---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 7 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 7. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 7. Book II · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/7/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE new liberty enjoyed by the Roman people, their achievements in peace and war, annual magistracies, and laws superior in authority to men will henceforth be my theme.

> Latin: 1.1. liberi iam hinc populi Romani res pace belloque gestas, annuos magistratus, imperiaque legum potentiora quam hominum peragam.

[¶1] 1.2. This liberty was the more grateful as the last king had been so great a tyrant. For his predecessors so ruled that there is good reason to regard them all as successive founders of parts, at least, of the City, which they added to serve as new homes for the numbers they had themselves recruited.

> Latin: 1.2. quae libertas ut laetior esset proximi regis superbia fecerat. nam priores ita regnarunt ut haud immerito omnes deinceps conditores partium certe urbis, quas nouas ipsi sedes ab se auctae multitudinis addiderunt, numerentur;

[¶2] 1.3. Nor is there any doubt that the same Brutus who earned such honour by expelling the haughty Tarquinius, would have acted in an evil hour for the commonwealth had a premature eagerness for liberty led him to wrest the power from any of the earlier kings.

> Latin: 1.3. neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui tantum gloriae superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo publico id facturus fuerit, si libertatis immaturae cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset.

[¶3] 1.4. For what would have happened if that rabble of shepherds and vagrants, having deserted their own peoples, and under the protection of inviolable sanctuary having possessed themselves of liberty, or at least impunity, had thrown off their fear of kings only to be stirred by the ruffling storms of tribunician demagogues, breeding quarrels with the senators of a city not their own, before ever the pledges of wife and children and love of the very place and soil (an affection of slow growth) had firmly united their aspirations? The nation would have crumbled away with dissension before it had matured.

> Latin: 1.4. quid enim futurum fuit, si illa pastorum conuenarumque plebs, transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela inuiolati templi aut libertatem aut certe impunitatem adepta, soluta regio metu agitari coepta esset tribuniciis procellis, et in aliena urbe cum patribus serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum ac liberorum caritasque ipsius soli, cui longo tempore adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset?

[¶4] 1.6. But it was favoured by the mild restraint of the government, which nursed it up to the point where its ripened powers enabled it to bear good fruit of liberty. Moreover you may reckon the beginning of liberty as proceeding rather from the limitation of the consuls' authority to a year than from any diminution of their power compared with that which the kings had exercised.

> Latin: 1.6. dissipatae res nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fouit tranquilla moderatio imperii eoque nutriendo perduxit ut bonam frugem libertatis maturis iam uiribus ferre possent.

[¶5] 1.7. All the rights of the kings and all their insignia were possessed by the earliest consuls; only one thing was guarded against —that the terror they inspired should not be doubled by permitting both to have the rods.

> Latin: 1.7. libertatis autem originem inde magis quia annuum imperium consulare factum est quam quod deminutum quicquam sit ex regia potestate numeres.

[¶6] 1.8. Brutus was the first to have them, with his colleague's consent, and he proved as determined in guarding liberty as he had been in asserting it. To begin with, when the people were still jealous of their new freedom, he obliged them to swear an oath that they would suffer no man to be king in Rome, lest they might later be turned from their purpose by the entreaties or the gifts of princes.

> Latin: 1.8. omnia iura, omnia insignia primi consules tenuere; id modo cautum est ne, si ambo fasces haberent, duplicatus terror uideretur. Brutus prior, concedente collega, fasces habuit; qui non acrior uindex libertatis fuerat quam deinde custos fuit. omnium primum auidum nouae libertatis populum, ne postmodum flecti precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando adegit neminem Romae passuros regnare.

[¶7] 1.10. In the next place, that the strength of the senate might receive an added augmentation from the numbers of that order, he filled up the list of the Fathers, which had been abridged by the late king's butcheries, drawing upon the foremost men of equestrian rank until he had brought the total up to three hundred.

> Latin: 1.10. deinde quo plus uirium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis faceret, caedibus regis deminutum patrum numerum primoribus equestris gradus lectis ad trecentorum summam expleuit, traditumque inde fertur ut in senatum uocarentur qui patres quique conscripti essent;

[¶8] 1.11. From that time, it is said, was handed down the custom of summoning to the senate the Fathers and the Enrolled, the latter being the designation of the new senators, who were appointed. This measure was wonderfully effective in promoting harmony in the state and attaching the plebs to the Fathers.

> Latin: 1.11. conscriptos uidelicet [nouum senatum] appellabant lectos. id mirum quantum profuit ad concordiam ciuitatis iungendosque patribus plebis animos.

[¶9] 2.1. Matters of worship then received attention. Certain public sacrifices had habitually been performed by the kings in person, and that their absence might nowhere be regretted, a “king of sacrifices ” was appointed.

> Latin: 2.1. rerum deinde diuinarum habita cura; et quia quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant, necubi regum desiderium esset, regem sacrificolum creant.

[¶10] 2.2. This priesthood they made subordinate to the pontifex, lest the office, in conjunction with the title, might somehow prove an obstacle to liberty, which was at that time their chief concern. Perhaps the pains they took to safeguard it, even in trivial details, may have been excessive.

> Latin: 2.2. id sacerdotium pontifici subiecere, ne additus nomini honos aliquid libertati, cuius tunc prima erat cura, officeret. ac nescio an nimium undique eam minimisque rebus muniendo modum excesserint.

[¶11] 2.3. For the name of one of the consuls, though he gave no other offence, was hateful to the citizens. “The Tarquinii had become too used to sovereignty. It had begun with Priscus; Servius Tullius had then been king; but not even this interruption had caused Tarquinius Superbus to forget the throne or regard it as another's; as though it had been the heritage of his family, he had used crime and violence to get it back; Superbus was now expelled, but the supreme power was in the hands of Collatinus. The Tarquinii knew not how to live as private citizens. Their name was irksome and a menace to liberty.”

> Latin: 2.3. consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud offenderet, nomen inuisum ciuitati fuit: nimium Tarquinios regno adsuesse; initium a Prisco factum; regnasse dein Ser. Tullium; ne interuallo quidem facto oblitum, tamquam alieni, regni, Superbum Tarquinium uelut hereditatem gentis scelere ac ui repetisse; pulso Superbo penes Collatinum imperium esse. nescire Tarquinios priuatos uiuere; non placere nomen, periculosum libertati esse.

[¶12] 2.4. Beginning in this way, with a cautious sounding of sentiment, the talk spread through the entire nation, and the plebs had become anxious and suspicious, when Brutus summoned them to an assembly.

> Latin: 2.4. hinc primo sensim temptantium animos sermo per totam ciuitatem est datus, sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem uocat.

[¶13] 2.5. There he first of all recited the oath which the people had taken, that they would suffer no king in Rome, nor any man who might be dangerous to liberty. This oath they must uphold, he said, with all their might, nor make light of anything which bore upon it. He spoke with reluctance, on the man's account, nor would he have broken silence unless he had been forced to do so by his love of country.

> Latin: 2.5. ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi recitat neminem regnare passuros nec esse Romae unde periculum libertati foret; id summa ope tuendum esse, neque ullam rem quae eo pertineat contemnendam. inuitum se dicere hominis causa, nec dicturum fuisse ni caritas rei publicae uinceret:

[¶14] 2.6. The Roman people did not believe that they had recovered absolute freedom. The royal family, the royal name were not only present in the state, but were actually in authority, an obstacle and a stumbling-block in the way of liberty.

> Latin: 2.6. non credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem reciperatam esse; regium genus, regium nomen non solum in ciuitate sed etiam in imperio esse; id officere, id obstare libertati.

[¶15] 2.7. “This fear,” he cried, “do you yourself remove, Lucius Tarquinius, of your own free will! We are mindful —we confess it —that you drove out the kings; complete the good work you have begun, and rid us of the royal name. Your possessions shall not only be granted you by the citizens, at my instance, but if they are in any way inadequate they shall be generously increased. Depart our friend, and relieve the state of what is, perhaps, an idle fear. The people are persuaded that with the family of Tarquinius the kingship will vanish from amongst us.”

> Latin: 2.7. 'hunc tu' inquit 'tua uoluntate, L. Tarquini, remoue metum. meminimus, fatemur: eiecisti reges; absolue beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. res tuas tibi non solum reddent ciues tui auctore me, sed si quid deest munifice augebunt. amicus abi; exonera ciuitatem uano forsitan metu; ita persuasum est animis cum gente Tarquinia regnum hinc abiturum.'

[¶16] 2.8. The consul was at first prevented from uttering a word by his astonishment at this strange and unexpected turn; then, when he tried to speak, the chief men of the state surrounded him, and with many entreaties made the same request.

> Latin: 2.8. consuli primo tam nouae rei ac subitae admiratio incluserat uocem; dicere deinde incipientem primores ciuitatis circumsistunt, eadem multis precibus orant.

[¶17] 2.9. The others had little influence over him, but when Spurius Lucretius, his superior in years and dignity, and his father-in-law besides, began to urge him, with mingled entreaty and advice, to permit himself to yield to the unanimous wish of his fellow-citizens, Collatinus became alarmed lest when his year of office should have ended, his misfortunes might be increased by the confiscation of his property and the addition of yet other ignominies. He therefore resigned the consulship, and transferring all his possessions to Lavinium, withdrew from the Roman state.

> Latin: 2.9. et ceteri quidem mouebant minus: postquam Sp. Lucretius, maior aetate ac dignitate, socer praeterea ipsius, agere uarie rogando alternis suadendoque coepit ut uinci se consensu ciuitatis pateretur, timens consul ne postmodum priuato sibi eadem illa cum bonorum amissione additaque alia insuper ignominia acciderent, abdicauit se consulatu rebusque suis omnibus Lauinium translatis ciuitate cessit.

[¶18] 2.11. In pursuance of a resolution of the senate, Brutus proposed to the people a measure which decreed the exile of all the Tarquinian race. To be his colleague the centuriate comitia, under his presidency, elected Publius Valerius, who had helped him to expel the kings.

> Latin: 2.11. Brutus ex senatus consulto ad populum tulit ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis exsules essent; collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creauit P. Ualerium, quo adiutore reges eiecerat.

[¶19] 3.1. Although no one doubted that the Tarquinii would presently go to war, their attack was delayed beyond all expectation; while a thing men did not fear at all, to wit a treasonable plot, almost cost Rome her liberty.

> Latin: 3.1. cum haud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab Tarquiniis imminere, id quidem spe omnium serius fuit; ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac proditionem prope libertas amissa est.

[¶20] 3.2. There were among the young men a number of youths, the sons of families not unimportant, whose pleasures had been less confined under the monarchy, who, being of the same age as the young Tarquinii, and their cronies, had grown used to the untrammelled life of princes.

> Latin: 3.2. erant in Romana iuuentute adulescentes aliquot, nec ii tenui loco orti, quorum in regno libido solutior fuerat, aequales sodalesque adulescentium Tarquiniorum, adsueti more regio uiuere.

[¶21] 3.3. This licence they missed, now that all enjoyed equal rights, and they had got into the way of complaining to each other that the liberty of the rest had resulted in their own enslavement. A king was a man, from whom one could obtain a boon, whether it were just or unjust; there was room for countenance and favour; a king could be angry, could forgive, could distinguish between friend and enemy.

> Latin: 3.3. eam tum, aequato iure omnium, licentiam quaerentes, libertatem aliorum in suam uertisse seruitutem inter se conquerebantur: regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius, ubi iniuria opus sit; esse gratiae locum, esse beneficio; et irasci et ignoscere posse; inter amicum atque inimicum discrimen nosse;

[¶22] 3.4. The law was a thing without ears, inexorable, more salutary and serviceable to the pauper than to the great man; it knew no relaxation or indulgence, if one exceeded bounds; and, inasmuch as man is so prone to blunder, it was dangerous to rely on innocence alone.

> Latin: 3.4. leges rem surdam, inexorabilem esse, salubriorem melioremque inopi quam potenti; nihil laxamenti nec ueniae habere, si modum excesseris; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus sola innocentia uiuere.

[¶23] 3.5. Thanks to such reflections, they were already infected with disloyalty when envoys from the royal family appeared, who without saying anything about the return of the Tarquinii, sought merely to recover their property. The senate, having given them a hearing, debated the question for several days; for they feared that if they refused to make restitution it would be a pretext for war, if they consented it would be to furnish means and assistance for its prosecution.

> Latin: 3.5. ita iam sua sponte aegris animis legati ab regibus superueniunt, sine mentione reditus bona tantum repetentes. eorum uerba postquam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies ea consultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita belli materia et adiumentum essent.

[¶24] 3.6. Meantime the envoys were exerting themselves to a different purpose. Ostensibly seeking to recover the property, they secretly laid their plans for winning back the kingdom; and, as if in furtherance of their apparent object, they went about sounding the disposition of the youthful nobles.

> Latin: 3.6. interim legati alia moliri; aperte bona repetentes clam reciperandi regni consilia struere; et tamquam ad id quod agi uidebatur ambientes, nobilium adulescentium animos pertemptant.

[¶25] 3.7. To those who gave them a friendly hearing they delivered letters from the Tarquinii, and plotted with them to admit the royal family secretly by night into the City.

> Latin: 3.7. a quibus placide oratio accepta est, iis litteras ab Tarquiniis reddunt et de accipiendis clam nocte in urbem regibus conloquuntur.

[¶26] 4.1. The brothers Vitellii and Aquilii were the first to be entrusted with the project. A sister of the Vitellii had married the consul Brutus, and there were sons of this marriage who were now young men, Titus and Tiberius; these were also admitted by their uncles to a share in the design.

> Latin: 4.1. Uitelliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res est. Uitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque ex eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberi, Titus Tiberiusque; eos quoque in societatem consilii auunculi adsumunt.

[¶27] 4.2. There were besides several other young nobles taken into the secret, but their names are lost in antiquity.

> Latin: 4.2. praeterea aliquot nobiles adulescentes conscii adsumpti, quorum uetustate memoria abiit.

[¶28] 4.3. The senate meantime had acquiesced in the opinion of those who were in favour of giving back the property. This very fact gave the agents of the exiles an excuse for lingering in the City, for the consuls had granted them time for obtaining vehicles with which to carry away the belongings of the royal family.

> Latin: 4.3. interim cum in senatu uicisset sententia quae censebat reddenda bona, eamque ipsam causam morae in urbe haberent legati quod spatium ad uehicula comparanda a consulibus sumpsissent quibus regum asportarent res, omne id tempus cum coniuratis consultando absumunt, euincuntque instando ut litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur:

[¶29] 4.4. All this time they spent in consultation with the conspirators, whom they urged and at length persuaded to give them letters for the Tarquinii: for otherwise how could the princes be convinced that the statements of their agents regarding matters of such importance were to be relied on?

> Latin: 4.4. nam aliter qui credituros eos non uana ab legatis super rebus tantis adferri? datae litterae ut pignus fidei essent, manifestum facinus fecerunt.

[¶30] 4.5. These letters, being given as a pledge of sincerity, furnished clear proof of the crime, For on the eve of the envoys' setting out to rejoin their masters it happened that they were dining at the house of the Vitellii, where the conspirators, having dismissed all witnesses, had much talk together, naturally enough, about their new design. This conversation one of the slaves overheard.

> Latin: 4.5. nam cum pridie quam legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur cenatum forte apud Uitellios esset, coniuratique ibi, remotis arbitris, multa inter se de nouo, ut fit, consilio egissent, sermonem eorum ex seruis unus excepit, qui iam antea id senserat agi, sed eam occasionem, ut litterae legatis darentur quae deprehensae rem coarguere possent, exspectabat.

[¶31] 4.6. He had for some time perceived what was in the wind, but was waiting for the opportunity which the delivery of the letters to the envoys would provide, that their seizure might make good his accusation. When he saw that the letters had been given, he laid the matter before the consuls. The consuls left their houses, arrested the agents and the conspirators, and, without making any disturbance, completely crushed the plot, being especially careful not to lose the letters. The traitors were thrown into prison forthwith. As for the envoys, it was uncertain for a little while what would be done with them, but, notwithstanding they appeared to have deserved no less than to be treated as enemies, the law of nations nevertheless prevailed.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam datas sensit, rem ad consules detulit. consules ad deprehendendos legatos coniuratosque profecti domo sine tumultu rem omnem oppressere; litterarum in primis habita cura ne interciderent. proditoribus extemplo in uincla coniectis, de legatis paululum addubitatum est; et quamquam uisi sunt commisisse ut hostium loco essent, ius tamen gentium ualuit.

[¶32] 5.1. The question of the royal property, which they had before voted to return, was laid before the Fathers for fresh consideration. This time anger won the day.

> Latin: 5.1. de bonis regiis, quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra refertur ad patres. ibi uicit ira; uetuere reddi, uetuere in publicum redigi.

[¶33] 5.2. They refused to return it, and refused to confiscate it to the state, but gave it up to the plebeians to plunder, that having had their fingers in the spoils of the princes they might for ever relinquish hope of making their peace with them. The land of the Tarquinii, lying between the City and the Tiber, was consecrated to Mars and became the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 5.2. diripienda plebi sunt data, ut contacta regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum iis pacis amitteret. ager Tarquiniorum qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratus Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit.

[¶34] 5.3. It happened, they say, that there was then standing upon it a crop of spelt, ripe for the harvest. Since this produce of the land might not, for religious reasons, be consumed, the grain was cut, straw and all, by a large body of men, who were set to work upon it simultaneously, and was carried in baskets and thrown into the Tiber, then flowing with a feeble current, as is usually the case in midsummer.

> Latin: 5.3. forte ibi tum seges farris dicitur fuisse matura messi. quem campi fructum quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum stramento segetem magna uis hominum simul immissa corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut mediis caloribus solet. ita in uadis haesitantes frumenti aceruos sedisse inlitos limo;

[¶35] 5.4. So the heaps of grain, caught in the shallow water, settled down in the mud, and out of these and the accumulation of other chance materials such as a river brings down, there was gradually formed an island. Later, I suppose, embankments were added, and work was done, to raise the surface so high above the water and make it strong enough to sustain even temples and porticoes.

> Latin: 5.4. insulam inde paulatim, et aliis quae fert temere flumen eodem inuectis, factam; postea credo additas moles manuque adiutum, ut tam eminens area firmaque templis quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset.

[¶36] 5.5. When the chattels of the princes had been pillaged, sentence was pronounced and punishment inflicted upon the traitors —a punishment the more conspicuous because the office of consul imposed upon a father the duty of exacting the penalty from his sons, and he who ought to have been spared even the sight of their suffering was the very man whom Fortune appointed to enforce it.

> Latin: 5.5. direptis bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque supplicium, conspectius eo quod poenae capiendae ministerium patri de liberis consulatus imposuit, et qui spectator erat amouendus, eum ipsum fortuna exactorem supplicii dedit.

[¶37] 5.6. Bound to the stake stood youths of the highest birth. But the rest were ignored as if they had been of the rabble: the consul's sons drew all eyes upon themselves.

> Latin: 5.6. stabant deligati ad palum nobilissimi iuuenes; sed a ceteris, uelut ab ignotis capitibus, consulis liberi omnium in se auerterant oculos, miserebatque non poenae magis homines quam sceleris quo poenam meriti essent:

[¶38] 5.7. Men pitied them for their punishment not more than for the crime by which they had deserved that punishment. To think that those young men, in that year of all others, when their country was liberated and her liberator their own father, and when the consulship had begun with the Junian family, could have brought themselves to betray all —the senate, the plebs, and all the gods and men of Rome —to one who had formerly been a tyrannical king and was then an enemy exile!

> Latin: 5.7. illos eo potissimum anno patriam liberatam, patrem liberatorem, consulatum ortum ex domo Iunia, patres, plebem, quidquid deorum hominumque Romanorum esset, induxisse in animum ut superbo quondam regi, tum infesto exsuli proderent.

[¶39] 5.8. The consuls advanced to their tribunal and dispatched the lictors to execute the sentence. The culprits were stripped, scourged with rods, and beheaded, while through it all men gazed at the expression on the father's face, where they might clearly read a father's anguish, as he administered the nation's retribution.

> Latin: 5.8. consules in sedem processere suam, missique lictores ad sumendum supplicium. nudatos uirgis caedunt securique feriunt, cum inter omne tempus pater uoltusque et os eius spectaculo esset, eminente animo patrio inter publicae poenae ministerium.

[¶40] 5.9. When the guilty had suffered, that the example might be in both respects a notable deterrent from crime, the informer was rewarded with money from the treasury, emancipation, and citizenship.

> Latin: 5.9. secundum poenam nocentium, ut in utramque partem arcendis sceleribus exemplum nobile esset, praemium indici pecunia ex aerario, libertas et ciuitas data.

[¶41] 5.10. He is said to have been the first to be freed by the vindicta. Some think that even the word vindicta was derived from his name, which they suppose to have been Vindicius. From his time onwards it was customary to regard those who had been freed by this form as admitted to citizenship.

> Latin: 5.10. ille primum dicitur uindicta liberatus; quidam uindictae quoque nomen tractum ab illo putant; Uindicio ipsi nomen fuisse. post illum obseruatum ut qui ita liberati essent in ciuitatem accepti uiderentur.

[¶42] 6.1. When these occurrences had been faithfully reported to Tarquinius, he was stirred not only by disappointment at the collapse of so great hopes, but also by hatred and anger. He saw that the way was now closed against trickery, and believed it was time to contrive an open war.

> Latin: 6.1. his sicut acta erant nuntiatis incensus Tarquinius non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis spei sed etiam odio iraque, postquam dolo uiam obsaeptam uidit, bellum aperte moliendum ratus circumire supplex Etruriae urbes;

[¶43] 6.2. He therefore went about as a suppliant amongst the cities of Etruria, directing his prayers chiefly to the Veientes and the Tarquinienses. Reminding them that he had come from them and was of the same blood as themselves, and that exile and poverty had followed hard upon his loss of what had been but now great power, he besought them not to let him perish, with his youthful sons, before their very eyes.

> Latin: 6.2. orare maxime Ueientes Tarquiniensesque, ne <ex> se ortum, eiusdem sanguinis, extorrem, egentem ex tanto modo regno cum liberis adulescentibus ante oculos suos perire sinerent: alios peregre in regnum Romam accitos: se regem, augentem bello Romanum imperium, a proximis scelerata coniuratione pulsum.

[¶44] 6.3. Others had been called in from abroad to be kings in Rome: he himself, while actually king, and enlarging Rome's sway by war, had been driven out by his next-of-kin in a wicked conspiracy. His enemies, perceiving that no single claimant was fit to be king, had seized and usurped the power amongst themselves, and had given up his goods to be plundered by the people, that none might be without a share in the guilt. He wished to regain his country and his sovereignty, and to punish the ungrateful Romans.

> Latin: 6.3. eos inter se, quia nemo unus satis dignus regno uisus sit, partes regni rapuisse; bona sua diripienda populo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris esset. patriam se regnumque suum repetere et persequi ingratos ciues uelle. ferrent opem, adiuuarent; suas quoque ueteres iniurias ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones, agrum ademptum.

[¶45] 6.4. Let them succour and support him, and avenge, as well, their own long-standing grievances, the oft-repeated destruction of their armies, and seizure of their lands. This last plea moved the men of Veii, and they cried out with threatenings that they ought, at all events with a Roman for their commander, to wipe out their disgraces and recover what they had lost in war.

> Latin: 6.4. haec mouerunt Ueientes, ac pro se quisque Romano saltem duce ignominias demendas belloque amissa repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tarquinienses nomen ac cognatio mouet: pulchrum uidebatur suos Romae regnare.

[¶46] 6.5. The Tarquinienses were influenced by his name and kinship: it seemed a fine thing to them that one of their blood should be king in Rome.

> Latin: 6.5. ita duo duarum ciuitatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum belloque persequendos Romanos secuti Tarquinium. postquam in agrum Romanum uentum est, obuiam hosti consules eunt.

[¶47] 6.6. So it came about that two armies, representing two nations, followed Tarquinius, to regain his kingdom for him and to chastise the Romans. When they had come into Roman territory the consuls went out to meet the enemy: Valerius led the foot in defensive formation; Brutus, with the cavalry, went ahead to scout.

> Latin: 6.6. Ualerius quadrato agmine peditem ducit: Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu antecessit. eodem modo primus eques hostium agminis fuit; praeerat Arruns Tarquinius filius regis, rex ipse cum legionibus sequebatur.

[¶48] 6.7. In the same fashion the enemy's horse headed their march, commanded by Arruns Tarquinius, the king's son, while the king himself followed with the legions. Arruns, perceiving a long way off by the consul's lictors that it was he, and then, as they drew nearer together, recognizing Brutus more unmistakably by his countenance, blazed with resentment. “Yonder,” he cried, “is the man who drove us into exile from our native land. Look!”

> Latin: 6.7. Arruns ubi ex lictoribus procul consulem esse, deinde iam propius ac certius facie quoque Brutum cognouit, inflammatus ira 'ille est uir' inquit, 'qui nos extorres expulit patria. ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus magnifice incedit. di regum ultores adeste.'

[¶49] 6.8. “He is himself decked out with our trappings, as he comes proudly on! O gods, avengers of kings, be with us!” Spurring his horse, he charged straight at the consul. Brutus saw that he was the object of the man's attack.

> Latin: 6.8. concitat calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus consulem derigit. sensit in se iri Brutus; decorum erat tum ipsis capessere pugnam ducibus; auide itaque se certamini offert;

[¶50] 6.9. In those days it was to a general's credit to take part in the actual fighting, so he eagerly accepted the challenge, and they rushed at one another with such desperation, neither of them taking thought for his own defence if only he might wound his adversary, that each was pierced right through his shield by the other's thrust, and, impaled upon the two spears, they fell dying from their horses.

> Latin: 6.9. adeoque infestis animis concurrerunt, neuter dum hostem uolneraret sui protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per parmam uterque transfixus duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint.

[¶51] 6.10. At the same time the rest of the cavalry as well began to fight, and not long after the infantry also appeared. In this battle the advantage was divided, and the fortune of war seemed equally balanced: the right wing on each side was victorious, while the left was defeated.

> Latin: 6.10. simul et cetera equestris pugna coepit, neque ita multo post et pedites superueniunt. ibi uaria uictoria et uelut aequo Marte pugnatum est; dextera utrimque cornua uicere, laeua superata.

[¶52] 6.11. The Veientes, used to being beaten by the Roman troops, were routed and dispersed; the men of Tarquinii, a new enemy, not only stood their ground, but drove back the Roman forces which opposed them.

> Latin: 6.11. Ueientes, uinci ab Romano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique: Tarquiniensis, nouus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua parte Romanum pepulit.

[¶53] 7.1. Yet despite the indecisive character of the battle, so great a panic came over Tarquinius and the Etruscans that they gave up the enterprise for lost, and that same night both armies, the Veientine and the Tarquiniensian, marched off every man to his own home.

> Latin: 7.1. ita cum pugnatum esset, tantus terror Tarquinium atque Etruscos incessit ut omissa inrita re nocte ambo exercitus, Ueiens Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent domos.

[¶54] 7.2. To the story of this fight common report adds a prodigy: that in the silence of the following night a loud voice was heard coming out of the Arsian forest, which was believed to be the voice of Silvanus, and that this was what he said: “The Tuscans have lost one more man in the battle-line; the Romans are conquerors in the war.”

> Latin: 7.2. adiciunt miracula huic pugnae: silentio proximae noctis ex silua Arsia ingentem editam uocem; Siluani uocem eam creditam; haec dicta: uno plus Tuscorum cecidisse in acie;

[¶55] 7.3. At all events the Romans left the field like victors, and the Etruscans like an army that has been defeated. For when it grew light and not a single enemy was to be seen, Publius Valerius the consul gathered up the spoils and returned in triumph to Rome. His colleague's funeral he celebrated with all the pomp then possible; but a far greater honour to the dead man was the general grief, which was particularly conspicuous inasmuch as the matrons mourned a year for him, as for a father, because he had been so spirited an avenger of outraged modesty.

> Latin: 7.3. uincere bello Romanum. ita certe inde abiere, Romani ut uictores, Etrusci pro uictis; nam postquam inluxit nec quisquam hostium in conspectu erat, P. Ualerius consul spolia legit triumphansque inde Romam rediit. collegae funus quanto tum potuit apparatu fecit; sed multo maius morti decus publica fuit maestitia, eo ante omnia insignis quia matronae annum ut parentem eum luxerunt, quod tam acer ultor uiolatae pudicitiae fuisset.

[¶56] 7.5. Soon after this the surviving consul, so fickle are the affections of the mob, became unpopular; not only did the people dislike him, but they actually suspected him and made cruel charges against him.

> Latin: 7.5. consuli deinde qui superfuerat, ut sunt mutabiles uolgi animi, ex fauore non inuidia modo sed suspicio etiam cum atroci crimine orta.

[¶57] 7.6. It was noised about that he was aspiring to the power of a king, since he had not caused a colleague to be elected in the place of Brutus, and was building a house on the highest part of the Velia, an elevated position of natural strength, men said, which he was converting into an impregnable citadel.

> Latin: 7.6. regnum eum adfectare fama ferebat, quia nec collegam subrogauerat in locum Bruti et aedificabat in summa Uelia: ibi alto atque munito loco arcem inexpugnabilem fieri.

[¶58] 7.7. The frequency of these remarks and the general acceptance they met with, shamefully unjust as they were, distressed the consul. He summoned the people to a council, and with lowered fasces mounted the speaker's platform.

> Latin: 7.7. haec dicta uolgo creditaque cum indignitate angerent consulis animum, uocato ad concilium populo submissis fascibus in contionem escendit. gratum multitudini spectaculum fuit, submissa sibi esse imperii insignia confessionemque factam populi quam consulis maiestatem uimque maiorem esse.

[¶59] 7.8. It was a welcome spectacle to the multitude when they beheld the emblems of authority there abased before them, in acknowledgment that the people's majesty and power were superior to the consul's. Then, bidding them attend, the consul extolled the good fortune of his colleague, who, after his country had thrown off the yoke, had held the highest office in her gift, and, fighting for the state, at the height of a reputation as yet untarnished by envy, had met his death. He had himself outlived his glory, and survived to face accusations and ill-will.

> Latin: 7.8. ibi audire iussis consul laudare fortunam collegae, quod liberata patria, in summo honore, pro re publica dimicans, matura gloria necdum se uertente in inuidiam, mortem occubuisset: se superstitem gloriae suae ad crimen atque inuidiam superesse; ex liberatore patriae ad Aquilios se Uitelliosque recidisse.

[¶60] 7.9. From being the saviour of his country he had sunk to the level of the Aquilii and Vitellii. “Will there never be worth and merit, then,” he exclaimed, “so established in your minds that suspicion cannot wrong it?”

> Latin: 7.9. 'nunquamne ergo' inquit, 'ulla adeo uobis spectata uirtus erit, ut suspicione uiolari nequeat? ego me, illum acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupiditatis regni crimen subiturum timerem?

[¶61] 7.10. “Could I possibly have feared that I, well known as the bitterest enemy of kings, should myself incur the charge of seeking kingly power? Could I have believed that, though I dwelt in the very Citadel and on the Capitol itself, I could be feared by my fellow-citizens? Can so trivial a cause ruin my reputation with you? Does your confidence rest on so slight a foundation that it makes more difference where I am than who I am?”

> Latin: 7.10. ego si in ipsa arce Capitolioque habitarem, metui me crederem posse a ciuibus meis? tam leui momento mea apud uos fama pendet? adeone est fundata leuiter fides ut ubi sim quam qui sim magis referat?

[¶62] 7.11. “There shall be no menace in the house of Publius Valerius to your liberties, Quirites; your Velia shall be safe. I will not only bring my house down on to level ground, but will even place it under a hill, that you may live above me, the citizen whom you suspect. Let those build on the Velia who can better be trusted with men's liberty than can Publius Valerius!” Immediately the materials were all brought down below the Velia, and the house was erected where the temple of Vica Pota is now, at the bottom of the slope.

> Latin: 7.11. non obstabunt Publi Ualeri aedes libertati uestrae, Quirites; tuta erit uobis Uelia; deferam non in planum modo aedes sed colli etiam subiciam, ut uos supra suspectum me ciuem habitetis; in Uelia aedificent quibus melius quam P. Ualerio creditur libertas.' delata confestim materia omnis infra Ueliam et, ubi nunc Uicae Potae <aedes> est, domus in infimo cliuo aedificata.

[¶63] 8.1. Laws were then proposed which not only cleared the consul from the suspicion of seeking kingly power, but took such an opposite turn that they even made him popular and caused him to be styled Publicola, the People's Friend.

> Latin: 8.1. latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni suspicione consulem absoluerent, sed quae adeo in contrarium uerterent ut popularem etiam facerent; inde cognomen factum Publicolae est.

[¶64] 8.2. Above all, the law about appealing from the magistrates to the people, and the one that pronounced a curse on the life and property of a man who should plot to make himself king, were welcome to the commons.

> Latin: 8.2. ante omnes de prouocatione aduersus magistratus ad populum sacrandoque cum bonis capite eius qui regni occupandi consilia inisset gratae in uolgus leges fuere.

[¶65] 8.3. When he had carried through these measures alone, that he might enjoy without a rival all the favour arising out of them, he finally held an election to choose a colleague for the unexpired term.

> Latin: 8.3. quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in his gratia esset, tum deinde comitia collegae subrogando habuit.

[¶66] 8.4. The choice fell upon Spurius Lucretius, who by reason of his great age was no longer strong enough for the duties of the consulship, and died within a few days. They elected in Lucretius's place Marcus Horatius Pulvillus.

> Latin: 8.4. creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno natu, non sufficientibus iam uiribus ad consularia munera obeunda, intra paucos dies moritur. suffectus in Lucreti locum M. Horatius Puluillus.

[¶67] 8.5. In some ancient authorities I do not find Lucretius given as consul, but Brutus is followed immediately by Horatius; I suppose that because no exploit lent distinction to Lucretius's consulship men forgot it. The temple of Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet been dedicated.

> Latin: 8.5. apud quosdam ueteres auctores non inuenio Lucretium consulem; Bruto statim Horatium suggerunt; credo, quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum, memoria intercidisse.

[¶68] 8.6. Valerius and Horatius the consuls drew lots to determine which should do it. Horatius received the lot, and Publicola set out to conduct the war against the Veientes. With more bitterness than was reasonable, the friends of Valerius resented that the dedication of so famous a temple should be given to Horatius.

> Latin: 8.6. nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio Iouis aedes; Ualerius Horatiusque consules sortiti uter dedicaret. Horatio sorte euenit: Publicola ad Ueientium bellum profectus.

[¶69] 8.7. They tried in all sorts of ways to hinder it, but their schemes all came to naught. Finally, when the consul's hand was on the door-post and he was in the midst of his prayers to the gods, they broke in upon the ceremony with the evil tidings that his son was dead, averring that whilst the shadow of death was over his house he could not dedicate a temple.

> Latin: 8.7. aegrius quam dignum erat tulere Ualeri necessarii dedicationem tam incliti templi Horatio dari. id omnibus modis impedire conati, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, postem iam tenenti consuli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incutiunt, mortuum eius filium esse, funestaque familia dedicare eum templum non posse.

[¶70] 8.8. Whether he did not believe the news to be true, or possessed great fortitude, we are not informed with certainty, nor is it easy to decide. Without permitting himself to be diverted from his purpose by the message, further than to order that the body should be buried, he kept his hand upon the doorpost, finished his prayer, and dedicated the temple.

> Latin: 8.8. non crediderit factum an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur certum nec interpretatio est facilis. nihil aliud ad eum nuntium a proposito auersus quam ut cadauer efferri iuberet, tenens postem precationem peragit et dedicat templum.

[¶71] 8.9. Such were the achievements, at home and in the field, of the first year after the expulsion of the kings.

> Latin: 8.9. haec post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta primo anno.

[¶72] 9.1. Next Publius Valerius (for the second time) and Titus Lucretius were made consuls. By this time the Tarquinii had sought refuge with Lars Porsinna, king of Clusium. There they mingled advice and entreaty, now imploring him not to permit them, Etruscans by birth and of the same blood and the same name as himself, to suffer the privations of exile, and again even warning him not to allow the growing custom of expelling kings to go unpunished.

> Latin: 9.1. inde P. Ualerius iterum T. Lucretius consules facti. iam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsennam, Clusinum regem, perfugerant. ibi miscendo consilium precesque nunc orabant, ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis, eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exsulare pateretur, nunc monebant etiam ne orientem morem pellendi reges inultum sineret.

[¶73] 9.2. Liberty was sweet enough in itself.

> Latin: 9.2. satis libertatem ipsam habere dulcedinis.

[¶74] 9.3. Unless the energy with which nations sought to obtain it were matched by the efforts which kings put forth to defend their power, the highest would be reduced to the level of the lowest; there would be nothing lofty, nothing that stood out above the rest of the state; there was the end of monarchy, the noblest institution known to gods or men.

> Latin: 9.3. nisi quanta ui ciuitates eam expetant tanta regna reges defendant, aequari summa infimis; nihil excelsum, nihil quod supra cetera emineat, in ciuitatibus fore; adesse finem regnis, rei inter deos hominesque pulcherrimae.

[¶75] 9.4. Porsinna, believing that it was not only a safe thing for the Etruscans that there should be a king at Rome, but an honour to have that king of Etruscan stock, invaded Roman territory with a hostile army.

> Latin: 9.4. Porsenna cum regem esse Romae <tutum>, tum Etruscae gentis regem, amplum Tuscis ratus, Romam infesto exercitu uenit.

[¶76] 9.5. Never before had such fear seized the senate, so powerful was Clusium in those days, and so great Porsinna's fame. And they feared not only the enemy but their own citizens, lest the plebs should be terror-stricken and, admitting the princes into the City, should even submit to enslavement, for the sake of peace.

> Latin: 9.5. non unquam alias ante tantus terror senatum inuasit; adeo ualida res tum Clusina erat magnumque Porsennae nomen. nec hostes modo timebant sed suosmet ipsi ciues, ne Romana plebs, metu perculsa, receptis in urbem regibus uel cum seruitute pacem acciperet.

[¶77] 9.6. Hence the senate at this time granted many favours to the plebs. The question of subsistence received special attention, and some were sent to the Volsci and others to Cumae to buy up corn. Again, the monopoly of salt, the price of which was very high, was taken out of the hands of individuals and wholly assumed by the government. Imposts and taxes were removed from the plebs that they might be borne by the well-to-do, who were equal to the burden: the poor paid dues enough if they reared children.

> Latin: 9.6. multa igitur blandimenta plebi per id tempus ab senatu data. annonae in primis habita cura, et ad frumentum comparandum missi alii in Uolscos, alii Cumas. salis quoque uendendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio uenibat, in publicum omne sumptum, ademptum priuatis; portoriisque et tributo plebes liberata, ut diuites conferrent qui oneri ferendo essent: pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si liberos educent.

[¶78] 9.7. Thanks to this liberality on the part of the Fathers, the distress which attended the subsequent blockade and famine was powerless to destroy the harmony of the state, which was such that the name of king was not more abhorrent to the highest than to the lowest; nor was there ever a man in after years whose demagogic arts made him so popular as its wise governing at that time made the whole senate.

> Latin: 9.7. itaque haec indulgentia patrum asperis postmodum rebus in obsidione ac fame adeo concordem ciuitatem tenuit, ut regium nomen non summi magis quam infimi horrerent, nec quisquam unus malis artibus postea tam popularis esset quam tum bene imperando uniuersus senatus fuit.

[¶79] 10.1. When the enemy appeared, the Romans all, with one accord, withdrew from their fields into the City, which they surrounded with guards. Some parts appeared to be rendered safe by their walls, others by the barrier formed by the river Tiber.

> Latin: 10.1. cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem ex agris demigrant; urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis. alia muris, alia Tiberi obiecto uidebantur tuta:

[¶80] 10.2. The bridge of piles almost afforded an entrance to the enemy, had it not been for one man, Horatius Cocles; he was the bulwark of defence on which that day depended the fortune of the City of Rome.

> Latin: 10.2. pons sublicius iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus uir fuisset, Horatius Cocles; id munimentum illo die fortuna urbis Romanae habuit.

[¶81] 10.3. He chanced to be on guard at the bridge when Janiculum was captured by a sudden attack of the enemy. He saw them as they charged down on the run from Janiculum, while his own people behaved like a frightened mob, throwing away their arms and quitting their ranks.

> Latin: 10.3. qui positus forte in statione pontis cum captum repentino impetu Ianiculum atque inde citatos decurrere hostes uidisset trepidamque turbam suorum arma ordinesque relinquere, reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque deum et hominum fidem testabatur nequiquam deserto praesidio eos fugere;

[¶82] 10.4. Catching hold first of one and then of another, blocking their way and conjuring them to listen, he called on gods and men to witness that if they forsook their post it was vain to flee; once they had left a passage in their rear by the bridge, there would soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine and the Capitol than on Janiculum.

> Latin: 10.4. si transitum [pontem] a tergo reliquissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque quam in Ianiculo fore. itaque monere, praedicere ut pontem ferro, igni, quacumque ui possint, interrumpant: se impetum hostium, quantum corpore uno posset obsisti, excepturum.

[¶83] 10.5. He therefore warned and commanded them to break down the bridge with steel, with fire, with any instrument at their disposal; and promised that he would himself receive the onset of the enemy, so far as it could be withstood by a single body.

> Latin: 10.5. uadit inde in primum aditum pontis, insignisque inter conspecta cedentium pugna terga obuersis comminus ad ineundum proelium armis, ipso miraculo audaciae obstupefecit hostes.

[¶84] 10.6. Then, striding to the head of the bridge, conspicuous amongst the fugitives who were clearly seen to be shirking the fight, he covered himself with his sword and buckler and made ready to do battle at close quarters, confounding the Etruscans with amazement at his audacity.

> Latin: 10.6. duos tamen cum eo pudor tenuit, Sp. Larcium ac T. Herminium, ambos claros genere factisque.

[¶85] 10.7. Yet were there two who were prevented by shame from leaving him. These were Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius, both famous for their birth and their deeds. With these he endured the peril of the first rush and the stormiest moment of the battle.

> Latin: 10.7. cum his primam periculi procellam et quod tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper sustinuit; deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis relicta reuocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum coegit.

[¶86] 10.8. But after a while he forced even these two to leave him and save themselves, for there was scarcely anything left of the bridge, and those who were cutting it down called to them to come back.

> Latin: 10.8. circumferens inde truces minaciter oculos ad proceres Etruscorum nunc singulos prouocare, nunc increpare omnes: seruitia regum superborum, suae libertatis immemores alienam oppugnatum uenire.

[¶87] 10.9. Then, darting glances of defiance around at the Etruscan nobles, he now challenged them in turn to fight, now railed at them collectively as slaves of haughty kings, who, heedless of their own liberty, were come to overthrow the liberty of others. They hesitated for a moment, each looking to his neighbour to begin the fight.

> Latin: 10.9. cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alius alium, ut proelium incipiant, circumspectant; pudor deinde commouit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum hostem tela coniciunt.

[¶88] 10.10. Then shame made them attack, and with a shout they cast their javelins from every side against their solitary foe. But he caught them all upon his shield, and, resolute as ever, bestrode the bridge and held his ground; and now they were trying to dislodge him by a charge, when the crash of the falling bridge and the cheer which burst from the throats of the Romans, exulting in the completion of their task, checked them in mid-career with a sudden dismay.

> Latin: 10.10. quae cum in obiecto cuncta scuto haesissent, neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti pontem obtineret gradu, iam impetu conabantur detrudere uirum, cum simul fragor rupti pontis, simul clamor Romanorum, alacritate perfecti operis sublatus, pauore subito impetum sustinuit.

[¶89] 10.11. Then Cocles cried, “O Father Tiberinus, I solemnly invoke thee; receive these arms and this soldier with propitious stream!” So praying, all armed as he was, he leaped down into the river, and under a shower of missiles swam across unhurt to his fellows, having given a proof of valour which was destined to obtain more fame than credence with posterity.

> Latin: 10.11. tum Cocles 'Tiberine pater' inquit, 'te sancte precor, haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias.' ita sic armatus in Tiberim desiluit multisque superincidentibus telis incolumis ad suos tranauit, rem ausus plus famae habituram ad posteros quam fidei.

[¶90] 10.12. The state was grateful for so brave a deed: a statue of Cocles was set up in the comitium, and he was given as much land as he could plough around in one day.

> Latin: 10.12. grata erga tantam uirtutem ciuitas fuit; statua in comitio posita; agri quantum uno die circumarauit, datum.

[¶91] 10.13. Private citizens showed their gratitude in a striking fashion, in the midst of his official honours, for notwithstanding their great distress everybody made him some gift proportionate to his means, though he robbed himself of his own ration.

> Latin: 10.13. priuata quoque inter publicos honores studia eminebant; nam in magna inopia pro domesticis copiis unusquisque ei aliquid, fraudans se ipse uictu suo, contulit.

[¶92] 11.1. Porsinna, repulsed in his first attempt, gave up the plan of storming the City, and determined to lay siege to it. Placing a garrison on Janiculum, he pitched his camp in the plain by the banks of the Tiber. He collected ships from every quarter, both for guarding the river, to prevent any corn from being brought into the City, and also to send his troops across for plundering, as the opportunity might present itself at one point or another;

> Latin: 11.1. Porsinna primo conatu repulsus, consiliis ab oppugnanda urbe ad obsidendam uersis, praesidio in Ianiculo locato, ipse in plano ripisque Tiberis castra posuit, nauibus undique accitis et ad custodiam ne quid Romam frumenti subuehi sineret, et ut praedatum milites trans flumen per occasiones aliis atque aliis locis traiceret;

[¶93] 11.3. and in a short time he made all the territory of the Romans so unsafe that not only were they forced to bring all their other property inside the walls, but even their flocks too, nor did anybody dare to drive them outside the gates.

> Latin: 11.3. breuique adeo infestum omnem Romanum agrum reddidit ut non cetera solum ex agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem compelleretur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere auderet.

[¶94] 11.4. This great degree of licence was permitted to the Etruscans not so much from timidity as design. For Valerius the consul, who was eager for an opportunity of assailing a large number at once, when they should be scattered about and not expecting an attack, cared little to avenge small aggressions, and reserved his punishment for a heavier blow.

> Latin: 11.4. hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis quam consilio concessum. namque Ualerius consul intentus in occasionem multos simul et effusos improuiso adoriundi, in paruis rebus neglegens ultor, grauem se ad maiora uindicem seruabat.

[¶95] 11.5. Accordingly, to lure forth plunderers, he issued orders to his people that on the following day a large number of them should drive out their flocks by the Esquiline Gate, which was the most remote from the enemy, believing that they would hear of it, since the blockade and famine were causing desertions on the part of faithless slaves.

> Latin: 11.5. itaque ut eliceret praedatores, edicit suis postero die frequentes porta Esquilina, quae auersissima ab hoste erat, expellerent pecus, scituros id hostes ratus, quod in obsidione et fame seruitia infida transfugerent.