---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 4 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 4. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 4. Book I · chapters 29–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/4/#p-N

[¶0] 29.6. When the Albans had quitted the city, the Romans everywhere levelled with the ground all buildings, both public and private, and a single hour gave over to destruction and desolation the work of the four hundred years during which Alba had stood. But the temples of the gods were spared, for so the king had decreed.

> Latin: 29.6. egressis urbe Albanis Romanus passim publica priuataque omnia tecta adaequat solo, unaque hora quadringentorum annorum opus quibus Alba steterat excidio ac ruinis dedit. templis tamen deum—ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat—temperatum est.

[¶1] 30.1. Rome, meanwhile, was increased by Alba's downfall. The number of citizens was doubled, the Caelian Hill was added to the City, and, that it might be more thickly settled, Tullus chose it for the site of the king's house and from that time onwards resided there.

> Latin: 30.1. Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis. duplicatur ciuium numerus; Caelius additur urbi mons, et quo frequentius habitaretur eam sedem Tullus regiae capit ibique habitauit.

[¶2] 30.2. The chief men of the Albans he made senators, that this branch of the nation might grow too. Such were the Julii, the Servilii, the Quinctii, the Geganii, the Curiatii, and the Cloelii. He also built, as a consecrated place for the order he had enlarged, a senate-house, which continued to be called the Curia Hostilia as late as the time of our own fathers.

> Latin: 30.2. principes Albanorum in patres ut ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret legit, Iulios, Seruilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curiatios, Cloelios; templumque ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum aetatem appellata est.

[¶3] 30.3. And that all the orders might gain some strength from the new people, he enrolled ten squadrons of knights from among the Albans, and from the same source filled up the old legions and enlisted new ones.

> Latin: 30.3. et ut omnium ordinum uiribus aliquid ex nouo populo adiceretur equitum decem turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones et ueteres eodem supplemento expleuit et nouas scripsit.

[¶4] 30.4. Confiding in these forces, Tullus declared war on the Sabines, a nation second only at that time to the Etruscans in its wealth of men and arms. On either side there had been aggressions and refusals to grant satisfaction.

> Latin: 30.4. hac fiducia uirium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, genti ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentissimae uiris armisque. utrimque iniuriae factae ac res nequiquam erant repetitae.

[¶5] 30.5. Tullus complained that at the shrine of Feronia, in a crowded fair, Roman traders had been seized; the Sabines alleged that, before this, refugees from their country had fled to the grove of sanctuary, and had been detained in Rome.

> Latin: 30.5. Tullus ad Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Romanos comprehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in lucum confugisse ac Romae retentos. hae causae belli ferebantur.

[¶6] 30.6. These were put forward as the causes of war. The Sabines, not forgetting that a portion of their own forces had been settled in Rome by Tatius and that the Roman state had recently been further strengthened by the addition of the Alban people, began themselves to look about for outside help.

> Latin: 30.6. Sabini haud parum memores et suarum uirium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam, circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia.

[¶7] 30.7. Etruria was close by, and the nearest of the Etruscans were the Veientes. There the resentment left over from the wars was the strongest incentive to revolt, and procured them some volunteers; while with certain vagrant and poverty-stricken plebeians even the prospect of pay was effectual. Official aid there was none, and the Veientes (for there is less to surprise us in the others) held firmly to the truce they had agreed upon with Romulus.

> Latin: 30.7. Etruria erat uicina, proximi Etruscorum Ueientes. inde ob residuas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectionem animis uoluntarios traxere, et apud uagos quosdam ex inopi plebe etiam merces ualuit: publico auxilio nullo adiuti sunt ualuitque apud Ueientes—nam de ceteris minus mirum est—pacta cum Romulo indutiarum fides.

[¶8] 30.8. While preparations for war were making on both sides with the greatest energy, and success appeared to hinge upon which should first take the field, Tullus anticipated his enemies and invaded the Sabine country.

> Latin: 30.8. cum bellum utrimque summa ope pararent uertique in eo res uideretur utri prius arma inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire.

[¶9] 30.9. A desperate battle was fought near the Silva Malitiosa, where, owing partly, it is true, to the strength of their infantry, but most of all to their newly augmented cavalry, the Roman army gained the mastery.

> Latin: 30.9. pugna atrox ad siluam Malitiosam fuit, ubi et peditum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu aucto nuper plurimum Romana acies ualuit.

[¶10] 30.10. The cavalry made a sudden charge; the ranks of the Sabines were thrown into disorder, and from that moment were unable, without heavy loss, either to hold their own in the fight or to extricate themselves by a retreat.

> Latin: 30.10. ab equitibus repente inuectis turbati ordines sunt Sabinorum, nec pugna deinde illis constare nec fuga explicari sine magna caede potuit.

[¶11] 31.1. After the defeat of the Sabines, when King Tullus and the entire Roman state were at a high pitch of glory and prosperity, it was reported to the king and senators that there had been a rain of stones on the Alban Mount.

> Latin: 31.1. deuictis Sabinis cum in magna gloria magnisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano lapidibus pluuisse.

[¶12] 31.2. As this could scarce be credited, envoys were dispatched to examine the prodigy, and in their sight there fell from the sky, like hail-stones which the wind piles in drifts upon the ground, a shower of pebbles.

> Latin: 31.2. quod cum credi uix posset, missis ad id uisendum prodigium in conspectu haud aliter quam cum grandinem uenti glomeratam in terras agunt crebri cecidere caelo lapides.

[¶13] 31.3. They thought too that they heard a mighty voice issuing from the grove on the mountain-top, which commanded the Albans to celebrate, according to the fashion of their fathers, the sacrifices, which as though they had forsaken their gods along with their city, they had given over to oblivion, either adopting Roman rites, or in anger at their fortune, such as men sometimes feel, abandoning the worship of the gods.

> Latin: 31.3. uisi etiam audire uocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae uelut dis quoque simul cum patria relictis obliuioni dederant, et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunae, ut fit, obirati cultum reliquerant deum.

[¶14] 31.4. The Romans also, in consequence of the same portent, undertook an official nine days' celebration, whether so commanded by the divine utterance from the Alban Mount —for this too is handed down —or on the advice of soothsayers.

> Latin: 31.4. Romanis quoque ab eodem prodigio nouendiale sacrum publice susceptum est, seu uoce caelesti ex Albano monte missa—nam id quoque traditur—seu haruspicum monitu; mansit certe sollemne ut quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur feriae per nouem dies agerentur.

[¶15] 31.5. At all events it remained a regular custom that whenever the same prodigy was reported there should be a nine days' observance. Not very long after this Rome was afflicted with a pestilence. This caused a reluctance to bear arms, yet no respite from service was allowed by the warlike king (who believed, besides, that the young men were healthier in the field than at home) until he himself contracted a lingering illness.

> Latin: 31.5. haud ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est. unde cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora etiam credente militiae quam domi iuuenum corpora esse, donec ipse quoque longinquo morbo est implicitus.

[¶16] 31.6. Then that haughty spirit was so broken, with the breaking of his health, that he who had hitherto thought nothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to sacred rites, suddenly became a prey to all sorts of superstitions great and small, and filled even the minds of the people with religious scruples.

> Latin: 31.6. tunc adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt spiritus illi feroces ut qui nihil ante ratus esset minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente omnibus magnis paruisque superstitionibus obnoxius degeret religionibusque etiam populum impleret.

[¶17] 31.7. Men were now agreed in wishing to recall the conditions which had obtained under King Numa, believing that the only remedy left for their ailing bodies was to procure peace and forgiveness from the gods.

> Latin: 31.7. uolgo iam homines eum statum rerum qui sub Numa rege fuerat requirentes, unam opem aegris corporibus relictam si pax ueniaque ab dis impetrata esset credebant.

[¶18] 31.8. The king himself, so tradition tells, in turning over the commentaries of Numa discovered there certain occult sacrifices performed in honour of Jupiter Elicius, and devoted himself in secret to those rites; but the ceremony was improperly undertaken or performed, and not only was no divine manifestation vouchsafed him, but in consequence of the wrath of Jupiter, who was provoked by his faulty observance, he was struck by a thunderbolt and consumed in the flames of his house. Tullus was greatly renowned in war and reigned thirty-two years.

> Latin: 31.8. ipsum regem tradunt uoluentem commentarios Numae, cum ibi quaedam occulta sollemnia sacrificia Ioui Elicio facta inuenisset, operatum his sacris se abdidisse; sed non rite initum aut curatum id sacrum esse, nec solum nullam ei oblatam caelestium speciem sed ira Iouis sollicitati praua religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. Tullus magna gloria belli regnauit annos duos et triginta.

[¶19] 32.1. On the death of Tullus, the government reverted, in accordance with the custom established in the beginning, to the senators, who named an interrex. This official called together the comitia, and the people elected Ancus Marcius king, a choice which the Fathers ratified. Ancus Marcius was a grandson, on the mother's side, of King Numa Pompilius.

> Latin: 32.1. mortuo Tullo res, ut institutum iam inde ab initio erat, ad patres redierat hique interregem nominauerant. quo comitia habente Ancum Marcium regem populus creauit; patres fuere auctores. Numae Pompili regis nepos filia ortus Ancus Marcius erat.

[¶20] 32.2. When he began to rule he was mindful of his grandfather's glory, and considered that the last reign, excellent in all else, had failed to prosper in one respect, owing to neglect or misconduct of religious observances. Deeming it therefore a matter of the utmost consequence to perform the state sacrifices as Numa had established them, he bade the pontifex copy out all these from the commentaries of the king and display them in public on a whitened table. This act led the citizens, who were eager for peace, and also the neighbouring nations, to hope that he would adopt the character and institutions of his grandfather.

> Latin: 32.2. qui ut regnare coepit et auitae gloriae memor et quia proximum regnum, cetera egregium, ab una parte haud satis prosperum fuerat aut neglectis religionibus aut praue cultis, longe antiquissimum ratus sacra publica ut ab Numa instituta erant facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regiis pontificem in album elata proponere in publico iubet. inde et ciuibus otii cupidis et finitimis ciuitatibus facta spes in aui mores atque instituta regem abiturum.

[¶21] 32.3. Hence the Latins, with whom a treaty had been made in the time of Tullus, plucked up courage, and raided Roman territory, and when called on by the Romans to make restitution, returned an arrogant answer, persuaded that the Roman king would spend his reign in inactivity amid shrines and altars. But the character of Ancus was well balanced, and he honoured the memory of Romulus, as well as Numa.

> Latin: 32.3. igitur Latini cum quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat sustulerant animos, et cum incursionem in agrum Romanum fecissent repetentibus res Romanis superbe responsum reddunt, desidem Romanum regem inter sacella et aras acturum esse regnum rati.

[¶22] 32.4. And besides having a conviction that peace had been more necessary to his grandfather's reign, when the nation had been both young and mettlesome, he also believed that the tranquillity, so free of attack, which had fallen to the lot of Numa would be no easy thing for himself to compass; his patience was being tried, and when proved would be regarded with contempt, and in short the times were better suited to the rule of a Tullus than a Numa.

> Latin: 32.4. medium erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae et Romuli memor; et praeterquam quod aui regno magis necessariam fuisse pacem credebat cum in nouo tum feroci populo, etiam quod illi contigisset otium sine iniuria id se haud facile habiturum; temptari patientiam et temptatam contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora quam Numae.

[¶23] 32.5. In order however that, as Numa had instituted religious practices in time of peace, he might himself give out a ceremonial of war, and that wars might not only be waged but also declared with some sort of formality, he copied from the ancient tribe of the Aequicoli the law, which the fetials now have, by which redress is demanded.

> Latin: 32.5. ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace religiones instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae proderentur, nec gererentur solum sed etiam indicerentur bella aliquo ritu, ius ab antiqua gente Aequicolis quod nunc fetiales habent descripsit, quo res repetuntur.

[¶24] 32.6. When the envoy has arrived at the frontiers of the people from whom satisfaction is sought, he covers his head with a bonnet —the covering is of wool —and says: “Hear, Jupiter; hear, ye boundaries of” —naming whatever nation they belong to; — “let righteousness hear!”

> Latin: 32.6. legatus ubi ad fines eorum uenit unde res repetuntur, capite uelato filo—lanae uelamen est—'audi, Iuppiter' inquit; 'audite, fines'—cuiuscumque gentis sunt, nominat—; 'audiat fas. ego sum publicus nuntius populi Romani; iuste pieque legatus uenio, uerbisque meis fides sit.' peragit deinde postulata.

[¶25] 32.7. “I am the public herald of the Roman People; I come duly and religiously commissioned; let my words be credited,” Then he recites his demands, after which he takes Jupiter to witness: “If I demand unduly and against religion that these men and these things be surrendered to me, then let me never enjoy my native land.” These words he rehearses when he crosses the boundary line, the same to what man soever first meets him, the same when he enters the city gates, the same when he has come into the market-place, with only a few changes in the form and wording of the oath.

> Latin: 32.7. inde Iouem testem facit: 'si ego iniuste impieque illos homines illasque res dedier mihi exposco, tum patriae compotem me nunquam siris esse.' haec, cum fines suprascandit, haec, quicumque ei primus uir obuius fuerit, haec portam ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis uerbis carminis concipiendique iuris iurandi mutatis, peragit.

[¶26] 32.9. If those whom he demands are not surrendered, at the end of three and thirty days —for such is the conventional number —he declares war thus: “Hear, Jupiter, and thou, Janus Quirinus, and hear all heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth, and ye of the lower world; I call you to witness that this people ” —naming whatever people it is — “is unjust, and does not make just reparation.”

> Latin: 32.9. si non deduntur quos exposcit diebus tribus et triginta—tot enim sollemnes sunt—peractis bellum ita indicit: 'audi, Iuppiter, et tu, Iane Quirine, dique omnes caelestes, uosque terrestres uosque inferni, audite;

[¶27] 32.10. “But of these matters we will take counsel of the elders in our country, how we may obtain our right.” Then the messenger returns to Rome for the consultation.

> Latin: 32.10. ego uos testor populum illum'—quicumque est, nominat—'iniustum esse neque ius persoluere; sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus, quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur.' cum †.....† nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit.

[¶28] 32.11. Immediately the king would consult the Fathers, in some such words as these: “Touching the things, the suits, the causes, concerning which the pater patratus of the Roman People of the Quirites has made demands on the pater patratus of the Ancient Latins, and upon the men of the Ancient Latins, which things they have not delivered, nor fulfilled, nor satisfied, being things which ought to have been delivered, fulfilled, and satisfied, speak,” —turning to the man whose opinion he was wont to ask first, — “what think you?” Then the other would reply: “I hold that those things ought to be sought in warfare just and righteous; and so I consent and vote.”

> Latin: 32.11. confestim rex his ferme uerbis patres consulebat: 'quarum rerum litium causarum condixit pater patratus populi Romani Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis, quas res nec dederunt [nec soluerunt] nec fecerunt, quas res dari fieri [solui] oportuit, dic' inquit ei quem primum sententiam rogabat, 'quid censes?' tum ille:

[¶29] 32.12. The others were then asked the question, in their order, and when the majority of those present went over to the same opinion, war had been agreed upon. It was customary for the fetial to carry to the bounds of the other nation a cornet-wood spear, iron-pointed or hardened in the fire, and in the presence of not less than three grown men to say: “Whereas the tribes of the Ancient Latins and men of the Ancient Latins have been guilty of acts and offences against the Roman People of the Quirites; and whereas the Roman People of the Quirites has commanded that war be made on the Ancient Latins, and the Senate of the Roman People has approved, agreed, and voted a war with the Ancient Latins; I therefore and the Roman People declare and make war on the tribes of the Ancient Latins and the men of the Ancient Latins.”

> Latin: 32.12. 'puro pioque duello quaerendas censeo, itaque consentio consciscoque.' inde ordine alii rogabantur; quandoque pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandem sententiam ibat, bellum erat consensum. fieri solitum ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguineam ad fines eorum ferret et non minus tribus puberibus praesentibus diceret: 'quod populi Priscorum Latinorum hominesque Prisci Latini aduersus populum Romanum Quiritium fecerunt deliquerunt, quod populus Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit esse senatusque populi Romani Quiritium censuit consensit consciuit ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis fieret, ob eam rem ego populusque Romanus populis Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis bellum indico facioque.'

[¶30] 32.14. Having said this, he would hurl his spear into their territory. This is the manner in which at that time redress was sought from the Latins and war was declared, and the custom has been received by later generations.

> Latin: 32.14. id ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. hoc tum modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum, moremque eum posteri acceperunt.

[¶31] 33.1. Ancus delegated the care of the sacrifices to the flamens and other priests, and having enlisted a new army proceeded to Politorium, one of the Latin cities. He took this place by storm, and adopting the plan of former kings, who had enlarged the state by making her enemies citizens, transferred the whole population to Rome.

> Latin: 33.1. Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flaminibus sacerdotibusque aliis, exercitu nouo conscripto profectus, Politorium, urbem Latinorum, ui cepit; secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam auxerant hostibus in ciuitatem accipiendis, multitudinem omnem Romam traduxit.

[¶32] 33.2. The Palatine was the quarter of the original Romans; on the one hand were the Sabines, who had the Capitol and the Citadel; on the other lay the Caelian, occupied by the Albans. The Aventine was therefore assigned to the newcomers, and thither too were sent shortly afterwards the citizens recruited from the captured towns of Tellenae and Ficana.

> Latin: 33.2. et cum circa Palatium, sedem ueterum Romanorum, Sabini Capitolium atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani implessent, Auentinum nouae multitudini datum. additi eodem haud ita multo post, Tellenis Ficanaque captis, noui ciues.

[¶33] 33.3. Politorium was then attacked a second time, for having been left empty it had been seized by the Ancient Latins, and this gave the Romans an excuse for razing the town, lest it should serve continually as a refuge for their enemies.

> Latin: 33.3. Politorium inde rursus bello repetitum quod uacuum occupauerant Prisci Latini, eaque causa diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis ne hostium semper receptaculum esset.

[¶34] 33.4. In the end the Latin levies were all forced back upon Medullia, where for some time the fighting was indecisive and victory shifted from one side to the other; for the city was protected by fortifications and was defended by a strong garrison, and from their camp in the open plain the Latin army several times came to close quarters with the Romans.

> Latin: 33.4. postremo omni bello Latino Medulliam compulso, aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto, uaria uictoria pugnatum est; nam et urbs tuta munitionibus praesidioque firmata ualido erat, et castris in aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus cum Romanis signa contulerat.

[¶35] 33.5. At last, throwing all his troops into the struggle, Ancus succeeded first in defeating the enemy's army, and then in capturing the town, whence he returned to Rome enriched with immense spoils. On this occasion also many thousands of Latins were granted citizenship. These people, in order that the Aventine might be connected with the Palatine, were made to settle in the region of the Altar of Murcia.

> Latin: 33.5. ad ultimum omnibus copiis conisus Ancus acie primum uincit; inde ingenti praeda potens Romam redit, tum quoque multis milibus Latinorum in ciuitatem acceptis, quibus, ut iungeretur Palatio Auentinum, ad Murciae datae sedes.

[¶36] 33.6. Janiculum was also annexed to the city, not from any lack of room, but lest it might some day become a stronghold of Rome's enemies. It was decided not only to fortify it, but also to connect it with the City, for greater ease in passing to and fro, by a bridge of piles, the first bridge ever built over the Tiber.

> Latin: 33.6. Ianiculum quoque adiectum, non inopia loci sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. id non muro solum sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris ponte sublicio, tum primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi urbi placuit.

[¶37] 33.7. The Quirites' Ditch also, no small protection on the more level and accessible side of town, was the work of King Ancus.

> Latin: 33.7. Quiritium quoque fossa, haud paruum munimentum a planioribus aditu locis, Anci regis opus est.

[¶38] 33.8. When these enormous additions to the community had been effected, it was found that in so great a multitude the distinction between right and wrong had become obscured, and crimes were being secretly committed. Accordingly, to overawe men's growing lawlessness, a prison was built in the midst of the city, above the Forum.

> Latin: 33.8. ingenti incremento rebus auctis, cum in tanta multitudine hominum, discrimine recte an perperam facti confuso, facinora clandestina fierent, carcer ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe imminens foro aedificatur.

[¶39] 33.9. And this reign was a period of growth, not only for the City, but also for her lands and boundaries. The Maesian Forest was taken from the Veientes, extending Rome's dominion clear to the sea; at the Tiber's mouth the city of Ostia was founded, and salt-works were established near-by; while in recognition of signal success in war the temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged.

> Latin: 33.9. nec urbs tantum hoc rege creuit sed etiam ager finesque. Silua Maesia Ueientibus adempta usque ad mare imperium prolatum et in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae circa factae, egregieque rebus bello gestis aedis Iouis Feretri amplificata.

[¶40] 34.1. In the reign of Ancus one Lucumo, a man of energy and wealth, took up his residence in Rome, chiefly from ambition and the hope that he might there achieve a station such as he had found no opportunity of attaining in Tarquinii; for though he had been born there himself, his race was alien to that place also.

> Latin: 34.1. Anco regnante Lucumo, uir impiger ac diuitiis potens, Romam commigrauit cupidine maxime ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis—nam ibi quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat—facultas non fuerat.

[¶41] 34.2. He was the son of Demaratus of Corinth, who had been driven from home by a political upheaval. Happening to settle in Tarquinii, he had married there and had two sons, named Lucumo and Arruns. Lucumo survived his father and inherited all his property; Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife with child.

> Latin: 34.2. Demarati Corinthii filius erat, qui ob seditiones domo profugus cum Tarquiniis forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit. nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo superfuit patri bonorum omnium heres: Arruns prior quam pater moritur uxore grauida relicta.

[¶42] 34.3. Demaratus did not long survive Arruns, and, unaware that his son's wife was to become a mother, he died without making provision for his grandson in his will. When the babe was born his grandfather was dead, and having no share in the inheritance, he was given the name of Egerius, in consequence of his penniless condition.

> Latin: 34.3. nec diu manet superstes filio pater; qui cum, ignorans nurum uentrem ferre, immemor in testando nepotis decessisset, puero post aui mortem in nullam sortem bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum nomen.

[¶43] 34.4. Lucumo, on the other hand, was heir to the whole estate. The self-confidence implanted in his bosom by his wealth was heightened by his marriage with Tanaquil, who was a woman of the most exalted birth, and not of a character lightly to endure a humbler rank in her new environment than she had enjoyed in the condition to which she had been born.

> Latin: 34.4. Lucumoni contra, omnium heredi bonorum, cum diuitiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimonium Tanaquil, summo loco nata et quae haud facile iis in quibus nata erat humiliora sineret ea quo innupsisset.

[¶44] 34.5. The Etruscans looked with disdain on Lucumo, the son of a banished man and a stranger. She could not endure this indignity, and forgetting the love she owed her native land, if she could only see her husband honoured, she formed the project of emigrating from Tarquinii.

> Latin: 34.5. spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem exsule aduena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit, oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis dummodo uirum honoratum uideret, consilium migrandi ab Tarquiniis cepit.

[¶45] 34.6. Rome appeared to be the most suitable place for her purpose; amongst a new people, where all rank was of sudden growth and founded on worth, there would be room for a brave and strenuous man; the City had been ruled by Tatius the Sabine, it had summoned Numa to the sovereignty from Cures, even Ancus was the son of a Sabine mother, and could point to no noble ancestor but Numa.

> Latin: 34.6. Roma est ad id potissima uisa: in nouo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex uirtute nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo uiro; regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum nobilemque una imagine Numae esse.

[¶46] 34.7. She had no trouble in persuading a man who was eager for distinction, to whom Tarquinii was only his mother's birthplace.

> Latin: 34.7. facile persuadet ut cupido honorum et cui Tarquinii materna tantum patria esset.

[¶47] 34.8. They therefore gathered their possessions together and removed to Rome. They had come, as it happened, as far as Janiculum, when, as they were sitting in their covered waggon, an eagle poised on its wings gently descended upon them and plucked off Lucumo's cap, after which, rising noisily above the car and again stooping, as if sent from heaven for that service, it deftly replaced the cap upon his head, and departed on high.

> Latin: 34.8. sublatis itaque rebus amigrant Romam. ad Ianiculum forte uentum erat; ibi ei carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila suspensis demissa leuiter alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum cum magno clangore uolitans rursus uelut ministerio diuinitus missa capiti apte reponit; inde sublimis abiit.

[¶48] 34.9. This augury was joyfully accepted, it is said, by Tanaquil, who was a woman skilled in celestial prodigies, as was the case with most Etruscans. Embracing her husband, she bade him expect transcendent greatness: such was the meaning of that bird, appearing from that quarter of the sky, and bringing tidings from that god; the highest part of the man had been concerned in the omen; the eagle had removed the adornment placed upon a mortal's head that it might restore it with the divine approbation.

> Latin: 34.9. accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil, perita ut uolgo Etrusci caelestium prodigiorum mulier. excelsa et alta sperare complexa uirum iubet: eam alitem ea regione caeli et eius dei nuntiam uenisse; circa summum culmen hominis auspicium fecisse; leuasse humano superpositum capiti decus ut diuinitus eidem redderet.

[¶49] 34.10. Such were their hopes and their reflections as they entered the City. Having obtained a house, they gave out the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.

> Latin: 34.10. has spes cogitationesque secum portantes urbem ingressi sunt, domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tarquinium Priscum edidere nomen.

[¶50] 34.11. The Romans regarded him with special interest, as a stranger and a man of wealth, and he steadily pushed his fortune by his own exertions, making friends wherever possible, by kind words, courteous hospitality, and benefactions, until his reputation extended even to the palace.

> Latin: 34.11. Romanis conspicuum eum nouitas diuitiaeque faciebant; et ipse fortunam benigno adloquio, comitate inuitandi beneficiisque quos poterat sibi conciliando adiuuabat, donec in regiam quoque de eo fama perlata est.

[¶51] 34.12. He had not long been known in this way to the king before the liberality and adroitness of his services procured him the footing of an intimate friend. He was now consulted in matters both of public and private importance, in time of war and in time of peace, and having been tested in every way was eventually even named in the king's will as guardian of his children.

> Latin: 34.12. notitiamque eam breui apud regem liberaliter dextereque obeundo officia in familiaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac priuatis consiliis bello domique interesset et per omnia expertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis testamento institueretur.

[¶52] 35.1. Ancus reigned four and twenty years, a king inferior to none of his predecessors in the arts of peace and war and in the reputation they conferred. By this time his sons were nearly grown. Tarquinius was therefore all the more insistent in urging that the comitia should be held without delay to choose a king.

> Latin: 35.1. regnauit Ancus annos quattuor et uiginti, cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus et gloria par. iam filii prope puberem aetatem erant. eo magis Tarquinius instare ut quam primum comitia regi creando fierent.

[¶53] 35.2. When the meeting had been proclaimed, and the day drew near, he sent the boys away on a hunting expedition. Tarcuinius was the first, they say, to canvass votes for the kingship and to deliver a speech designed to win the favour of the commons.

> Latin: 35.2. quibus indictis sub tempus pueros uenatum ablegauit. isque primus et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur habuisse ad conciliandos plebis animos compositam:

[¶54] 35.3. He pointed out that it; was no new thing he sought; he was not the first outsider to aim at the sovereignty in Rome —a thing which might have occasioned indignation and astonishment, —but the third. Tatius indeed, had been not merely an alien but an enemy when he was made king; while Numa was a stranger to the City, and, far from seeking the kingship, had actually been invited to come and take it.

> Latin: 35.3. [cum] se non rem nouam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirariue posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis, non petentem, in regnum ultro accitum:

[¶55] 35.4. As for himself, he had no sooner become his own master than he had removed to Rome with his wife and all his property. For the greater part of that period of life during which men serve the state he had lived in Rome, and not in the city of his birth.

> Latin: 35.4. se ex quo sui potens fuerit Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse; maiorem partem aetatis eius qua ciuilibus officiis fungantur homines, Romae se quam in uetere patria uixisse;

[¶56] 35.5. Both in civil life and in war he had had no mean instructor —King Ancus himself had taught him Roman laws and Roman rites. In subordination and deference to the king he had vied, he said, with all his hearers; in generosity to his fellow-subjects he had emulated the king himself.

> Latin: 35.5. domi militiaeque sub haud paenitendo magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Romanos ritus didicisse; obsequio et obseruantia in regem cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso certasse.

[¶57] 35.6. Hearing him advance these not unwarranted claims, the people, with striking unanimity, named him king. The result was that the man, so admirable in all other respects, continued even after he had obtained the sovereignty to manifest the same spirit of intrigue which had governed him in seeking it; and being no less concerned to strengthen his own power than to enlarge the state, he added a hundred members to the senate, who were known thenceforward as Fathers of the “lesser families,” and formed a party of unwavering loyalty to the king, to whom they owed their admission to the Curia.

> Latin: 35.6. haec eum haud falsa memorantem ingenti consensu populus Romanus regnare iussit. ergo uirum cetera egregium secuta, quam in petendo habuerat, etiam regnantem ambitio est; nec minus regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae memor centum in patres legit qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati, factio haud dubia regis cuius beneficio in curiam uenerant.

[¶58] 35.7. His first war was with the Latins, whose town of Apiolae he took by storm. Returning thence with more booty than the rumours about the war had led people to expect, he exhibited games on a more splendid and elaborate scale than former kings had done.

> Latin: 35.7. bellum primum cum Latinis gessit et oppidum ibi Apiolas ui cepit; praedaque inde maiore quam quanta belli fama fuerat reuecta ludos opulentius instructiusque quam priores reges fecit.

[¶59] 35.8. It was then that the ground was first marked out for the circus now called Maximus. Places were divided amongst the Fathers and the knights where they might each make seats for themselves; these were called 'rows.'

> Latin: 35.8. tum primum circo qui nunc maximus dicitur designatus locus est. loca diuisa patribus equitibusque ubi spectacula sibi quisque facerent;

[¶60] 35.9. They got their view from seats raised on props to a height of twelve feet from the ground. The entertainment was furnished by horses and boxers, imported for the most part from Etruria. From that time the Games continued to be a regular annual show, and were called indifferently the Roman and the Great Games.

> Latin: 35.9. fori appellati; spectauere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula alta sustinentibus pedes. ludicrum fuit equi pugilesque ex Etruria maxime acciti. sollemnes deinde annui mansere ludi, Romani magnique uarie appellati.

[¶61] 35.10. It was the same king, too, who apportioned building sites about the Forum among private citizens, and erected covered walks and booths.

> Latin: 35.10. ab eodem rege et circa forum priuatis aedificanda diuisa sunt loca; porticus tabernaeque factae.

[¶62] 36.1. He was also preparing to build a stone wall around the City, when a Sabine war interrupted his plans. And so sudden was the invasion, that they had crossed the Anio before the Roman army was able to march out and stop them, so that the City was thrown into a panic.

> Latin: 36.1. muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem parabat cum Sabinum bellum coeptis interuenit. adeoque ea subita res fuit ut prius Anienem transirent hostes quam obuiam ire ac prohibere exercitus Romanus posset.

[¶63] 36.2. The first battle was indecisive, with heavy losses on both sides. The enemy then withdrew into their camp, affording the Romans an opportunity to renew their preparations for the war. Tarquinius believed that cavalry was what he chiefly lacked. To the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, the centuries which Romulus had enrolled, he therefore determined to add others, and to give them his own name as a permanent distinction.

> Latin: 36.2. itaque trepidatum Romae est; et primo dubia uictoria, magna utrimque caede pugnatum est. reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis datoque spatio Romanis ad comparandum de integro bellum, Tarquinius equitem maxime suis deesse uiribus ratus ad Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, quas centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit suoque insignes relinquere nomine.

[¶64] 36.3. But since this was a matter in which Romulus had obtained the sanction of augury before acting, it was asserted by Attus Navius, a famous augur of those days, that no change or innovation could be introduced unless the birds had signified their approval.

> Latin: 36.3. id quia inaugurato Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Nauius, inclitus ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque nouum constitui nisi aues addixissent posse.

[¶65] 36.4. The king's ire was aroused by this, and he is reported to have said, in derision of the science, “Come now, divine seer! Inquire of your augury if that of which I am now thinking can come to pass.” When Attus, having taken the auspices, replied that it would surely come to pass, the king said, “Nay, but this is what I was thinking of, that you should cleave a whetstone with a razor. Take them, and accomplish what your birds declare is possible!” Whereupon, they say, the augur, without a sign of hesitation, cut the whetstone in two.

> Latin: 36.4. ex eo ira regi mota; eludensque artem ut ferunt, 'age dum' inquit, 'diuine tu, inaugura fierine possit quod nunc ego mente concipio.' cum ille augurio rem expertus profecto futuram dixisset, 'atqui hoc animo agitaui' inquit, 'te nouacula cotem discissurum. cape haec et perage quod aues tuae fieri posse portendunt.' tum illum haud cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt.

[¶66] 36.5. There was a statue of Attus standing, with his head covered, on the spot where the thing was done, in the comitium, even at the steps on the left of the senate-house; tradition adds that the whetstone also was deposited in the same place, to be a memorial of that miracle to posterity.

> Latin: 36.5. statua Atti capite uelato, quo in loco res acta est in comitio in gradibus ipsis ad laeuam curiae fuit; cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse memorant ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monumentum.

[¶67] 36.6. However this may be, auguries and the augural priesthood so increased in honour that nothing was afterwards done, in the field or at home, unless the auspices had first been taken: popular assemblies, musterings of the army, acts of supreme importance —all were put off when the birds refused their consent.

> Latin: 36.6. auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum tantus honos accessit ut nihil belli domique postea nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus uocati, summa rerum, ubi aues non admisissent, dirimerentur.

[¶68] 36.7. Neither did Tarquinius at that time make any change in the organization of the centuries of knights. Their numerical strength he doubled, so that there were now eighteen hundred knights, in three centuries.

> Latin: 36.7. neque tum Tarquinius de equitum centuriis quicquam mutauit; numero alterum tantum adiecit, ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus centuriis essent.

[¶69] 36.8. But though enrolled under the old names, the new men were called the “secondary knights,” and the centuries are now, because doubled, known as the “six centuries.”

> Latin: 36.8. posteriores modo sub iisdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati sunt; quas nunc quia geminatae sunt sex uocant centurias.

[¶70] 37.1. When this arm of the service had been enlarged, a second battle was fought with the Sabines. And in this, besides being increased in strength, the Roman army was further helped by a stratagem, for men were secretly dispatched to light a great quantity of firewood lying on the bank of the Anio, and throw it into the river. A favouring wind set the wood in a blaze, and the greater part of it lodged against the boats and piles, where it stuck fast and set the bridge on fire.

> Latin: 37.1. hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum Sabinis confligitur. sed praeterquam quod uiribus creuerat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur dolus, missis qui magnam uim lignorum, in Anienis ripa iacentem, ardentem in flumen conicerent; uentoque iuuante accensa ligna et pleraque [in] ratibus impacta sublicis<que> cum haererent, pontem incendunt.

[¶71] 37.2. This was another source of alarm to the Sabines during the battle, and upon their being routed the same thing hindered their flight, so that many of them escaped the Romans only to perish in the stream; while their shields floated down the Tiber toward the City, and, being recognized, gave assurance that a victory had been won almost sooner than the news of it could be brought.

> Latin: 37.2. ea quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et fusis eadem fugam impedit; multique mortales cum hostem effugissent in flumine ipso periere, quorum fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius paene quam nuntiari posset insignem uictoriam fecere.

[¶72] 37.3. In this battle the cavalry particularly distinguished themselves. They were posted on either flank of the Romans, and when the centre, composed of infantry, was already in retreat, they are said to have charged from both sides, with such effect that they not only checked the Sabine forces, which were pressing hotly forward as their enemy gave way, but suddenly put them to flight.

> Latin: 37.3. eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit; utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateribus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones ferociter instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam auerterent.

[¶73] 37.4. The Sabines made for the mountains in a scattered rout, and indeed a few gained that refuge. Most of them, as has been said before, were driven by the cavalry into the river.

> Latin: 37.4. montes effuso cursu Sabini petebant, et pauci tenuere: maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab equitibus in flumen acti sunt.

[¶74] 37.5. Tarquinius thought it proper to follow up his victory while the other side was panic-stricken; he therefore sent the booty and the prisoners to Rome, and after making a huge pile of the captured arms and setting fire to it, in fulfilment of a vow to Vulcan, pushed forward at the head of his army into the enemy's country.

> Latin: 37.5. Tarquinius, instandum perterritis ratus, praeda captiuisque Romam missis, spoliis hostium—id uotum Uolcano erat—ingenti cumulo accensis, pergit porro in agrum Sabinum exercitum inducere;

[¶75] 37.6. Although defeat had been the portion of the Sabines, and another battle could not be expected to result in better success, still, as the situation allowed no room for deliberation, they took the field with what soldiers they could hastily muster, and being then routed a second time and fairly reduced to extremities, they sued for peace.

> Latin: 37.6. et quamquam male gesta res erat nec gesturos melius sperare poterant, tamen, quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, ire obuiam Sabini tumultuario milite; iterumque ibi fusi, perditis iam prope rebus pacem petiere.

[¶76] 38.1. Collatia, and what land the Sabines had on the hither side of Collatia, was taken from them, and Egerius, the son of the king's brother, was left in the town with a garrison.

> Latin: 38.1. Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam agri erat Sabinis ademptum; Egerius—fratris hic filius erat regis—Collatiae in praesidio relictus. deditosque Collatinos ita accipio eamque deditionis formulam esse:

[¶77] 38.2. The surrender of the Collatini took place, I understand, in accordance with this formula: the king asked, “Are you the legates and spokesmen sent by the People of Collatia to surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia?” “We are.” “Is the People of Collatia its own master?” “It is.” “Do you surrender yourselves and the People of Collatia, city, lands, water, boundary marks, shrines, utensils, all appurtenances, divine and human, into my power and that of the Roman People?”

> Latin: 38.2. rex interrogauit: 'estisne uos legati oratoresque missi a populo Collatino ut uos populumque Collatinum dederetis?'—'sumus.'—'estne populus Collatinus in sua potestate?'—'est.'—'deditisne uos populumque Collatinum, urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia, diuina humanaque omnia, in meam populique Romani dicionem?'—'dedimus.'—'at ego recipio.'

[¶78] 38.3. “We do.” “I receive the surrender.” Upon the conclusion of the Sabine war Tarquinius returned to Rome and triumphed.

> Latin: 38.3. bello Sabino perfecto Tarquinius triumphans Romam redit.

[¶79] 38.4. He then made war against the Ancient Latins. In this campaign there was no general engagement at any point, but the king led his army from one town to another until he had subdued the entire Latin race. Corniculum, Ficulea Vetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum —these were the towns which were captured from the Ancient Latins, or from those who had gone over to the Latins.

> Latin: 38.4. inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit; ubi nusquam ad uniuersae rei dimicationem uentum est, ad singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea uetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, haec de Priscis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos defecerant, capta oppida.

[¶80] 38.5. Peace was then made. From that moment the king devoted himself to peaceful undertakings with an enthusiasm which was even greater than the efforts he had expended in waging war, so that there was no more rest for the people at home than there had been in the field.

> Latin: 38.5. pax deinde est facta. maiore inde animo pacis opera incohata quam quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus domi esset quam militiae fuisset.

[¶81] 38.6. For he set to work to encircle the hitherto unfortified parts of the City with a stone wall, a task which had been interrupted by the Sabine war; and he drained the lowest parts of the City, about the Forum, and the other valleys between the hills, which were too flat to carry off the flood-waters easily, by means of sewers so made as to slope down toward the Tiber. Finally, with prophetic anticipation of the splendour which the place was one day to possess, he laid foundations for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol, which he had vowed in the Sabine war.

> Latin: 38.6. nam et muro lapideo, cuius exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum erat, urbem qua nondum munierat cingere parat, et infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque interiectas collibus conualles, quia ex planis locis haud facile euehebant aquas, cloacis fastigio in Tiberim ductis siccat, et aream ad aedem in Capitolio Iouis quam uouerat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futuram olim amplitudinem loci, occupat fundamentis.

[¶82] 39.1. At this time there happened in the house of the king a portent which was remarkable alike in its manifestation and in its outcome. The story is that while a child named Servius Tullius lay sleeping, his head burst into flames in the sight of many.

> Latin: 39.1. eo tempore in regia prodigium uisu euentuque mirabile fuit. puero dormienti, cui Seruio Tullio fuit nomen, caput arsisse ferunt multorum in conspectu;

[¶83] 39.2. The general outcry which so great a miracle called forth brought the king and queen to the place. One of the servants fetched water to quench the fire, but was checked by the queen, who stilled the uproar and commanded that the boy should not be disturbed until he awoke of himself. Soon afterwards sleep left him, and with it disappeared the flames.

> Latin: 39.2. plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et cum quidam familiarium aquam ad restinguendum ferret, ab regina retentum, sedatoque eam tumultu moueri uetuisse puerum donec sua sponte experrectus esset; mox cum somno et flammam abisse.

[¶84] 39.3. Then, taking her husband aside, Tanaquil said: “Do you see this child whom we are bringing up in so humble a fashion? Be assured he will one day be a lamp to our dubious fortunes, and a protector to the royal house in the day of its distress. Let us therefore rear with all solicitude one who will lend high renown to the state and to our family.”

> Latin: 39.3. tum abducto in secretum uiro Tanaquil 'uiden tu puerum hunc' inquit, 'quem tam humili cultu educamus? scire licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae; proinde materiam ingentis publice priuatimque decoris omni indulgentia nostra nutriamus.'

[¶85] 39.4. It is said that from that moment the boy began to be looked upon as a son, and to be trained in the studies by which men are inspired to bear themselves greatly. It was a thing easily accomplished, being the will of Heaven. The youth turned out to be of a truly royal nature, and when Tarquinius sought a son-in-law there was no other young Roman who could be at all compared to Servius; and the king accordingly betrothed his daughter to him.

> Latin: 39.4. inde puerum liberum loco coeptum haberi erudirique artibus quibus ingenia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. euenit facile quod dis cordi esset: iuuenis euasit uere indolis regiae nec, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, quisquam Romanae iuuentutis ulla arte conferri potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit.

[¶86] 39.5. This great honour, for whatever cause conferred on him, forbids us to suppose that his mother was a slave and that he himself had been in a state of servitude as a child. I am rather of the opinion of those who say, that on the capture of Corniculum, when Servius Tullius, the chief man of that city, had been slain, his wife, who was great with child, had been recognized amongst the other captive women, and on the score of her unique nobility had been rescued from slavery by the Roman queen, and had brought forth her child at Rome in the house of Priscus Tarquinius;

> Latin: 39.5. hic quacumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere prohibet serua natum eum paruumque ipsum seruisse. eorum magis sententiae sum qui Corniculo capto Ser. Tulli, qui princeps in illa urbe fuerat, grauidam uiro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captiuas cognita esset, ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana prohibitam ferunt seruitio partum Romae edidisse Prisci Tarquini <in> domo;