---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 6 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 6. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 6. Book I · chapters 50–60

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/6/#p-N

[¶0] 50.8. This was the end of the speech; all turned to salute Tarquinius. Silence was commanded, and the king, being advised by those nearest him to excuse himself for having come so late, declared that he had been chosen arbiter between a father and his son, and had been delayed by his anxiety to reconcile them. He added that since this business had used up that day, he would take up on the morrow the matters which he had meant to bring before them.

> Latin: 50.8. is finis orationi fuit; auersi omnes ad Tarquinium salutandum. qui silentio facto monitus a proximis ut purgaret se quod id temporis uenisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum inter patrem et filium cura reconciliandi eos in gratiam moratum esse, et quia ea res exemisset illum diem, postero die acturum quae constituisset.

[¶1] 50.9. They say that Turnus would not suffer even this to go unchallenged, asserting that there was no question more quickly settled than one betwixt father and son, for these few words were enough to end it: “Unless you obey your father it will be the worse for you.”

> Latin: 50.9. ne id quidem ab Turno tulisse tacitum ferunt; dixisse enim nullam breuiorem esse cognitionem quam inter patrem et filium paucisque transigi uerbis posse: ni pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse.

[¶2] 51.1. Girding thus against the Roman king, the Arician quitted the council. Tarquinius was considerably more vexed than he appeared to be, and at once looked about him for the means of destroying Turnus, that he might inspire in the Latins the same terror with which he had broken the spirit of the Romans.

> Latin: 51.1. haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans ex concilio abiit. quam rem Tarquinius aliquanto quam uidebatur aegrius ferens confestim Turno necem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem quo ciuium animos domi oppresserat Latinis iniceret.

[¶3] 51.2. And since he could not openly put his man to death by virtue of sovereign right, he charged him with a crime of which he was innocent, and so destroyed him. Through the agency of certain men of the opposite party in Aricia, he bribed a slave of Turnus with gold to allow a large quantity of swords to be brought secretly into his master's lodging.

> Latin: 51.2. et quia pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso crimine insontem oppressit. per aduersae factionis quosdam Aricinos seruum Turni auro corrupit, ut in deuersorium eius uim magnam gladiorum inferri clam sineret.

[¶4] 51.3. Having accomplished this in a single night, Tarquinius, shortly before dawn, summoned the chief men of the Latins to his quarters, pretending to have received alarming news, and informed them that his tardiness on the preceding day, as though somehow providentially occasioned, had been the means of saving himself and them.

> Latin: 51.3. ea cum una nocte perfecta essent, Tarquinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se principibus Latinorum quasi re noua perturbatus, moram suam hesternam uelut deorum quadam prouidentia inlatam ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse.

[¶5] 51.4. For he was told that Turnus was plotting his murder and that of the chief men of the different cities, that he might be sole ruler over the Latins. He would have attacked them the day before in the council, but had postponed the attempt because the summoner of the council, whom he chiefly aimed at, was not there.

> Latin: 51.4. ab Turno dici sibi et primoribus populorum parari necem ut Latinorum solus imperium teneat. adgressurum fuisse hesterno die in concilio; dilatam rem esse, quod auctor concilii afuerit quem maxime peteret.

[¶6] 51.5. That was the reason Turnus had railed at him in his absence, for his delay had balked the Arician's expectation. Tarquinius said that he had no doubt, if his information was true, that Turnus would come at dawn, when they had assembled in the council, and would be armed and attended by a band of conspirators.

> Latin: 51.5. inde illam absentis insectationem esse natam quod morando spem destituerit. non dubitare, si uera deferantur, quin prima luce, ubi uentum in concilium sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque uenturus sit.

[¶7] 51.6. It was said that a great quantity of swords had been carried to his lodging; the falsity or truth of this could be ascertained immediately, and he asked them to go with him to Turnus's quarters.

> Latin: 51.6. dici gladiorum ingentem esse numerum ad eum conuectum. id uanum necne sit, extemplo sciri posse. rogare eos ut inde secum ad Turnum ueniant.

[¶8] 51.7. The charge was made plausible both by the aggressive spirit of Turnus and his speech of the day before, and by Tarquinius's delay, since it seemed that the massacre might have been postponed on that account. The nobles went therefore with a disposition to believe the story, but still, if the swords should not be found, they were prepared to conclude the other charges false.

> Latin: 51.7. suspectam fecit rem et ingenium Turni ferox et oratio hesterna et mora Tarquini, quod uidebatur ob eam differri caedes potuisse. eunt inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, tamen, nisi gladiis deprehensis, cetera uana existimaturi.

[¶9] 51.8. As soon as they reached the place they wakened Turnus from his sleep and surrounded him with guards; and having overpowered the slaves, who out of affection for their master would have resorted to force, they proceeded to pull out the hidden swords from every corner of the inn. There was now no doubt that Turnus was caught in the act, and he was cast into chains, while the summons was instantly sent out, amidst intense excitement, for a council of the Latins.

> Latin: 51.8. ubi est eo uentum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circumsistunt custodes; comprehensisque seruis qui caritate domini uim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus locis deuerticuli protraherentur, enimuero manifesta res uisa iniectaeque Turno catenae; et confestim Latinorum concilium magno cum tumultu aduocatur.

[¶10] 51.9. There such bitter resentment was aroused by the public display of the swords, that the accused was not permitted to plead his cause, but suffered a new kind of death, being plunged into the source of the Ferentine Water and sunk beneath a wicker crate heaped up with stones.

> Latin: 51.9. ibi tam atrox inuidia orta est gladiis in medio positis, ut indicta causa, nouo genere leti, deiectus ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta saxisque congestis mergeretur.

[¶11] 52.1. Tarquinius then called the Latins again to the place of council, and praised them for the punishment which they had justly meted out to the rebellious attempt of Turnus, in view of the treason in which he had just been taken.

> Latin: 52.1. reuocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tarquinius conlaudatisque qui Turnum nouantem res pro manifesto parricidio merita poena adfecissent, ita uerba fecit:

[¶12] 52.2. The king then went on to say that it was in his power to proceed according to an ancient right, since all the Latins, having sprung from Alba, were included in that treaty by which, from the time of Tullus, the whole Alban state, with its colonies, had come under Rome's dominion.

> Latin: 52.2. posse quidem se uetusto iure agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba oriundi sint, [in] eo foedere teneantur, quo sub Tullo res omnis Albana cum colonis suis in Romanum cesserit imperium;

[¶13] 52.3. But the advantage of all would be better served, he thought, if that treaty were renewed and the good fortune of the Roman people were thrown open to the participation of the Latins, than if they were always to be dreading or enduring the razing of their cities and the devastation of their lands which they had suffered first in Ancus's reign and afterward in that of the speaker's father.

> Latin: 52.3. ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium causa censere ut renouetur id foedus, secundaque potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini fruantur quam urbium excidia uastationesque agrorum, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante perpessi sint, semper aut exspectent aut patiantur.

[¶14] 52.4. It was not difficult to persuade the Latins, although the Roman interest preponderated in this treaty. For the rest, they saw that the chiefs of the Latin name stood with the king and took his view of the matter, and they had just been given a demonstration of the danger they would each incur if they opposed the project.

> Latin: 52.4. haud difficulter persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo foedere superior Romana res erat; ceterum et capita nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege uidebant, et [Turnus] sui cuique periculi, si aduersatus esset, recens erat documentum.

[¶15] 52.5. So the treaty was renewed, and the Latin juniors were commanded to present themselves at the grove of Ferentina on a certain day, armed and in full force, as the treaty prescribed.

> Latin: 52.5. ita renouatum foedus, indictumque iunioribus Latinorum ut ex foedere die certa ad lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent.

[¶16] 52.6. When they had assembled, agreeably to the king's edict, from the different districts, Tarquinius was unwilling that they should have their own leaders, or a separate command, or their own standards; he therefore mingled Latins and Romans in the maniples, making one maniple of two and two of one, and over the maniples thus doubled he put centurions.

> Latin: 52.6. qui ubi ad edictum Romani regis ex omnibus populis conuenere, ne ducem suum neue secretum imperium propriaue signa haberent, miscuit manipulos ex Latinis Romanisque ut ex binis singulos faceret binosque ex singulis; ita geminatis manipulis centuriones imposuit.

[¶17] 53.1. But if the king was unjust in peace, yet he was not a bad general in war. Indeed, he would have equalled in this art the kings who had gone before him, if his degeneracy in other things had not also dimmed his glory here.

> Latin: 53.1. nec ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli prauus fuit; quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset.

[¶18] 53.2. It was he who began the war with the Volsci which was to last more than two hundred years after his time, and took Suessa Pometia from them by storm.

> Latin: 53.2. is primus Uolscis bellum in ducentos amplius post suam aetatem annos mouit, Suessamque Pometiam ex iis ui cepit.

[¶19] 53.3. There, having sold off the booty and raised forty talents of silver, he conceived the project of a temple of Jupiter so magnificent that it should be worthy of the king of gods and men, the Roman empire, and the majesty of the site itself. The money from the captured city he put aside to build this temple.

> Latin: 53.3. ubi cum diuendita praeda quadraginta talenta argenti refecisset, concepit animo eam amplitudinem Iouis templi quae digna deum hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius etiam loci maiestate esset; captiuam pecuniam in aedificationem eius templi seposuit.

[¶20] 53.4. He then engaged in an unexpectedly tedious war with Gabii, a neighbouring town After first assaulting the place in vain, he laid siege to it, but this attempt was as unsuccessful as the other, for he was driven off from the walls; and he finally resorted to the policy, so unlike a Roman, of deceit and trickery.

> Latin: 53.4. excepit deinde lentius spe bellum, quo Gabios, propinquam urbem, nequiquam ui adortus, cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude ac dolo, adgressus est.

[¶21] 53.5. For he pretended to have given up the war and to be engrossed in laying the foundations of his temple and in other city works, arranging meanwhile to let Sextus, who was the youngest of his three sons, desert to Gabii, and there complain that his father was intolerably cruel to him.

> Latin: 53.5. nam cum uelut posito bello fundamentis templi iaciendis aliisque urbanis operibus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus filius eius, qui minimus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composito Gabios, patris in se saeuitiam intolerabilem conquerens:

[¶22] 53.6. His father's pride, he said, was now diverted from strangers upon his own family. Even his children were too many to please him, and the solitude which he had caused in the senate-house he wished to bring to pass in his own home also, that he might leave no descendant, no heir to his kingdom.

> Latin: 53.6. iam ab alienis in suos uertisse superbiam et liberorum quoque eum frequentiae taedere, ut quam in curia solitudinem fecerit domi quoque faciat, ne quam stirpem, ne quem heredem regni relinquat.

[¶23] 53.7. The young man said that he had himself escaped from amidst the swords and javelins of his father, and had made up his mind that there was no safety for him anywhere save with the enemies of Lucius Tarquinius. Let them not delude themselves, he said; the war which the king pretended to have abandoned was still awaiting them, and when the chance offered he would attack them unawares.

> Latin: 53.7. se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini credidisse. nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum quod positum simuletur, et per occasionem eum incautos inuasurum.

[¶24] 53.8. But if they had no room for suppliants, he was prepared to wander all over Latium, and thence seek out the Volsci and the Aequi and the Hernici, till at last he should come to people who knew how to protect a son from the cruel and wicked tortures inflicted on him by a father.

> Latin: 53.8. quod si apud eos supplicibus locus non sit, pererraturum se omne Latium, Uolscosque se inde et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum donec ad eos perueniat qui a patrum crudelibus atque impiis suppliciis tegere liberos sciant.

[¶25] 53.9. Possibly he might even discover some enthusiasm for war and arms against the haughtiest of kings and the most insolent of nations.

> Latin: 53.9. forsitan etiam ardoris aliquid ad bellum armaque se aduersus superbissimum regem ac ferocissimum populum inuenturum.

[¶26] 53.10. When it appeared that if they were indifferent he would leave them in anger and continue his flight, the Gabini bade him welcome. They told him not to be surprised if the king had been the same to his children that he had been to his subjects, to his allies; he would end by venting his cruelty upon himself if other objects failed him.

> Latin: 53.10. cum si nihil morarentur infensus ira porro inde abiturus uideretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur. uetant mirari si, qualis in ciues, qualis in socios, talis ad ultimum in liberos esset;

[¶27] 53.11. But for their own part, they said, they were glad of his coming, and they believed that in a short time, with his help, the seat of war would be shifted from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 53.11. in se ipsum postremo saeuiturum, si alia desint. sibi uero gratum aduentum eius esse, futurumque credere breui ut illo adiuuante a portis Gabinis sub Romana moenia bellum transferatur.

[¶28] 54.1. Sextus next obtained admission to the Gabian councils of state, where, on all subjects but one, he professed a deference for the opinion of those who had long been citizens of Gabii and were better acquainted with the facts. War, however, he did take it upon himself to urge, again and again; and in so doing he assumed a special competence, as one who was acquainted with the strength of both nations, and knew that the king's pride must necessarily be hateful to all the citizens, since even his children had not been able to put up with it.

> Latin: 54.1. inde in consilia publica adhiberi. ubi cum de aliis rebus adsentire se ueteribus Gabinis diceret quibus eae notiores essent, ipse identidem belli auctor esse et in eo sibi praecipuam prudentiam adsumere quod utriusque populi uires nosset, sciretque inuisam profecto superbiam regiam ciuibus esse quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuissent.

[¶29] 54.2. In this way, little by little, he stirred up the leaders of the Gabini to reopen the war. He would himself take the boldest of the young men and go upon raids and forays. All his words and acts were calculated to deceive, and their ill-grounded confidence so increased that in the end he was chosen commander-in-chief.

> Latin: 54.2. ita cum sensim ad rebellandum primores Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuuenum praedatum atque in expeditiones iret et dictis factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis uana adcresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur.

[¶30] 54.3. The war began, and the people had no suspicion of what was going forward. Skirmishes took place between Rome and Gabii, in which, as a rule, the Gabini had the best of it. Thereupon their citizens, both high and low, contended who should be loudest in expressing the belief that in Sextus Tarquinius they had a heaven-sent leader.

> Latin: 54.3. ibi cum, inscia multitudine quid ageretur, proelia parua inter Romam Gabiosque fierent quibus plerumque Gabina res superior esset, tum certatim summi infimique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi missum ducem credere.

[¶31] 54.4. And the soldiers, seeing him ever ready to share in their dangers and hardships, and ever lavish in distributing the plunder, came to love him so devotedly that the elder Tarquinius was not more truly master in Rome than was his son in Gabii.

> Latin: 54.4. apud milites uero obeundo pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largiendo tanta caritate esse ut non pater Tarquinius potentior Romae quam filius Gabiis esset.

[¶32] 54.5. And so, when Sextus saw that he had acquired strength enough for any enterprise, he despatched one of his own followers to his father in Rome, to ask what the king might please to have him do, since the gods had granted that at Gabii all power in the state should rest with him alone.

> Latin: 54.5. itaque postquam satis uirium conlectum ad omnes conatus uidebat, tum ex suis unum sciscitatum Romam ad patrem mittit quidnam se facere uellet, quando quidem ut omnia unus publice Gabiis posset ei di dedissent.

[¶33] 54.6. To this messenger, I suppose because he seemed not quite to be trusted, no verbal reply was given. The king, as if absorbed in meditation, passed into the garden of his house, followed by his son's envoy. There, walking up and down without a word, he is said to have struck off the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick.

> Latin: 54.6. huic nuntio, quia, credo, dubiae fidei uidebatur, nihil uoce responsum est; rex uelut deliberabundus in hortum aedium transit sequente nuntio filii; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papauerum capita dicitur baculo decussisse.

[¶34] 54.7. Tired of asking questions and waiting for an answer, the messenger returned to Gabii, his mission, as he thought, unaccomplished. He reported what he had said himself and what he had seen. Whether from anger, or hatred, or native pride, the king, he said, had not pronounced a single word.

> Latin: 54.7. interrogando exspectandoque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imperfecta, redit Gabios; quae dixerit ipse quaeque uiderit refert; seu ira seu odio seu superbia insita ingenio nullam eum uocem emisisse.

[¶35] 54.8. As soon as it was clear to Sextus what his father meant and what was the purport of his silent hints, he rid himself of the chief men of the state. Some he accused before the people; against others he took advantage of the odium they had themselves incurred. Many were openly executed; some, whom it would not have looked well to accuse, were put to death in secret.

> Latin: 54.8. Sexto ubi quid uellet parens quidue praeciperet tacitis ambagibus patuit, primores ciuitatis criminando alios apud populum, alios sua ipsos inuidia opportunos interemit. multi palam, quidam in quibus minus speciosa criminatio erat futura clam interfecti.

[¶36] 54.9. Some were permitted, if they chose, to leave the country; or they were driven into banishment, and once out of the way, their property was forfeited, just as in the case of those who had been put to death.

> Latin: 54.9. patuit quibusdam uolentibus fuga, aut in exsilium acti sunt, absentiumque bona iuxta atque interemptorum diuisui fuere.

[¶37] 54.10. Thence came largesses and spoils, and in the sweetness of private gain men lost their feeling for the wrongs of the nation, until, deprived of counsel and aid, the state of Gabii was handed over unresisting to the Roman king.

> Latin: 54.10. largitiones inde praedaeque; et dulcedine priuati commodi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donec orba consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla dimicatione in manum traditur.

[¶38] 55.1. Having got possession of Gabii, Tarquinius made peace with the Aequian nation and renewed the treaty with the Etruscans. He next turned his attention to affairs in the city. Here his first concern was to build a temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian Mount to stand as a memorial of his reign and of his name, testifying that of the two Tarquinii, both kings, the father had made the vow and the son had fulfilled it.

> Latin: 55.1. Gabiis receptis Tarquinius pacem cum Aequorum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renouauit. inde ad negotia urbana animum conuertit; quorum erat primum ut Iouis templum in monte Tarpeio monumentum regni sui nominisque relinqueret: Tarquinios reges ambos patrem uouisse, filium perfecisse.

[¶39] 55.2. And that the site might be free from all other religious claims and belong wholly to Jupiter and his temple, which was building there, he determined to annul the consecration of several fanes and shrines which had been first vowed by King Tatius at the crisis of the battle against Romulus, and had afterwards been consecrated and inaugurated.

> Latin: 55.2. et ut libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota Iouis templique eius quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana sacellaque statuit quae aliquod ibi, a Tatio rege primum in ipso discrimine aduersus Romulum pugnae uota, consecrata inaugurataque postea fuerant.

[¶40] 55.3. At the very time when he began this task the gods are said to have exerted their power to show the magnitude of this mighty empire. For whereas the birds permitted that the consecrations of all the other shrines should be rescinded, they refused their consent for the shrine of Terminus.

> Latin: 55.3. inter principia condendi huius operis mouisse numen ad indicandam tanti imperii molem traditur deos; nam cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes admitterent aues, in Termini fano non addixere;

[¶41] 55.4. This omen and augury was thus construed: the fact that the seat of Terminus was not moved, and that of all the gods he alone was not called away from the place consecrated to him, meant that the whole kingdom would be firm and steadfast.

> Latin: 55.4. idque omen auguriumque ita acceptum est non motam Termini sedem unumque eum deorum non euocatum sacratis sibi finibus firma stabiliaque cuncta portendere.

[¶42] 55.5. When this auspice of permanence had been received, there followed another prodigy foretelling the grandeur of their empire. A human head, its features intact, was found, so it is said, by the men who were digging for the foundations of the temple.

> Latin: 55.5. hoc perpetuitatis auspicio accepto, secutum aliud magnitudinem imperii portendens prodigium est: caput humanum integra facie aperientibus fundamenta templi dicitur apparuisse.

[¶43] 55.6. This appearance plainly foreshowed that here was to be the citadel of the empire and the head of the world, and such was the interpretation of the soothsayers, both those who were in the City and those who were called in from Etruria to consider the matter.

> Latin: 55.6. quae uisa species haud per ambages arcem eam imperii caputque rerum fore portendebat; idque ita cecinere uates quique in urbe erant quosque ad eam rem consultandam ex Etruria acciuerant.

[¶44] 55.7. This made the king all the more ready to spend money on the work. Hence the Pometian spoils, which had been destined to carry the building up to the roof, barely sufficed for the foundations.

> Latin: 55.7. augebatur ad impensas regis animus; itaque Pometinae manubiae, quae perducendo ad culmen operi destinatae erant, uix in fundamenta suppeditauere.

[¶45] 55.8. This disposes me to believe the statement of Fabius (who is, besides, the earlier writer) that the spoils were only forty talents, rather than Piso's, who writes that forty thousand pounds of silver were put aside for this work. So great a sum of money could not be expected from the booty of a single city of that time, and there is no building, even among those of our own day, for the foundations of which it would not be more than enough.

> Latin: 55.8. eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta fuisse, quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta milia pondo argenti seposita in eam rem scribit, summam pecuniae neque ex unius tum urbis praeda sperandam et nullius ne horum quidem operum fundamenta non exsuperaturam.

[¶46] 56.1. Being intent upon completing the temple, the king called in workmen from every quarter of Etruria, and used for this purpose not only the state funds but labourers drawn from the commons. This work was far from light in itself, and was added to their military service. Yet the plebeians felt less abused at having to build with their own hands the temples of the gods, than they did when they came to be transferred to other tasks also, which, while less in show, were yet rather more laborious.

> Latin: 56.1. intentus perficiendo templo, fabris undique ex Etruria accitis, non pecunia solum ad id publica est usus sed operis etiam ex plebe. qui cum haud paruus et ipse militiae adderetur labor, minus tamen plebs grauabatur se templa deum exaedificare manibus suis quam postquam et ad alia, ut specie minora, sic laboris aliquanto maioris traducebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque maximam, receptaculum omnium purgamentorum urbis, sub terra agendam;

[¶47] 56.2. I mean the erection of seats in the circus, and the construction underground of the Great Sewer, as a receptacle for all the offscourings of the City, —two works for which the new splendour of these days has scarcely been able to produce a match. After making the plebeians toil at these hard tasks, the king felt that a populace which had now no work to do was only a burden to the City; he wished, moreover, by sending out settlers, to extend the frontiers of his dominions.

> Latin: 56.2. quibus duobus operibus uix noua haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare potuit. his laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi multitudinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines uolebat, Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia urbi futura terra marique.

[¶48] 56.4. He therefore sent colonists to Signia and Circei, to safeguard the City by land and sea. While he was thus occupied, a terrible portent appeared. A snake glided out of a wooden pillar, causing fright and commotion in the palace. As for the king himself, his heart was not so much struck with sudden terror as filled with anxious forebodings.

> Latin: 56.4. haec agenti portentum terribile uisum: anguis ex columna lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in regia fecisset, ipsius regis non tam subito pauore perculit pectus quam anxiis impleuit curis.

[¶49] 56.5. Now for public prodigies none but Etruscan soothsayers were wont to be employed, but this domestic apparition, as he regarded it, so thoroughly alarmed him that he determined to send to Delphi, the most famous oracle in the world;

> Latin: 56.5. itaque cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tantum uates adhiberentur, hoc uelut domestico exterritus uisu Delphos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere statuit.

[¶50] 56.6. and, not daring to trust the oracle's reply to anybody else, he sent two of his sons, through strange lands, as they were then, and over stranger seas, to Greece.

> Latin: 56.6. neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere ausus, duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras, ignotiora maria in Graeciam misit.

[¶51] 56.7. Titus and Arruns were the ones who went; and, to bear them company, Lucius Junius Brutus was sent too, the son of Tarquinia, sister of the king, a young man of a very different mind from that which he pretended to bear. Having heard that the leading men of the state, and among them his own brother, had been put to death by his uncle, he determined to leave nothing in his disposition which the king might justly fear, nor anything in his fortune to covet, resolving to find safety in contempt, where justice afforded no protection.

> Latin: 56.7. Titus et Arruns profecti; comes iis additus L. Iunius Brutus, Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus, iuuenis longe alius ingenii quam cuius simulationem induerat. is cum primores ciuitatis, in quibus fratrem suum, ab auunculo interfectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relinquere statuit contemptuque tutus esse ubi in iure parum praesidii esset.

[¶52] 56.8. He therefore deliberately assumed the appearance of stupidity, and permitted himself and his property to become the spoil of the king; he even accepted the surname Brutus, that behind the screen afforded by this title the great soul which was to free the Roman People might bide its time unseen.

> Latin: 56.8. ergo ex industria factus ad imitationem stultitiae, cum se suaque praedae esse regi sineret, Bruti quoque haud abnuit cognomen ut sub eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi Romani animus latens opperiretur tempora sua.

[¶53] 56.9. He it was who was then taken by the Tarquinii to Delphi, more as a butt than as a comrade; and he is said to have carried a golden staff inclosed within one of cornel wood, hollowed out to receive it, as a gift to Apollo, and a roundabout indication of his own character.

> Latin: 56.9. is tum ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium uerius quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cauato ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per ambages effigiem ingenii sui.

[¶54] 56.10. When they came there, and had carried out their father's instructions, a desire sprang up in the hearts of the youths to find out which one of them should be king at Rome. From the depths of the cavern this answer, they say, was returned: “The highest power at Rome shall be his, young men, who shall be first among you to kiss his mother.”

> Latin: 56.10. quo postquam uentum est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos iuuenum sciscitandi ad quem eorum regnum Romanum esset uenturum. ex infimo specu uocem redditam ferunt: imperium summum Romae habebit qui uestrum primus, o iuuenes, osculum matri tulerit.

[¶55] 56.11. The Tarquinii, anxious that Sextus, who had been left in Rome, might know nothing of the answer and have no share in the rule, gave orders that the incident should be kept strictly secret; as between themselves, they decided by lot which should be first, upon their return to Rome, to give their mother a kiss.

> Latin: 56.11. Tarquinii ut Sextus, qui Romae relictus fuerat, ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem summa ope taceri iubent; ipsi inter se uter prior, cum Romam redisset, matri osculum daret, sorti permittunt.

[¶56] 56.12. Brutus thought the Pythian utterance had another meaning; pretending to stumble, he fell and touched his lips to Earth, evidently regarding her as the common mother of all mortals.

> Latin: 56.12. Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam uocem, uelut si prolapsus cecidisset, terram osculo contigit, scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium esset.

[¶57] 56.13. They then returned to Rome, where preparations for war with the Rutuli were being pushed with the greatest vigour.

> Latin: 56.13. reditum inde Romam, ubi aduersus Rutulos bellum summa ui parabatur.

[¶58] 57.1. Ardea belonged to the Rutuli, who were a nation of commanding wealth, for that place and period. This very fact was the cause of the war, since the Roman king was eager not only to enrich himself, impoverished as he was by the splendour of his public works, but also to appease with booty the feeling of the common people; who, besides the enmity they bore the monarch for other acts of pride, were especially resentful that the king should have kept them employed so long as artisans and doing the work of slaves.

> Latin: 57.1. Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens, ut in ea regione atque in ea aetate, diuitiis praepollens; eaque ipsa causa belli fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse ditari, exhaustus magnificentia publicorum operum, tum praeda delenire popularium animos studebat, praeter aliam superbiam regno infestos etiam quod se in fabrorum ministeriis ac seruili tam diu habitos opere ab rege indignabantur.

[¶59] 57.3. An attempt was made to capture Ardea by assault. Having failed in this, the Romans invested the place with intrenchments, and began to beleaguer the enemy.

> Latin: 57.3. temptata res est, si primo impetu capi Ardea posset: ubi id parum processit, obsidione munitionibusque coepti premi hostes.

[¶60] 57.4. Here in their permanent camp, as is usual with a war not sharp but long drawn out, furlough was rather freely granted, more freely however to the leaders than to the soldiers; the young princes for their part passed their idle hours together at dinners and drinking bouts.

> Latin: 57.4. in his statiuis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, satis liberi commeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis quam militibus;

[¶61] 57.5. It chanced, as they were drinking in the quarters of Sextus Tarquinius, where Tarquinius Collatinus, son of Egerius, was also a guest, that the subject of wives came up.

> Latin: 57.5. regii quidem iuuenes interdum otium conuiuiis comisationibusque inter se terebant.

[¶62] 57.6. Every man fell to praising his own wife with enthusiasm, and, as their rivalry grew hot, Collatinus said that there was no need to talk about it, for it was in their power to know, in a few hours' time, how far the rest were excelled by his own Lucretia.

> Latin: 57.6. forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius, Egeri filius, incidit de uxoribus mentio. suam quisque laudare miris modis;

[¶63] 57.7. “Come! If the vigour of youth is in us let us mount our horses and see for ourselves the disposition of our wives. Let every man regard as the surest test what meets his eyes when the woman's husband enters unexpected.” They were heated with wine. “Agreed!”

> Latin: 57.7. inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat uerbis opus esse; paucis id quidem horis posse sciri quantum ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. 'quin, si uigor iuuentae inest, conscendimus equos inuisimusque praesentes nostrarum ingenia? id cuique spectatissimum sit quod necopinato uiri aduentu occurrerit oculis.'

[¶64] 57.8. they all cried, and clapping spurs to their horses were off for Rome. Arriving there at early dusk, they thence proceeded to Collatia, where Lucretia was discovered very differently employed from the daughters-in-law of the king. These they had seen at a luxurious banquet, whiling away the time with their young friends; but Lucretia, though it was late at night, was busily engaged upon her wool, while her maidens toiled about her in the lamplight as she sat in the hall of her house.

> Latin: 57.8. incaluerant uino; 'age sane' omnes; citatis equis auolant Romam. quo cum primis se intendentibus tenebris peruenissent, pergunt inde Collatiam, ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus, quas in conuiuio luxuque cum aequalibus uiderant tempus terentes sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem inueniunt.

[¶65] 57.10. The prize of this contest in womanly virtues fell to Lucretia. As Collatinus and the Tarquinii approached, they were graciously received, and the victorious husband courteously invited the young princes to his table. It was there that Sextus Tarquinius was seized with a wicked desire to debauch Lucretia by force; not only her beauty, but her proved chastity as well, provoked him.

> Latin: 57.10. muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam fuit. adueniens uir Tarquiniique excepti benigne; uictor maritus comiter inuitat regios iuuenes. ibi Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per uim stuprandae capit; cum forma tum spectata castitas incitat.

[¶66] 57.11. However, for the present they ended the boyish prank of the night and returned to the camp.

> Latin: 57.11. et tum quidem ab nocturno iuuenali ludo in castra redeunt.

[¶67] 58.1. When a few days had gone by, Sextus Tarquinius, without letting Collatinus know, took a single attendant and went to Collatia.

> Latin: 58.1. paucis interiectis diebus Sex. Tarquinius inscio Collatino cum comite uno Collatiam uenit.

[¶68] 58.2. Being kindly welcomed, for no one suspected his purpose, he was brought after dinner to a guest-chamber. Burning with passion, he waited till it seemed to him that all about him was secure and everybody fast asleep; then, drawing his sword, he came to the sleeping Lucretia. Holding the woman down with his left hand on her breast, he said, “Be still, Lucretia! I am Sextus Tarquinius. My sword is in my hand. Utter a sound, and you die!” In affright the woman started out of her sleep.

> Latin: 58.2. ubi exceptus benigne ab ignaris consilii cum post cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore ardens, postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes uidebantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam uenit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso 'tace, Lucretia' inquit; ' Sex. Tarquinius sum; ferrum in manu est; moriere, si emiseris uocem.'

[¶69] 58.3. No help was in sight, but only imminent death. Then Tarquinius began to declare his love, to plead, to mingle threats with prayers, to bring every resource to bear upon her woman's heart.

> Latin: 58.3. cum pauida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope mortem imminentem uideret, tum Tarquinius fateri amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, uersare in omnes partes muliebrem animum.

[¶70] 58.4. When he found her obdurate and not to be moved even by fear of death, he went farther and threatened her with disgrace, saying that when she was dead he would kill his slave and lay him naked by her side, that she might be said to have been put to death in adultery with a man of base condition.

> Latin: 58.4. ubi obstinatam uidebat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad metum dedecus: cum mortua iugulatum seruum nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata dicatur.

[¶71] 58.5. At this dreadful prospect her resolute modesty was overcome, as if with force, by his victorious lust; and Tarquinius departed, exulting in his conquest of a woman's honour. Lucretia, grieving at her great disaster, dispatched the same message to her father in Rome and to her husband at Ardea: that they should each take a trusty friend and come; that they must do this and do it quickly, for a frightful thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came with Publius Valerius, Volesus' son.

> Latin: 58.5. quo terrore cum uicisset obstinatam pudicitiam uelut <ui> uictrix libido, profectusque inde Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad uirum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis ueniant; ita facto maturatoque opus esse; rem atrocem incidisse.

[¶72] 58.6. Collatinus brought Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he chanced to be returning to Rome when he was met by the messenger from his wife. Lucretia they found sitting sadly in her chamber. The entrance of her friends brought the tears to her eyes, and to her husband's question, “Is all well?”

> Latin: 58.6. Sp. Lucretius cum P. Ualerio Uolesi filio, Collatinus cum L. Iunio Bruto uenit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio uxoris erat conuentus.

[¶73] 58.7. she replied, “Far from it; for what can be well with a woman when she has lost her honour? The print of a strange man, Collatinus, is in your bed. Yet my body only has been violated; my heart is guiltless, as death shall be my witness. But pledge your right hands and your words that the adulterer shall not go unpunished. Sextus Tarquinius is he that last night returned hostility for hospitality, and armed with force brought ruin on me, and on himself no less —if you are men —when he worked his pleasure with me.”

> Latin: 58.7. Lucretiam sedentem maestam in cubiculo inueniunt. aduentu suorum lacrimae obortae, quaerentique uiro 'satin salue?' 'minime' inquit; 'quid enim salui est mulieri amissa pudicitia? uestigia uiri alieni, Collatine, in lecto sunt tuo; ceterum corpus est tantum uiolatum, animus insons; mors testis erit. sed date dexteras fidemque haud impune adultero fore.

[¶74] 58.8. They give their pledges, every man in turn. They seek to comfort her, sick at heart as she is, by diverting the blame from her who was forced to the doer of the wrong.

> Latin: 58.8. Sex. est Tarquinius qui hostis pro hospite priore nocte ui armatus mihi sibique, si uos uiri estis, pestiferum hinc abstulit gaudium.'

[¶75] 58.9. They tell her it is the mind that sins, not the body; and that where purpose has been wanting there is no guilt.

> Latin: 58.9. dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi auertendo noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti: mentem peccare, non corpus, et unde consilium afuerit culpam abesse.

[¶76] 58.10. “It is for you to determine,” she answers, “what is due to him; for my own part, though I acquit myself of the sin, I do not absolve myself from punishment; not in time to come shall ever unchaste woman live through the example of Lucretia.” Taking a knife which she had concealed beneath her dress, she plunged it into her heart, and sinking forward upon the wound, died as she fell.

> Latin: 58.10. 'uos' inquit 'uideritis quid illi debeatur: ego me etsi peccato absoluo, supplicio non libero; nec ulla deinde impudica Lucretiae exemplo uiuet.' cultrum, quem sub ueste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit, prolapsaque in uolnus moribunda cecidit.

[¶77] 58.12. The wail for the dead was raised by her husband and her father.

> Latin: 58.12. conclamat uir paterque;

[¶78] 59.1. Brutus, while the others were absorbed in grief, drew out the knife from Lucretia's wound, and holding it up, dripping with gore, exclaimed, “By this blood, most chaste until a prince wronged it, I swear, and I take you, gods, to witness, that I will pursue Lucius Tarquinius Superbus and his wicked wife and all his children, with sword, with fire, aye with whatsoever violence I may; and that I will suffer neither them nor any other to be king in Rome!” The knife he then passed to Collatinus, and from him to Lucretius and Valerius.

> Latin: 59.1. Brutus illis luctu occupatis cultrum ex uolnere Lucretiae extractum, manantem cruore prae se tenens, 'per hunc' inquit 'castissimum ante regiam iniuriam sanguinem iuro, uosque, di, testes facio me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata coniuge et omni liberorum stirpe ferro igni quacumque dehinc ui possim exsecuturum, nec illos nec alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum.'

[¶79] 59.2. They were dumbfounded at this miracle. Whence came this new spirit in the breast of Brutus? As he bade them, so they swore. Grief was swallowed up in anger; and when Brutus summoned them to make war from that very moment on the power of the kings, they followed his lead.

> Latin: 59.2. cultrum deinde Collatino tradit, inde Lucretio ac Ualerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde nouum in Bruti pectore ingenium. ut praeceptum erat iurant; totique ab luctu uersi in iram, Brutum iam inde ad expugnandum regnum uocantem sequuntur ducem.

[¶80] 59.3. They carried out Lucretia's corpse from the house and bore it to the market-place, where men crowded about them, attracted, as they were bound to be, by the amazing character of the strange event and its heinousness.

> Latin: 59.3. elatum domo Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt, concientque miraculo, ut fit, rei nouae atque indignitate homines.

[¶81] 59.4. Every man had his own complaint to make of the prince's crime and his violence. They were moved, not only by the father's sorrow, but by the fact that it was Brutus who chid their tears and idle lamentations and urged them.to take up the sword, as befitted men and Romans, against those who had dared to treat them as enemies.

> Latin: 59.4. pro se quisque scelus regium ac uim queruntur. mouet cum patris maestitia, tum Brutus castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum auctorque quod uiros, quod Romanos deceret, arma capiendi aduersus hostilia ausos.

[¶82] 59.5. The boldest of the young men seized their weapons and offered themselves for service, and the others followed their example. Then, leaving Lucretia's father to guard Collatia, and posting sentinels so that no one might announce the rising to the royal family, the rest, equipped for battle and with Brutus in command, set out for Rome.

> Latin: 59.5. ferocissimus quisque iuuenum cum armis uoluntarius adest; sequitur et cetera iuuentus. inde patre praeside relicto Collatiae [ad portas] custodibusque datis ne quis eum motum regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati duce Bruto Romam profecti.

[¶83] 59.6. Once there, wherever their armed band advanced it brought terror and confusion; but. again, when people saw that in the van were the chief men of the state, they concluded that whatever it was it could be no meaningless disturbance.

> Latin: 59.6. ubi eo uentum est, quacumque incedit armata multitudo, pauorem ac tumultum facit; rursus ubi anteire primores ciuitatis uident, quidquid sit haud temere esse rentur.

[¶84] 59.7. And in fact there was no less resentment at Rome when this dreadful story was known than there had been at Collatia. So from every quarter of the City men came running to the Forum. No sooner were they there than a crier summoned the people before the Tribune of the Celeres, which office Brutus then happened to be holding.

> Latin: 59.7. nec minorem motum animorum Romae tam atrox res facit quam Collatiae fecerat; ergo ex omnibus locis urbis in forum curritur. quo simul uentum est, praeco ad tribunum celerum, in quo tum magistratu forte Brutus erat, populum aduocauit.

[¶85] 59.8. There he made a speech by no means like what might have been expected of the mind and the spirit which he had feigned up to that day. He spoke of the violence and lust of Sextus Tarquinius, of the shameful defilement of Lucretia and her deplorable death, of the bereavement of Tricipitinus, in whose eyes the death of his daughter was not so outrageous and deplorable as was the cause of her death.

> Latin: 59.8. ibi oratio habita nequaquam eius pectoris ingeniique quod simulatum ad eam diem fuerat, de ui ac libidine Sex. Tarquini, de stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili caede, de orbitate Tricipitini cui morte filiae causa mortis indignior ac miserabilior esset.

[¶86] 59.9. He reminded them, besides, of the pride of the king himself and the wretched state of the commons, who were plunged into ditches and sewers and made to clear them out. The men of Rome, he said, the conquerors of all the nations round about, had been transformed from warriors into artisans and stone-cutters.

> Latin: 59.9. addita superbia ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas cloacasque exhauriendas demersae; Romanos homines, uictores omnium circa populorum, opifices ac lapicidas pro bellatoribus factos.

[¶87] 59.10. He spoke of the shameful murder of King Tullius, and how his daughter had driven her accursed chariot over her father's body, and he invoked the gods who punish crimes against parents.

> Latin: 59.10. indigna Ser. Tulli regis memorata caedes et inuecta corpori patris nefando uehiculo filia, inuocatique ultores parentum di.

[¶88] 59.11. With these and, I fancy, even fiercer reproaches, such as occur to a man in the very presence of an outrage, but are far from easy for an historian to reproduce, he inflamed the people, and brought them to abrogate the king's authority and to exile Lucius Tarquinius, together with his wife and children.

> Latin: 59.11. his atrocioribusque, credo, aliis, quae praesens rerum indignitas haudquaquam relatu scriptoribus facilia subicit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit ut imperium regi abrogaret exsulesque esse iuberet L. Tarquinium cum coniuge ac liberis.

[¶89] 59.12. Brutus himself then enrolled the juniors, who voluntarily gave in their names, and arming them set out for the camp at Ardea to arouse the troops against the king. The command at Rome he left with Lucretius, who had been appointed Prefect of the City by the king, some time before.

> Latin: 59.12. ipse iunioribus qui ultro nomina dabant lectis armatisque, ad concitandum inde aduersus regem exercitum Ardeam in castra est profectus: imperium in urbe Lucretio, praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege instituto, relinquit.

[¶90] 59.13. During this confusion Tullia fled from her house, cursed wherever she went by men and women, who called down upon her the furies that avenge the wrongs of kindred.

> Latin: 59.13. inter hunc tumultum Tullia domo profugit exsecrantibus quacumque incedebat inuocantibusque parentum furias uiris mulieribusque.

[¶91] 60.1. When the news of these events reached the camp, the king, in alarm at the unexpected danger, set out for Rome to put down the revolt. Brutus, who had perceived the king's approach, made a circuit to avoid meeting him, and at almost the same moment, though by different roads, Brutus reached Ardea and Tarquinius Rome.

> Latin: 60.1. harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis cum re noua trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad comprimendos motus, flexit uiam Brutus—senserat enim aduentum—ne obuius fieret; eodemque fere tempore, diuersis itineribus, Brutus Ardeam, Tarquinius Romam uenerunt.

[¶92] 60.2. Against Tarquinius the gates were closed and exile was pronounced. The liberator of the City was received with rejoicings in the camp, and the sons of the king were driven out of it. Two of them followed their father, and went into exile at Caere, in Etruria. Sextus Tarquinius departed for Gabii, as though it had been his own kingdom, and there the revengers of old quarrels, which he had brought upon himself by murder and rapine, slew him.

> Latin: 60.2. Tarquinio clausae portae exsiliumque indictum: liberatorem urbis laeta castra accepere, exactique inde liberi regis. duo patrem secuti sunt qui exsulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt. Sex. Tarquinius Gabios tamquam in suum regnum profectus ab ultoribus ueterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse caedibus rapinisque concierat, est interfectus.

[¶93] 60.3. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus ruled for five and twenty years. The rule of the kings at Rome, from its foundation to its liberation, lasted two hundred and forty-four years. Two consuls were then chosen in the centuriate comitia, under the presidency of the Prefect of the City, in accordance with the commentaries of Servius Tullius. These were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

> Latin: 60.3. L. Tarquinius Superbus regnauit annos quinque et uiginti. regnatum Romae ab condita urbe ad liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor. duo consules inde comitiis centuriatis a praefecto urbis ex commentariis Ser. Tulli creati sunt, L. Iunius Brutus et L. Tarquinius Collatinus.