus.
28.9. It is handed down that during this year the people rendered severe judgments against usurers, who had been brought to trial by the aediles.
28.9. iudicia eo anno populi tristia in feneratores facta, quibus ab aedilibus dicta dies esset, traduntur; et res haud ulla insigni ad memoriam causa ad interregnum redit.
28.10. The state —for no specially memorable reason —reverted to an interregnum, which was followed —so that this might appear to have been intended —by the election to both consulships of patricians, namely Marcus Valerius Corvus, for the third time, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus.
28.10. ex interregno, ut id actum uideri posset, ambo patricii consules creati sunt, M. Ualerius Coruus tertium A. Cornelius Cossus.
29.1. Wars of greater magnitude, in respect both of the forces of our enemies and of the remoteness of their countries and the long periods of time involved, now fall to be related.
29.1. maiora iam hinc bella et uiribus hostium et longinquitate uel regionum uel temporum [spatio] quibus bellatum est dicentur. namque eo anno aduersus Samnites, gentem opibus armisque ualidam, mota arma;
29.2. For in that year the sword was drawn against the Samnites, a people powerful in arms and in resources; and hard upon the Samnite war, which was waged with varying success, came war with Pyrrhus, and after that with the Carthaginians. How vast a series of events! How many times the extremity of danger was incurred, in order that our empire might be exalted to its present greatness, hardly to be maintained!
29.2. Samnitium bellum ancipiti Marte gestum Pyrrhus hostis, Pyrrhum Poeni secuti. quanta rerum moles. quotiens in extrema periculorum uentum, ut in hanc magnitudinem quae uix sustinetur erigi imperium posset.
29.3. Now the cause of the war between the Romans and the Samnites, who had been united in friendship and alliance, was of external origin and not owing to themselves.
29.3. belli autem causa cum Samnitibus Romanis, cum societate amicitiaque iuncti essent, extrinsecus uenit, non orta inter ipsos est.
29.4. The Samnites had unjustly attacked the Sidicini, because they happened to be more powerful than they, and the Sidicini, driven in their need to fly for succour to a more wealthy nation, had attached themselves to the Campanians.
29.4. Samnites Sidicinis iniusta arma, quia uiribus plus poterant, cum intulissent, coacti inopes ad opulentiorum auxilium confugere Campanis sese coniungunt.
29.5. The Campanians had brought reputation rather than real strength to the defence of their allies; enervated by luxury, they had encountered a people made hardy by the use of arms, and being defeated in the territory of the Sidicini, had then drawn down the full force of the war upon themselves.
29.5. Campani magis nomen ad praesidium sociorum quam uires cum attulissent, fluentes luxu ab duratis usu armorum in Sidicino pulsi agro in se deinde molem omnem belli uerterunt.
29.6. For the Samnites, disregarding the Sidicini and attacking the Campanians —the very stronghold of their neighbours, —from whom they would gain full as easy a victory and more plunder and renown, had seized and with a strong force occupied Tifata — a range of hills looking down on Capua —and thence had descended in battle-order into the plain that lies between.
29.6. namque Samnites, omissis Sidicinis ipsam arcem finitimorum [Campanos] adorti, unde aeque facilis uictoria, praedae atque gloriae plus esset, Tifata, imminentes Capuae colles, cum praesidio firmo occupassent, descendunt inde quadrato agmine in planitiem quae Capuam Tifataque interiacet.
29.7. There a second battle had been fought, and the Campanians, being worsted, had been shut up within their walls; and having, after the loss of their choicest troops, no prospect of relief at hand, had been driven to seek assistance of the Romans.
29.7. ibi rursus acie dimicatum; aduersoque proelio Campani intra moenia compulsi, cum robore iuuentutis suae acciso nulla propinqua spes esset, coacti sunt ab Romanis petere auxilium.
30.1. Their ambassadors, on being introduced into the senate, spoke substantially as follows: "The Campanian people has sent us to you as ambassadors, Conscript Fathers, to solicit your lasting friendship and present help.
30.1. legati introducti in senatum maxime in hanc sententiam locuti sunt. 'populus nos Campanus legatos ad uos, patres conscripti, misit amicitiam in perpetuum, auxilium in praesens a uobis petitum.
30.2. Had we sought this amity when our affairs were prosperous, though it had been begun more quickly, yet had it been contracted with a weaker bond; for in that case, as those who remembered that they had joined with you in friendship on an equal footing, though perhaps as much your friends as now, we should have been less subject and beholden to you;
30.2. quam si secundis rebus nostris petissemus, sicut coepta celerius, ita infirmiore uinculo contracta esset; tunc enim, ut qui ex aequo nos uenisse in amicitiam meminissemus, amici forsitan pariter ac nunc, subiecti atque obnoxii uobis minus essemus;
30.3. as it is, attached to you by your compassion and defended in our time of trouble by your aid, we must lovingly remember the benefit also, lest we appear as ingrates and undeserving of any help, divine or human.
30.3. nunc, misericordia uestra conciliati auxilioque in dubiis rebus defensi, beneficium quoque acceptum colamus oportet, ne ingrati atque omni ope diuina humanaque indigni uideamur.
30.4. Nor do I think, in sober truth, that the circumstance of the Samnites having become your allies and friends before ourselves should make against our being received into your friendship, though it entitle them to an advantage over us in respect of priority and rank; and indeed there was no stipulation in your treaty with the Samnites that you should make no further treaties.
30.4. neque hercule, quod Samnites priores amici sociique uobis facti sunt, ad id ualere arbitror ne nos in amicitiam accipiamur sed ut ii uetustate et gradu honoris nos praestent; neque enim foedere Samnitium, ne qua noua iungeretis foedera, cautum est.
30.5. "It has ever been with you a sufficiently just cause for friendship that he who sought you desired to be friends with you.
30.5. fuit quidem apud uos semper satis iusta causa amicitiae, uelle eum uobis amicum esse qui uos appeteret:
30.6. We Campanians, though our present plight will not suffer us to boast, are inferior neither in the splendour of our city, nor yet in the fertility of our soil, to any people but yourselves; and in associating ourselves with you we bring, as I think, no small accession to your prosperity.
30.6. Campani, etsi fortuna praesens magnifice loqui prohibet, non urbis amplitudine, non agri ubertate ulli populo praeterquam uobis cedentes, haud parua, ut arbitror, accessio bonis rebus uestris in amicitiam uenimus uestram.
30.7. As often as the Aequi and the Volsci —perpetual enemies of this city —shall stir abroad, we shall be upon their backs, and what you will have done first for our preservation, that we will ever do for your empire and your glory.
30.7. Aequis Uolscisque, aeternis hostibus huius urbis, quandocumque se mouerint, ab tergo erimus, et quod uos pro salute nostra priores feceritis, id nos pro imperio uestro et gloria semper faciemus.
30.8. When once you have subdued these nations that lie between our boundaries and your own —a thing which your valour and good fortune guarantee will speedily come to pass —your rule will extend unbroken all the way to our frontier.
30.8. subactis his gentibus quae inter nos uosque sunt, quod propediem futurum spondet et uirtus et fortuna uestra, continens imperium usque ad nos habebitis.
30.9. Grievous and pitiful is the confession that our misfortune obliges us to make: to that pass, Conscript Fathers, are we Campanians come that we must be the chattels either of our friends or of our enemies.
30.9. acerbum ac miserum est quod fateri nos fortuna nostra cogit: eo uentum est, patres conscripti, ut aut amicorum aut inimicorum Campani simus.
30.10. Defend us, and we are yours; desert us, and the Samnites will possess us. Consider therefore whether it be your preference that Capua and all Campania augment Rome's power, or that of Samnium.
30.10. si defenditis, uestri, si deseritis, Samnitium erimus; Capuam ergo et Campaniam omnem uestris an Samnitium uiribus accedere malitis, deliberate.
30.11. "It is meet that your compassion, Romans, and your succour should be open to all mankind, but especially to those who in endeavouring beyond their strength to grant these blessings to the prayers of others, have come themselves to require them most of all.
30.11. omnibus quidem, Romani, uestram misericordiam, uestrum auxilium aequum est patere, iis tamen maxime, qui [eam] implorantibus aliis auxilium dum supra uires suas praestant, †omnes† ipsi in hanc necessitatem uenerunt.
30.12. And yet we fought but ostensibly for the Sidicini, in reality for ourselves, since we saw that a people on our borders was being cruelly despoiled by the brigand Samnites, and that, once that conflagration had consumed the Sidicini, it would spread to us.
30.12. quamquam pugnauimus uerbo pro Sidicinis, re pro nobis, cum uideremus finitimum populum nefario latrocinio Samnitium peti et, ubi conflagrassent Sidicini, ad nos traiecturum illud incendium esse.
30.13. Nor at this very moment are the Samnites come to attack us out of resentment for any injury received, but rejoicing rather that a pretext has been afforded them.
30.13. nec enim nunc, quia dolent iniuriam acceptam Samnites sed quia gaudent oblatam sibi esse causam, oppugnatum nos ueniunt.
30.14. Otherwise, if this were the satisfaction of revenge and not an opportunity to appease their greed, was it not enough that first in the territory of Sidicinum, and again in Campania itself, they made slaughter of our legions?
30.14. an, si ultio irae haec et non occasio cupiditatis explendae esset, parum fuit quod semel in Sidicino agro, iterum in Campania ipsa legiones nostras cecidere?
30.15. What wrath is this, that is so implacable that the blood two armies have poured out cannot appease it? Add to this the devastation of our lands and the booty they have driven off, both men and cattle; add the burning and destruction of our farm-houses and the general havoc fire and sword have wrought.
30.15. quae est ista tam infesta ira quam per duas acies fusus sanguis explere non potuerit? adde huc populationem agrorum, praedas hominum atque pecudum actas, incendia uillarum ac ruinas, omnia ferro ignique uastata.
30.16. Could not all this placate their wrath? Nay, but their greed must be appeased. It is this that hurries them to the siege of Capua; they must needs either destroy the fairest of cities, or themselves become its masters.
30.16. hiscine ira expleri non potuit? sed cupiditas explenda est. ea ad oppugnandam Capuam rapit; aut delere urbem pulcherrimam aut ipsi possidere uolunt.
30.17. But do you, Romans, sooner gain it by your generosity than suffer them to have it by their malice. I am not speaking before a people that refuses righteous wars; still, if you make but a show of helping us, you will have, I think, no need of going to war.
30.17. sed uos potius, Romani, beneficio uestro occupate eam quam illos habere per maleficium sinatis. non loquor apud recusantem iusta bella populum; sed tamen, si ostenderitis auxilia uestra, ne bello quidem arbitror uobis opus fore.
30.18. As far as to ourselves does the scorn of the Samnites reach, it mounts not higher; accordingly the shadow of your help is able, Romans, to protect us, and whatever thereafter we shall have, whatever we ourselves shall be, we shall consider wholly yours.
30.18. usque ad nos contemptus Samnitium peruenit, supra non ascendit; itaque umbra uestri auxilii, Romani, tegi possumus, quidquid deinde habuerimus, quidquid ipsi fuerimus, uestrum id omne existimaturi.
30.19. For you shall be ploughed the Campanian plain, for you shall the city of Capua be crowded; you shall be to us as founders, parents, and immortal gods; you shall have no colony that surpasses us in obedience and loyalty.
30.19. uobis arabitur ager Campanus, uobis Capua urbs frequentabitur; conditorum, parentium, deorum immortalium numero nobis eritis; nulla colonia uestra erit, quae nos obsequio erga uos fideque superet.
30.20. “Grant the favour of your countenance, Conscript Fathers, and of your unconquered might, to the Campanians, and bid them hope that Capua will be saved.”
30.20. adnuite, patres conscripti, nutum numenque uestrum inuictum Campanis et iubete sperare incolumem Capuam futuram.
30.21. “With what thronging crowds of every sort were we accompanied, think you, at our setting out? How did we leave on every hand prayers and tears!” “In what suspense are now the senate and the people of Campania, our wives and our children! Well I know that all the people are standing at the gates, their eyes fixed on the northern road. What message, Conscript Fathers, do you hid us carry back to their perplexed and troubled spirits?”
30.21. qua frequentia omnium generum multitudinis prosequente creditis nos illinc profectos? quam omnia uotorum lacrimarumque plena reliquisse? in qua nunc exspectatione senatum populumque Campanum, coniuges liberosque nostros esse? stare omnem multitudinem ad portas uiam hinc ferentem prospectantes certum habeo. quid illis nos, patres conscripti, sollicitis ac pendentibus animi renuntiare iubetis?
30.23. “One answer would bring salvation, victory, light, and liberty; the other —I shrink from the ominous prediction! Do you therefore deliberate regarding us, as regarding those who shall either be your allies and friends, or else have no being anywhere.”
30.23. alterum responsum salutem uictoriam lucem ac libertatem; alterum—ominari horreo quae ferat. proinde ut aut de uestris futuris sociis atque amicis aut nusquam ullis futuris nobis consulite.'
31.1. The ambassadors were then made to withdraw while the senate considered their request. It was evident to many that the largest and wealthiest city of Italy, with a very fertile territory near the sea, would in times of scarcity be a store-house for the Roman People.
31.1. summotis deinde legatis, cum consultus senatus esset, etsi magnae parti urbs maxima opulentissimaque Italiae, uberrimus ager marique propinquus ad uarietates annonae horreum populi Romani fore uidebatur, tamen tanta utilitate fides antiquior fuit responditque ita ex auctoritate senatus consul.
31.2. Yet this great advantage was of less moment with them than their honour, and the consul, being so instructed by the senate, returned the following answer to the ambassadors: “Men of Campania, the senate holds you worthy of assistance; but on such terms only can we become your friends as shall not violate an older friendship and alliance. The Samnites and we are united by a covenant; we must therefore refuse to make war in your behalf upon the Samnites, for this would be to wrong first gods, and then men; we will, however, dispatch envoys, as is right and just, to entreat our allies and friends to do you no violence.”
31.2. 'auxilio uos, Campani, dignos censet senatus; sed ita uobiscum amicitiam institui par est, ne qua uetustior amicitia ac societas uioletur. Samnites nobiscum foedere iuncti sunt; itaque arma, deos prius quam homines uiolatura, aduersus Samnites uobis negamus; legatos, sicut fas iusque est, ad socios atque amicos precatum mittemus, ne qua uobis uis fiat.'
31.3. To this the leader of the delegation answered —in accordance with instructions they had brought with them: — “Since you decline to use a righteous violence to protect from violence and injustice what belongs to us, you will at least defend your own;”
31.3. ad ea princeps legationis—sic enim domo mandatum attulerant—'quando quidem' inquit, 'nostra tueri aduersus uim atque iniuria iusta ui non uoltis, uestra certe defendetis;
31.4. “to your sovereignty, therefore, Conscript Fathers, and to the sovereignty of the Roman People, we surrender the people of Campania and the city of Capua, with our lands, the shrines of our gods, and all things else, whether sacred or profane; whatever we endure henceforth, we shall endure as your surrendered subjects.”
31.4. itaque populum Campanum urbemque Capuam, agros, delubra deum, diuina humanaque omnia in uestram, patres conscripti, populique Romani dicionem dedimus, quidquid deinde patiemur dediticii uestri passuri'.
31.5. When these words had been pronounced, they all stretched forth their hands in supplication to the consul, and weeping bitterly, threw themselves face downwards on the floor of the entrance to the Curia.
31.5. sub haec dicta omnes, manus ad consules tendentes, pleni lacrimarum in uestibulo curiae procubuerunt.
31.6. The Fathers were profoundly moved by the vicissitudes of human fortune, considering how that great and opulent people, famed for its luxury and pride, of whom a little while before its neighbours had sought assistance, was become so broken in spirit as to yield itself up with all its possessions to the dominion of another.
31.6. commoti patres uice fortunarum humanarum, si ille praepotens opibus populus, luxuria superbiaque clarus, a quo paulo ante auxilium finitimi petissent, adeo infractos gereret animos, ut se ipse suaque omnia potestatis alienae faceret.
31.7. They now held it to be a point of honour not to betray those who were become their subjects; neither did they think that the Samnite people would deal justly, if they attacked a country and a city, which, by surrendering, had become the property of the Roman People.
31.7. tum iam fides agi uisa deditos non prodi; nec facturum aequa Samnitium populum censebant, si agrum urbemque per deditionem factam populi Romani oppugnarent.
31.8. The senate accordingly voted to dispatch ambassadors to the Samnites, without loss of time. Their instructions were to inform the Samnites what the Campanians had asked, how the senate, mindful of the friendship of the Samnites, had replied to them, and lastly how they had surrendered;
31.8. legatos itaque extemplo mitti ad Samnites placuit. data mandata, ut preces Campanorum, responsum senatus amicitiae Samnitium memor, deditionem postremo factam Samnitibus exponerent;
31.9. they were then to request that the Samnites, out of regard for the friendship and alliance of the Romans, would spare their subjects, and make no hostile incursion into a territory which belonged now to the Roman People;
31.9. peterent pro societate amicitiaque, ut dediticiis suis parcerent neque in eum agrum qui populi Romani factus esset hostilia arma inferrent;
31.10. if soft words proved ineffectual, they were to warn the Samnites, in the name of the Roman People and the senate, not to meddle with the city of Capua or the Campanian domain.
31.10. si leniter agendo parum proficerent, denuntiarent Samnitibus populi Romani senatusque uerbis, ut Capua urbe Campanoque agro abstinerent.
31.11. But the Samnites, when these things were represented to them in their council by the envoys, behaved so insolently as not only to declare that they meant to carry on the war, but their magistrates stepping out of the senate-house —while the envoys stood by —summoned the commanders of their cohorts, and with a loud voice gave them orders to proceed at once to make a raid upon Campania.
31.11. haec legatis agentibus in concilio Samnitium adeo est ferociter responsum, ut non solum gesturos se esse dicerent id bellum sed magistratus eorum e curia egressi stantibus legatis praefectos cohortium uocarent iisque clara uoce imperarent ut praedatum in agrum Campanum extemplo proficiscerentur.
32.1. When the news of this embassy reached Rome, the Fathers, putting aside all other business, sent fetials to demand redress, and failing to obtain it, declared war after the customary fashion.
32.1. hac legatione Romam relata, positis omnium aliarum rerum curis patres fetialibus ad res repetendas missis, belloque, quia non redderentur, sollemni more indicto, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore de ea re ad populum ferretur;
32.2. They then voted that the people be asked to ratify this action at the earliest possible moment; and being commanded so to do, both consuls took the field; and Valerius marching into Campallia and Cornelius into Samnium, the one encamped at the foot of Mount Gaurus, the other near Saticula. It was Valerius whom the Samnite levies encountered first —for that was the direction which they expected the invasion to take.
32.2. iussuque populi consules ambo cum duobus exercitibus [ab urbe] profecti, Ualerius in Campaniam, Cornelius in Samnium, ille ad montem Gaurum, hic ad Saticulam castra ponunt.
32.3. The Campanians moreover had incurred their sharp resentment, having been so ready now to render aid against them, now to invoke it.
32.3. priori Ualerio Samnitium legiones—eo namque omnem belli molem inclinaturam censebant— occurrunt; simul in Campanos stimulabat ira tam promptos nunc ad ferenda, nunc ad accersenda aduersus se auxilia.
32.4. But when they beheld the Roman camp, they began, every man for himself, to call loudly on their leaders for the battle-signal, affirming that the Romans would have no better fortune in helping the Campanians than these had experienced in helping the Sidicini. Valerius, having delayed not many days for the purpose of testing the enemy in small skirmishes, hung out the signal for a battle.
32.4. ut uero castra Romana uiderunt, ferociter pro se quisque signum duces poscere, adfirmare eadem fortuna Romanum Campano laturum opem qua Campanus Sidicino tulerit.
32.5. But first he spoke a few words of encouragement to his soldiers, bidding them have no fear of a strange war and a strange enemy. With every advance of their arms from Rome, he said, they came to nations that were more and more unwarlike.
32.5. Ualerius leuibus certaminibus temptandi hostis causa haud ita multos moratus dies signum pugnae proposuit, paucis suos adhortatus ne nouum bellum eos nouusque hostis terreret: quidquid ab urbe longius proferrent arma, magis magisque in imbelles gentes eos prodire.
32.7. They must not judge of the courage of the Samnites by the defeats they had administered to the Sidicini and Campanians. Whatever their respective qualities, it was inevitable that when they fought together, one side should be vanquished. As for the Campanians, there was no question they had been beaten rather by the enervation resulting from excessive luxury and by their own effeminacy, than by the strength of their enemies.
32.7. ne Sidicinorum Campanorumque cladibus Samnitium aestimarent uirtutem; qualescumque inter se certauerint, necesse fuisse alteram partem uinci. Campanos quidem haud dubie magis nimio luxu fluentibus rebus mollitiaque sua quam ui hostium uictos esse.
32.8. Furthermore, what were the Samnites' two successful wars in so many ages, as against the many glorious achievements of the Roman People, who could count almost more triumphs than the years since their City had been founded;
32.8. quid autem esse duo prospera in tot saeculis bella Samnitium aduersus tot decora populi Romani, qui triumphos paene plures quam annos ab urbe condita numeret;
32.9. who had subjugated by their arms all the nations round about them, the Sabines, Etruria, the Latins, the Hernici, the Aequi, the Volsci, and the Aurunci; who after beating the Gauls time after time in battle, had ended by compelling them to flee to the sea-board and their ships?
32.9. qui omnia circa se, Sabinos Etruriam Latinos Hernicos Aequos Uolscos Auruncos, domita armis habeat; qui Gallos tot proeliis caesos postremo in mare ac naues fuga compulerit?
32.10. He said that they ought, as they went into action, not only to rely every man on his own courage and martial glory, but also to consider under whose command and auspices they would have to fight; whether he were one who only merited a hearing as a brilliant orator, warlike only in his words, and ignorant of military operations, or one who knew himself how to handle weapons, to advance before the standards, and to play his part in the press and turmoil of a battle.
32.10. cum gloria belli ac uirtute sua quemque fretos ire in aciem debere, tum etiam intueri cuius ductu auspicioque ineunda pugna sit, utrum qui, audiendus dumtaxat, magnificus adhortator sit, uerbis tantum ferox, operum militarium expers, an qui et ipse tela tractare, procedere ante signa, uersari media in mole pugnae sciat.
32.12. “Soldiers,” he cried, “it is my deeds and not my words I would have you follow, and look to me not only for instruction but for example. Not with factions, nor with the intrigues common amongst the nobles, but with this right hand, have I won for myself three consulships and the highest praise.”
32.12. 'facta mea, non dicta uos, milites' inquit, 'sequi uolo, nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam a me petere. non factionibus [modo] nec per coitiones usitatas nobilibus sed hac dextra mihi tres consulatus summamque laudem peperi.
32.13. “Time was when it might have been said: Ah, but you were a patrician and sprung from the liberators of your country, and your family held the consulship in the very year that saw the institution of that office.' ” “But now the consulship lies open on equal terms to us, the nobles, and to you plebeians, nor is it any longer a reward of birth, but of merit.
32.13. fuit cum hoc dici poterat: patricius enim eras et a liberatoribus patriae ortus, et eodem anno familia ista consulatum quo urbs haec consulem habuit:
32.14. Have regard, therefore, soldiers, in every instance, to great honours.” “Though you men have given me, with Heaven's sanction, my surname of Corvinus, I have not forgot the ancient surname of our family —the ” “Publicolae: at home and in the field, as a private citizen, in little magistracies and in great ones, as consul no less than as tribune, and with the same undeviating course through all my successive consulships, have I cherished, and cherish still, the Roman plebs.”
32.14. nunc iam nobis patribus uobisque plebei promiscuus consulatus patet nec generis, ut ante, sed uirtutis est praemium. proinde summum quodque spectate, milites, decus. non, si mihi nouum hoc Coruini cognomen dis auctoribus homines dedistis, Publicolarum uetustum familiae nostrae cognomen memoria excessit; semper ego plebem Romanam militiae domique, priuatus, in magistratibus paruis magnisque, aeque tribunus ac consul, eodem tenore per omnes deinceps consulatus colo atque colui.
32.17. “Now, with Heaven's good help, to the work we have in hand! Seek with me a novel triumph never yet won from the Samnites!”
32.17. nunc, quod instat, dis bene iuuantibus nouum atque integrum de Samnitibus triumphum mecum petite.'
33.1. There was never a commander who more endeared himself to his men by cheerfully sharing all their duties with the meanest of the soldiers.
33.1. non alias militi familiarior dux fuit omnia inter infimos militum haud grauate munia obeundo.
33.2. At the military sports, too, in which those of a like age contend with one another in strength and swiftness, he was easy-going and good-natured; he would win or lose without changing countenance, nor did he scorn to match himself with anyone who challenged him;
33.2. in ludo praeterea militari, cum uelocitatis uiriumque inter se aequales certamina ineunt, comiter facilis; uincere ac uinci uoltu eodem nec quemquam aspernari parem qui se offerret;
33.3. in his acts his kindness was suited to the circumstances, in his speech he had regard to the liberty of others no less than to his own dignity; finally —and nothing can be more popular than this —he was the same in office that he had been while a candidate.
33.3. factis benignus pro re, dictis haud minus libertatis alienae quam suae dignitatis memor; et, quo nihil popularius est, quibus artibus petierat magistratus, iisdem gerebat. itaque uniuersus exercitus incredibili alacritate adhortationem prosecutus ducis castris egreditur.
33.5. It was therefore with incredible eagerness that the whole army, after listening to the general's speech, marched out of camp. The battle began, if ever battle did, with like hopes on both sides and equal strength, and a self-confidence which yet was not mixed with contempt for the enemy.
33.5. proelium, ut quod maxime unquam, pari spe utrimque, aequis uiribus, cum fiducia sui sine contemptu hostium commissum est.
33.6. The Samnites were' emboldened by their recent exploits and by their double victory of a few days before, the Romans on their part by the glories of four centuries and a victorious career that dated from the founding of the City;
33.6. Samnitibus ferociam augebant nouae res gestae et paucos ante dies geminata uictoria, Romanis contra quadringentorum annorum decora et conditae urbi aequalis uictoria; utrisque tamen nouus hostis curam addebat.
33.7. each side nevertheless experienced some anxiety at meeting an untried foe. The engagement testified how resolute they were, for they so fought that for some time neither battle-line gave ground.
33.7. pugna indicio fuit quos gesserint animos; namque ita conflixerunt ut aliquamdiu in neutram partem inclinarent acies.
33.8. Then the consul, thinking that he must inspire his enemies with fear, since he could not drive them back by force, attempted by sending in the cavalry to 'throw their front ranks into disorder.
33.8. tum consul trepidationem iniciendam ratus, quando ui pelli non poterant, equitibus immissis turbare prima signa hostium conatur.
33.9. But when he saw that nothing came of the confused fighting of the squadrons, as they tried to manœuvre in a narrow space, and that they could not break the enemy's line, he rode back: to the front ranks of his legions, and, dismounting from his horse, exclaimed, “Soldiers, it is for us, the infantry, to accomplish yonder task!”
33.9. quos ubi nequiquam tumultuantes in spatio exiguo uoluere turmas uidit nec posse aperire in hostes uiam, reuectus ad antesignanos legionum, cum desiluisset ex equo, 'nostrum' inquit, 'peditum illud, milites, est opus;