---
title: "History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster"
title_ru: "История Рима от основания города, книги I–X"
author_ru: "Тит Ливий"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 8 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster, History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X, section 8. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/"
---

# History of Rome, Books I–X · Ab urbe condita I–X

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster*

Russian: История Рима от основания города, книги I–X, Тит Ливий

From Aeneas and Romulus to the kings, the founding of the Republic, Lucretia, Horatius at the bridge, Coriolanus, the Gauls in Rome and the Samnite wars.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita I–X, ed. Robert Seymour Conway and Charles Flamstead Walters (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 8. Book II · chapters 11–23

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-1/8/#p-N

[¶0] 11.6. And in fact the enemy did hear of it from a deserter's report, and crossed the river in much greater force than usual, in the hope of making a clean sweep of the booty.

> Latin: 11.6. et sciere perfugae indicio; multoque plures, ut in spem uniuersae praedae, flumen traiciunt.

[¶1] 11.7. Consequently Publius Valerius directed Titus Herminius to lie in ambush with a small force two miles out on the Gabinian Way, and Spurius Larcius with a body of light-armed youths to take post at the Colline Gate, until the enemy should pass, and then to throw themselves between him and the river, cutting off his retreat.

> Latin: 11.7. P. Ualerius inde T. Herminium cum modicis copiis ad secundum lapidem Gabina uia occultum considere iubet, Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuuentute ad portam Collinam stare donec hostis praetereat; inde se obicere ne sit ad flumen reditus.

[¶2] 11.8. Of the two consuls, Titus Lucretius went out by the Naevian Gate with several maniples of soldiers, Valerius himself led out some picked cohorts by way of the Caelian Mount. These last were the first to be seen by the enemy.

> Latin: 11.8. consulum alter T. Lucretius porta Naeuia cum aliquot manipulis militum egressus; ipse Ualerius Caelio monte cohortes delectas educit, hique primi apparuere hosti.

[¶3] 11.9. Herminius had no sooner perceived that the skirmish was begun than he rushed in from his ambush and fell upon the rear of the Etruscans, who had turned to meet Valerius. On the right hand and on the left, from the Naevian Gate and from the Colline, an answering shout was returned.

> Latin: 11.9. Herminius ubi tumultum sensit, concurrit ex insidiis, uersisque in Lucretium Etruscis terga caedit; dextra laeuaque, hinc a porta Collina, illinc ab Naeuia, redditus clamor;

[¶4] 11.10. Thus the raiders were hemmed in and cut to pieces, for they were no match for the Romans in fighting strength, and were shut off from every line of retreat. This was the last time the Etruscans roamed so far afield.

> Latin: 11.10. ita caesi in medio praedatores, neque ad pugnam uiribus pares et ad fugam saeptis omnibus uiis. finisque ille tam effuse euagandi Etruscis fuit.

[¶5] 12.1. The blockade went on notwithstanding. The corn was giving out, and what there was cost a very high price, and Porsinna was beginning to have hopes that he would take the City by sitting still, when Gaius Mucius, a young Roman noble, thinking it a shame that although the Roman People had not, in the days of their servitude when they lived under kings, been blockaded in a war by any enemies, they should now, when free, be besieged by those same Etruscans whose armies they had so often routed, made up his mind that this indignity must be avenged by some great and daring deed.

> Latin: 12.1. obsidio erat nihilo minus et frumenti cum summa caritate inopia, sedendoque expugnaturum se urbem spem Porsinna habebat, cum C. Mucius, adulescens nobilis, cui indignum uidebatur populum Romanum seruientem cum sub regibus esset nullo bello nec ab hostibus ullis obsessum esse, liberum eundem populum ab iisdem Etruscis obsideri quorum saepe exercitus fuderit,—itaque magno audacique aliquo facinore eam indignitatem uindicandam ratus, primo sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra constituit;

[¶6] 12.4. At first he intended to make his way to the enemy's camp on his own account. Afterwards, fearing that if he should go unbidden by the consuls and without anyone's knowing it, he might chance to be arrested by the Roman sentries and brought back as a deserter —a charge which the state of the City would confirm —he went before the senate.

> Latin: 12.4. dein metuens ne si consulum iniussu et ignaris omnibus iret, forte deprehensus a custodibus Romanis retraheretur ut transfuga, fortuna tum urbis crimen adfirmante, senatum adit.

[¶7] 12.5. “I wish,” said he, “to cross the river, senators, and enter, if I can, the enemy's camp —not to plunder or exact reprisals for their devastations: I have in mind to do a greater deed, if the gods grant me their help.”

> Latin: 12.5. 'transire Tiberim' inquit, 'patres, et intrare, si possim, castra hostium uolo, non praedo nec populationum in uicem ultor; maius si di iuuant in animo est facinus.' adprobant patres; abdito intra uestem ferro proficiscitur.

[¶8] 12.6. The Fathers approved. Hiding a sword under his dress, he set out.

> Latin: 12.6. ubi eo uenit, in confertissima turba prope regium tribunal constitit.

[¶9] 12.7. Arrived at the camp, he took up his stand in the thick of the crowd near the royal tribunal. It happened that at that moment the soldiers were being paid; a secretary who sat beside the king, and wore nearly the same costume, was very busy, and to him the soldiers for the most part addressed themselves. Mucius was afraid to ask which was Porsinna, lest his ignorance of the king's identity should betray his own, and following the blind guidance of Fortune, slew the secretary instead of the king.

> Latin: 12.7. ibi cum stipendium militibus forte daretur et scriba cum rege sedens pari fere ornatu multa ageret eum<que> milites uolgo adirent, timens sciscitari uter Porsinna esset, ne ignorando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset, quo temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege obtruncat.

[¶10] 12.8. As he strode off through the frightened crowd, making a way for himself with his bloody blade, there was an outcry, and thereat the royal guards came running in from every side, seized him and dragged him back before the tribunal of the king.

> Latin: 12.8. uadentem inde qua per trepidam turbam cruento mucrone sibi ipse fecerat uiam, cum concursu ad clamorem facto comprehensum regii satellites retraxissent, ante tribunal regis destitutus, tum quoque inter tantas fortunae minas metuendus magis quam metuens, 'Romanus sum' inquit, 'ciuis;

[¶11] 12.9. But friendless as he was, even then, when Fortune wore so menacing an aspect, yet as one more to be feared than fearing, “I am a Roman citizen,” he cried; “men call me Gaius Mucius.”

> Latin: 12.9. C. Mucium uocant. hostis hostem occidere uolui, nec ad mortem minus animi est, quam fuit ad caedem; et facere et pati fortia Romanum est.

[¶12] 12.10. “I am your enemy, and as an enemy I would have slain you; I can die as resolutely as I could kill: both to do and to endure valiantly is the Roman way. Nor am I the only one to carry this resolution against you: behind me is a long line of men who are seeking the same honour. Gird yourself therefore, if you think it worth your while, for a struggle in which you must fight for your life from hour to hour with an armed foe always at your door.”

> Latin: 12.10. nec unus in te ego hos animos gessi; longus post me ordo est idem petentium decus. proinde in hoc discrimen, si iuuat, accingere, ut in singulas horas capite dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque in uestibulo habeas regiae. hoc tibi iuuentus Romana indicimus bellum.

[¶13] 12.11. “Such is the war we, the Roman youths, declare on you.”

> Latin: 12.11. nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris; uni tibi et cum singulis res erit.'

[¶14] 12.12. “Fear no serried ranks, no battle; it will be between yourself alone and a single enemy at a time.” The king, at once hot with resentment and aghast at his danger, angrily ordered the prisoner to be flung into the flames unless he should at once divulge the plot with which he so obscurely threatened him. Whereupon Mucius, exclaiming, “Look, that you may see how cheap they hold their bodies whose eyes are fixed upon renown!” thrust his hand into the fire that was kindled for the sacrifice. When he allowed his hand to burn as if his spirit were unconscious of sensation, the king was almost beside himself with wonder.

> Latin: 12.12. cum rex simul ira infensus periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabundus iuberet nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum sibi minas per ambages iaceret, 'en tibi' inquit, 'ut sentias quam uile corpus sit iis qui magnam gloriam uident'; dextramque accenso ad sacrificium foculo inicit. quam cum uelut alienato ab sensu torreret animo, prope attonitus miraculo rex cum ab sede sua prosiluisset amouerique ab altaribus iuuenem iussisset, 'tu uero abi' inquit, 'in te magis quam in me hostilia ausus.

[¶15] 12.14. He bounded from his seat and bade them remove the young man from the altar. “Do you go free,” he said, “who have dared to harm yourself more than me. I would invoke success upon your valour, were that valour exerted for my country; since that may not be, I release you from the penalties of war and dismiss you scathless and uninjured.”

> Latin: 12.14. iuberem macte uirtute esse, si pro mea patria ista uirtus staret; nunc iure belli liberum te, intactum inuiolatumque hinc dimitto.'

[¶16] 12.15. Then Mucius, as if to requite his generosity, answered, “Since you hold bravery in honour, my gratitude shall afford you the information your threats could not extort: we are three hundred, the foremost youths of Rome, who have conspired to assail you in this fashion.”

> Latin: 12.15. tunc Mucius, quasi remunerans meritum, 'quando quidem' inquit, 'est apud te uirtuti honos, ut beneficio tuleris a me quod minis nequisti, trecenti coniurauimus principes iuuentutis Romanae ut in te hac uia grassaremur.

[¶17] 12.16. “I drew the first lot; the others, in whatever order it falls to them, will attack you, each at his own time, until Fortune shall have delivered you into our hands.”

> Latin: 12.16. mea prima sors fuit; ceteri ut cuiusque ceciderit primi quoad te opportunum fortuna dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt.'

[¶18] 13.1. The release of Mucius, who was afterwards known as Scaevola, from the loss of his right hand, was followed by the arrival in Rome of envoys from Porsinna.

> Latin: 13.1. Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaeuolae a clade dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a Porsinna Romam secuti sunt;

[¶19] 13.2. The king had been so disturbed, what with the hazard of the first attack upon his life, from which nothing but the blunder of his assailant had preserved him, and what with the anticipation of having to undergo the danger as many times more as there were conspirators remaining, that he voluntarily proposed terms of peace to the Romans.

> Latin: 13.2. adeo mouerat eum et primi periculi casus, <a> quo nihil se praeter errorem insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda dimicatio totiens quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis condiciones ultro ferret Romanis.

[¶20] 13.3. In these terms Porsinna suggested, but without effect, that the Tarquinii should be restored to power, more because he had been unable to refuse the princes this demand upon their behalf than that he was ignorant that the Romans would refuse it.

> Latin: 13.3. iactatum in condicionibus nequiquam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis quia id negare ipse nequiuerat Tarquiniis quam quod negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret.

[¶21] 13.4. In obtaining the return of their lands to the Veientes he was successful; and the Romans were compelled to give hostages if they wished the garrison to be withdrawn from Janiculum. On these terms peace was made, and Porsinna led his army down from Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory.

> Latin: 13.4. de agro Ueientibus restituendo impetratum, expressaque necessitas obsides dandi Romanis, si Ianiculo praesidium deduci uellent. his condicionibus composita pace, exercitum ab Ianiculo deduxit Porsinna et agro Romano excessit.

[¶22] 13.5. The Fathers bestowed on Gaius Mucius, for his bravery, a field across the Tiber, which was later known as the Mucian Meadows.

> Latin: 13.5. patres C. Mucio uirtutis causa trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere, quae postea sunt Mucia prata appellata.

[¶23] 13.6. Now when courage had been thus distinguished, even the women were inspired to deeds of patriotism. Thus the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, eluded the sentinels, when it chanced that the Etruscans had encamped not far from the bank of the Tiber, and heading a band of girls swam the river and, under a rain of hostile darts, brought them all back in safety to their kinsmen in Rome.

> Latin: 13.6. ergo ita honorata uirtute, feminae quoque ad publica decora excitatae, et Cloelia uirgo una ex obsidibus, cum castra Etruscorum forte haud procul ripa Tiberis locata essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis uirginum inter tela hostium Tiberim tranauit, sospitesque omnes Romam ad propinquos restituit.

[¶24] 13.7. When this had been reported to the king, he was at first enraged and sent emissaries to Rome to demand that the hostage Cloelia be given up, for he made no great account of the others.

> Latin: 13.7. quod ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo incensus ira oratores Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem deposcendam: alias haud magni facere.

[¶25] 13.8. Then, admiration getting the better of anger, he asserted that her feat was a greater one than those of Cocles and Mucius, and declared that although in case the hostage was not returned he should regard the treaty as broken, yet if she were restored to him he would send her back safe and inviolate to her friends. Both parties kept their word.

> Latin: 13.8. deinde in admirationem uersus, supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus esse, et prae se ferre quemadmodum si non dedatur obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic deditam <intactam> inuiolatamque ad suos remissurum.

[¶26] 13.9. The Romans returned the pledge of peace, as the treaty required; and the Etruscan king not only protected the brave girl but even honoured her, for after praising her heroism he said that he would present her with half the hostages, and that she herself should choose the ones she wished.

> Latin: 13.9. utrimque constitit fides; et Romani pignus pacis ex foedere restituerunt, et apud regem Etruscum non tuta solum sed honorata etiam uirtus fuit, laudatamque uirginem parte obsidum se donare dixit; ipsa quos uellet legeret.

[¶27] 13.10. When they had all been brought out it is said that she selected the young boys, because it was not only more seemly in a maiden, but was unanimously approved by the hostages themselves, that in delivering them from the enemy she should give the preference to those who were of an age which particularly exposed them to injury.

> Latin: 13.10. productis omnibus elegisse impubes dicitur; quod et uirginitati decorum et consensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat eam aetatem potissimum liberari ab hoste quae maxime opportuna iniuriae esset.

[¶28] 13.11. When peace had been established the Romans rewarded this new valour in a woman with a new kind of honour, an equestrian statue, which was set up on the summit of the Sacred Way, and represented the maiden seated on a horse.

> Latin: 13.11. pace redintegrata Romani nouam in femina uirtutem nouo genere honoris, statua equestri, donauere; in summa Sacra uia fuit posita uirgo insidens equo.

[¶29] 14.1. This peaceful departure of the Etruscan king from Rome is inconsistent with the custom handed down from antiquity even to our own age, among other formalities observed at sales of booty, of proclaiming “the goods of King Porsinna.”

> Latin: 14.1. huic tam pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis Etrusci abhorrens mos traditus ab antiquis usque ad nostram aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona Porsennae regis uendendi.

[¶30] 14.2. Such a practice must either have arisen during the war and have been retained when peace was made, or else have had its origin in some kindlier circumstance than would be suggested by the notice that an enemy's goods were to be sold.

> Latin: 14.2. cuius originem moris necesse est aut inter bellum natam esse neque omissam in pace, aut a mitiore creuisse principio quam hic prae se ferat titulus bona hostiliter uendendi.

[¶31] 14.3. The most credible of the traditional explanations is that when Porsinna retired from Janiculum he handed over his camp, well stocked with provisions brought in from the neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria, as a gift to the Romans, who were then in a destitute condition after the long siege.

> Latin: 14.3. proximum uero est ex iis quae traduntur Porsennam discedentem ab Ianiculo castra opulenta, conuecto ex propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae aruis commeatu, Romanis dono dedisse, inopi tum urbe ab longinqua obsidione;

[¶32] 14.4. These supplies were then sold, lest, if people were given a free hand, they might plunder the camp like an enemy; and they were called the goods of Porsinna rather by way of implying thankfulness for the gift than an auction of the king's property, which was not even in the possession of the Roman People.

> Latin: 14.4. ea deinde, ne populo immisso diriperentur hostiliter, uenisse, bonaque Porsennae appellata, gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam auctionem fortunae regiae quae ne in potestate quidem populi Romani esset.

[¶33] 14.5. On relinquishing his campaign against the Romans, Porsinna was unwilling that he should appear to have led his army into that region to no purpose, and accordingly sent a part of his forces, under his son Arruns, to besiege Aricia. At first the Aricini were paralysed with surprise.

> Latin: 14.5. omisso Romano bello Porsenna, ne frustra in ea loca exercitus adductus uideretur, cum parte copiarum filium Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit.

[¶34] 14.6. Afterwards the auxiliaries whom they called in from the Latin peoples, and also from Cumae, so encouraged them that they ventured to measure their strength with the enemy in the open field. When the battle began, the attack of the Etruscans was so impetuous that they routed the Aricini at the first charge.

> Latin: 14.6. primo Aricinos res necopinata perculerat; arcessita deinde auxilia et a Latinis populis et a Cumis tantum spei fecere, ut acie decernere auderent. proelio inito, adeo concitato impetu se intulerant Etrusci ut funderent ipso incursu Aricinos:

[¶35] 14.7. The Cumaean levies, employing skill to meet force, swerved a little to one side, and when the enemy had swept by them, faced about and attacked them in the rear, with the result that the Etruscans, caught between two lines, almost in the moment of victory, were cut to pieces.

> Latin: 14.7. Cumanae cohortes arte aduersus uim usae declinauere paululum, effuseque praelatos hostes conuersis signis ab tergo adortae sunt.

[¶36] 14.8. A very small number of them, having lost their leader and finding no nearer refuge, drifted to Rome, unarmed and with all the helplessness and the dejected aspect of suppliants. There they were kindly received and were quartered about among the citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. ita in medio prope iam uictores caesi Etrusci. pars perexigua, duce amisso, quia nullum propius perfugium erat, Romam inermes et fortuna et specie supplicum delati sunt.

[¶37] 14.9. When their wounds had healed, some departed for their homes to report the hospitality and kindness they had met with, but many were persuaded to remain in Rome by the affection they felt for their hosts and for the City. To these a place of residence was allotted which was afterwards called the Vicus Tuscus.

> Latin: 14.9. ibi benigne excepti diuisique in hospitia. curatis uolneribus, alii profecti domos, nuntii hospitalium beneficiorum: multos Romae hospitum urbisque caritas tenuit. his locus ad habitandum datus quem deinde Tuscum uicum appellarunt.

[¶38] 15.1. Spurius Larcius and Titus Herminius were the next consuls, and after them came Publius Lucretius and Publius Valerius Publicola. In the latter year an embassy was sent to Rome for the last time by Porsinna to negotiate for the restoration of Tarquinius to power. To these envoys the senate replied that they would send representatives to the king, and they forthwith dispatched those of the Fathers who were held in the highest esteem.

> Latin: 15.1. Sp. < Larcius inde et> T. Herminius, P. Lucretius inde et P. Ualerius Publicola consules facti. eo anno postremum legati a Porsenna de reducendo in regnum Tarquinio uenerunt; quibus cum responsum esset missurum ad regem senatum legatos, missi confestim honoratissimus quisque ex patribus.

[¶39] 15.2. It would not have been impossible, they said, to reply shortly that the royal family would not be received. It was not for that reason that they had preferred to send chosen members of the senate to him rather than to give their answer to his ambassadors in Rome. But they had desired that for all time discussion of that question might be ended, and that where there were so great obligations on both sides there might not be mutual irritation, from the king's seeking that which was incompatible with the liberty of the Roman people, while the Romans, unless they were willing to sacrifice their existence to their good nature, denied the request of a man whom they would not willingly have denied anything.

> Latin: 15.2. non quin breuiter reddi responsum potuerit non recipi reges, ideo potius delectos patrum ad eum missos quam legatis eius Romae daretur responsum, sed ut in perpetuum mentio eius rei finiretur, neu in tantis mutuis beneficiis in uicem animi sollicitarentur, cum ille peteret quod contra libertatem populi Romani esset, Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse uellent, negarent cui nihil negatum uellent.

[¶40] 15.3. The Roman people were not living under a monarchy, but were free. They had resolved to throw open their gates to enemies sooner than to kings; in this prayer they were all united, that the day which saw the end of liberty in their City might also see the City's end.

> Latin: 15.3. non in regno populum Romanum sed in libertate esse. ita induxisse in animum, hostibus portas potius quam regibus patefacere; ea esse uota omnium ut qui libertati erit in illa urbe finis, idem urbi sit.

[¶41] 15.4. They therefore entreated him, if he desired the welfare of Rome, to permit her to be free.

> Latin: 15.4. proinde si saluam esse uellet Romam, ut patiatur liberam esse orare.

[¶42] 15.5. The king, yielding to his better feelings, made answer: “Since this is your fixed resolve, I will neither importune you with repeated insistence upon a hopeless plea, nor will I deceive the Tarquinii with the hope of aid which it is not in my power to grant. Let them seek elsewhere, whether war or peace be their object, for a place of exile, that nothing may hinder my being at peace with you.” His words were followed by yet more friendly deeds.

> Latin: 15.5. rex uerecundia uictus 'quando id certum atque obstinatum est' inquit, 'neque ego obtundam saepius eadem nequiquam agendo, nec Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum in me est, frustrabor. alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu quiete, exsilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam uobiscum pacem distineat.' dictis facta amiciora adiecit;

[¶43] 15.6. The hostages remaining in his hands he returned, and he gave back the Veientine land which he had taken from the Romans by the treaty made on Janiculum.

> Latin: 15.6. obsidum quod reliquum erat reddidit; agrum Ueientem, foedere ad Ianiculum icto ademptum, restituit.

[¶44] 15.7. Tarquinius, cut off from all hope of returning, departed for Tusculum, to spend his exile in the home of his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius. The Romans enjoyed an unbroken peace with Porsinna.

> Latin: 15.7. Tarquinius spe omni reditus incisa exsulatum ad generum Mamilium Octauium Tusculum abiit. Romanis pax fida [ita] cum Porsenna fuit.

[¶45] 16.1. The consulship of Marcus Valerius and Publius Postumius. This year a successful war was waged against the Sabines, and the consuls triumphed. More elaborate preparations for war were then made by the Sabines.

> Latin: 16.1. consules M. Ualerius P. Postumius. eo anno bene pugnatum cum Sabinis; consules triumpharunt. maiore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant.

[¶46] 16.2. To confront them, and to prevent any sudden peril arising from Tusculum, in which quarter hostility, though not openly avowed, was none the less suspected, Publius Valerius was made consul for the fourth time and Titus Lucretius for the second.

> Latin: 16.2. aduersus eos et ne quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi non apertum, suspectum tamen bellum erat, repentini periculi oreretur, P. Ualerius quartum T. Lucretius iterum consules facti.

[¶47] 16.3. A schism which occurred between the advocates of war and those of peace amongst the Sabines resulted in the transfer of some part of their strength to the Romans.

> Latin: 16.3. seditio inter belli pacisque auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde uirium transtulit ad Romanos.

[¶48] 16.4. For Attius Clausus, afterwards known at Rome as Appius Claudius, himself a champion of peace, was hard bested by the turbulent war-party, and finding himself no match for them, left Inregillus, with a large band of clients, and fled to Rome. These people were made citizens and given land across the Anio.

> Latin: 16.4. namque Attius Clausus, cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum pacis ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur nec par factioni esset, ab Inregillo, magna clientium comitatus manu, Romam transfugit.

[¶49] 16.5. The “Old Claudian Tribe” was the name used later, when new tribesmen had been added, to designate those who came from this territory. Appius, having been enrolled in the senate, came in a short time to be regarded as one of its leading members.

> Latin: 16.5. his ciuitas data agerque trans Anienem; Uetus Claudia tribus—additis postea nouis tribulibus—qui ex eo uenirent agro appellati. Appius inter patres lectus, haud ita multo post in principum dignationem peruenit.

[¶50] 16.6. The consuls led an army into the country of the Sabines, and by wasting their fields, and afterwards by a battle, so crushed the enemy's strength that there could be no fear for a long time of any outbreak of hostilities in that region.

> Latin: 16.6. consules infesto exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita uastatione, dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium ut diu nihil inde rebellionis timeri posset, triumphantes Romam redierunt.

[¶51] 16.7. They then returned to Rome and triumphed. Publius Valerius, universally regarded as the foremost citizen, both in military and in civil qualities, died in the following year, when Agrippa Menenius and Publius Postumius were consuls. He was a man of extraordinary reputation, but so poor that money was wanting for his burial, and it was furnished from the treasury of the state.

> Latin: 16.7. P. Ualerius, omnium consensu princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa Menenio P. Postumio consulibus moritur, gloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut funeri sumptus deesset; de publico est datus. luxere matronae ut Brutum.

[¶52] 16.8. He was mourned by the matrons as Brutus had been. In the same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Aurunci. The Aurunci were the first to be attacked. Upon the defeat of the great army which had boldly issued forth to meet the invasion of their territory by the consuls, the whole weight of the Auruncan war fell upon Pometia.

> Latin: 16.8. eodem anno duae coloniae Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt. cum Auruncis bellum initum; fusoque ingenti exercitu, qui se ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter obtulerat, omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam compulsum est.

[¶53] 16.9. After the battle, as well as during its progress, no quarter was given. The slain had somewhat outnumbered the prisoners, and the prisoners were indiscriminately slaughtered. Even the hostages, of whom three hundred had been received, were not spared in the rage of war. This year also a triumph was celebrated at Rome.

> Latin: 16.9. nec magis post proelium quam in proelio caedibus temperatum est; et caesi aliquanto plures erant quam capti, et captos passim trucidauerunt; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. et hoc anno Romae triumphatum.

[¶54] 17.1. The consuls of the next year, Opiter Verginius and Spurius Cassius, attempted to capture Pometia, first by assault and then by the use of mantlets and other engines.

> Latin: 17.1. secuti consules Opiter Uerginius Sp. Cassius Pometiam primo ui, deinde uineis aliisque operibus oppugnarunt.

[¶55] 17.2. Against their besiegers the Aurunci, rather of an implacable hatred than for any hope or opportunity offered, rushed out, armed with firebrands for the most part, instead of swords, and carried death and flames in all directions.

> Latin: 17.2. in quos Aurunci magis iam inexpiabili odio quam spe aliqua aut occasione coorti, cum plures igni quam ferro armati excucurrissent, caede incendioque cuncta complent.

[¶56] 17.3. The mantlets were burned, many of their enemies were wounded or slain, and one of the consuls —which one the historians do not add —was seriously wounded, thrown from his horse, and almost killed.

> Latin: 17.3. uineis incensis, multis hostium uolneratis et occisis, consulum quoque alterum—sed utrum auctores non adiciunt—graui uolnere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt.

[¶57] 17.4. The Romans then marched home, defeated. Amongst the many wounded they brought the consul, hovering betwixt life and death. When a short time had elapsed, long enough for healing wounds and recruiting the army, they returned, with heightened resentment and also with augmented forces, to the attack of Pometia.

> Latin: 17.4. Romam inde male gesta re reditum; inter multos saucios consul spe incerta uitae relatus. interiecto deinde haud magno spatio, quod uolneribus curandis supplendoque exercitui satis esset, cum ira maiore, tum uiribus etiam auctis Pometiae arma inlata.

[¶58] 17.5. They had repaired their mantlets and the rest of their equipment, and they were already upon the point of sending their men against the walls when the town capitulated.

> Latin: 17.5. et cum uineis refectis aliaque mole belli iam in eo esset ut in muros euaderet miles, deditio est facta.

[¶59] 17.6. But the fate of the Aurunci was no less awful from their having surrendered their city than if it had been stormed. Their chief men were beheaded, and the rest of the colonists were sold as slaves. The town was razed; its land was sold.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum nihilo minus foeda, dedita urbe, quam si capta foret, Aurunci passi; principes securi percussi, sub corona uenierunt coloni alii, oppidum dirutum, ager ueniit.

[¶60] 17.7. The consuls obtained a triumph, more because they had heavily avenged Rome's wrongs than because of the magnitude of the war which they had successfully concluded.

> Latin: 17.7. consules magis ob iras grauiter ultas quam ob magnitudinem perfecti belli triumpharunt.

[¶61] 18.1. The year after had as its consuls Postumius Cominius and Titus Largius.

> Latin: 18.1. insequens annus Postumum Cominium et T. Largium consules habuit.

[¶62] 18.2. In this year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, the Sabine youths, in a spirit of wantonness, forcibly abducted certain harlots. Men gathered hastily and there was a brawl which was almost a battle, and, trifling as its origin was, it seemed to threaten a fresh outbreak of the war.

> Latin: 18.2. eo anno Romae, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuuentute per lasciuiam scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope proelium fuit, paruaque ex re ad rebellionem spectare [res] uidebatur.

[¶63] 18.3. Besides the Sabine peril, it was generally known that the thirty Latin cities had already conspired, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius.

> Latin: 18.3. [supra belli Latini metum.] id quoque accesserat quod triginta iam coniurasse populos concitante Octauio Mamilio satis constabat.

[¶64] 18.4. These grave apprehensions having occasioned a general anxiety, the appointment of a dictator was suggested, for the first time. But there is no general agreement as to the year, or which consuls were distrusted as being of the Tarquinian faction —for this is included in the tradition —or who it was that was first named dictator.

> Latin: 18.4. in hac tantarum expectatione rerum sollicita ciuitate, dictatoris primum creandi mentio orta. sed nec quibus consulibus quia ex factione Tarquiniana essent—id quoque enim traditur—parum creditum sit, nec quis primum dictator creatus sit, satis constat.

[¶65] 18.5. In the oldest writers, however, I find it said that Titus Largius was the first to be made dictator, and that Spurius Cassius was master of the horse. They chose men of consular rank, for so the law prescribed which had been passed to regulate the selection of a dictator.

> Latin: 18.5. apud ueterrimos tamen auctores T. Largium dictatorem primum, Sp. Cassium magistrum equitum creatos inuenio. consulares legere; ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata.

[¶66] 18.6. I am therefore the more disposed to believe that Largius, a consular, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, a man who had not yet held the consulship, was assigned to be the director and superior of consuls;

> Latin: 18.6. eo magis adducor ut credam Largium, qui consularis erat, potius quam M'. Ualerium Marci filium Uolesi nepotem, qui nondum consul fuerat, moderatorem et magistrum consulibus appositum;

[¶67] 18.7. and indeed if men had been specially desirous of choosing the dictator from that family, they would much sooner have selected Marcus Valerius the father, a man of proven worth and an ex-consul.

> Latin: 18.7. quin si maxime ex ea familia legi dictatorem uellent, patrem multo potius M. Ualerium spectatae uirtutis et consularem uirum legissent.

[¶68] 18.8. When they had named a dictator for the first time at Rome, and men saw the axes borne before him, a great fear came over the plebs and caused them to be more zealous in obeying orders. For there was no recourse in this case, as with the consuls, who shared the powers of their office equally, to the assistance of the man's colleague, nor was there any appeal nor any help anywhere but in scrupulous obedience.

> Latin: 18.8. creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam praeferri secures uiderunt, magnus plebem metus incessit, ut intentiores essent ad dicto parendum; neque enim ut in consulibus qui pari potestate essent, alterius auxilium neque prouocatio erat neque ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi auxilium.

[¶69] 18.9. The Sabines, too, were inspired with fear by the appointment of the dictator, especially since they believed that it was on their account that he had been created.

> Latin: 18.9. Sabinis etiam creatus Romae dictator, eo magis quod propter se creatum crediderant, metum incussit. itaque legatos de pace mittunt.

[¶70] 18.10. Accordingly they sent legates to treat for peace. When they requested the dictator and the senate to pardon an error committed by young men, the answer was given that to pardon young men was possible, but not old men who contrived one war after another.

> Latin: 18.10. quibus orantibus dictatorem senatumque ut ueniam erroris hominibus adulescentibus darent, responsum ignosci adulescentibus posse, senibus non posse qui bella ex bellis sererent.

[¶71] 18.11. Nevertheless negotiations for peace were begun, and it would have been granted to the Sabines, could they have made up their minds to guarantee, as the Romans demanded, the sum which had been expended for the war. Hostilities were declared, but a tacit truce preserved a state of peace through the year.

> Latin: 18.11. actum tamen est de pace, impetrataque foret si, quod impensae factum in bellum erat, praestare Sabini— id enim postulatum erat—in animum induxissent. bellum indictum: tacitae indutiae quietum annum tenuere.

[¶72] 19.1. In the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and Manius Tullius nothing worthy of note occurred. They were succeeded by Titus Aebutius and Gaius Vetusius.

> Latin: 19.1. consules Ser. Sulpicius M'. Tullius; nihil dignum memoria actum; T. Aebutius deinde et C. Uetusius.

[¶73] 19.2. During their year of office Fidenae was besieged, Crustumeria taken; Praeneste went over from the Latins to the Romans, and it was no longer possible to postpone the Latin war, which had now been smouldering for several years.

> Latin: 19.2. his consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crustumeria capta; Praeneste ab Latinis ad Romanos desciuit, nec ultra bellum Latinum, gliscens iam per aliquot annos, dilatum.

[¶74] 19.3. Aulus Postumius as dictator, and Titus Aebutius as master of the horse, set out with large forces of infantry and cavalry, and at Lake Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum, met the enemy's advancing column. The Romans had learned that the Tarquinii were with the Latin army, and were so enraged that they could not be withheld from instantly attacking, and the battle itself, in consequence of this report, was fought with a good deal more determination and bitterness than any other had been.

> Latin: 19.3. A. Postumius dictator, T. Aebutius magister equitum, magnis copiis peditum equitumque profecti, ad lacum Regillum in agro Tusculano agmini hostium occurrerunt, et quia Tarquinios esse in exercitu Latinorum auditum est, sustineri ira non potuit quin extemplo confligerent.

[¶75] 19.5. For the leaders were not only in the field to direct the engagement with their strategy, but joined battle and fought in their own persons. Almost none of the nobles on either side came off unscathed, except the Roman dictator.

> Latin: 19.5. ergo etiam proelium aliquanto quam cetera grauius atque atrocius fuit. non enim duces ad regendam modo consilio rem adfuere, sed suismet ipsi corporibus dimicantes miscuere certamina, nec quisquam procerum ferme hac aut illa ex acie sine uolnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit.

[¶76] 19.6. Postumius was in the front rank encouraging his men and forming them, when Tarquinius Superbus, though now burdened with years and broken in strength, rode full-tilt against him. But the old man received a thrust in the side, and his followers rushed in and rescued him.

> Latin: 19.6. in Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruentemque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate et uiribus erat grauior, equum infestus admisit, ictusque ab latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum est.

[¶77] 19.7. Similarly on the other wing, Aebutius, the master of the horse, charged Octavius Mamilius. But the Tusculan commander saw him coming, and he too spurred his horse to the encounter;

> Latin: 19.7. et ad alterum cornu Aebutius magister equitum in Octauium Mamilium impetum dederat; nec fefellit ueniens Tusculanum ducem, contraque et ille concitat equum.

[¶78] 19.8. and so great was the force in their levelled lances as they met, that the arm of Aebutius was transfixed, while Mamilius was struck in the breast.

> Latin: 19.8. tantaque uis infestis uenientium hastis fuit ut brachium Aebutio traiectum sit, Mamilio pectus percussum.

[¶79] 19.9. Mamilius was received by the Latins within their second line: Aebutius, being unable to manage a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the battle.

> Latin: 19.9. hunc quidem in secundam aciem Latini recepere; Aebutius cum saucio brachio tenere telum non posset, pugna excessit.

[¶80] 19.10. The Latin leader, not a jot discouraged by his wound, urged on the fighting, and, because he saw that his men were in retreat, called up a cohort of Roman exiles, commanded by a son of Lucius Tarquinius, and these, fighting with greater fury on account of the loss of their property and native land, restored the battle for a while.

> Latin: 19.10. Latinus dux nihil deterritus uolnere proelium ciet et quia suos perculsos uidebat, arcessit cohortem exsulum Romanorum, cui L. Tarquini filius praeerat. ea quo maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit.

[¶81] 20.1. When the Romans were now beginning to give way in that part of the field, Marcus Valerius, Publicola's brother, espied the young Tarquinius, who was boldly inviting attack in the front rank of the exiles. Valerius found in his brother's glory an additional incentive, and resolving that the family which had the honour of expelling the tyrants should also gain the credit for their death, he dug his spurs into his charger and rode at Tarquinius with levelled spear.

> Latin: 20.1. referentibus iam pedem ab ea parte Romanis, M. Ualerius Publicolae frater, conspicatus ferocem iuuenem Tarquinium ostentantem se in prima exsulum acie, domestica etiam gloria accensus ut cuius familiae decus eiecti reges erant, eiusdem interfecti forent, subdit calcaria equo et Tarquinium infesto spiculo petit.

[¶82] 20.3. Tarquinius drew back within the company of his followers to avoid his desperate antagonist. Valerius was plunging blindly into the exiles' line when one of them attacked him in the flank and ran him through the body. But the rider's wound did not check the career of his horse, and the dying Roman came down in a heap upon the ground with his arms upon him.

> Latin: 20.3. Tarquinius retro in agmen suorum infenso cessit hosti: Ualerium temere inuectum in exsulum aciem ex transuerso quidam adortus transfigit, nec quicquam equitis uolnere equo retardato, moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis ad terram defluxit.

[¶83] 20.4. When the dictator Postumius perceived that so brave a soldier had fallen, that the exiles were advancing boldly at the double, and that his troops were checked and were giving ground, he issued orders to his own cohort, a picked body of men which he kept about his person as a guard, that if they saw any Roman running away they should treat him as an enemy.

> Latin: 20.4. dictator Postumius postquam cecidisse talem uirum, exsules ferociter citato agmine inuehi, suos perculsos cedere animaduertit, cohorti suae, quam delectam manum praesidii causa circa se habebat, dat signum ut quem suorum fugientem uiderint, pro hoste habeant. ita metu ancipiti uersi a fuga Romani in hostem et restituta acies.

[¶84] 20.6. Being thus between two dangers, the Romans faced about to meet the foe, and the battle-line was formed again. The cohort of the dictator then entered the engagement for the first time.

> Latin: 20.6. cohors dictatoris tum primum proelium iniit; integris corporibus animisque fessos adorti exsules caedunt.

[¶85] 20.7. With fresh strength and spirit they attacked the weary exiles and cut them to pieces. Then began another combat between leaders. The Latin general, perceiving that the cohort of the exiles was nearly cut off by the Roman dictator, took a few companies of his reserves and hurried them to the front.

> Latin: 20.7. ibi alia inter proceres coorta pugna. imperator Latinus, ubi cohortem exsulum a dictatore Romano prope circumuentam uidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in primam aciem secum rapit.

[¶86] 20.8. As they came marching up, Titus Herminius, the lieutenant, caught sight of them, and in their midst, conspicuous in dress and accoutrements, he saw and recognized Mamilius. Whereupon he hurled himself upon the enemy's commander with so much more violence than the master of the horse had done a little before, that not only did he pierce Mamilius through the side and slay him with a single lunge, but in the act of stripping the body of his antagonist he was himself struck by a hostile javelin, and after being borne off in the moment of victory to the Roman camp, expired just as they began to dress his wound.

> Latin: 20.8. hos agmine uenientes T. Herminius legatus conspicatus, interque eos insignem ueste armisque Mamilium noscitans, tanto ui maiore quam paulo ante magister equitum cum hostium duce proelium iniit, ut et uno ictu transfixum per latus occiderit Mamilium et ipse inter spoliandum corpus hostis ueruto percussus, cum uictor in castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem exspirauerit.

[¶87] 20.10. The dictator then dashed up to the knights and besought them, since the foot-soldiers were exhausted, to dismount and enter the fight. They obeyed: they leaped down from their horses, hastened to the front, and covered the front-rankers with their shields.

> Latin: 20.10. tum ad equites dictator aduolat, obtestans ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam capessant. dicto paruere; desiliunt ex equis, prouolant in primum et pro antesignanis parmas obiciunt.

[¶88] 20.11. It restored at once the courage of the foot to see the young nobles on even terms with themselves and sharing in the danger. Then at last the Latins received a check, and their battle-line was forced to yield.

> Latin: 20.11. recipit extemplo animum pedestris acies, postquam iuuentutis proceres aequato genere pugnae secum partem periculi sustinentes uidit. tum demum impulsi Latini perculsaque inclinauit acies.

[¶89] 20.12. The knights had their horses brought up that they might be able to pursue the enemy, and they were followed by the infantry. Then the dictator, neglecting no help, divine or human, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and to have promised rewards to the soldiers who should be first and second to enter the camp of the enemy;

> Latin: 20.12. equiti admoti equi, ut persequi hostem posset; secuta et pedestris acies. ibi nihil nec diuinae nec humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori uouisse fertur ac pronuntiasse militi praemia, qui primus, qui secundus castra hostium intrasset;

[¶90] 20.13. and so great was the ardour of the Romans, that with a single rush they routed their opponents and took their camp. Such was the battle at Lake Regillus. The dictator and his master of the horse returned to the City and triumphed.

> Latin: 20.13. tantusque ardor fuit ut eodem impetu quo fuderant hostem Romani castra caperent. hoc modo ad lacum Regillum pugnatum est. dictator et magister equitum triumphantes in urbem rediere.

[¶91] 21.1. For the next three years there was neither a stable peace nor war. The consuls Quintus Cloelius and Titus Larcius were followed by Aulus Sempronius and Marcus Minucius.

> Latin: 21.1. triennio deinde nec certa pax nec bellum fuit. consules Q. Cloelius et T. Larcius, inde A. Sempronius et M. Minucius.

[¶92] 21.2. In the latter year a temple to Saturn was dedicated and the Saturnalia was established as a festal day. Next Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius were made consuls.

> Latin: 21.2. his consulibus aedis Saturno dedicata, Saturnalia institutus festus dies. A. deinde Postumius et T. Uerginius consules facti.

[¶93] 21.3. It was not until this year, according to some authorities I have consulted, that the battle of Lake Regillus was fought. They say that Aulus Postumius, because his colleague was of doubtful loyalty, resigned the consulship, and was then made dictator.

> Latin: 21.3. hoc demum anno ad Regillum lacum pugnatum apud quosdam inuenio; A. Postumium, quia collega dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu abdicasse; dictatorem inde factum.

[¶94] 21.4. One is involved in so many uncertainties regarding dates by the varying order of the magistrates in different lists that it is impossible to make out which consuls followed which, or what was done in each particular year, when not only events but even authorities are so shrouded in antiquity.

> Latin: 21.4. tanti errores implicant temporum, aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus, ut nec qui consules secundum quos, nec quid quoque anno actum sit, in tanta uetustate non rerum modo sed etiam auctorum digerere possis.

[¶95] 21.5. At the next election Appius Claudius and Publius Servilius were chosen consuls. This year was marked by the announcement of Tarquinius's death. He died at Cumae, whither he had gone to the court of Aristodemus after the downfall of the Latin cause.

> Latin: 21.5. Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Seruilius consules facti. insignis hic annus est nuntio Tarquini mortis. mortuus Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad Aristodemum tyrannum contulerat.

[¶96] 21.6. These tidings cheered the Fathers and encouraged the plebs. But the Fathers were too inconsiderate, in consequence of their rejoicing at this event; and the plebs, who up to this time had been most studiously deferred to, began to feel the oppression of the nobles.

> Latin: 21.6. eo nuntio erecti patres, erecta plebes; sed patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia; plebi, cui ad eam diem summa ope inseruitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus fieri coepere.

[¶97] 21.7. The same year the colony of Signia, which King Tarquinius had planted, was recruited with new colonists and established for the second time. At Rome twenty-one tribes were formed. The temple of Mercury was consecrated on the fifteenth of May.

> Latin: 21.7. eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex Tarquinius deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum deducta est. Romae tribus una et uiginti factae. aedes Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis.

[¶98] 22.1. With the Volscian race there had been during the Latin war neither peace nor open hostilities; for while the Volsci had raised levies to send to the aid of the Latins, had the Roman dictator not moved quickly, yet the Romans did move quickly, that they might not have to fight both nations in the same battle Upon this quarrel the consuls led their legions into the country of the Volsci, who, not expecting to be held to account for their design, were surprised and overwhelmed.

> Latin: 22.1. cum Uolscorum gente Latino bello neque pax neque bellum fuerat; nam et Uolsci comparauerant auxilia quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum ab dictatore Romano esset, et maturauit Romanus ne proelio uno cum Latino Uolscoque contenderet.

[¶99] 22.2. They had no thought of resisting, and surrendered as hostages three hundred children of the nobility of Cora and Pometia, and so the legions were withdrawn without a conflict.

> Latin: 22.2. hac ira consules in Uolscum agrum legiones duxere. Uolscos consilii poenam non metuentes necopinata res perculit; armorum immemores obsides dant trecentos principum a Cora atque Pometia liberos. ita sine certamine inde abductae legiones.

[¶100] 22.3. Yet it was not long before the Volsci, being relieved of their alarm, resumed their native duplicity; again they made secret preparations for war, and formed a military alliance with the Hernici, while they also sent out envoys, this way and that, to instigate the Latins to rebellion.

> Latin: 22.3. nec ita multo post Uolscis leuatis metu suum rediit ingenium. rursus occultum parant bellum, Hernicis in societatem armorum adsumptis.

[¶101] 22.4. But the disaster which had recently befallen the Latins at Lake Regillus so filled them with rage and hate against anyone who advised them to go to war, that they did not even abstain from violating an embassy, but seized the Volsci and brought them to Rome. There they delivered them up to the consuls with the information that the Volsci and the Hernici were preparing to attack the Romans.

> Latin: 22.4. legatos quoque ad sollicitandum Latium passim dimittunt; sed recens ad Regillum lacum accepta cladis Latinos ira odioque eius, quicumque arma suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem uiolandis abstinuit; comprehensos Uolscos Romam duxere. ibi traditi consulibus indicatumque est Uolscos Hernicosque parare bellum Romanis.

[¶102] 22.5. When this service had been reported to the senate the Fathers were so grateful that they released to the Latins six thousand captives, and referred the question of a treaty, which they had all but refused in perpetuity, to the incoming magistrates.

> Latin: 22.5. relata re ad senatum adeo fuit gratum patribus ut et captiuorum sex milia Latinis remitterent et de foedere, quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad nouos magistratus traicerent.

[¶103] 22.6. Then, indeed, the Latins rejoiced at the action they had taken, and the advocates of peace were in great repute. They sent a golden crown as a gift to the Capitoline Jupiter. With the envoys who brought the gift came the captives who had been restored to their friends, a vast attendant multitude.

> Latin: 22.6. enimuero tum Latini gaudere facto; pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse. coronam auream Ioui donum in Capitolium mittunt. cum legatis donoque qui captiuorum remissi ad suos fuerant, magna circumfusa multitudo, uenit.

[¶104] 22.7. Proceeding to the homes of those whom they had severally served, they thanked them for the liberality and consideration which had been shown them in their adversity, and entered into covenants of hospitality with them. Never before had there been so close a union, both official and personal, between the Latin name and the Roman state.

> Latin: 22.7. pergunt domos eorum apud quem quisque seruierant; gratias agunt liberaliter habiti cultique in calamitate sua; inde hospitia iungunt. nunquam alias ante publice priuatimque Latinum nomen Romano imperio coniunctius fuit.

[¶105] 23.1. But not only was war with the Volsci imminent; the citizens were at loggerheads among themselves, and internal dissensions between the Fathers and the plebs had burst into a blaze of hatred, chiefly on account of those who had been bound over to service for their debts.

> Latin: 23.1. sed et bellum Uolscum imminebat et ciuitas secum ipsa discors intestino inter patres plebemque flagrabat odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes alienum.

[¶106] 23.2. These men complained loudly that while they were abroad fighting for liberty and dominion they had been enslaved and oppressed at home by fellow-citizens, and that the freedom of the plebeians was more secure in war than in peace, amongst enemies than amongst citizens. This bitter feeling, which was growing spontaneously, the notable calamity of one man fanned into a flame.

> Latin: 23.2. fremebant se, foris pro libertate et imperio dimicantes, domi a ciuibus captos et oppressos esse, tutioremque in bello quam in pace et inter hostes quam inter ciues libertatem plebis esse; inuidiamque eam sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius calamitas accendit.

[¶107] 23.3. Old, and bearing the marks of all his misfortunes, the man rushed into the Forum. His dress was covered with filth, and the condition of his body was even worse, for he was pale and half dead with emaciation.

> Latin: 23.3. magno natu quidam cum omnium malorum suorum insignibus se in forum proiecit. obsita erat squalore uestis, foedior corporis habitus pallore ac macie perempti;