---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Book XXI · chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/1.md)
2. [Book XXI · chapters 14–27](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2.md)
3. [Book XXI · chapters 28–40](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/3.md)
4. [Book XXI · chapters 40–52](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4.md)
5. [Book XXI · chapters 52–63](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/5.md)
6. [Book XXII · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/6.md)
7. [Book XXII · chapters 10–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/7.md)
8. [Book XXII · chapters 20–30](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/8.md)
9. [Book XXII · chapters 30–42](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/9.md)
10. [Book XXII · chapters 42–54](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/10.md)
11. [Book XXII · chapters 54–61](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/11.md)
12. [Book XXIII · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12.md)
13. [Book XXIII · chapters 11–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/13.md)
14. [Book XXIII · chapters 20–30](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/14.md)
15. [Book XXIII · chapters 30–39](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/15.md)
16. [Book XXIII · chapters 39–49](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/16.md)
17. [Book XXIV · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17.md)
18. [Book XXIV · chapters 10–20](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18.md)
19. [Book XXIV · chapters 20–30](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19.md)
20. [Book XXIV · chapters 30–40](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20.md)
21. [Book XXIV · chapters 40–49](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21.md)
22. [Book XXV · chapters 1–9](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/22.md)
23. [Book XXV · chapters 9–16](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23.md)
24. [Book XXV · chapters 16–25](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24.md)
25. [Book XXV · chapters 25–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/25.md)
26. [Book XXV · chapters 34–41](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26.md)
27. [Book XXVI · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/27.md)
28. [Book XXVI · chapters 11–21](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28.md)
29. [Book XXVI · chapters 21–31](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/29.md)
30. [Book XXVI · chapters 31–41](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30.md)
31. [Book XXVI · chapters 41–51](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/31.md)
32. [Book XXVII · chapters 1–8](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/32.md)
33. [Book XXVII · chapters 8–16](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/33.md)
34. [Book XXVII · chapters 16–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34.md)
35. [Book XXVII · chapters 24–33](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/35.md)
36. [Book XXVII · chapters 33–42](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36.md)
37. [Book XXVII · chapters 42–51](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/37.md)
38. [Book XXVIII · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38.md)
39. [Book XXVIII · chapters 10–19](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/39.md)
40. [Book XXVIII · chapters 19–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/40.md)
41. [Book XXVIII · chapters 29–40](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/41.md)
42. [Book XXVIII · chapters 40–46](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42.md)
43. [Book XXIX · chapters 1–10](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/43.md)
44. [Book XXIX · chapters 10–19](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44.md)
45. [Book XXIX · chapters 19–29](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45.md)
46. [Book XXIX · chapters 29–38](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/46.md)
47. [Book XXX · chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/47.md)
48. [Book XXX · chapters 12–24](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48.md)
49. [Book XXX · chapters 24–34](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/49.md)
50. [Book XXX · chapters 34–45](https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/50.md)

## 1. Book XXI · chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. IN this preface to a part of my history I may properly assert what many an historian has declared at the outset of his entire work, to wit, that the war which I am going to describe was the most memorable of all wars ever waged —the war, that is, which, under the leadership of Hannibal, the Carthaginians waged with the Roman People.

> Latin: 1.1. in parte operis mei licet mihi praefari, quod in principio summae totius professi plerique sunt rerum scriptores, bellum maxime omnium memorabile quae unquam gesta sint me scripturum, quod Hannibale duce Carthaginienses cum populo Romano gessere.

[¶1] 1.2. For neither have states or nations met in arms possessed of ampler resources, nor was their own might and power ever so great. Nor yet were they strangers to one another's modes of fighting, which the First Punic War had made them understand. And so variable were the fortunes of the war and so uncertain was its outcome that those who ultimately conquered had been nearer ruin.

> Latin: 1.2. nam neque ualidiores opibus ullae inter se ciuitates gentesque contulerunt arma neque his ipsis tantum unquam uirium aut roboris fuit; et haud ignotas belli artes inter sese sed expertas primo Punico conferebant bello, et adeo uaria fortuna belli ancepsque Mars fuit ut propius periculum fuerint qui uicerunt.

[¶2] 1.3. The animosity, too, with which they fought was almost greater than their strength: the Romans were enraged that the conquered should be actually drawing sword upon their conquerors; the Phoenicians, because they believed that the conquered had been treated with domineering arrogance and greed.

> Latin: 1.3. odiis etiam prope maioribus certarunt quam uiribus, Romanis indignantibus quod uictoribus uicti ultro inferrent arma, Poenis quod superbe auareque crederent imperitatum uictis esse.

[¶3] 1.4. It is said moreover that when Hannibal, then about nine years old, was childishly teasing his father Hamilcar to take him with him into Spain, his father, who had finished the African war and was sacrificing, before crossing over with his army, led the boy up to the altar and made him touch the offerings and bind himself with an oath that so soon as he should be able he would be the declared enemy of the Roman People.

> Latin: 1.4. fama est etiam Hannibalem annorum ferme nouem, pueriliter blandientem patri Hamilcari ut duceretur in Hispaniam, cum perfecto Africo bello exercitum eo traiecturus sacrificaret, altaribus admotum tactis sacris iure iurando adactum se cum primum posset hostem fore populo Romano.

[¶4] 1.5. The loss of Sicily and Sardinia was a continual torture to the proud spirit of Hamilcar. For he maintained that they had surrendered Sicily in premature despair, and that the Romans had wrongfully appropriated Sardinia — and even imposed an indemnity on them besides —in the midst of their African disturbances.

> Latin: 1.5. angebant ingentis spiritus uirum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae: nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam et Sardiniam inter motum Africae fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam insuper imposito, interceptam.

[¶5] 2.1. Tormented by these thoughts, he so bore himself in the African War, which followed hard upon the Roman peace and lasted for five years, and likewise afterwards, during the nine years he spent in Spain in extending the Punic empire, that it was plain to see that he meditated a more important war than the one he was engaged in, and that if his life had been prolonged, the Phoenicians would have invaded Italy under the leadership of Hamilcar, as they did in fact under that of Hannibal.

> Latin: 2.1. his anxius curis ita se Africo bello quod fuit sub recentem Romanam pacem per quinque annos, ita deinde nouem annis in Hispania augendo Punico imperio gessit ut appareret maius eum quam quod gereret agitare in animo bellum et, si diutius uixisset, Hamilcare duce Poenos arma Italiae inlaturos fuisse qui Hannibalis ductu intulerunt.

[¶6] 2.3. Hamilcar's very timely death and the boyhood of Hannibal delayed the war. In the interval betwixt father and son, the supreme command devolved, for about eight years, on Hasdrubal. It was his youthful beauty, they say, that won for him in the first instance the favour of Hamilcar, who subsequently selected him, no doubt for other, that is mental, qualifications, to be his son-in-law. As such —through the influence of the Barcine faction which was very strong with the soldiers and the common people —he was given the command, though the leading citizens had no liking for this step.

> Latin: 2.3. mors Hamilcaris peropportuna et pueritia Hannibalis distulerunt bellum. medius Hasdrubal inter patrem ac filium octo ferme annos imperium obtinuit, flore aetatis, uti ferunt, primo Hamilcari conciliatus, gener inde ob aliam indolem profecto animi adscitus et, quia gener erat, factionis Barcinae opibus, quae apud milites plebemque plus quam modicae erant, haud sane uoluntate principum, in imperio positus.

[¶7] 2.5. Relying more often on policy than force, Hasdrubal enlarged the sway of Carthage rather by setting up friendly relations with the petty kings and winning over new tribes through the goodwill of their leaders than by war and arms.

> Latin: 2.5. is plura consilio quam ui gerens, hospitiis magis regulorum conciliandisque per amicitiam principum nouis gentibus quam bello aut armis rem Carthaginiensem auxit.

[¶8] 2.6. But he was not a whit more safe for being at peace. A certain barbarian slew him openly, to avenge his master, whom Hasdrubal had put to death. On being seized by the bystanders he expressed in his countenance the cheerfulness of one who had escaped, and even as he was being tortured, joy so got the upper hand of agony that he seemed actually to smile.

> Latin: 2.6. ceterum nihilo ei pax tutior fuit; barbarus eum quidam palam ob iram interfecti ab eo domini obtruncat; comprensusque ab circumstantibus haud alio quam si euasisset uoltu, tormentis quoque cum laceraretur, eo fuit habitu oris ut superante laetitia dolores ridentis etiam speciem praebuerit.

[¶9] 2.7. With this Hasdrubal, because of the marvellous skill which he had shown in tempting the native tribes to join his empire, the Roman People had renewed their covenant, with the stipulation that neither side should extend its dominion beyond the Ebro, while the Saguntines, situated between the empires of the two peoples, should be preserved in independence.

> Latin: 2.7. cum hoc Hasdrubale, quia mirae artis in sollicitandis gentibus imperioque suo iungendis fuerat, foedus renouauerat populus Romanus ut finis utriusque imperii esset amnis Hiberus Saguntinisque mediis inter imperia duorum populorum libertas seruaretur.

[¶10] 3.1. For Hasdrubal's successor there could be no question but that the choice originating with the soldiers —who immediately bore young Hannibal into the praetorium and with loud and universal acclamation hailed him general —would obtain the ratification of the senate. The approval of the commons followed.

> Latin: 3.1. in Hasdrubalis locum haud dubia res fuit quin<am successurus esset;> praerogatiuam militarem qua extemplo iuuenis Hannibal in praetorium delatus imperatorque ingenti omnium clamore atque adsensu appellatus erat fauor etiam plebis sequebatur.

[¶11] 3.2. The new commander had been summoned to Spain by Hasdrubal when a mere lad, and the matter had even been debated in the senate. The Barcine party were urging that Hannibal should become inured to warfare and succeed to the resources of his father, when Hanno, the leader of the other faction, addressed the House. “There is reason,” said he, “in Hasdrubal's request, nevertheless I am opposed to granting it.”

> Latin: 3.2. hunc uixdum puberem Hasdrubal litteris ad se accersierat, actaque res etiam in senatu fuerat. Barcinis nitentibus ut adsuesceret militiae Hannibal atque in paternas succederet opes Hanno, alterius factionis princeps, 'et aequum postulare uidetur' inquit, 'Hasdrubal, et ego tamen non censeo quod petit tribuendum.'

[¶12] 3.4. When astonishment at a speech so inconsistent had attracted everybody's attention, he continued: “The youthful charms which Hasdrubal himself permitted Hannibal's father to enjoy he considers that he has the right to require again at the hands of the son. But that we should accustom our young men, by way of military training, to gratify the concupiscence of our generals is most unseemly.”

> Latin: 3.4. cum admiratione tam ancipitis sententiae in se omnes conuertisset, 'florem aetatis' inquit, 'Hasdrubal, quem ipse patri Hannibalis fruendum praebuit, iusto iure eum a filio repeti censet; nos tamen minime decet iuuentutem nostram pro militari rudimento adsuefacere libidini praetorum.

[¶13] 3.5. “Or do we fear lest Hamilcar's son may too late behold the inordinate powers and the regal pomp which his father has set up? that the son of the king who left our armies as a legacy to his son-in-law may find us too slow in accepting him for our master?”

> Latin: 3.5. an hoc timemus ne Hamilcaris filius nimis sero imperia immodica et regni paterni speciem uideat et, cuius regis genero hereditarii sint relicti exercitus nostri, eius filio parum mature seruiamus?

[¶14] 3.6. “For my part, I think that the young man should be kept at home and taught to live in submission to the laws and the magistrates, upon an equal footing with the others, lest one day this small fire kindle a great conflagration.”

> Latin: 3.6. ego istum iuuenem domi tenendum sub legibus, sub magistratibus, docendum uiuere aequo iure cum ceteris censeo, ne quandoque paruus hic ignis incendium ingens exsuscitet.'

[¶15] 4.1. A few, and these included nearly all the best men, supported Hanno, but, as often happens, the larger party prevailed over the better. Hannibal was sent to Spain, where he was no sooner come than he won the favour of the entire army.

> Latin: 4.1. pauci ac ferme optimus quisque Hannoni adsentiebantur; sed, ut plerumque fit, maior pars meliorem uicit. missus Hannibal in Hispaniam primo statim aduentu omnem exercitum in se conuertit;

[¶16] 4.2. The old soldiers thought that Hamilcar was restored to them as he had been in his youth; they beheld the same lively expression and piercing eye, tile same cast of countenance and features. But he soon brought it to pass that his likeness to his father was the least consideration in gaining him support.

> Latin: 4.2. Hamilcarem iuuenem redditum sibi ueteres milites credere; eundem uigorem in uoltu uimque in oculis, habitum oris lineamentaque intueri. dein breui effecit ut pater in se minimum momentum ad fauorem conciliandum esset.

[¶17] 4.3. Never was the same nature more adaptable to things the most diverse —obedience and command. And so one could not readily have told whether he were dearer to the general or the army.

> Latin: 4.3. nunquam ingenium idem ad res diuersissimas, parendum atque imparandum, habilius fuit. itaque haud facile discerneres utrum imperatori an exercitui carior esset;

[¶18] 4.4. When any bold or difficult deed was to be done, there was no one whom Hasdrubal liked better to entrust with it, nor did any other leader inspire his men with greater confidence or daring.

> Latin: 4.4. neque Hasdrubal alium quemquam praeficere malle ubi quid fortiter ac strenue agendum esset, neque milites alio duce plus confidere aut audere.

[¶19] 4.5. To reckless courage in incurring dangers he united the greatest judgment when in the midst of them. No toil could exhaust his body or overcome his spirit. Of heat and cold he was equally tolerant. His consumption of meat and drink was determined by natural desire, not by pleasure.

> Latin: 4.5. plurimum audaciae ad pericula capessenda, plurimum consilii inter ipsa pericula erat. nullo labore aut corpus fatigari aut animus uinci poterat. caloris ac frigoris patientia par;

[¶20] 4.6. His times of waking and sleeping were not marked off by day or night: what time remained when his work was done he gave to sleep, which he did not court with a soft bed or stillness, but was seen repeatedly by many lying on the ground wrapped in a common soldier's cloak amongst the sentinels and outguards. His dress was in no way superior to that of his fellows, but his arms and horses were conspicuous.

> Latin: 4.6. cibi potionisque desiderio naturali, non uoluptate modus finitus; uigiliarum somnique nec die nec nocte discriminata tempora; id quod gerendis rebus superesset quieti datum; ea neque molli strato neque silentio accersita; multi saepe militari sagulo opertum humi iacentem inter custodias stationesque militum conspexerunt. uestitus nihil inter aequales excellens:

[¶21] 4.8. Both of horsemen and of foot-soldiers he was undoubtedly the first —foremost to enter battle, and last to leave it when the fighting had begun.

> Latin: 4.8. arma atque equi conspiciebantur. equitum peditumque idem longe primus erat; princeps in proelium ibat, ultimus conserto proelio excedebat.

[¶22] 4.9. These admirable qualities of the man were equalled by his monstrous vices: his cruelty was inhuman, his perfidy worse than Punic; he had no regard for truth, and none for sanctity, no fear of the gods, no reverence for an oath, no religious scruple.

> Latin: 4.9. has tantas uiri uirtutes ingentia uitia aequabant, inhumana crudelitas, perfidia plus quam Punica, nihil ueri, nihil sancti, nullus deum metus, nullum ius iurandum, nulla religio.

[¶23] 4.10. With this endowment of good and evil traits he served for the space of three years under Hasdrubal, omitting nothing that should be done or seen by one who was to become a great commander.

> Latin: 4.10. cum hac indole uirtutum atque uitiorum triennio sub Hasdrubale imperatore meruit, nulla re quae agenda uidendaque magno futuro duci esset praetermissa.

[¶24] 5.1. For the rest, from the day on which he was proclaimed commander-in-chief, as though Italy had been assigned to him for his field of operations and he had been instructed to make war on Rome, he felt that no postponement was permissible, lest he too, like his father Hamilcar, and afterwards Hasdrubal, should be overtaken, while delaying, by some accident, and resolved upon attacking the Saguntines.

> Latin: 5.1. ceterum ex quo die dux est declaratus, uelut Italia ei prouincia decreta bellumque Romanum mandatum esset, nihil prolatandum ratus ne se quoque, ut patrem Hamilcarem, deinde Hasdrubalem, cunctantem casus aliquis opprimeret, Saguntinis inferre bellum statuit.

[¶25] 5.3. But since an attack on them must certainly provoke the Romans to hostile action, he marched first into the territory of the Olcades —a tribe living south of the Ebro, within the limits of the Carthaginians but not under their dominion —that he might appear not to have aimed at the Saguntines but to have been drawn into that war by a chain of events, as he conquered the neighbouring nations and annexed their territories.

> Latin: 5.3. quibus oppugnandis quia haud dubie Romana arma mouebantur, in Olcadum prius fines—ultra Hiberum ea gens in parte magis quam in dicione Carthaginiensium erat—induxit exercitum, ut non petisse Saguntinos sed rerum serie finitimis domitis gentibus iungendoque tractus ad id bellum uideri posset.

[¶26] 5.4. Cartala, a wealthy town, the capital of that tribe, he stormed and sacked; and this so terrified the lesser towns that they submitted and agreed to an indemnity. The victorious army, enriched with spoil, was led back to New Carthage for the winter.

> Latin: 5.4. Cartalam, urbem opulentam, caput gentis eius, expugnat diripitque; quo metu perculsae minores ciuitates stipendio imposito imperium accepere. uictor exercitus opulentusque praeda Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna est deductus.

[¶27] 5.5. There, by a generous partition of the booty and the faithful discharge of all arrears of pay, he confirmed them all, both citizens and allies, in their allegiance to himself; and early in the spring pushed forward into the land of the Vaccaei.

> Latin: 5.5. ibi large partiendo praedam stipendioque praeterito cum fide exsoluendo cunctis ciuium sociorumque animis in se firmatis uere primo in Uaccaeos promotum bellum.

[¶28] 5.6. Their cities, Hermandica and Arbocala, were taken by assault. Arbocala, thanks to the bravery and numbers of its inhabitants, held out for a long time.

> Latin: 5.6. Hermandica et Arbocala, eorum urbes, ui captae. Arbocala et uirtute et multitudine oppidanorum diu defensa;

[¶29] 5.7. The fugitives from Hermandica, uniting with the exiles of the Olcades —the tribe which had been subdued in the previous summer —roused up the Carpetani, and falling upon Hannibal as he was returning from the Vaccaei, not far from the river Tagus, threw his column, encumbered as it was with booty, into

> Latin: 5.7. ab Hermandica profugi exsulibus Olcadum, priore aestate domitae gentis, cum se iunxissent, concitant Carpetanos adortique Hannibalem regressum ex Uaccaeis haud procul Tago flumine agmen graue praeda turbauere.

[¶30] 5.9. some disorder. Hannibal refrained from battle and encamped on the bank of the river. As soon as the enemy were settled for the night and silent, he crossed the river by a ford, and so laid out his rampart as to allow them room for crossing, resolving to attack them as they were passing over.

> Latin: 5.9. Hannibal proelio abstinuit castrisque super ripam positis, cum prima quies silentiumque ab hostibus fuit, amnem uado traiecit ualloque ita praeducto ut locum ad transgrediendum hostes haberent inuadere eos transeuntes statuit.

[¶31] 5.10. He ordered his cavalry to charge their column of foot when they saw that it had entered the stream, and posted the elephants, of which he had forty, along the bank.

> Latin: 5.10. equitibus praecepit ut, cum ingressos aquam uiderent, adorirentur impeditum agmen; in ripa elephantos—quadraginta autem erant—disponit.

[¶32] 5.11. The Carpetani, together with the contingents of the Olcades and Vaccaei, numbered a hundred thousand —an invincible array, had they been going to fight in a fair field.

> Latin: 5.11. Carpetanorum cum appendicibus Olcadum Uaccaeorumque centum milia fuere, inuicta acies si aequo dimicaretur campo.

[¶33] 5.12. And so, inspired by a native intrepidity, confiding in their multitude, and believing —since they supposed that their enemies had retreated out of fear —that victory was delayed but till they should have passed the river, they broke into a cheer, and, staying for no man's orders, rushed into the stream wherever it happened to be nearest.

> Latin: 5.12. itaque et ingenio feroces et multitudine freti et, quod metu cessisse credebant hostem, id morari uictoriam rati quod interesset amnis, clamore sublato passim sine ullius imperio qua cuique proximum est in amnem ruunt.

[¶34] 5.13. From the other side a great body of cavalry was sent in against them. The meeting in mid-channel was no equal conflict, for there the footmen were unsteady, and, scarce trusting to the ford, might even have been overthrown by unarmed riders, urging their horses forward at haphazard; while the horsemen, having their bodies and weapons free and horses that were steady even in the deep pools, could fight either at close quarters or long range.

> Latin: 5.13. et ex parte altera ripae uis ingens equitum in flumen immissa, medioque alueo haudquaquam pari certamine concursum, quippe ubi pedes instabilis ac uix uado fidens uel ab inermi equite, equo temere acto, peruerti posset, eques corpore armisque liber, equo uel per medios gurgites stabili, comminus eminusque rem gereret.

[¶35] 5.15. A great part of them perished in the stream; some the eddying current carried over to their enemies, where they were trampled down by the elephants.

> Latin: 5.15. pars magna flumine absumpta; quidam uerticoso amni delati in hostes ab elephantis obtriti sunt.

[¶36] 5.16. The rearmost, who could retreat to their own bank more safely, were gathering from the various directions in which they had fled, when, before they could recover from so great a panic, Hannibal entered the stream in a fighting column, and driving them in confusion from the bank, laid waste their fields, and in a few days' time received the surrender of the Carpetani also.

> Latin: 5.16. postremi, quibus regressus in suam ripam tutior fuit, ex uaria trepidatione cum in unum colligerentur, priusquam in tanto pauore reciperent animos, Hannibal agmine quadrato amnem ingressus fugam ex ripa fecit uastatisque agris intra paucos dies Carpetanos quoque in deditionem accepit;

[¶37] 5.17. And now everything south of the Ebro, except Saguntum, was in the hands of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 5.17. et iam omnia trans Hiberum praeter Saguntinos Carthaginiensium erant.

[¶38] 6.1. With the Saguntines there was as yet no war, but quarrels that might be a pretext for it were already being sown betwixt them and their neighbours, especially the Turdetani. Now when the side of the Turdetani was espoused by the same man who had sowed the quarrel, and it was clearly seen that he was aiming not at arbitration but force, the Saguntines sent ambassadors to Rome, imploring help for a war that was now indubitably imminent. The Roman consuls at that time were Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Longus. After introducing the ambassadors into the senate, they had brought up the question of public policy, and the senators had voted to dispatch envoys to Spain, to examine into the affairs of their allies, to the end that, if there appeared to be just cause, they might formally warn Hannibal to keep aloof from the Saguntines, the allies of the Roman People; after which they were to cross over into Africa, to Carthage, and present the complaint of Rome's allies. This embassy had been voted but not yet sent off, when, sooner than all expectation, came the news that Saguntum was besieged. The case was then referred anew to the senate.

> Latin: 6.1. cum Saguntinis bellum nondum erat; ceterum iam belli causa certamina cum finitimis serebantur, maxime Turdetanis. quibus cum adesset idem qui litis erat sator, nec certamen iuris sed uim quaeri appareret, legati a Saguntinis Romam missi auxilium ad bellum iam haud dubie imminens orantes. consules tunc Romae erant P. Cornelius Scipio et Ti. Sempronius Longus. qui cum legatis in senatum introductis de re publica rettulissent placuissetque mitti legatos in Hispaniam ad res sociorum inspiciendas, quibus si uideretur digna causa, et Hannibali denuntiarent ut ab Saguntinis, sociis populi Romani, abstineret et Carthaginem in Africam traicerent ac sociorum populi Romani

[¶39] 6.5. Some were for sending the consuls into Spain and Africa respectively and waging war by land and sea; others wanted to direct their whole force against Spain and Hannibal; some there were who argued that so grave a quarrel should not be lightly entered on, and proposed to await the return

> Latin: 6.5. querimonias deferrent—hac legatione decreta necdum missa, omnium spe celerius Saguntum oppugnari allatum est. tunc relata de integro res ad senatum est; alii prouincias consulibus Hispaniam atque Africam decernentes terra marique rem gerendam censebant, alii totum in Hispaniam Hannibalemque intenderant bellum;

[¶40] 6.7. of the envoys out of Spain. This last opinion, which seemed the safest, carried the day, and the envoys, Publius Valerius Flaccus and Quintus Baebius Tamphilus, were sent off with the more dispatch. They were to go to Saguntum first, to Hannibal, and thence, if he would not cease hostilities, to Carthage, to demand the surrender of the general himself in satisfaction of the broken treaty.

> Latin: 6.7. erant qui non temere mouendam rem tantam exspectandosque ex Hispania legatos censerent. haec sententia, quae tutissima uidebatur, uicit legatique eo maturius missi, P. Ualerius Flaccus et Q. Baebius Tampilus, Saguntum ad Hannibalem atque inde Carthaginem si non absisteretur bello ad ducem ipsum in poenam foederis rupti deposcendum.

[¶41] 7.1. While the Romans were thus planning and deliberating, the siege of Saguntum was already being pressed with the greatest vigour.

> Latin: 7.1. dum ea Romani parant consultantque, iam Saguntum summa ui oppugnabatur.

[¶42] 7.2. This city was much the wealthiest of those beyond the Ebro and was situated about a mile from the sea. Its inhabitants are said to have come originally from the island of Zacynthus, and to have included also a strain from the Ardeate Rutulians.

> Latin: 7.2. ciuitas ea longe opulentissima ultra Hiberum fuit, sita passus mille ferme a mari. oriundi a Zacyntho insula dicuntur mixtique etiam ab Ardea Rutulorum quidam generis;

[¶43] 7.3. Be this as it may, they had attained quickly to their great prosperity, whether owing to the produce of the sea or the land, to the growth of their population, or to the integrity of their discipline, which caused them to keep faith with their allies even to their own undoing.

> Latin: 7.3. ceterum in tantas breui creuerant opes seu maritimis seu terrestribus fructibus seu multitudinis incremento seu disciplinae sanctitate qua fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Hannibal infesto exercitu ingressus fines, peruastatis passim agris urbem tripertito adgreditur.

[¶44] 7.5. Crossing their borders with a hostile army Hannibal laid waste their country far and wide and advanced in three divisions against their city. There was an angle of the wall that gave on a valley more open and more level than the other ground about the town.

> Latin: 7.5. angulus muri erat in planiorem patentioremque quam cetera circa uallem uergens; aduersus eum uineas agere instituit per quas aries moenibus admoueri posset.

[¶45] 7.6. Against this he determined to bring up pent-houses, that under their cover the battering-rams might be brought into contact with the walls.

> Latin: 7.6. sed ut locus procul muro satis aequus agendis uineis fuit, ita haudquaquam prospere, postquam ad effectum operis uentum est, coeptis succedebat.

[¶46] 7.7. But though the ground at some distance from the wall was smooth enough for moving the pent-houses, the attempt succeeded very ill when it came to the final execution of it. There was a great overhanging tower, and the wall —as was natural in a suspected place —had been carried up to a greater height than elsewhere, and the pick of the fighting men having been stationed there, where the greatest danger threatened, offered a more strenuous resistance.

> Latin: 7.7. et turris ingens imminebat et murus, ut in suspecto loco, supra ceterae modum altitudinis emunitus erat, et iuuentus delecta ubi plurimum periculi ac timoris ostendebatur ibi ui maiore obsistebant.

[¶47] 7.8. At first they drove the assailants off with missiles and left no spot safe for their pioneers; afterwards not only did their javelins dart from wall and tower, but they even had the hardihood to sally out against the pickets and earthworks of their enemies, and in these rough-and-tumble fights hardly more Saguntines fell than Phoenicians.

> Latin: 7.8. ac primo missilibus summouere hostem nec quicquam satis tutum munientibus pati; deinde iam non pro moenibus modo atque turri tela micare, sed ad erumpendum etiam in stationes operaque hostium animus erat; quibus tumultuariis certaminibus haud ferme plures Saguntini cadebant quam Poeni.

[¶48] 7.10. But when Hannibal himself, who had somewhat incautiously ventured up under the wall, was severely wounded in the front of his thigh with a heavy javelin and sank to the ground, those about him fell into such confusion and dismay as almost to abandon their works and pent-houses.

> Latin: 7.10. ut uero Hannibal ipse, dum murum incautius subit, aduersum femur tragula grauiter ictus cecidit, tanta circa fuga ac trepidatio fuit ut non multum abesset quin opera ac uineae desererentur.

[¶49] 8.1. For the next few days, while the general's hurt was healing, there was rather a blockade than an assault; but though during this interval there was rest from combat, yet was there no slackening in the preparation of engines and defences.

> Latin: 8.1. obsidio deinde per paucos dies magis quam oppugnatio fuit dum uolnus ducis curaretur; per quod tempus ut quies certaminum erat ita ab apparatu operum ac munitionum nihil cessatum.

[¶50] 8.2. Accordingly the fighting broke out afresh more fiercely than before, and pent-houses began to be pushed forward and rams brought up at many points, though in some places the ground would hardly admit of them.

> Latin: 8.2. itaque acrius de integro coortum est bellum pluribusque partibus, uix accipientibus quibusdam opera locis, uineae coeptae agi admouerique aries.

[¶51] 8.3. The Phoenician was lavishly equipped with men —he is credibly supposed to have had a hundred and fifty thousand under arms —but the townsmen, who, in order to guard and defend every quarter, had been divided into numerous companies, found their strength inadequate.

> Latin: 8.3. abundabat multitudine hominum Poenus—ad centum enim quinquaginta milia habuisse in armis satis creditur—: oppidani ad omnia tuenda atque obeunda multifariam distineri coepti non sufficiebant.

[¶52] 8.5. And so now the walls were being battered with rams and in many places had been severely shaken. One section, giving way continuously for some distance, had exposed the town: three towers in a row, together with the wall connecting them, had come down with a loud crash.

> Latin: 8.5. itaque iam feriebantur arietibus muri quassataeque multae partes erant; una continentibus ruinis nudauerat urbem; tres deinceps turres quantumque inter eas muri erat cum fragore ingenti prociderant.

[¶53] 8.6. The Phoenicians believed that the town was taken with that breach, through which from either side men rushed to attack, as though the wall had protected both parties alike.

> Latin: 8.6. captum oppidum ea ruina crediderant Poeni, qua, uelut si pariter utrosque murus texisset, ita utrimque in pugnam procursum est.

[¶54] 8.7. It was not at all like the mellays that commonly occur in sieges, where one side gets an opportunity, but regular battle lines had formed, as in an open field, between the ruins of the wall and the buildings of the city, which stood at some distance off.

> Latin: 8.7. nihil tumultuariae pugnae simile erat, quales in oppugnationibus urbium per occasionem partis alterius conseri solent, sed iustae acies, uelut patenti campo, inter ruinas muri tectaque urbis modico distantia interuallo constiterant.

[¶55] 8.8. On this side hope, on that despair inspired courage. The Phoenicians believed the city to be theirs, if they put forth a little effort. The Saguntines opposed their bodies to defend their city, denuded of its walls, nor would one of them draw back his foot lest he admit an enemy to the spot which he had vacated.

> Latin: 8.8. hinc spes, hinc desperatio animos inritat, Poeno cepisse iam se urbem si paulum adnitatur credente, Saguntinis pro nudata moenibus patria corpora opponentibus nec ullo pedem referente ne in relictum a se locum hostem immitteret.

[¶56] 8.9. And the harder both sides fought and the more they crowded in together, the greater was the number of those wounded, for no missile fell without taking effect on shield or body.

> Latin: 8.9. itaque quo acrius et confertim magis utrimque pugnabatur, eo plures uolnerabantur nullo inter arma corporaque uano intercidente telo.

[¶57] 8.10. The Saguntines had a javelin, called a phalarica, with a shaft of fir, which was round except at the end whence the iron projected; this part, four-sided as in the pilum, they wrapped with tow and smeared with pitch.

> Latin: 8.10. phalarica erat Saguntinis missile telum hastili abiegno et cetera tereti praeterquam ad extremum unde ferrum exstabat; id, sicut in pilo, quadratum stuppa circumligabant linebantque pice;

[¶58] 8.11. Now the iron was three feet long, that it might be able to go through both shield and body. But what chiefly made it terrible, even if it stuck fast in the shield and did not penetrate the body, was this, that when it had been lighted at the middle and so hurled, the flames were fanned to a fiercer heat by its very motion, and it forced the soldier to let go his shield, and left him unprotected against the blows that followed.

> Latin: 8.11. ferrum autem tres longum habebat pedes ut cum armis transfigere corpus posset. sed id maxime, etiamsi haesisset in scuto nec penetrasset in corpus, pauorem faciebat quod, cum medium accensum mitteretur conceptumque ipso motu multo maiorem ignem ferret, arma omitti cogebat nudumque militem ad insequentes ictus praebebat.

[¶59] 9.1. When the outcome of the struggle had long been doubtful, and the Saguntines, because they were holding out beyond their hopes, had gained new courage, while the Phoenician, because he had not conquered, was as good as beaten;

> Latin: 9.1. cum diu anceps fuisset certamen et Saguntinis quia praeter spem resisterent creuissent animi, Poenus quia non uicisset pro uicto esset, clamorem repente oppidani tollunt hostemque in ruinas muri expellunt, inde impeditum trepidantemque exturbant, postremo fusum fugatumque in castra redigunt.

[¶60] 9.2. suddenly the townspeople set up a shout and thrust forth their enemies amongst the ruins of the wall, and routing them out from thence, confused and frightened, drove them back at last in full flight to their camp. In the meantime it was announced that ambassadors had come from Rome. Hannibal sent men to the shore to meet them and say that it would not be safe for them to come to him through the armed bands of so many unruly tribes, and that he had no time for listening to embassies at so critical a juncture. It was clear that, if they were denied a hearing, they would at once proceed to Carthage.

> Latin: 9.2. interim ab Roma legatos uenisse nuntiatum est; quibus obuiam ad mare missi ab Hannibale qui dicerent nec tuto eos adituros inter tot tam effrenatarum gentium arma nec Hannibali in tanto discrimine rerum operae esse legationes audire.

[¶61] 9.4. He therefore dispatched couriers before them, with a letter for the leaders of the Barcine faction, so that they might prepare the minds of their adherents to prevent the opposing party from affording any satisfaction to the Roman People.

> Latin: 9.4. apparebat non admissos protinus Carthaginem ituros. litteras igitur nuntiosque ad principes factionis Barcinae praemittit ut praepararent suorum animos ne quid pars altera gratificari populo Romano posset.

[¶62] 10.1. Accordingly, save for being admitted and allowed a hearing, this mission also was idle and of no effect.

> Latin: 10.1. itaque, praeterquam quod admissi auditique sunt, ea quoque uana atque inrita legatio fuit.

[¶63] 10.2. Hanno stood alone in pleading for the treaty against the views of the senate. There was a deep hush while he spoke, by reason of his personal authority, but he was listened to without approval. He adjured the senators in the name of the gods, vouchers for treaties and their witnesses, to provoke not a Roman along with the Saguntine war.

> Latin: 10.2. Hanno unus aduersus senatum causam foederis magno silentio propter auctoritatem suam, non cum adsensu audientium egit, per deos foederum arbitros ac testes obtestans ne Romanum cum Saguntino suscitarent bellum;

[¶64] 10.3. He had advised them and forewarned them not to send the offspring of Hamilcar to the army; neither the man's ghost nor his progeny was at rest, nor ever, so long as any of the lineage and name of Barca should survive, would the treaty with the Romans rest untroubled.

> Latin: 10.3. monuisse, praedixisse se ne Hamilcaris progeniem ad exercitum mitterent; non manes, non stirpem eius conquiescere uiri, nec unquam donec sanguinis nominisque Barcini quisquam supersit quietura Romana foedera.

[¶65] 10.4. “You have sent to your armies,” he went on, “as though heaping fuel on a fire, a youth who burns with lust for sovereign power and sees but one way to obtain it —if, by sowing seeds of war, he can raise up other wars and live girt round with arms and legions.”

> Latin: 10.4. 'iuuenem flagrantem cupidine regni uiamque unam ad id cernentem si ex bellis bella serendo succinctus armis legionibusque uiuat, uelut materiam igni praebentes, ad exercitus misistis. aluistis ergo hoc incendium quo nunc ardetis.

[¶66] 10.5. “You have therefore fed these flames with which you are now ablaze. Your armies now invest Saguntum, which the treaty forbids them to approach: ere long the Roman legions will be investing Carthage, led by those very gods who helped them in the former war to avenge the broken treaty.”

> Latin: 10.5. Saguntum uestri circumsedent exercitus unde arcentur foedere; mox Carthaginem circumsedebunt Romanae legiones ducibus iisdem dis per quos priore bello rupta foedera sunt ulti.

[¶67] 10.6. “Is it your enemy you know not, or yourselves, or the fortunes of both peoples? When ambassadors came from allies on behalf of allies, your worthy general would not admit them to his camp, but thrust aside the law of nations; nevertheless these men, being driven from a place where even an enemy's envoys are admitted, have come to you. They seek amends in accordance with a treaty. That the state may be void of offence, they demand the author of the wrong, the man on whom they charge the guilt.”

> Latin: 10.6. utrum hostem an uos an fortunam utriusque populi ignoratis? legatos ab sociis et pro sociis uenientes bonus imperator uester in castra non admisit; ius gentium sustulit; hi tamen, unde ne hostium quidem legati arcentur, pulsi, ad uos uenerunt. res ex foedere repetuntur; publica fraus absit: auctorem culpae et reum criminis deposcunt.

[¶68] 10.7. “The more mildly they proceed, the more slowly they begin, the more obstinate, I fear, when they have begun, will be their rage. Set Eryx and the Aegatian islands before your eyes, and all that you suffered by land and sea for four and twenty years.”

> Latin: 10.7. quo lenius agunt, segnius incipiunt, eo cum coeperint uereor ne perseuerantius saeuiant. Aegates insulas Erycemque ante oculos proponite, quae terra marique per quattuor et uiginti annos passi sitis.

[¶69] 10.8. “Nor was this boy your leader, but Hamilcar himself, the father, a second Mars, as his partisans will have it. But we could not keep our hands from Tarentum, that is, from Italy, as by treaty bound, even as now we cannot keep them from Saguntum.”

> Latin: 10.8. nec puer hic dux erat sed pater ipse Hamilcar, Mars alter, ut isti uolunt. sed Tarento, id est Italia, non abstinueramus ex foedere, sicut nunc Sagunto non abstinemus;

[¶70] 10.9. “Gods therefore vanquished men, and that which had been verbally disputed —which people of the twain had broken the treaty — the outcome of the war, like an impartial judge, decided, and to those who had the right granted the victory.”

> Latin: 10.9. uicerunt ergo di hominesque et, id de quo uerbis ambigebatur uter populus foedus rupisset, euentus belli uelut aequus iudex, unde ius stabat, ei uictoriam dedit. Carthagini nunc Hannibal uineas turresque admouet:

[¶71] 10.10. “It is Carthage against which Hannibal is now bringing up his pent-houses and towers; it is the walls of Carthage he is battering with his rams. Saguntum's walls —may my prophecy prove false! — will fall upon our heads, and the war we have entered upon with the Saguntines we must carry on against the Romans.”

> Latin: 10.10. Carthaginis moenia quatit ariete. Sagunti ruinae—falsus utinam uates sim—nostris capitibus incident, susceptumque cum Saguntinis bellum habendum cum Romanis est. dedemus ergo Hannibalem?

[¶72] 10.11. 'Shall we then surrender Hannibal?' someone will ask. I know that my influence is slight, because of my quarrel with his father; but I rejoiced when Hamilcar perished, for this reason, that were he living, we should now be at war with Rome;

> Latin: 10.11. dicet aliquis. scio meam leuem esse in eo auctoritatem propter paternas inimicitias; sed et Hamilcarem eo perisse laetatus sum quod, si ille uiueret, bellum iam haberemus cum Romanis, et hunc iuuenem tamquam furiam facemque huius belli odi ac detestor;

[¶73] 10.12. “and this young man, who, like a fury, now brandishes the torch of war, I loathe and abominate, and I hold, not only that he ought to be surrendered in expiation of the broken treaty, but that, if none demanded him, he ought to be deported to the farthest limits of land and sea —to be banished to a place whence neither name nor fame of his could reach us, nor he be able to vex the quiet of our state.”

> Latin: 10.12. nec dedendum solum id piaculum rupti foederis, sed si nemo deposcit, deuehendum in ultimas maris terrarumque oras, ablegandum eo unde nec ad nos nomen famaque eius accedere neque ille sollicitare quietae ciuitatis statum possit, ego ita censeo.

[¶74] 10.13. “My opinion is this: we should send ambassadors at once to Rome, to give satisfaction to the senate; and others to announce to Hannibal that he must withdraw his army from Saguntum, and to hand over Hannibal himself to the Romans as the treaty requires; a third embassy I would send to make restitution to the Saguntines.”

> Latin: 10.13. legatos extemplo Romam mittendos qui senatui satisfaciant, alios qui Hannibali nuntient ut exercitum ab Sagunto abducat ipsumque Hannibalem ex foedere Romanis dedant, tertiam legationem ad res Saguntinis reddendas decerno.'

[¶75] 11.1. When Hanno had concluded, not a single person found it necessary to oppose his arguments, so nearly unanimous was the senate in supporting Hannibal. They declared that Hanno had spoken more bitterly than Valerius Flaccus, the Roman envoy.

> Latin: 11.1. cum Hanno perorasset, nemini omnium certare oratione cum eo necesse fuit; adeo prope omnis senatus Hannibalis erat, infestiusque locutum arguebant Hannonem quam Flaccum Ualerium, legatum Romanum.

[¶76] 11.2. They then gave their answer to the envoys, to the effect that the war had been begun by the Saguntines, not by Hannibal, and that the Roman People would be doing wrong if they preferred the Saguntines to their very ancient alliance with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 11.2. responsum inde legatis Romanis est bellum ortum ab Saguntinis, non ab Hannibale esse; populum Romanum iniuste facere, si Saguntinos uetustissimae Carthaginiensium societati praeponat.

[¶77] 11.3. While the Romans were wasting time in dispatching embassies, Hannibal had allowed his soldiers, exhausted as they were with fighting and constructing works, to rest for a few days, after posting outguards to look to the pent-houses and other engines. Meanwhile he kindled their ardour, now by inciting them to rage against their enemies, again by holding out hopes of rewards.

> Latin: 11.3. dum Romani tempus terunt legationibus mittendis, Hannibal, quia fessum militem proeliis operibusque habebat, paucorum iis dierum quietem dedit stationibus ad custodiam uinearum aliorumque operum dispositis. interim animos eorum nunc ira in hostes stimulando, nunc spe praemiorum accendit;

[¶78] 11.4. But when he made a speech proclaiming that the spoils of the captured city should go to the soldiers, they were so excited, one and all, that if the signal had been given instantly, it seemed as if no force could have withstood them.

> Latin: 11.4. ut uero pro contione praedam captae urbis edixit militum fore, adeo accensi omnes sunt ut, si extemplo signum datum esset, nulla ui resisti uideretur posse.

[¶79] 11.5. The Saguntines, though they had had a rest from fighting, neither attacking nor being attacked for several days, had laboured incessantly, both day and night, to replace the wall where its collapse had exposed the town. The assault was now resumed, with far greater fury than before, and it was hard for the inhabitants to know, when shouts and cries were resounding on every hand, to what point they should first, or preferably, bring up supports.

> Latin: 11.5. Saguntini ut a proeliis quietem habuerant nec lacessentes nec lacessiti per aliquot dies, ita non nocte, non die unquam cessauerant ab opere, ut nouum murum ab ea parte qua patefactum oppidum ruinis erat reficerent.

[¶80] 11.6. Hannibal was present in person to urge on his men, where they were pushing up a movable tower that surpassed in height all the defences of the city.

> Latin: 11.6. inde oppugnatio eos aliquanto atrocior quam ante adorta est, nec qua primum aut potissimum parte ferrent opem, cum omnia uariis clamoribus streperent, satis scire poterant.

[¶81] 11.7. As soon as it had been brought up, and the catapults and ballistae distributed through all its platforms had stripped the ramparts of defenders, Hannibal, believing that he now had his opportunity, sent about five hundred Africans with pickaxes to undermine the wall. This was no hard task, for the rubble had not been solidified with mortar, but filled in with mud, after an ancient mode of building.

> Latin: 11.7. ipse Hannibal qua turris mobilis, omnia munimenta urbis superans altitudine, agebatur hortator aderat. quae cum admota catapultis ballistisque per omnia tabulata dispositis muros defensoribus nudasset, tum Hannibal occasionem ratus, quingentos ferme Afros cum dolabris ad subruendum ab imo murum mittit;

[¶82] 11.8. It therefore fell for wider stretches than were actually hacked away, and through the breaches bands of armed men passed into the city.

> Latin: 11.8. nec erat difficile opus, quod caementa non calce durata erant sed interlita luto, structurae antiquae genere.

[¶83] 11.9. They even seized an elevation, and setting up catapults and ballistae there, built a wall around it, so as to have within the town itself a stronghold that commanded it like a citadel.

> Latin: 11.9. itaque latius quam qua caederetur ruebat perque patentia ruinis agmina armatorum in urbem uadebant.

[¶84] 11.10. The Saguntines too built a wall within the old one, to protect that part of the city that was not yet taken. On both sides the soldiers worked and fought with the utmost energy; but the Saguntines, contracting their defences, were bringing their city day by day within a smaller compass.

> Latin: 11.10. locum quoque editum capiunt, conlatisque eo catapultis ballistisque ut castellum in ipsa urbe uelut arcem imminentem haberent muro circumdant; et Saguntini murum interiorem ab nondum capta parte urbis ducunt. utrimque summa ui et muniunt et pugnant;

[¶85] 11.11. At the same time there was an increasing scarcity of everything, on account of the long blockade; and the prospect of help from without was growing less, since the Romans, their only hope, were so far away, and all the country round about was in the possession of their enemies.

> Latin: 11.11. sed interiora tuendo minorem in dies urbem Saguntini faciunt. simul crescit inopia omnium longa obsidione et minuitur exspectatio externae opis, cum tam procul Romani, unica spes, circa omnia hostium essent.

[¶86] 11.13. Yet their drooping spirits were revived for a little while by the sudden departure of Hannibal for the territories of the Oretani and the Carpetani. These two nations, exasperated by a rigorous conscription, had seized the recruiting officers and thereby given rise to fears of a revolt, but were caught unprepared by Hannibal's celerity, and laid down the arms they had taken up.

> Latin: 11.13. paulisper tamen adfectos animos recreauit repentina profectio Hannibalis in Oretanos Carpetanosque, qui duo populi, dilectus acerbitate consternati, retentis conquisitoribus metum defectionis cum praebuissent, oppressi celeritate Hannibalis omiserunt mota arma.

[¶87] 12.1. But the siege of Saguntum did not flag. Maharbal, the son of Himilco, whom Hannibal had left in charge, so bestirred himself that the absence of the general was felt neither by his countrymen nor by the enemy.

> Latin: 12.1. nec Sagunti oppugnatio segnior erat Maharbale Himilconis filio—eum praefecerat Hannibal—ita impigre rem agente ut ducem abesse nec ciues nec hostes sentirent.

[¶88] 12.2. He fought a number of successful skirmishes, and with three battering-rams laid low a considerable portion of the wall, and on Hannibal's return, showed him the place all covered with the newly fallen ruins.

> Latin: 12.2. is et proelia aliquot secunda fecit et tribus arietibus aliquantum muri discussit strataque omnia recentibus ruinis aduenienti Hannibali ostendit.

[¶89] 12.3. And so the troops were led at once against the citadel itself, and a fierce battle began, in which many on both sides were killed and a part of the citadel was taken. An all but hopeless attempt to arrange a peace was then made by two men, Alco, a Saguntine, and a Spaniard named Alorcus.

> Latin: 12.3. itaque ad ipsam arcem extemplo ductus exercitus atroxque proelium cum multorum utrimque caede initum et pars arcis capta est. temptata deinde per duos est exigua pacis spes, Alconem Saguntinum et Alorcum Hispanum.

[¶90] 12.4. Alco, thinking that something might be effected by entreaties, went over to Hannibal in the night, without the knowledge of the Sanguntines. But finding that tears were of no avail and that the terms obtainable were such as a wrathful conqueror would impose, he changed from pleader to deserter, and remained with the enemy, declaring that anybody who should treat for peace on those conditions would be put to death.

> Latin: 12.4. Alco insciis Saguntinis, precibus aliquid moturum ratus, cum ad Hannibalem noctu transisset, postquam nihil lacrimae mouebant condicionesque tristes, ut ab irato uictore, ferebantur, transfuga ex oratore factus apud hostem mansit, moriturum adfirmans qui sub condicionibus iis de pace ageret.

[¶91] 12.5. The conditions were as follows: they must make restitution to the Turdetani, and, delivering up all their gold and silver, quit their city with a single garment each and take up their abode where the Phoenician should direct them.

> Latin: 12.5. postulabatur autem, redderent res Turdetanis traditoque omni auro atque argento egressi urbe cum singulis uestimentis ibi habitarent ubi Poenus iussisset.

[¶92] 12.6. When Alco asserted that the Saguntines would not accept such terms, Alorcus, affirming that where all else is conquered the heart is conquered too, undertook the negotiation of a peace. He was at that time a soldier in the service of Hannibal, but was officially recognized by the Saguntines as their friend and guest.

> Latin: 12.6. has pacis leges abnuente Alcone accepturos Saguntinos, Alorcus, uinci animos ubi alia uincantur adfirmans, se pacis eius interpretem fore pollicetur; erat autem tum miles Hannibalis, ceterum publice Saguntinis amicus atque hospes.

[¶93] 12.7. Openly surrendering his weapon to the sentries, he passed the enemy's lines, and was conducted —by his own command —before the Saguntine general.

> Latin: 12.7. traditio palam telo custodibus hostium transgressus munimenta ad praetorem Saguntinum—et ipse ita iubebat—est deductus.

[¶94] 12.8. A crowd of all descriptions immediately flocked together there; but all save the senators were sent away, and Alorcus, being permitted to address them, spoke as follows:

> Latin: 12.8. quo cum extemplo concursus omnis generis hominum esset factus, submota cetera multitudine senatus Alorco datus est, cuius talis oratio fuit:

[¶95] 13.1. “If Alco, your own fellow citizen, after going to Hannibal to sue for peace, had brought back to you the terms of peace which Hannibal offers, this journey of mine would have been superfluous, for I should have come to you neither as Hannibal's spokesman nor yet as a deserter.”

> Latin: 13.1. 'si ciuis uester Alco, sicut ad pacem petendam ad Hannibalem uenit, ita pacis condiciones ab Hannibale ad uos rettulisset, superuacaneum hoc mihi fuisset iter, quo nec orator Hannibalis nec transfuga ad uos ueni;

[¶96] 13.2. “But seeing that, whether through your fault or his own, he has stopped behind with your enemy —his own if his fears were feigned, yours if it is unsafe to bring you a true report —that you might not be ignorant that terms there are upon which you may enjoy both life and peace, I have come to you myself, having regard to the long-standing friendship which subsists between us.”

> Latin: 13.2. sed cum ille aut uestra aut sua culpa manserit apud hostem—sua, si metum simulauit: uestra, si periculum est apud uos uera referentibus—ego, ne ignoraretis esse et salutis aliquas et pacis uobis condiciones, pro uetusto hospitio quod mihi uobiscum est ad uos ueni.

[¶97] 13.3. “Moreover, that I say what I say for your sake and no other's, you may take this as proof: so long as you held your ground with your own forces, and expected to receive help from the Romans, I never mentioned peace to you;”

> Latin: 13.3. uestra autem causa me nec ullius alterius loqui quae loquor apud uos uel ea fides sit quod neque dum uestris uiribus restitistis neque dum auxilia ab Romanis sperastis pacis unquam apud uos mentionem feci.

[¶98] 13.4. “but now that you have no longer any hope from Rome, and neither your arms nor your fortifications are adequate to defend you, I bring you a peace more necessary than equitable.”

> Latin: 13.4. postquam nec ab Romanis uobis ulla est spes nec uestra uos iam aut arma aut moenia satis defendunt, pacem adfero ad uos magis necessariam quam aequam.

[¶99] 13.5. “That this peace may be realized there is some ground for hoping only if, even as Hannibal proposes it in the spirit of a conqueror, so you shall hearken to it in the spirit of the conquered, and shall not consider as lost what is taken from you, since all things are the victor's, but consider whatever is left you as a gift.”

> Latin: 13.5. cuius ita aliqua spes est, si eam, quemadmodum ut uictor fert Hannibal, sic uos ut uicti audiatis; si non id quod amittitur in damno, cum omnia uictoris sint, sed quidquid relinquitur pro munere habituri estis.

[¶100] 13.6. “Your city, which he has in great part overthrown, and almost wholly captured, he takes from you: your lands he leaves you, and intends to designate a site whereon you may erect a new town.”

> Latin: 13.6. urbem uobis, quam ex magna parte dirutam, captam fere totam habet, adimit: agros relinquit, locum adsignaturus in quo nouum oppidum aedificetis. aurum et argentum omne, publicum priuatumque, ad se iubet deferri:

[¶101] 13.7. “All your gold and silver, both public and private, he orders to be brought to him: your persons, with those of your wives and children, he preserves inviolate, if you are willing to go forth unarmed from Saguntum with two garments each.”

> Latin: 13.7. corpora uestra coniugum ac liberorum uestrorum seruat inuiolata, si inermes cum binis uestimentis uelitis ab Sagunto exire.

[¶102] 13.8. “These terms a victorious enemy imposes on you; these terms, albeit harsh and cruel, your fortune counsels you to accept. Indeed I am not without hope that when full control of everything shall have been granted him, he may remit somewhat of this severity;”

> Latin: 13.8. haec uictor hostis imperat; haec quamquam sunt grauia atque acerba, fortuna uestra uobis suadet. equidem haud despero, cum omnium potestas ei facta sit, aliquid ex his rebus remissurum;

[¶103] 13.9. “but even this you ought, I think, rather to endure than to suffer yourselves to be massacred and your wives and children to be forcibly dragged away into captivity before your eyes, in accordance with the laws of war.”

> Latin: 13.9. sed uel haec patienda censeo potius quam trucidari corpora uestra, rapi trahique ante ora uestra coniuges ac liberos belli iure sinatis.'

## 2. Book XXI · chapters 14–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/#p-N

[¶0] 14.1. To hear this speech the populace had little by little crowded round, and the people's council had mingled with the senate, when on a sudden the leading men, withdrawing from the throng before an answer could be given, fetched all the gold and silver, both of state and private ownership, into the market-place, and casting it into a fire which they had hurriedly made up for this purpose, many threw themselves headlong into the same flames.

> Latin: 14.1. ad haec audienda cum circumfusa paulatim multitudine permixtum senatui esset populi concilium, repente primores secessione facta priusquam responsum daretur argentum aurumque omne ex publico priuatoque in forum conlatum in ignem ad id raptim factum conicientes eodem plerique semet ipsi praecipitauerunt.

[¶1] 14.2. The resulting panic and dismay had no sooner spread to all the city, than another loud noise and outcry were heard from the citadel. A tower that had long been battered had collapsed, and through the breach a cohort of Phoenicians had rushed in and signalled to the general that the city was denuded of its customary guards and sentinels.

> Latin: 14.2. cum ex eo pauor ac trepidatio totam urbem peruasisset, alius insuper tumultus ex arce auditur. turris diu quassata prociderat, perque ruinam eius cohors Poenorum impetu facto cum signum imperatori dedisset nudatam stationibus custodiisque solitis hostium esse urbem, non cunctandum in tali occasione ratus Hannibal, totis uiribus adgressus urbem momento cepit, signo dato ut omnes puberes interficerentur.

[¶2] 14.3. Hannibal, deeming it no time to hesitate, when such an opportunity offered, attacked with all his strength and captured the city out of hand.

> Latin: 14.3. quod imperium crudele, ceterum prope necessarium cognitum ipso euentu est;

[¶3] 14.4. He had given orders that all the grown inhabitants be put to the sword —a cruel command, but found in the upshot to have been well-nigh inevitable; for who could be spared of those who either shut themselves up with their wives and children and burned the houses over their own heads, or took arms and never gave over fighting till they died?

> Latin: 14.4. cui enim parci potuit ex iis qui aut inclusi cum coniugibus ac liberis domos super se ipsos concremauerunt aut armati nullum ante finem pugnae quam morientes fecerunt?

[¶4] 15.1. The captured town yielded enormous spoils. For although much property had been destroyed on purpose by its owners, and in the carnage rage had scarce made any distinction of years, and the captives had been given as booty to the soldiers, nevertheless it is agreed that a large sum was realized from the sale of goods, and much valuable furniture and apparel sent to Carthage.

> Latin: 15.1. captum oppidum est cum ingenti praeda. quamquam pleraque ab dominis de industria corrupta erant et in caedibus uix ullum discrimen aetatis ira fecerat et captiui militum praeda fuerant, tamen et ex pretio rerum uenditarum aliquantum pecuniae redactum esse constat et multam pretiosam supellectilem uestemque missam Carthaginem. octauo mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripsere;

[¶5] 15.3. Some have recorded that Saguntum was taken in the eighth month from the beginning of the siege; that Hannibal then retired to New Carthage, into winter quarters; and then, after leaving New Carthage, arrived in the fifth month in Italy.

> Latin: 15.3. inde Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna Hannibalem concessisse; quinto deinde mense quam ab Carthagine profectus sit in Italiam peruenisse.

[¶6] 15.4. If this is so, it cannot have been the case that Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius were the consuls to whom the Saguntine envoys were dispatched in the beginning of the siege, and who, in their own year of office, fought with Hannibal, the one at the river Ticinus, and both —a little later —at the Trebia.

> Latin: 15.4. quae si ita sunt, fieri non potuit ut P. Cornelius Ti. Sempronius consules fuerint, ad quos et principio oppugnationis legati Saguntini missi sint et qui in suo magistratu cum Hannibale, alter ad Ticinum amnem, ambo aliquanto post ad Trebiam pugnauerint.

[¶7] 15.5. Either all these things took up somewhat less time, or Saguntum was not first besieged but finally captured in the outset of the year which had Cornelius and Sempronius as consuls.

> Latin: 15.5. aut omnia breuiora aliquanto fuere aut Saguntum principio anni, quo P. Cornelius Ti. Sempronius consules fuerunt, non coeptum oppugnari est sed captum.

[¶8] 15.6. For the battle at the Trebia cannot have been fought as late as the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius; for Gaius Flaminius began his consulship at Ariminum, having been elected under the presidency of Tiberius Sempronius who was then consul, and had, after the battle at the Trebia, come to Rome to hold the consular elections, and then returned to the winter quarters of the army.

> Latin: 15.6. nam excessisse pugna ad Trebiam in annum Cn. Seruili et C. Flamini non potest, quia C. Flaminius Arimini consulatum iniit, creatus a Ti. Sempronio consule, qui post pugnam ad Trebiam ad creandos consules Romam cum uenisset comitiis perfectis ad exercitum in hiberna rediit.

[¶9] 16.1. At almost the same time the ambassadors who had returned from Carthage brought back word to Rome that all was hostile in that quarter, and the fall of Saguntum was announced.

> Latin: 16.1. sub idem fere tempus et legati qui redierant ab Carthagine Romam rettulerunt omnia hostilia esse, et Sagunti excidium nuntiatum est;

[¶10] 16.2. And so great was the grief of the senators, and their pity at the unmerited doom of their allies, and their shame at having failed to help them, and their wrath against the Carthaginians and fear for the safety of the commonwealth —as though the enemy were already at their gates —that, confounded with so many simultaneous emotions, they rather trembled than deliberated.

> Latin: 16.2. tantusque simul maeror patres misericordiaque sociorum peremptorum indigne et pudor non lati auxilii et ira in Carthaginienses metusque de summa rerum cepit, uelut si iam ad portas hostis esset, ut tot uno tempore motibus animi turbati trepidarent magis quam consulerent:

[¶11] 16.3. For they felt that they had never encountered a fiercer or more warlike foe, and that Rome had never been so torpid and unwarlike. The Sardinians and Corsicans, the Histrians and Illyrians, had provoked but had hardly exercised the Roman arms;

> Latin: 16.3. nam neque hostem acriorem bellicosioremque secum congressum nec rem Romanam tam desidem unquam fuisse atque imbellem.

[¶12] 16.4. while against the Gauls there had been desultory fighting rather than real war. But the Phoenician was an old and experienced enemy, who in the hardest kind of service amongst the Spanish tribes had for three and twenty years invariably got the victory;

> Latin: 16.4. Sardos Corsosque et Histros atque Illyrios lacessisse magis quam exercuisse Romana arma et cum Gallis tumultuatum uerius quam belligeratum:

[¶13] 16.5. he was accustomed to the keenest of commanders, was flushed with the conquest of a very wealthy city, and crossing the Ebro and drawing after him the many Spanish peoples which he had enlisted, would be rousing up the Gallic tribes — always eager to unsheathe the sword —and the Romans would have to contend in war with all the world, in Italy and under the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 16.5. Poenum hostem ueteranum, trium et uiginti annorum militia durissima inter Hispanas gentes semper uictorem, duci acerrimo adsuetum, recentem ab excidio opulentissimae urbis, Hiberum transire; trahere secum tot excitos Hispanorum populos; conciturum auidas semper armorum Gallicas gentes; cum orbe terrarum bellum gerendum in Italia ac pro moenibus Romanis esse.

[¶14] 17.1. The fields of operation of the consuls had already been named: they were now commanded to draw lots for them. Cornelius obtained Spain, Sempronius Africa with Sicily.

> Latin: 17.1. nominatae iam antea consulibus prouinciae erant; tum sortiri iussi. Cornelio Hispania, Sempronio Africa cum Sicilia euenit.

[¶15] 17.2. Six legions were voted for that year, with such allied contingents as the consuls themselves should approve and as large a fleet as could be got ready. There were enrolled four and twenty thousand Roman foot-soldiers and eighteen hundred horsemen, and of the allies forty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand four hundred horsemen.

> Latin: 17.2. sex in eum annum decretae legiones et socium quantum ipsis uideretur et classis quanta parari posset. quattuor et uiginti peditum Romanorum milia scripta et mille octingenti equites, sociorum quadraginta milia peditum, quattuor milia et quadringenti equites;

[¶16] 17.3. Of ships there were launched two hundred and twenty quinqueremes, and twenty swift cruisers.

> Latin: 17.3. naues ducentae uiginti quinqueremes, celoces uiginti deducti.

[¶17] 17.4. The question was then laid before the people whether it were their will and pleasure that war be declared against the people of Carthage; and on their voting in the affirmative a supplication was held throughout the City and the gods were besought to grant a fair and prosperous outcome to the war which the Roman People had decreed.

> Latin: 17.4. latum inde ad populum uellent iuberent populo Carthaginiensi bellum indici; eiusque belli causa supplicatio per urbem habita atque adorati di, ut bene ac feliciter eueniret quod bellum populus Romanus iussisset.

[¶18] 17.5. The forces were divided between the consuls as follows: Sempronius received two legions —each numbering four thousand foot and three hundred horse —sixteen thousand foot of the allies, and eighteen hundred horse, together with a hundred and sixty warships and twelve swift cruisers.

> Latin: 17.5. inter consules ita copiae diuisae: Sempronio datae legiones duae—ea quaterna milia erant peditum et treceni equites—et sociorum sedecim milia peditum, equites mille octingenti; naues longae centum sexaginta, celoces duodecim.

[¶19] 17.6. With these forces for land and sea Tiberius Sempronius was dispatched to Sicily, that he might cross by that way into Africa, if the other consul were able to keep the Phoenicians out of Italy.

> Latin: 17.6. cum his terrestribus maritimisque copiis Ti. Sempronius missus in Siciliam, ita in Africam transmissurus si ad arcendum Italia Poenum consul alter satis esset.

[¶20] 17.7. Cornelius was given fewer troops, since Lucius Manlius, the praetor, was also being sent into Gaul with a not inconsiderable army;

> Latin: 17.7. Cornelio minus copiarum datum, quia L. Manlius praetor et ipse cum haud inualido praesidio in Galliam mittebatur;

[¶21] 17.8. and of ships, in particular, he received a smaller number, namely, sixty quinqueremes, for they did not suppose that the enemy would come by sea or use that kind of warfare. He had two Roman legions with their proper complement of horse, and fourteen thousand infantry of the allies, with sixteen hundred horse.

> Latin: 17.8. nauium maxime Cornelio numerus deminutus; sexaginta quinqueremes datae—neque enim mari uenturum aut ea parte belli dimicaturum hostem credebant—et duae Romanae legiones cum suo iusto equitatu et quattuordecim milibus sociorum peditum, equitibus mille sescentis.

[¶22] 17.9. The province of Gaul received two Roman legions and ten thousand foot of the allies, with a thousand allied and six hundred Roman horse. These troops were designed for the same service —the Punic War.

> Latin: 17.9. duas legiones Romanas et decem milia sociorum peditum, mille equites socios, sescentos Romanos Gallia prouincia eodem uersa in Punicum bellum habuit.

[¶23] 18.1. When these arrangements had been made, in order that, before going to war, they might observe all the formalities, they dispatched into Africa an embassy consisting of certain older men, to wit, Quintus Fabius, Marcus Livius, Lucius Aemilius, Gaius Licinius, and Quintus Baebius, to demand of the Carthaginians whether Hannibal had attacked Saguntum with the sanction of the state; and if, as seemed likely to be the case, they should avow the act and stand to it as their public policy, to declare war on the

> Latin: 18.1. his ita comparatis, ut omnia iusta ante bellum fierent, legatos maiores natu, Q. Fabium M. Liuium L. Aemilium C. Licinium Q. Baebium in Africam mittunt ad percontandos Carthaginienses publicone consilio Hannibal Saguntum oppugnasset, et si id quod facturi uidebantur faterentur ac defenderent publico consilio factum,

[¶24] 18.3. Carthaginian People. As soon as the Romans had come to Carthage and the senate had granted them an audience, Quintus Fabius asked only the one question contained in his instructions.

> Latin: 18.3. ut indicerent populo Carthaginiensi bellum. Romani postquam Carthaginem uenerunt, cum senatus datus esset et Q. Fabius nihil ultra quam unum quod mandatum erat percontatus esset, tum ex Carthaginiensibus unus:

[¶25] 18.4. Then one of the Carthaginians replied: “There was something headlong, Romans, even in your former embassy, when you demanded that we surrender Hannibal on the ground that he was laying siege to Saguntum on his own responsibility; but your present embassy, though expressed thus far more mildly, is in reality ” “more harsh.

> Latin: 18.4. 'praeceps uestra, Romani, et prior legatio fuit, cum Hannibalem tamquam suo consilio Saguntum oppugnantem deposcebatis;

[¶26] 18.5. For on that occasion Hannibal was both accused and his surrender called for; at present you are trying to wring a confession from us, and, as though we had pleaded guilty, demand ” “instant satisfaction.

> Latin: 18.5. ceterum haec legatio uerbis adhuc lenior est, re asperior. tunc enim Hannibal et insimulabatur et deposcebatur; nunc ab nobis et confessio culpae exprimitur et ut a confessis res extemplo repetuntur.

[¶27] 18.6. But to me it would seem that you ought to ask, not whether Saguntum was besieged as the result of private or of public policy, but whether justly ” “or unjustly.

> Latin: 18.6. ego autem non priuato publicone consilio Saguntum oppugnatum sit quaerendum censeam sed utrum iure an iniuria;

[¶28] 18.7. For it belongs to us to enquire what our fellow citizen has done on our authority or his own, and to punish him; with you the only question we have to discuss is this, whether what he did was permissible under ” “the treaty.

> Latin: 18.7. nostra enim haec quaestio atque animaduersio in ciuem nostrum est quid nostro aut suo fecerit arbitrio:

[¶29] 18.8. Well then, since you wish that a distinction should be drawn between the things that generals do by direction of the state and the acts for which they are themselves responsible, let me remind you that we have a ” “treaty with you, which Gaius Lutatius, your consul, made, wherein, although the allies of both sides were protected, there was no provision made regarding the Saguntines, for as yet they were not ”

> Latin: 18.8. uobiscum una disceptatio est licueritne per foedus fieri. itaque quoniam discerni placet quid publico consilio, quid sua sponte imperatores faciant, nobis uobiscum foedus est a C. Lutatio consule ictum in quo, cum caueretur utrorumque sociis, nihil de Saguntinis—necdum enim erant socii uestri— cautum est. at enim eo foedere quod cum Hasdrubale ictum est Saguntini excipiuntur.

[¶30] 18.10. “your allies. 'But,' you will say, 'in that treaty which was made with Hasdrubal, the Saguntines are expressly cared for.' To this I shall make no other answer than the one that I have learnt from you. For you denied that you were bound by the treaty which Gaius Lutatius, the consul, originally entered into with us, because it had been made without the senate's sanction or the people's command; accordingly a new treaty, having the approval of the state, was ” “entered into.

> Latin: 18.10. aduersus quod ego nihil dicturus sum nisi quod a uobis didici. uos enim, quod C. Lutatius consul primo nobiscum foedus icit, quia neque auctoritate patrum nec populi iussu ictum erat, negastis uos eo teneri; itaque aliud de integro foedus publico consilio ictum est.

[¶31] 18.11. Now, if you are not bound by your treaties, unless they are concluded at your own instance or command, no more could the treaty of Hasdrubal, which he made without our knowledge, be binding ” “upon us.

> Latin: 18.11. si uos non tenent foedera uestra nisi ex auctoritate aut iussu uestro icta, ne nos quidem Hasdrubalis foedus quod nobis insciis icit obligare potuit.

[¶32] 18.12. Cease then to prate of Saguntum and the Ebro, and bring forth at last the thought with which your mind has long been ” “in travail!”

> Latin: 18.12. proinde omittite Sagunti atque Hiberi mentionem facere et quod diu parturit animus uester aliquando pariat.'

[¶33] 18.13. Then the Roman, gathering up his toga into a fold, said, “We bring you here both war and peace; choose which you will!” When he had said these words, they cried out with no less truculence that he might give them whichever he liked; and on his shaking out the fold again, and announcing that he gave them war, they all replied that they accepted it, and in that same spirit in which they accepted it were resolved to wage it.

> Latin: 18.13. tum Romanus sinu ex toga facto, 'hic' inquit, 'uobis bellum et pacem portamus; utrum placet sumite.' sub hanc uocem haud minus ferociter, daret utrum uellet, succlamatum est; et cum is iterum sinu effuso bellum dare dixisset, accipere se omnes responderunt et quibus acciperent animis iisdem se gesturos.

[¶34] 19.1. This straightforward demand and declaration of war seemed more in keeping with the dignity of the Roman People than to bandy words regarding the rights involved in treaties, especially at that moment, when Saguntum had been destroyed.

> Latin: 19.1. haec derecta percontatio ac denuntiatio belli magis ex dignitate populi Romani uisa est quam de foederum iure uerbis disceptare, cum ante, tum maxime Sagunto excisa.

[¶35] 19.2. Though for that matter, had it been proper to debate the question, what comparison could there be between Hasdrubal's treaty and the earlier treaty of Lutatius, which was altered? For in the treaty of Lutatius it had been expressly added that it should be valid only if the people ratified it; but in Hasdrubal's treaty no such proviso had been made, and by the silence of so many years the treaty had during his lifetime been so sanctioned that even on its author's death no slightest change was made in it.

> Latin: 19.2. nam si uerborum disceptationis res esset, quid foedus Hasdrubalis cum Lutati priore foedere, quod mutatum est, comparandum erat, cum in Lutati foedere diserte additum esset ita id ratum fore si populus censuisset, in Hasdrubalis foedere nec exceptum tale quicquam fuerit et tot annorum silentio ita uiuo eo comprobatum sit foedus ut ne mortuo quidem auctore quicquam mutaretur?

[¶36] 19.4. And yet, even if the earlier treaty were adhered to, the Saguntines had been sufficiently protected by the provision made concerning the allies of both the parties; for there had been no specification of “those who were then allies,” nor exception of “such as might afterwards be received.”

> Latin: 19.4. quamquam, etsi priore foedere staretur, satis cautum erat Saguntinis sociis utrorumque exceptis; nam neque additum erat 'iis qui tunc essent' nec 'ne qui postea adsumerentur'.

[¶37] 19.5. And since they were permitted to take new allies, who would think it fair either that they should admit no one, however deserving, to their friendship, or that, having once taken people under their protection, they should not defend them —provided only that allies of the Carthaginians should not be tempted to desert them nor be made welcome if they left them voluntarily?

> Latin: 19.5. et cum adsumere nouos liceret socios, quis aequum censeret aut ob nulla quemquam merita in amicitiam recipi aut receptos in fidem non defendi, tantum ne Carthaginiensium socii aut sollicitarentur ad defectionem aut sua sponte desciscentes reciperentur?

[¶38] 19.6. The ambassadors, conformably to the instructions given them in Rome, crossed over from Carthage into Spain for the purpose of approaching the different states and winning them to an alliance, or at least detaching them from the Phoenicians.

> Latin: 19.6. legati Romani ab Carthagine, sicut iis Romae imperatum erat, in Hispaniam ut adirent ciuitates ut in societatem perlicerent aut auerterent a Poenis traiecerunt.

[¶39] 19.7. The Bargusii were the first they visited, and being warmly welcomed by them, for men were wearying of the Punic sway, they aroused in many nations south of the Ebro a desire to revolt.

> Latin: 19.7. ad Bargusios primum uenerunt, a quibus benigne excepti, quia taedebat imperii Punici, multos trans Hiberum populos ad cupidinem nouae fortunae erexerunt.

[¶40] 19.8. From there they came to the Volciani, who gave them an answer that was carried all over Spain and turned all the other states against an alliance with the Romans.

> Latin: 19.8. inde est uentum ad Uolcianos, quorum celebre per Hispaniam responsum ceteros populos ab societate Romana auertit. ita enim maximus natu ex iis in concilio respondit:

[¶41] 19.9. For the eldest of them replied as follows in their council: “With what face, Romans, can you ask us to prefer your friendship to the Carthaginian, when those who did so have been more cruelly betrayed by you, their allies, than destroyed by their enemy, the Phoenician? You must seek allies, in my opinion, only where the disaster of Saguntum is unknown.”

> Latin: 19.9. 'quae uerecundia est, Romani, postulare uos uti uestram Carthaginiensium amicitiae praeponamus, cum qui id fecerunt [Saguntini] crudelius quam Poenus hostis perdidit uos socii prodideritis?

[¶42] 19.10. “To the Spanish peoples the ruins of Saguntum will constitute a warning, no less emphatic than deplorable, that none should trust to the honour or alliance of the Romans.”

> Latin: 19.10. ibi quaeratis socios censeo ubi Saguntina clades ignota est; Hispanis populis sicut lugubre, ita insigne documentum Sagunti ruinae erunt ne quis fidei Romanae aut societati confidat.'

[¶43] 19.11. Being then bidden straightway to depart out of the borders of the Volciani, they received from that day forth no kinder response from any Spanish council. Accordingly, having traversed that country to no purpose, they passed over into Gaul.

> Latin: 19.11. inde extemplo abire finibus Uolcianorum iussi ab nullo deinde concilio Hispaniae benigniora uerba tulere. ita nequiquam peragrata Hispania in Galliam transeunt.

[¶44] 20.1. There they beheld a strange and terrifying spectacle, for the Gauls, as was customary with the race, came armed to their assembly. When the envoys, boasting of the renown and valour of the Roman People and the extent of their dominion, requested the Gauls to deny the Phoenician a passage through their lands and cities, if he should attempt to carry the war into Italy, it is said that they burst out into such peals of laughter that the magistrates and elders could scarce reduce the younger men to order —so stupid and impudent a thing it seemed, to propose that the Gauls should not suffer the invaders to pass into Italy, but bring down the war on their own heads, and offer their own fields to be pillaged in place of other men's. When at last the uproar had been quelled, the Gauls made answer to the envoys that they owed the Romans no kindness nor the Carthaginians any grudge, to induce them to draw the sword in behalf of the former or against the latter; on the contrary,

> Latin: 20.1. in his noua terribilisque species uisa est, quod armati— ita mos gentis erat—in concilium uenerunt. cum uerbis extollentes gloriam uirtutemque populi Romani ac magnitudinem imperii petissent ne Poeno bellum Italiae inferenti per agros urbesque suas transitum darent, tantus cum fremitu risus dicitur ortus ut uix a magistratibus maioribusque natu iuuentus sedaretur; adeo stolida impudensque postulatio uisa est censere, ne in Italiam transmittant Galli bellum, ipsos id auertere in se agrosque suos pro alienis populandos obicere. sedato tandem fremitu responsum legatis est neque Romanorum in se meritum esse neque Carthaginiensium iniuriam ob quae aut pro Romanis aut aduersus Poenos sumant arma;

[¶45] 20.5. they heard that men of their own race were being driven from the land and even out of the borders of Italy by the Roman People, and were paying tribute and suffering every other humiliation.

> Latin: 20.5. contra ea audire sese gentis suae homines agro finibusque Italiae pelli a populo Romano stipendiumque pendere et cetera indigna pati.

[¶46] 20.6. In the rest of the Gallic councils their proposals and the replies they got were to substantially the same effect, nor did they hear a single word of a truly friendly or peaceable tenor until they reached Massilia.

> Latin: 20.6. eadem ferme in ceteris Galliae conciliis dicta auditaque, nec hospitale quicquam pacatumue satis prius auditum quam Massiliam uenere.

[¶47] 20.7. Here they learned of all that had happened from their allies, who had made enquiries with faithful diligence. They reported that Hannibal had been beforehand with the Romans in gaining the good-will of the Gauls, but that even he would find them hardly tractable —so fierce and untamed was their nature —unless from time to time he should make use of gold, of which the race is very covetous, to secure the favour of their principal men.

> Latin: 20.7. ibi omnia ab sociis inquisita cum cura ac fide cognita: praeoccupatos iam ante ab Hannibale Gallorum animos esse; sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore—adeo ferocia atque indomita ingenia esse—ni subinde auro, cuius auidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur.

[¶48] 20.8. So the envoys, having travelled through the nations of Spain and Gaul, returned to Rome, not long after the consuls had set out for their respective commands. They found the citizens all on tip-toe with expectation of the war, for the rumour persisted that the Phoenicians had already crossed the Ebro.

> Latin: 20.8. ita peragratis Hispaniae et Galliae populis legati Romam redeunt haud ita multo post quam consules in prouincias profecti erant. ciuitatem omnem in exspectationem belli erectam inuenerunt, satis constante fama iam Hiberum Poenos tramisisse.

[¶49] 21.1. Hannibal, after the capture of Saguntum, had withdrawn his army into winter quarters at New Carthage. There he learned what had been done in Rome and Carthage and what had been decreed, and that he was not only commander in the war, but the cause of it as well. So, having divided or sold off what was left of the plunder, he thought best to defer his plans no longer, and, calling together the soldiers of Spanish blood, thus addressed them:

> Latin: 21.1. Hannibal Sagunto capto Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna concesserat, ibique auditis quae Romae quaeque Carthagine acta decretaque forent, seque non ducem solum sed etiam causam esse belli, partitis diuenditisque reliquiis praedae nihil ultra differendum ratus, Hispani generis milites conuocat.

[¶50] 21.3. “My allies, I doubt not that you yourselves perceive how, having conquered every tribe in Spain, we must either bring our campaigning to a close and disband our armies, or shift the seat of war to other countries.”

> Latin: 21.3. 'credo ego uos' inquit, 'socii, et ipsos cernere pacatis omnibus Hispaniae populis aut finiendam nobis militiam exercitusque dimittendos esse aut in alias terras transferendum bellum;

[¶51] 21.4. “For these nations here will enjoy the blessings not merely of peace, but also of victory, only if we look to other nations for spoils and glory.”

> Latin: 21.4. ita enim hae gentes non pacis solum sed etiam uictoriae bonis florebunt, si ex aliis gentibus praedam et gloriam quaeremus.

[¶52] 21.5. “Since, therefore, you are on the eve of an expedition that will carry you far afield, and it is uncertain when you will see again your homes and what there is dear to each of you, if any of you desires to visit his friends, I grant him furlough.”

> Latin: 21.5. itaque cum longinqua ab domo instet militia incertumque sit quando domos uestras et quae cuique ibi cara sunt uisuri sitis, si quis uestrum suos inuisere uolt, commeatum do.

[¶53] 21.6. “Be at hand, I charge you, with the first signs of spring, that with Heaven's good help we may begin a war that shall bring us vast renown and booty.”

> Latin: 21.6. primo uere edico adsitis, ut dis bene iuuantibus bellum ingentis gloriae praedaeque futurum incipiamus.'

[¶54] 21.7. There were very few who did not welcome the opportunity thus freely proffered of visiting their homes, for they were already homesick and looked forward to an even longer separation from their friends.

> Latin: 21.7. omnibus fere uisendi domos oblata ultro potestas grata erat, et iam desiderantibus suos et longius in futurum prouidentibus desiderium.

[¶55] 21.8. The full winter's rest between the labours already undergone and those that were presently to come gave them new strength and courage for a fresh encounter with every hardship.

> Latin: 21.8. per totum tempus hiemis quies inter labores aut iam exhaustos aut mox exhauriendos renouauit corpora animosque ad omnia de integro patienda; uere primo ad edictum conuenere.

[¶56] 21.9. Early in the spring they assembled in obedience to their orders. When Hannibal had reviewed the contingents sent in by all the nations, he went to Gades and discharged his vows to Hercules, binding himself with fresh ones, in case he should be successful in the remainder of his undertaking.

> Latin: 21.9. Hannibal cum recensuisset omnium gentium auxilia, Gades profectus Herculi uota exsoluit nouisque se obligat uotis, si cetera prospera euenissent.

[¶57] 21.10. Then, with equal concern for attack and defence, lest while he should be himself advancing upon Italy by an overland march through Spain and Gaul, Africa might lie exposed and open to a Roman invasion on the side of Sicily, he resolved to garrison that country with a powerful force.

> Latin: 21.10. inde partiens curas simul <in> inferendum atque arcendum bellum, ne, dum ipse terrestri per Hispaniam Galliasque itinere Italiam peteret, nuda apertaque Romanis Africa ab Sicilia esset, ualido praesidio firmare eam statuit;

[¶58] 21.11. To supply its place he requisitioned troops for himself from Africa —lightarmed slingers chiefly —so that Africans might serve in Spain and Spaniards in Africa, and both be the better soldiers for being far from home, as though mutually pledged to loyalty.

> Latin: 21.11. pro eo supplementum ipse ex Africa maxime iaculatorum leuium armis petiit, ut Afri in Hispania, in Africa Hispani, melior procul ab domo futurus uterque miles, uelut mutuis pigneribus obligati stipendia facerent.

[¶59] 21.12. Thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty targeteers and eight hundred and seventy Baliaric slingers, with twelve hundred horsemen drawn from many nations, he sent to Africa.

> Latin: 21.12. tredecim milia octingentos quinquaginta pedites caetratos misit in Africam et funditores Baliares octingentos septuaginta, equites mixtos ex multis gentibus mille ducentos.

[¶60] 21.13. A part of these troops were to be a garrison for Carthage, a part to be distributed through the country. At the same time he directed that recruiting officers be sent out into the states, and that four thousand picked men be brought to Carthage, to serve at once as defenders and as hostages.

> Latin: 21.13. has copias partim Carthagini praesidio esse, partim distribui per Africam iubet. simul conquisitoribus in ciuitates missis quattuor milia conscripta delectae iuuentutis, praesidium eosdem et obsides, duci Carthaginem iubet.

[¶61] 22.1. And considering that neither must Spain be neglected, and so much the less since he was not unaware that Roman ambassadors had journeyed through it to seek the support of its leading men, he appointed it to be the charge of his brother Hasdrubal —an active, energetic man —and secured it with troops, for the most part African. Of infantry there were eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty Africans, three hundred Ligurians, and five hundred Baliares.

> Latin: 22.1. neque Hispaniam neglegendam ratus, atque id eo minus quod haud ignarus erat circumitam ab Romanis eam legatis ad sollicitandos principum animos, Hasdrubali fratri, uiro impigro, eam prouinciam destinat firmatque eum Africis maxime praesidiis, peditum Afrorum undecim milibus octingentis quinquaginta, Liguribus trecentis, Baliaribus <quingentis>.

[¶62] 22.3. To these infantry forces he added the following units of cavalry: four hundred and fifty Libyphoenicians —a race of mixed Punic and African blood —and some eight hundred Numidians and Moors, who dwell near the ocean, and a little company of three hundred Spanish Ilergetes. Finally, that no sort of land force might be lacking, there were twenty-one elephants.

> Latin: 22.3. ad haec peditum auxilia additi equites Libyphoenices, mixtum Punicum Afris genus, quadringenti <quinquaginta> et Numidae Maurique accolae Oceani ad mille octingenti et parua Ilergetum manus ex Hispania, ducenti equites, et, ne quod terrestris deesset auxilii genus, elephanti uiginti unus.

[¶63] 22.4. He also assigned a fleet to Spain, for the protection of its seaboard, since it might be expected that the Romans would again on this occasion employ that mode of warfare in which they had been victorious. There were fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five triremes. But only thirty-two quinqueremes and the five triremes were equipped and manned with rowers. From Gades Hannibal returned to New Carthage, to the winter quarters of his army.

> Latin: 22.4. classis praeterea data tuendae maritimae orae, quia qua parte belli uicerant ea tum quoque rem gesturos Romanos credi poterat, quinquaginta quinqueremes, quadriremes duae, triremes quinque; sed aptae instructaeque remigio triginta et duae quinqueremes erant et triremes quinque. ab Gadibus Carthaginem ad hiberna exercitus rediit;

[¶64] 22.5. Setting out from thence, he marched along the coast, past the city of Onusa, to the Ebro.

> Latin: 22.5. atque inde profectus praeter Onussam urbem ad Hiberum maritima ora ducit.

[¶65] 22.6. It was there, as they tell, that he saw in his sleep a youth of godlike aspect, who declared that he was sent by Jupiter to lead him into Italy: let him follow, therefore, nor anywhere turn his eyes away from his guide.

> Latin: 22.6. ibi fama est in quiete uisum ab eo iuuenem diuina specie qui se ab Ioue diceret ducem in Italiam Hannibali missum; proinde sequeretur neque usquam a se deflecteret oculos.

[¶66] 22.7. At first he was afraid and followed, neither looking to the right nor to the left, nor yet behind him; but presently wondering, with that curiosity to which all of us are prone, what it could be that he had been forbidden to look back upon, he was unable to command his eyes;

> Latin: 22.7. pauidum primo, nusquam circumspicientem aut respicientem, secutum; deinde cura ingenii humani cum, quidnam id esset quod respicere uetitus esset, agitaret animo, temperare oculis nequiuisse;

[¶67] 22.8. then he saw behind him a serpent of monstrous size, that moved along with vast destruction of trees and underbrush, and a storm-cloud coming after, with loud claps of thunder;

> Latin: 22.8. tum uidisse post sese serpentem mira magnitudine cum ingenti arborum ac uirgultorum strage ferri ac post insequi cum fragore caeli nimbum.

[¶68] 22.9. and, on his asking what this prodigious portent was, he was told that it was the devastation of Italy: he was therefore to go on, nor enquire further, but suffer destiny to be wrapped in darkness.

> Latin: 22.9. tum quae moles ea quidue prodigii esset quaerentem, audisse uastitatem Italiae esse; pergeret porro ire nec ultra inquireret sineretque fata in occulto esse.

[¶69] 23.1. Rejoicing at this vision, he led his troops across the Ebro in three columns, after sending agents ahead, to win over with presents the Gauls who dwelt in the region which the army had to cross, and to explore the passes of the Alps.

> Latin: 23.1. hoc uisu laetus tripertito Hiberum copias traiecit, praemissis qui Gallorum animos, qua traducendus exercitus erat, donis conciliarent Alpiumque transitus specularentur. nonaginta milia peditum, duodecim milia equitum Hiberum traduxit.

[¶70] 23.2. He had ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse when he crossed the Ebro. He now subdued the Ilergetes, and the Bargusii and Ausetani, and also Lacetania, which lies at the foot of the Pyrenees. All this coast he put in charge of Hanno, that the passes connecting Spain and Gaul might be under his control.

> Latin: 23.2. Ilergetes inde Bargusiosque et Ausetanos et Lacetaniam, quae subiecta Pyrenaeis montibus est, subegit oraeque huic omni praefecit Hannonem, ut fauces quae Hispanias Galliis iungunt in potestate essent.

[¶71] 23.3. To garrison this district, he gave Hanno ten thousand foot and a thousand horse.

> Latin: 23.3. decem milia peditum Hannoni ad praesidium obtinendae regionis data et mille equites.

[¶72] 23.4. When the army had entered the defiles which lead over the Pyrenees, and more definite rumours had spread amongst the barbarians that the war was to be with Rome, three thousand of the Carpetanian foot turned back. It was understood that they were influenced not so much by the war as by the long march and the impossibility of crossing the Alps.

> Latin: 23.4. postquam per Pyrenaeum saltum traduci exercitus est coeptus rumorque per barbaros manauit certior de bello Romano, tria milia inde Carpetanorum peditum iter auerterunt. constabat non tam bello motos quam longinquitate uiae insuperabilique Alpium transitu.

[¶73] 23.5. To recall them or to detain them forcibly would have been hazardous, for it might have roused resentment in the savage bosoms of the others. And so Hannibal sent back to their homes above seven thousand more, whom he had perceived to be chafing at the service, pretending that he had also dismissed the Carpetani.

> Latin: 23.5. Hannibal quia reuocare aut ui retinere eos anceps erat, ne ceterorum etiam feroces animi inritarentur, supra septem milia hominum domos remisit, quos et ipse grauari militia senserat, Carpetanos quoque ab se dimissos simulans.

[¶74] 24.1. Then, in order that his troops might not become demoralized by delay and inaction, he crossed the Pyrenees with the remainder of his forces and pitched his camp by the town of Iliberri.

> Latin: 24.1. inde, ne mora atque otium animos sollicitaret, cum reliquis copiis Pyrenaeum transgreditur et ad oppidum Iliberrim castra locat.

[¶75] 24.2. The Gauls, though they heard that the war was aimed at Italy, nevertheless, because it was said that the Spaniards beyond the Pyrenees had been forcibly subjugated and strong garrisons imposed upon them, were driven by the fear of servitude to arm themselves, and several tribes assembled at Ruscino.

> Latin: 24.2. Galli quamquam Italiae bellum inferri audiebant, tamen, quia ui subactos trans Pyrenaeum Hispanos fama erat praesidiaque ualida imposita, metu seruitutis ad arma consternati Ruscinonem aliquot populi conueniunt.

[¶76] 24.3. When Hannibal was apprised of this, he was more afraid of delay than of fighting, and dispatched ambassadors to their chieftains to inform them that he wished to confer with them in person, and suggested that either they come nearer to Iliberri or that he would go forward to Ruscino, so that being close to one another they might meet more easily.

> Latin: 24.3. quod ubi Hannibali nuntiatum est, moram magis quam bellum metuens, oratores ad regulos eorum misit, conloqui semet ipsum cum iis uelle; et uel illi propius Iliberrim accederent uel se Ruscinonem processurum, ut ex propinquo congressus facilior esset;

[¶77] 24.4. He would be glad, he said, to receive them in his camp, nor would he hesitate to go to them. He had come into Gaul as a friend, not as an enemy, and would keep his sword sheathed, if the Gauls would let him, till he had entered Italy.

> Latin: 24.4. nam et accepturum eos in castra sua se laetum nec cunctanter se ipsum ad eos uenturum; hospitem enim se Galliae non hostem aduenisse, nec stricturum ante gladium, si per Gallos liceat, quam in Italiam uenisset.

[¶78] 24.5. Thus far his emissaries. But when the Gallic chieftains, moving up their camp at once near Iliberri, came, nothing loath, to the Phoenician, they were captivated by his gifts, and permitted the army to march unmolested through their borders and past the town of Ruscino.

> Latin: 24.5. et per nuntios quidem haec; ut uero reguli Gallorum castris ad Iliberrim extemplo motis haud grauate ad Poenum uenerunt, capti donis cum bona pace exercitum per fines suos praeter Ruscinonem oppidum transmiserunt.

[¶79] 25.1. In Italy meanwhile nothing more was known than that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro —which was the news that Massiliot envoys brought to Rome —when, as though he had already crossed the Alps, the Boi, after rousing up the Insubres, revolted. To this they were incited not so much by their old animosity against the Roman People as by vexation at the recent establishment of colonies in Gallic territory, near the Po, at Placentia and Cremona. Flying to arms they made an incursion into that very district, and spread such terror and confusion that not only the rural population, but the Roman commissioners themselves, who had come for the purpose of assigning lands, not trusting to the walls of Placentia, fled to Mutina. (Their names were Gaius Lutatius, Gaius Servilius, and Marcus Annius. There is no question about Lutatius: for Annius and Servilius, some annals have Manius Acilius and Gaius Herennius, others Publius Cornelius Asina and Gaius Papirius Maso.

> Latin: 25.1. in Italiam interim nihil ultra quam Hiberum transisse Hannibalem a Massiliensium legatis Romam perlatum erat, cum, perinde ac si Alpes iam transisset, Boii sollicitatis Insubribus defecerunt, nec tam ob ueteres in populum Romanum iras quam quod nuper circa Padum Placentiam Cremonamque colonias in agrum Gallicum deductas aegre patiebantur.

[¶80] 25.3. This, too, is uncertain, whether envoys sent to expostulate with the Boi were maltreated, or an attack was made upon the three commissioners as they were measuring off the land.)

> Latin: 25.3. itaque armis repente arreptis, in eum ipsum agrum impetu facto tantum terroris ac tumultus fecerunt ut non agrestis modo multitudo sed ipsi triumuiri Romani, qui ad agrum uenerant adsignandum, diffisi Placentiae moenibus Mutinam confugerint, C. Lutatius, C. Seruilius, M. Annius.

[¶81] 25.4. Whilst they lay shut up in Mutina, the Gauls —who know nothing of the art of assaulting cities, and, besides, are very indolent in regard to siege-works, and were now sitting idly down before the walls without attempting them —feigned a readiness to treat for peace; and their leaders having invited the Romans to send out spokesmen to confer with them, they seized these envoys, in violation not only of the

> Latin: 25.4. —Lutati nomen haud dubium est; pro Annio Seruilioque M'. Acilium et C. Herennium habent quidam annales, alii P. Cornelium Asinam et C. Papirium Masonem. id quoque dubium est legati ad expostulandum missi ad Boios uiolati sint [incertum] an in triumuiros agrum metantes impetus sit factus.

[¶82] 25.6. law of nations, but also of a pledge which they had given for this time, and declared that they would not let them go unless their own hostages were restored to them. When word arrived of this affair of the envoys, and Mutina and its garrison were in danger, Lucius Manlius, the praetor, blazing with resentment, set out for Mutina with his army in loose marching order.

> Latin: 25.6. Mutinae cum obsiderentur et gens ad oppugnandarum urbium artes rudis, pigerrima eadem ad militaria opera, segnis intactis adsideret muris, simulari coeptum de pace agi;

[¶83] 25.7. In those days the road led through a forest, as the country was not, for the most part, under cultivation, and Manlius, advancing without reconnaissance, plunged into an ambush, and after sustaining heavy losses, managed with difficulty to get through into the open fields.

> Latin: 25.7. euocatique ab Gallorum principibus legati ad conloquium non contra ius modo gentium sed uiolata etiam quae data in id tempus erat fide comprehenduntur, negantibus Gallis, nisi obsides sibi redderentur, eos dimissuros.

[¶84] 25.8. There he entrenched a camp, and since the Gauls lacked heart to assail it, the soldiers recovered their spirits, though it was no secret that as many as five hundred men had fallen. Then they began their march again, nor, so long as the column advanced through open country, was the enemy to be seen; but when they had once more got into the woods, the Gauls attacked their rear, and throwing the whole column into terror and confusion, slew seven hundred soldiers and carried off six ensigns.

> Latin: 25.8. cum haec de legatis nuntiata essent et Mutina praesidiumque in periculo esset, L. Manlius praetor ira accensus effusum agmen ad Mutinam ducit. siluae tunc circa uiam erant, plerisque incultis. ibi inexplorato profectus in insidias praecipitat multaque cum caede suorum aegre in apertos campos emersit. ibi castra communita et, quia Gallis ad temptanda ea defuit spes, refecti sunt militum animi, quamquam ad <quingentos> cecidisse satis constabat.

[¶85] 25.11. The alarming onsets of the Gauls and the panic of the Romans ended when they got clear of the trackless woods and thickets.

> Latin: 25.11. iter deinde de integro coeptum nec, dum per patentia loca ducebatur agmen, apparuit hostis;

[¶86] 25.12. Thereafter, marching across open ground, the Romans had no difficulty in protecting their column, and hastened to Tannetum, a village lying near the Po, where by means of temporary fortifications and supplies got in by the river, and with the help also of the Brixian Gauls, they defended themselves against the enemy, whose numbers were increasing daily.

> Latin: 25.12. ubi rursus siluae intratae, tum postremos adorti cum magna trepidatione ac pauore omnium septingentos milites occiderunt, sex signa ademere. finis et Gallis territandi et pauendi fuit Romanis ut ex saltu inuio atque impedito euasere. inde apertis locis facile tutantes agmen Romani Tannetum, uicum propinquum Pado, contendere. ibi se munimento ad tempus commeatibusque fluminis et Brixianorum etiam Gallorum auxilio aduersus crescentem in dies multitudinem hostium tutabantur.

[¶87] 26.1. When the news of this sudden insurrection was brought to Rome, and the Fathers learnt that the Punic War was augmented by a war with the Gauls, they commanded Gaius Atilius, the praetor, to take one Roman legion and five thousand of the allies —a force which the consul had just levied —and proceed to the relief of Manlius. Atilius reached Tannetum without any fighting, for the enemy had retired in alarm.

> Latin: 26.1. qui tumultus repens postquam est Romam perlatus et Punicum insuper Gallico bellum auctum patres acceperunt, C. Atilium praetorem cum una legione Romana et quinque milibus sociorum, dilectu nouo a consule conscriptis, auxilium ferre Manlio iubent; qui sine ullo certamine—abscesserant enim metu hostes—Tannetum peruenit.

[¶88] 26.3. Publius Cornelius, too, after enrolling a new legion in place of that which had been sent with the praetor, set out from the City with sixty ships of war, and coasting Etruria and the mountainous country of Liguria and the Salui, arrived at Massilia, and went into camp at the nearest mouth of the Rhone —for the river discharges itself into the sea by several —hardly believing, even then, that Hannibal could have crossed the Pyrenees.

> Latin: 26.3. et P. Cornelius, in locum eius quae missa cum praetore erat scripta legione noua, profectus ab urbe sexaginta longis nauibus praeter oram Etruriae Ligurumque et inde Saluum montes peruenit Massiliam et ad proximum ostium Rhodani—pluribus enim diuisus amnis in mare decurrit— castra locat, uixdum satis credens Hannibalem superasse Pyrenaeos montes.

[¶89] 26.5. But when he found that Hannibal was actually planning how to cross the Rhone, being uncertain where he should encounter him, and his soldiers not having as yet fully recovered from the tossing of the sea, he sent out a chosen band of three hundred cavalry, with Massiliot guides and Gallic auxiliaries, to make, while he was waiting, a thorough reconnaissance, and have a look at the enemy from a safe distance.

> Latin: 26.5. quem ut de Rhodani quoque transitu agitare animaduertit, incertus quonam ei loco occurreret necdum satis refectis ab iactatione maritima militibus trecentos interim delectos equites ducibus Massiliensibus et auxiliaribus Gallis ad exploranda omnia uisendosque ex tuto hostes praemittit.

[¶90] 26.6. Hannibal, having pacified the others through fear or bribery, had now reached the territory of a powerful nation called the Volcae. They inhabit both banks of the Rhone, but doubting their ability to keep the Phoenician from the western bank, they had brought nearly all their people over the Rhone, so as to have the river for a bulwark, and were holding the eastern bank with arms.

> Latin: 26.6. Hannibal ceteris metu aut pretio pacatis iam in Uolcarum peruenerat agrum, gentis ualidae. colunt autem circa utramque ripam Rhodani; sed diffisi citeriore agro arceri Poenum posse, ut flumen pro munimento haberent, omnibus ferme suis trans Rhodanum traiectis ulteriorem ripam [amnis] armis obtinebant.

[¶91] 26.7. The rest of the dwellers by the river, and such of the Volcae themselves as had clung to their homes, were enticed by Hannibal's gifts to assemble large boats from every quarter and to fashion new ones; and indeed they themselves were eager to have the army set across as soon as possible and to relieve their district of the burden of so huge a horde of men. So they brought together a vast number of boats, and of canoes roughly fashioned for local traffic, and made new ones by hollowing out single trees.

> Latin: 26.7. ceteros accolas fluminis Hannibal et eorum ipsorum quos sedes suae tenuerant simul perlicit donis ad naues undique contrahendas fabricandasque; simul et ipsi traici exercitum leuarique quam primum regionem suam tanta hominum urgente turba cupiebant. itaque ingens coacta uis nauium est lintriumque temere ad uicinalem usum paratarum;

[¶92] 26.8. The Gauls took the lead in this, but the soldiers presently fell to work themselves, when they found the timber plentiful and the labour light. They were unshapely troughs, but the men could make them quickly, and their one concern was to get something that would float and hold a cargo, in which they might ferry themselves and their belongings over.

> Latin: 26.8. nouasque alias primum Galli incohantes cauabant ex singulis arboribus, deinde et ipsi milites simul copia materiae, simul facilitate operis inducti, alueos informes, nihil dummodo innare aquae et capere onera possent curantes, raptim quibus se suaque transueherent faciebant.

[¶93] 27.1. Everything was now in readiness for the crossing, which, however, was menaced by the enemy on the other side, who covered the whole bank with their horse and foot.

> Latin: 27.1. iamque omnibus satis comparatis ad traiciendum terrebant ex aduerso hostes omnem ripam equites uirique obtinentes.

[¶94] 27.2. In order to draw them off, Hannibal ordered Hanno, the son of Bomilcar, to set out in the first watch of the night with a part of the troops, chiefly Spaniards, and, making a march of one day up the stream, to take the first opportunity of crossing it, with the greatest secrecy, and fetch a compass with his column, so that, when the time came, he might assail the enemy in the rear.

> Latin: 27.2. quos ut auerteret, Hannonem Bomilcaris filium uigilia prima noctis cum parte copiarum, maxime Hispanis, aduerso flumine ire iter unius diei iubet et, ubi primum possit quam occultissime traiecto amni, circumducere agmen ut cum opus facto sit adoriatur ab tergo hostes.

[¶95] 27.4. The Gauls who had been appointed to be his guides informed him that some five-and-twenty miles upstream the river flowed round a little island, and being wider where it divided, and therefore shallower, afforded a passage. There they quickly felled some trees and constructed rafts to transport the men and horses and other burdens.

> Latin: 27.4. ad id dati duces Galli edocent inde milia quinque et uiginti ferme supra paruae insulae circumfusum amnem latiore ubi diuidebatur eoque minus alto alueo transitum ostendere.

[¶96] 27.5. The Spaniards without more ado stuffed their clothes into skins, and placing their bucklers on top of these and supporting themselves by means of them, swam across. The rest of the force, too, got over, by means of the rafts which they had made, and went into camp near the river.

> Latin: 27.5. ibi raptim caesa materia ratesque fabricatae in quibus equi uirique et alia onera traicerentur. Hispani sine ulla mole in utres uestimentis coniectis ipsi caetris superpositis incubantes flumen tranauere.

[¶97] 27.6. They were tired by the night march and their strenuous exertions, but their commander allowed them but one day to rest, being intent on carrying out the stratagem at the proper time.

> Latin: 27.6. et alius exercitus ratibus iunctis traiectus, castris prope flumen positis, nocturno itinere atque operis labore fessus quiete unius diei reficitur, intento duce ad consilium opportune exsequendum.

[¶98] 27.7. Resuming their march on the following day they sent up a smoke-signal from an elevated place, to show that they had got over the river and were not far off. When Hannibal saw this, he gave the order to cross, so as not to miss the favourable moment.

> Latin: 27.7. postero die profecti, ex loco edito fumo significant transisse et haud procul abesse; quod ubi accepit Hannibal, ne tempori deesset dat signum ad traiciendum.

[¶99] 27.8. The infantry had their skiffs all ready and equipped, while the cavalry had large boats, for the most part, on account of their horses. The large boats were sent across higher up the stream, to take the force of the current, and provided smooth water for the skiffs that crossed below them.

> Latin: 27.8. iam paratas aptatasque habebat pedes lintres, eques fere propter equos nantes †... †. nauium agmen ad excipiendum aduersi impetum fluminis parte superiore transmittens tranquillitatem infra traicientibus lintribus praebebat;

[¶100] 27.9. A good part of the horses swam and were towed by their halters from the sterns of the boats, except those which they had saddled and bridled and put on board, that their riders might have them ready for instant use on landing.

> Latin: 27.9. equorum pars magna nantes loris a puppibus trahebantur, praeter eos quos instratos frenatosque ut extemplo egresso in ripam equiti usui essent imposuerant in naues.

## 3. Book XXI · chapters 28–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/3/#p-N

[¶0] 28.1. The Gauls rushed to meet them on the bank, with all sorts of yells and their customary songs, clashing their shields together above their heads and brandishing darts in their right hands, despite the menace of so great a multitude of vessels coming against them and the loud roaring of the river and the confused hallooing of the boatmen and the sailors, as they strove to force their way athwart the current or shouted encouragement to their fellows from the further bank.

> Latin: 28.1. Galli occursant in ripa cum uariis ululatibus cantuque moris sui, quatientes scuta super capita uibrantesque dextris tela, quamquam et ex aduerso terrebat tanta uis nauium cum ingenti sono fluminis et clamore uario nautarum militumque, et qui nitebantur perrumpere impetum fluminis et qui ex altera ripa traicientes suos hortabantur.

[¶1] 28.3. But the tribesmen were already somewhat daunted by the tumult which confronted them, when a still more appalling clamour arose in the rear, where Hanno had captured their camp. He was soon on the scene himself, and a twofold terror hemmed them in, as that mighty force of armed men came out upon the shore and the unlooked-for line of battle closed in from behind.

> Latin: 28.3. iam satis pauentes aduerso tumultu terribilior ab tergo adortus clamor, castris ab Hannone captis. mox et ipse aderat ancepsque terror circumstabat, et e nauibus tanta ui armatorum in terram euadente et ab tergo improuisa premente acie.

[¶2] 28.4. When the Gauls had attempted charges in both directions and found themselves repulsed, they broke through where the way seemed least beset, and fled in confusion to their several villages. Hannibal brought over at leisure the rest of his forces, and giving himself no more concern over Gallic outbreaks, pitched his camp. I believe that there were various plans for transporting the elephants; at all events the tradition varies as to how it was accomplished.

> Latin: 28.4. Galli postquam utroque uim facere conati pellebantur, qua patere uisum maxime iter perrumpunt trepidique in uicos passim suos diffugiunt. Hannibal ceteris copiis per otium traiectis spernens iam Gallicos tumultus castra locat. elephantorum traiciendorum uaria consilia fuisse credo;

[¶3] 28.5. Some say that the elephants were first assembled on the bank, and then the keeper of the fiercest of them provoked the beast and fled into the water; as he swam off, the elephant pursued him and drew the herd in his train; and though they were afraid of the deep water, yet as soon as each of them got out of his depth, the current itself swept him over to the other bank.

> Latin: 28.5. certe uariata memoria actae rei. quidam congregatis ad ripam elephantis tradunt ferocissimum ex iis inritatum ab rectore suo, cum refugientem in aquam nantem sequeretur, traxisse gregem, ut quemque timentem altitudinem destitueret uadum, impetu ipso fluminis in alteram ripam rapiente.

[¶4] 28.6. It is, however, more generally believed that they were carried across on rafts; this method, as it would be the safer, if the thing were to be done, so, in view of its accomplishment, is more probably the one employed.

> Latin: 28.6. ceterum magis constat ratibus traiectos; id ut tutius consilium ante rem foret, ita acta re ad fidem pronius est.

[¶5] 28.7. A raft, two hundred feet long and fifty feet wide, was thrust out from the shore into the stream, and, after being moored to the bank above by a number of stout hawsers, so as not to be carried down the current, was covered with earth, like a bridge, in order that the beasts might boldly venture upon it, as on solid ground.

> Latin: 28.7. ratem unam ducentos longam pedes, quinquaginta latam a terra in amnem porrexerunt, quam, ne secunda aqua deferretur, pluribus ualidis retinaculis parte superiore ripae religatam pontis in modum humo iniecta constrauerunt ut beluae audacter uelut per solum ingrederentur.

[¶6] 28.8. A second raft, of equal width and a hundred feet long, and fit for crossing the river, was coupled to the first. Then the elephants, with the females leading, were driven out over the stationary raft, as over a road; and after they had passed on to the smaller raft adjoining it, the ropes by which this had been loosely attached were cast off and it was towed across by some rowboats to the eastern bank.

> Latin: 28.8. altera ratis aeque lata, longa pedes centum, ad traiciendum flumen apta, huic copulata est; tres tum elephanti per stabilem ratem tamquam uiam praegredientibus feminis acti ubi in minorem adplicatam transgressi sunt, extemplo resolutis quibus leuiter adnexa erat uinculis, ab actuariis aliquot nauibus ad alteram ripam pertrahitur;

[¶7] 28.9. After landing the first contingent in this fashion, they returned and fetched the others over.

> Latin: 28.9. ita primis expositis, alii deinde repetiti ac traiecti sunt.

[¶8] 28.10. The elephants exhibited no signs of fear so long as they were being driven along as though on a connected bridge; they first became frightened when the raft was cast loose from the other and was carried out into mid-channel.

> Latin: 28.10. nihil sane trepidabant, donec continenti uelut ponte agerentur; primus erat pauor cum soluta ab ceteris rate in altum raperentur.

[¶9] 28.11. The crowding together which resulted, as those on the outside shrank back from the water, gave rise to a slight panic, till terror itself, as they looked at the water all about them, made them quiet.

> Latin: 28.11. ibi urgentes inter se, cedentibus extremis ab aqua, trepidationis aliquantum edebant donec quietem ipse timor circumspectantibus aquam fecisset.

[¶10] 28.12. Some, in their frenzy, even fell overboard; but, steadied by their very weight, threw off their riders, and feeling their way to the shallow places, got out upon the land.

> Latin: 28.12. excidere etiam saeuientes quidam in flumen; sed pondere ipso stabiles, deiectis rectoribus, quaerendis pedetemptim uadis in terram euasere.

[¶11] 29.1. Whilst the elephants were being got across, Hannibal had dispatched five hundred Numidian horsemen in the direction of the Roman camp, to find out where the enemy were and in what force, and what they meant to do.

> Latin: 29.1. dum elephanti traiciuntur, interim Hannibal Numidas equites quingentos ad castra Romana miserat speculatum ubi et quantae copiae essent et quid pararent.

[¶12] 29.2. This body fell in with the three hundred Roman horsemen, sent out, as was mentioned before, from the mouth of the Rhone.

> Latin: 29.2. huic alae equitum missi, ut ante dictum est, ab ostio Rhodani trecenti Romanorum equites occurrunt. proelium atrocius quam pro numero pugnantium editur;

[¶13] 29.3. The battle that followed was more hotly fought than the size of the contending forces would suggest, for besides the many who were wounded, the numbers of the slain were about equal on both sides, and only the dismay and panic of the Numidians gave the victory to the Romans, who were by that time fairly exhausted. The victors lost about a hundred and forty, not all Romans but some of them Gauls; the vanquished about two hundred.

> Latin: 29.3. nam praeter multa uolnera caedes etiam prope par utrimque fuit, fugaque et pauor Numidarum Romanis iam admodum fessis uictoriam dedit. uictores ad centum sexaginta, nec omnes Romani sed pars Gallorum, uicti amplius ducenti ceciderunt.

[¶14] 29.4. This was at once the beginning of the war and an omen that promised the Romans success in the final outcome, though their victory would be by no means without bloodshed and would only come after a doubtful struggle.

> Latin: 29.4. hoc principium simul omenque belli ut summae rerum prosperum euentum, ita haud sane incruentam ancipitisque certaminis uictoriam Romanis portendit.

[¶15] 29.5. When the participants in this affair had returned to their respective generals, it was impossible for Scipio to adopt any settled plan, except to frame his own measures to meet the strategy and movements of the enemy; while Hannibal, uncertain whether to march on, as he had begun, to Italy, or give battle to the first Roman army that had come in his way, was diverted from an immediate trial of strength by the arrival of Boian envoys, with their chief Magalus. These assured him that they would guide his march and share its perils, and urged him to avoid a battle and to keep his forces whole and unimpaired for the invasion of Italy.

> Latin: 29.5. ut re ita gesta ad utrumque ducem sui redierunt, nec Scipioni stare sententia poterat nisi ut ex consiliis coeptisque hostis et ipse conatus caperet, et Hannibalem, incertum utrum coeptum in Italiam intenderet iter an cum eo qui primus se obtulisset Romanus exercitus manus consereret, auertit a praesenti certamine Boiorum legatorum regulique Magali aduentus, qui se duces itinerum, socios periculi fore adfirmantes, integro bello nusquam ante libatis uiribus Italiam adgrediendam censent.

[¶16] 29.7. The rank and file were fearful of the enemy —for their memory of the former war was not yet erased —but more fearful of the interminable march over the Alps, an undertaking which rumour made appalling, at any rate to the inexperienced.

> Latin: 29.7. multitudo timebat quidem hostem nondum oblitterata memoria superioris belli; sed magis iter immensum Alpesque, rem fama utique inexpertis horrendam, metuebat.

[¶17] 30.1. Accordingly Hannibal, having settled in his own mind to go forward and advance on Italy, called the soldiers together and worked on their feelings with alternate chiding and encouragement.

> Latin: 30.1. itaque Hannibal, postquam ipsi sententia stetit pergere ire atque Italiam petere, aduocata contione uarie militum uersat animos castigando adhortandoque:

[¶18] 30.2. He marvelled, he said, what sudden terror had invaded breasts that had ever been dauntless. For these many years they had been victorious in war, nor had they quitted Spain until all the tribes and territories which lay between two distant seas were in the power of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 30.2. mirari se quinam pectora semper impauida repens terror inuaserit. per tot annos uincentes eos stipendia facere neque ante Hispania excessisse quam omnes gentesque et terrae quas duo diuersa maria amplectantur Carthaginiensium essent.

[¶19] 30.3. Then, indignant that the Roman People should demand that whoever had laid siege to Saguntum be surrendered up to them, as though to expiate a felony, they had crossed the Ebro, in order to wipe out the Roman name and liberate the world.

> Latin: 30.3. indignatos deinde quod quicumque Saguntum obsedissent uelut ob noxam sibi dedi postularet populus Romanus, Hiberum traiecisse ad delendum nomen Romanorum liberandumque orbem terrarum.

[¶20] 30.4. The march had not then seemed long to any of them, though they meant to advance from the setting to the rising sun;

> Latin: 30.4. tum nemini uisum id longum, cum ab occasu solis ad exortus intenderent iter:

[¶21] 30.5. but now, when they could see that they had measured off the greater part of it; when they had made their way, through the fiercest tribes, over the Pyrenees; when they had crossed the Rhone —that mighty river —in the teeth of so many thousand Gauls, overcoming, too, the violence of the stream itself; when the Alps, the other side of which was in Italy, were in full sight; —were they halting now, as though exhausted, at the very gates of their enemies?

> Latin: 30.5. nunc, postquam multo maiorem partem itineris emensam cernant, Pyrenaeum saltum inter ferocissimas gentes superatum, Rhodanum, tantum amnem, tot milibus Gallorum prohibentibus, domita etiam ipsius fluminis ui traiectum, in conspectu Alpes habeant quarum alterum latus Italiae sit, in ipsis portis hostium fatigatos subsistere, quid Alpes aliud esse credentes quam montium altitudines?

[¶22] 30.7. What else did they think that the Alps were but high mountains? They might fancy them higher than the ranges of the Pyrenees; but surely no lands touched the skies or were impassable to man. The Alps indeed were inhabited, were tilled, produced and supported living beings; their defiles were practicable for armies.

> Latin: 30.7. fingerent altiores Pyrenaei iugis: nullas profecto terras caelum contingere nec inexsuperabiles humano generi esse. Alpes quidem habitari, coli, gignere atque alere animantes; peruias paucis esse, esse et exercitibus.

[¶23] 30.8. Those very ambassadors whom they beheld had not crossed the Alps in the air on wings. Even the ancestors of these men had not been natives of Italy, but had lived there as foreign settlers, and had often crossed these very Alps in great companies, with their children and their wives, in the manner of emigrants.

> Latin: 30.8. eos ipsos quos cernant legatos non pinnis sublime elatos Alpes transgressos. ne maiores quidem eorum indigenas sed aduenas Italiae cultores has ipsas Alpes ingentibus saepe agminibus cum liberis ac coniugibus migrantium modo tuto transmisisse.

[¶24] 30.9. For armed soldiers, taking nothing with them but the instruments of war, what could be impassable or insurmountable? To capture Saguntum, what dangers or what hardships had they not endured for eight long months?

> Latin: 30.9. militi quidem armato nihil secum praeter instrumenta belli portanti quid inuium aut inexsuperabile esse? Saguntum ut caperetur, quid per octo menses periculi, quid laboris exhaustum esse?

[¶25] 30.10. Now that Rome, the capital of the world, was their objective, could anything seem so painful or so difficult as to delay their enterprise?

> Latin: 30.10. Romam, caput orbis terrarum, petentibus quicquam adeo asperum atque arduum uideri quod inceptum moretur?

[¶26] 30.11. Had Gauls once captured that which the Phoenician despaired of approaching? Then let them yield in spirit and manhood to a race which they had so often vanquished in the course of the last few days, or look to end their march in the field that lay between the Tiber and the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 30.11. cepisse quondam Gallos ea quae adiri posse Poenus desperet; proinde aut cederent animo atque uirtute genti per eos dies totiens ab se uictae aut itineris finem sperent campum interiacentem Tiberi ac moenibus Romanis.

[¶27] 31.1. After encouraging them with this exhortation, he bade them refresh themselves and make ready for the march.

> Latin: 31.1. his adhortationibus incitatos corpora curare atque ad iter se parare iubet.

[¶28] 31.2. Setting out the following day he advanced up the Rhone towards the interior of Gaul, not that it was the more direct way to the Alps, but believing that the farther he retired from the sea, the less likely he was to fall in with the Romans, with whom he had no mind to fight a battle until he should arrive in Italy. The fourth day's march brought him to the Island.

> Latin: 31.2. postero die profectus aduersa ripa Rhodani mediterranea Galliae petit, non quia rectior ad Alpes uia esset, sed quantum a mari recessisset minus obuium fore Romanum credens, cum quo priusquam in Italiam uentum foret non erat in animo manus conserere.

[¶29] 31.4. There the rivers Isara and Rhone, rushing down from different Alps, unite their waters, after enclosing a considerable territory, and the Island is the name which has been given to the plains lying between them.

> Latin: 31.4. quartis castris ad Insulam peruenit. ibi †Sarar† Rhodanusque amnis diuersis ex Alpibus decurrentes, agri aliquantum amplexi confluunt in unum in mediis campis; Insulae nomen inditum.

[¶30] 31.5. Near by is the country of the Allobroges, a tribe, even at that early day, inferior to no Gallic tribe in wealth or reputation. Just then it was a prey to discord.

> Latin: 31.5. incolunt prope Allobroges, gens iam inde nulla Gallica gente opibus aut fama inferior. tum discors erat.

[¶31] 31.6. Two brothers were disputing the sovereignty. The elder, Braneus by name, who had held sway before, was being driven out by a faction of juniors headed by the younger brother, whose right was less but his might greater.

> Latin: 31.6. regni certamine ambigebant fratres; maior et qui prius imperitarat, Braneus nomine, minore a fratre et coetu iuniorum qui iure minus, ui plus poterant, pellebatur.

[¶32] 31.7. This quarrel having very opportunely been referred to Hannibal for settlement, who thus became arbiter of the kingdom, he espoused the sentiments of the senate and the leading men and restored the sovereign power to the elder.

> Latin: 31.7. huius seditionis peropportuna disceptatio cum ad Hannibalem delata esset, arbiter regni factus, quod ea senatus principumque sententia fuerat, imperium maiori restituit.

[¶33] 31.8. In requital of this service he was assisted with provisions and supplies of every sort, particularly clothing, which the notorious cold of the Alps made it necessary to provide.

> Latin: 31.8. ob id meritum commeatu copiaque rerum omnium, maxime uestis, est adiutus, quam infames frigoribus Alpes praeparari cogebant.

[¶34] 31.9. Having settled the contentions of the Allobroges, Hannibal was now ready for the Alps; but instead of marching directly towards them, he turned to the left, to the country of the Tricastini, and thence proceeded through the outer borders of the territory of the Vocontii to the Tricorii, by a road which nowhere presented any difficulties, until he came to the Druentia. This, too, is an Alpine river and by far the most difficult of all the rivers of Gaul to cross; for, though it brings down a vast volume of water, it does not admit of navigation, since, not being confined within any banks, but flowing at once in several channels, not always the same, it is ever forming new shallows and new pools —a fact which makes it dangerous for foot-passengers as well —besides which it rolls down jagged stones and affords no sure or stable footing to one who

> Latin: 31.9. sedatis certaminibus Allobrogum cum iam Alpes peteret, non recta regione iter instituit sed ad laeuam in Tricastinos flexit; inde per extremam oram Uocontiorum agri tendit in Trigorios, haud usquam impedita uia priusquam ad Druentiam flumen peruenit. is et ipse Alpinus amnis longe omnium Galliae fluminum difficillimus transitu est; nam cum aquae uim uehat ingentem, non tamen nauium patiens est, quia nullis coercitus ripis, pluribus simul neque iisdem alueis fluens, noua semper <per> uada nouosque gurgites—et ob eadem pediti quoque incerta uia est—ad hoc saxa glareosa uoluens, nihil stabile nec tutum ingredienti praebet;

[¶35] 31.11. enters it. And at that time, as it happened, it was swollen with rains, and the crossing took place amidst the wildest tumult, for the men —besides their other difficulties —were confused by their own excitement and bewildered outcries.

> Latin: 31.11. et tum forte imbribus auctus ingentem transgredientibus tumultum fecit, cum super cetera trepidatione ipsi sua atque incertis clamoribus turbarentur.

[¶36] 32.1. Publius Cornelius the consul, some three days after Hannibal had left the bank of the Rhone, marched in fighting order to the enemy's camp, intending to offer battle without delay.

> Latin: 32.1. P. Cornelius consul, triduo fere postquam Hannibal a ripa Rhodani mouit, quadrato agmine ad castra hostium uenerat, nullam dimicandi moram facturus;

[¶37] 32.2. But finding the works deserted, and perceiving that he could not readily overtake the enemy, who had got so long a start of him, he returned to the sea, where he had left his ships, thinking that he would thus be more safely and easily enabled to confront Hannibal as he descended from the Alps.

> Latin: 32.2. ceterum ubi deserta munimenta nec facile se tantum praegressos adsecuturum uidet, ad mare ac naues rediit, tutius faciliusque ita descendenti ab Alpibus Hannibali occursurus.

[¶38] 32.3. Still, that he might not leave Spain stripped of Roman defenders —for the lot had assigned it to him as his province —he sent Gnaeus Scipio, his brother, with the chief part of his troops, to deal with Hasdrubal, with the object not merely of protecting the allies and of winning over new ones, but also of driving Hasdrubal out of Spain.

> Latin: 32.3. ne tamen nuda auxiliis Romanis Hispania esset, quam prouinciam sortitus erat, Cn. Scipionem fratrem cum maxima parte copiarum aduersus Hasdrubalem misit, non ad tuendos tantummodo ueteres socios conciliandosque nouos sed etiam ad pellendum Hispania Hasdrubalem.

[¶39] 32.5. He himself, with extremely scanty forces, sailed back to Genoa, proposing to safeguard Italy with the army which lay in the valley of the Po.

> Latin: 32.5. ipse cum admodum exiguis copiis Genuam repetit, eo qui circa Padum erat exercitu Italiam defensurus.

[¶40] 32.6. Hannibal, leaving the Druentia, and advancing for the most part through a champaign country, reached the Alps without being molested by the Gauls who inhabited those regions.

> Latin: 32.6. Hannibal ab Druentia campestri maxime itinere ad Alpes cum bona pace incolentium ea loca Gallorum peruenit.

[¶41] 32.7. Then, though report, which is wont to exaggerate uncertain dangers, had already taught them what to expect, still, the near view of the lofty mountains, with their snows almost merging in the sky; the shapeless hovels perched on crags; the frost-bitten flocks and beasts of burden; the shaggy, unkempt men; animals and inanimate objects alike stiff with cold, and all more dreadful to look upon than words can tell, renewed their consternation.

> Latin: 32.7. tum, quamquam fama prius, qua incerta in maius uero ferri solent, praecepta res erat, tamen ex propinquo uisa montium altitudo niuesque caelo prope immixtae, tecta informia imposita rupibus, pecora iumentaque torrida frigore, homines intonsi et inculti, animalia inanimaque omnia rigentia gelu, cetera uisu quam dictu foediora terrorem renouarunt.

[¶42] 32.8. As their column began to mount the first slopes, mountaineers were discovered posted on the heights above, who, had they lain concealed in hidden valleys, might have sprung out suddenly and attacked them with great rout and slaughter. Hannibal gave the command to halt, and sent forward some Gauls to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 32.8. erigentibus in primos agmen cliuos apparuerunt imminentes tumulos insidentes montani, qui, si ualles occultiores insedissent, coorti ad pugnam repente ingentem fugam stragemque dedissent.

[¶43] 32.9. When informed by them that there was no getting by that way, he encamped in the most extensive valley to be found in a wilderness of rocks and precipices.

> Latin: 32.9. Hannibal consistere signa iussit; Gallisque ad uisenda loca praemissis, postquam comperit transitum ea non esse, castra inter confragosa omnia praeruptaque quam extentissima potest ualle locat.

[¶44] 32.10. He then employed these same Gauls, whose speech and customs did not differ greatly from those of the mountaineers, to mingle in their councils, and in this way learned that his enemies guarded the pass only by day, and at night dispersed, every man to his own home. As soon as it was light, he advanced up the hills, as though lie hoped to rush the defile by an open attack in the daytime.

> Latin: 32.10. tum per eosdem Gallos, haud sane multum lingua moribusque abhorrentes, cum se immiscuissent conloquiis montanorum, edoctus interdiu tantum obsideri saltum, nocte in sua quemque dilabi tecta, luce prima subiit tumulos, ut ex aperto atque interdiu uim per angustias facturus.

[¶45] 32.11. Then having spent the day in feigning a purpose other than his real one, he entrenched a camp on the spot where he had halted. But no sooner did he perceive that the mountaineers had dispersed from the heights and relaxed their vigilance, than, leaving for show more fires than the numbers of those who remained in camp demanded; leaving, too, the baggage and the cavalry and a great part of the infantry, he put himself at the head of some light-armed soldiers —all his bravest men —and, marching swiftly to the head of the defile, occupied those very heights which the enemy had held.

> Latin: 32.11. die deinde simulando aliud quam quod parabatur consumpto, cum eodem quo constiterant loco castra communissent, ubi primum degressos tumulis montanos laxatasque sensit custodias, pluribus ignibus quam pro numero manentium in speciem factis impedimentisque cum equite relictis et maxima parte peditum, ipse cum expeditis, acerrimo quoque uiro, raptim angustias euadit iisque ipsis tumulis quos hostes tenuerant consedit.

[¶46] 33.1. With the ensuing dawn the Carthaginians broke camp and the remainder of their army began to move.

> Latin: 33.1. prima deinde luce castra mota et agmen reliquum incedere coepit.

[¶47] 33.2. The natives, on a signal being given, were already coming in from their fastnesses to occupy their customary post, when they suddenly perceived that some of their enemies were in possession of the heights and threatened them from above, and that others were marching through the pass.

> Latin: 33.2. iam montani signo dato ex castellis ad stationem solitam conueniebant, cum repente conspiciunt alios arce occupata sua super caput imminentes, alios uia transire hostes.

[¶48] 33.3. Both facts presenting themselves at the same time to their eyes and minds kept them for a moment rooted to the spot. Then, when they saw the helter-skelter in the pass and the column becoming embarrassed by its own confusion, the horses especially being frightened and unmanageable, they thought that whatever they could add themselves to the consternation of the troops would be sufficient to destroy them, and rushed down from the cliffs on either side, over trails and trackless ground alike, with all the ease of habit.

> Latin: 33.3. utraque simul obiecta res oculis animisque immobiles parumper eos defixit; deinde, ut trepidationem in angustiis suoque ipsum tumultu misceri agmen uidere, equis maxime consternatis, quidquid adiecissent ipsi terroris satis ad perniciem fore rati, peruersis rupibus iuxta, inuia ac deuia adsueti decurrunt.

[¶49] 33.5. Then indeed the Phoenicians had to contend at one and the same time against their foes and the difficulties of the ground, and the struggle amongst themselves, as each endeavoured to outstrip the rest in escaping from the danger, was greater than the struggle with the enemy.

> Latin: 33.5. tum uero simul ab hostibus, simul ab iniquitate locorum Poeni oppugnabantur plusque inter ipsos, sibi quoque tendente ut periculo primus euaderet, quam cum hostibus certaminis erat.

[¶50] 33.6. The horses occasioned the greatest peril to the column. Terrified by the discordant yells, which the woods and ravines redoubled with their echoes, they quaked with fear; and if they happened to be hit or wounded, were so maddened that they made enormous havoc not only of men but of every sort of baggage.

> Latin: 33.6. et equi maxime infestum agmen faciebant, qui et clamoribus dissonis quos nemora etiam repercussaeque ualles augebant territi trepidabant, et icti forte aut uolnerati adeo consternabantur, ut stragem ingentem simul hominum ac sarcinarum omnis generis facerent;

[¶51] 33.7. Indeed the crowding in the pass, which was steep and precipitous on both sides, caused many —some of them armed men —to be flung down to a great depth; but when beasts of burden with their packs went hurtling down, it was just like the crash of falling walls.

> Latin: 33.7. multosque turba, cum praecipites deruptaeque utrimque angustiae essent, in immensum altitudinis deiecit, quosdam et armatos; et ruinae maxime modo iumenta cum oneribus deuoluebantur.

[¶52] 33.8. Dreadful as these sights were, still Hannibal halted for a little while and held back his men, so as not to augment the terror and confusion.

> Latin: 33.8. quae quamquam foeda uisu erant, stetit parumper tamen Hannibal ac suos continuit, ne tumultum ac trepidationem augeret;

[¶53] 33.9. Then, when he saw that the column was being broken in two, and there was danger lest he might have got his army over to no avail, if it were stripped of its baggage, he charged down from the higher ground and routed the enemy by the very impetus of the attack, though he added to the disorder amongst his own troops.

> Latin: 33.9. deinde, postquam interrumpi agmen uidit periculumque esse, ne exutum impedimentis exercitum nequiquam incolumem traduxisset, decurrit ex superiore loco et, cum impetu ipso fudisset hostem, suis quoque tumultum auxit.

[¶54] 33.10. But the flurry thus occasioned quickly subsided, as soon as the roads were cleared by the flight of the mountaineers; and the whole army was presently brought over the pass, not only without molestation but almost in silence.

> Latin: 33.10. sed is tumultus momento temporis, postquam liberata itinera fuga montanorum erant, sedatur, nec per otium modo sed prope silentio mox omnes traducti.

[¶55] 33.11. Hannibal then seized a stronghold which was the chief place in that region, together with the outlying hamlets, and with the captured food and flocks supported his troops for three days. And in those three days, being hindered neither by the natives, who had been utterly cowed at the outset, nor very greatly by the nature of the country, he covered a good deal of ground.

> Latin: 33.11. castellum inde, quod caput eius regionis erat, uiculosque circumiectos capit et capt<o c>ibo ac pecoribus per triduum exercitum aluit; et, quia nec montanis primo perculsis nec loco magno opere impediebantur, aliquantum eo triduo uiae confecit.

[¶56] 34.1. They came next to another canton, thickly settled for a mountain district. There, not by open fighting, but by his own devices, trickery and deception, Hannibal was all but circumvented.

> Latin: 34.1. peruentum inde ad frequentem cultoribus alium, ut inter montanos, populum. ibi non bello aperto sed suis artibus, fraude et insidiis, est prope circumuentus.

[¶57] 34.2. The elder headmen of the strongholds waited on him, as a deputation, and said that, taught by other men's misfortunes —a useful warning —they preferred to experience the friendship of the Phoenicians rather than their might;

> Latin: 34.2. magno natu principes castellorum oratores ad Poenum ueniunt, alienis malis, utili exemplo, doctos memorantes amicitiam malle quam uim experiri Poenorum;

[¶58] 34.3. they were ready, therefore, to carry out his orders, and they requested him to accept provisions and guides and also hostages as a guarantee of good faith.

> Latin: 34.3. itaque oboedienter imperata facturos; commeatum itinerisque duces et ad fidem promissorum obsides acciperet.

[¶59] 34.4. Hannibal, neither blindly trusting nor yet repulsing them, lest, being spurned, they might become openly hostile, returned a friendly answer, accepted the proffered hostages, and used the supplies, which they had brought down, themselves, to the road. But he drew up his column, before following their guides, by no means as though for a march through a friendly country.

> Latin: 34.4. Hannibal nec temere credendum nec †asperandos† <ratus>, ne repudiati aperte hostes fierent, benigne cum respondisset, obsidibus quos dabant acceptis et commeatu quem in uiam ipsi detulerant usus, nequaquam ut inter pacatos composito agmine duces eorum sequitur. primum agmen elephanti et equites erant;

[¶60] 34.5. The van was made up of elephants and cavalry; he himself, with the main strength of the infantry, came next, looking warily about him and watching everything.

> Latin: 34.5. ipse post cum robore peditum circumspectans sollicitus omnia incedebat.

[¶61] 34.6. When they had got to a narrow place, which was overhung on one side by a ridge, the tribesmen rose up on every quarter from their ambush and assailed them, front and rear, fighting hand to hand and at long range, and rolling down huge boulders on the marching troops.

> Latin: 34.6. ubi in angustiorem uiam et ex parte altera subiectam iugo insuper imminenti uentum est, undique ex insidiis barbari a fronte ab tergo coorti, comminus eminus petunt, saxa ingentia in agmen deuoluunt.

[¶62] 34.7. The rear-guard bore the brunt of the attack, and as the infantry faced about to meet it, it was very evident that if the column had not been strengthened at that point, it must have suffered a great disaster in this pass.

> Latin: 34.7. maxima ab tergo uis hominum urgebat. in eos uersa peditum acies haud dubium fecit quin, nisi firmata extrema agminis fuissent, ingens in eo saltu accipienda clades fuerit.

[¶63] 34.8. Even so, they were in the utmost peril and came near destruction. For while Hannibal was hesitating to send his division down into the defile, since he had no troops left to secure the rear of the infantry, as he himself secured that of the horse, the mountaineers rushed in on his flank, and breaking through the column, established themselves in the road, so that Hannibal spent one night without cavalry or baggage.

> Latin: 34.8. tunc quoque ad extremum periculi ac prope perniciem uentum est; nam dum cunctatur Hannibal demittere agmen in angustias, quia non, ut ipse equitibus praesidio erat, ita peditibus quicquam ab tergo auxilii reliquerat, occursantes per obliqua montani interrupto medio agmine uiam insedere, noxque una Hannibali sine equitibus atque impedimentis acta est.

[¶64] 35.1. On the following day, since by now the barbarians were attacking with less vigour, his forces were re-united and surmounted the pass; and though they suffered some casualties, still they lost more baggage animals than men.

> Latin: 35.1. postero die iam segnius intercursantibus barbaris iunctae copiae saltusque haud sine clade, maiore tamen iumentorum quam hominum pernicie, superatus.

[¶65] 35.2. From this point on the mountaineers appeared in smaller numbers, and, more in the manner of brigandage than warfare, attacked sometimes the van, sometimes the rear, whenever the ground afforded an advantage, or the invaders, pushing on too far ahead or lagging behind, gave opportunity.

> Latin: 35.2. inde montani pauciores iam et latrocinii magis quam belli more concursabant modo in primum, modo in nouissimum agmen, utcumque aut locus opportunitatem daret aut progressi moratiue aliquam occasionem fecissent.

[¶66] 35.3. The elephants could be induced to move but very slowly along the steep and narrow trails; but wherever they went they made the column safe from its enemies, who were unaccustomed to the beasts and afraid of venturing too near them.

> Latin: 35.3. elephanti sicut per artas [praecipites] uias magna mora agebantur, ita tutum ab hostibus quacumque incederent, quia insuetis adeundi propius metus erat, agmen praebebant.

[¶67] 35.4. On the ninth day they arrived at the summit of the Alps, having come for the most part over trackless wastes and by roundabout routes, owing either to the dishonesty of their guides, or —when they would not trust the guides —to their blindly entering some valley, guessing at the way. For two days they lay encamped on the summit.

> Latin: 35.4. nono die in iugum Alpium peruentum est per inuia pleraque et errores, quos aut ducentium fraus aut, ubi fides iis non esset, temere initae ualles a coniectantibus iter faciebant. biduum in iugo statiua habita fessisque labore ac pugnando quies data militibus;

[¶68] 35.5. The soldiers, worn with toil and fighting, were permitted to rest; and a number of baggage animals which had fallen among the rocks made their way to the camp by following the tracks of the army.

> Latin: 35.5. iumentaque aliquot, quae prolapsa in rupibus erant, sequendo uestigia agminis in castra peruenere.

[¶69] 35.6. Exhausted and discouraged as the soldiers were by many hardships, a snow-storm —for the constellation of the Pleiades was now setting —threw them into a great fear.

> Latin: 35.6. fessis taedio tot malorum niuis etiam casus, occidente iam sidere Uergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adiecit.

[¶70] 35.7. The ground was everywhere covered deep with snow when at dawn they began to march, and as the column moved slowly on, dejection and despair were to be read in every countenance. Then Hannibal, who had gone on before the standards, made the army halt on a certain promontory which commanded an extensive prospect, and pointing out Italy to them, and just under the Alps the plains about the Po, he told them that they were now scaling the ramparts not only of Italy, but of Rome itself; the rest of the way would be level or downhill;

> Latin: 35.7. per omnia niue oppleta cum signis prima luce motis segniter agmen incederet pigritiaque et desperatio in omnium uoltu emineret, praegressus signa Hannibal in promunturio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus erat, consistere iussis militibus Italiam ostentat subiectosque Alpinis montibus Circumpadanos campos, moeniaque eos tum transcendere non Italiae modo sed etiam urbis Romanae;

[¶71] 35.9. and after one, or, at the most, two battles, they would have in their hands and in their power the citadel and capital of Italy.

> Latin: 35.9. cetera plana, procliuia fore; uno aut summum altero proelio arcem et caput Italiae in manu ac potestate habituros.

[¶72] 35.10. The column now began to make some progress, and even the enemy had ceased to annoy them, except to make a stealthy raid, as occasion offered. But the way was much more difficult than the ascent had been, as indeed the slope of the Alps on the Italian side is in general more precipitous in proportion as it is shorter. For practically every road was steep, narrow, and treacherous, so that neither could they keep from slipping, nor could those who had been thrown a little off their balance retain their footing, but came down, one on top of the other, and the beasts on top of the men.

> Latin: 35.10. procedere inde agmen coepit iam nihil ne hostibus quidem praeter parua furta per occasionem temptantibus. ceterum iter multo quam in adscensu fuerat—ut pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut breuiora ita arrectiora sunt—difficilius fuit; omnis enim ferme uia praeceps, angusta, lubrica erat, ut neque sustinere se ab lapsu possent nec qui paulum titubassent haerere adflicti uestigio suo, aliique super alios et iumenta in homines occiderent.

[¶73] 36.1. They then came to a much narrower cliff, and with rocks so perpendicular that it was difficult for an unencumbered soldier to manage the descent, though he felt his way and clung with his hands to the bushes and roots that projected here and there.

> Latin: 36.1. uentum deinde ad multo angustiorem rupem atque ita rectis saxis ut aegre expeditus miles temptabundus manibusque retinens uirgulta ac stirpes circa eminentes demittere sese posset.

[¶74] 36.2. The place had been precipitous before, and a recent landslip had carried it away to the depth of a good thousand feet.

> Latin: 36.2. natura locus iam ante praeceps recenti lapsu terrae in pedum mille admodum altitudinem abruptus erat.

[¶75] 36.3. There the cavalry came to a halt, as though they had reached the end of the road, and as Hannibal was wondering what it could be that held the column back, word was brought to him that the cliff was impassable.

> Latin: 36.3. ibi cum uelut ad finem uiae equites constitissent, miranti Hannibali quae res moraretur agmen nuntiatur rupem inuiam esse. digressus deinde ipse ad locum uisendum.

[¶76] 36.4. Going then to inspect the place himself, he thought that there was nothing for it but to lead the army round, over trackless and untrodden steeps, however circuitous the detour might be.

> Latin: 36.4. haud dubia res uisa quin per inuia circa nec trita antea, quamuis longo ambitu, circumduceret agmen.

[¶77] 36.5. But that way proved to be insuperable; for above the old, untouched snow lay a fresh deposit of moderate depth, through which, as it was soft and not very deep, the men in front found it easy to advance;

> Latin: 36.5. ea uero uia insuperabilis fuit; nam cum super ueterem niuem intactam noua modicae altitudinis esset, molli nec praealtae facile pedes ingredientium insistebant;

[¶78] 36.6. but when it had been trampled down by the feet of so many men and beasts, the rest had to make their way over the bare ice beneath and the slush of the melting snow.

> Latin: 36.6. ut uero tot hominum iumentorumque incessu dilapsa est, per nudam infra glaciem fluentemque tabem liquescentis niuis ingrediebantur.

[¶79] 36.7. Then came a terrible struggle on the slippery surface, for it afforded them no foothold, while the downward slope made their feet the more quickly slide from under them; so that whether they tried to pull themselves up with their hands, or used their knees, these supports themselves would slip, and down they would come again! Neither were there any stems or roots about, by which a man could pull himself up with foot or hand —only smooth ice and thawing snow, on which they were continually rolling.

> Latin: 36.7. taetra ibi luctatio erat, [ut a lubrica] glacie non recipiente uestigium et in prono citius pedes fallente, ut, seu manibus in adsurgendo seu genu se adiuuissent, ipsis adminiculis prolapsis iterum corruerent; nec stirpes circa radicesue ad quas pede aut manu quisquam eniti posset erant; ita in leui tantum glacie tabidaque niue uolutabantur.

[¶80] 36.8. But the baggage animals, as they went over the snow, would sometimes even cut into the lowest crust, and pitching forward and striking out with their hoofs, as they struggled to rise, would break clean through it, so that numbers of them were caught fast, as if entrapped, in the hard, deep-frozen snow.

> Latin: 36.8. iumenta secabant interdum etiam infimam ingredientia niuem et prolapsa iactandis grauius in conitendo ungulis penitus perfringebant, ut pleraque uelut pedica capta haererent in dura et alta concreta glacie.

[¶81] 37.1. At last, when men and beasts had been worn out to no avail, they encamped upon the ridge, after having, with the utmost difficulty, cleared enough ground even for this purpose, so much snow were they obliged to dig out and remove.

> Latin: 37.1. tandem nequiquam iumentis atque hominibus fatigatis castra in iugo posita, aegerrime ad id ipsum loco purgato; tantum niuis fodiendum atque egerendum fuit.

[¶82] 37.2. The soldiers were then set to work to construct a road across the cliff-their only possible way. Since they had to cut through the rock, they felled some huge trees that grew near at hand, and lopping off their branches, made an enormous pile of logs. This they set on fire, as soon as the wind blew fresh enough to make it burn, and pouring vinegar over the glowing rocks, caused them to crumble.

> Latin: 37.2. inde ad rupem muniendam per quam unam uia esse poterat milites ducti, cum caedendum esset saxum, arboribus circa immanibus deiectis detruncatisque struem ingentem lignorum faciunt eamque, cum et uis uenti apta faciendo igni coorta esset, succendunt ardentiaque saxa infuso aceto putrefaciunt.

[¶83] 37.3. After thus heating the crag with fire, they opened a way in it with iron tools, and relieved the steepness of the slope with zigzags of an easy gradient, so that not only the baggage animals but even the elephants could be led down.

> Latin: 37.3. ita torridam incendio rupem ferro pandunt molliuntque anfractibus modicis cliuos ut non iumenta solum sed elephanti etiam deduci possent.

[¶84] 37.4. Four days were consumed at the cliff, and the animals nearly perished of starvation; for the mountain tops are all practically bare, and such grass as does grow is buried under snow.

> Latin: 37.4. quadriduum circa rupem consumptum, iumentis prope fame absumptis; nuda enim fere cacumina sunt et, si quid est pabuli, obruunt niues.

[¶85] 37.5. Lower down one comes to valleys and sunny slopes and rivulets, and near them woods, and places that begin to be fitter for man's habitation.

> Latin: 37.5. inferiora uallis apricos quosdam colles habent riuosque prope siluas et iam humano cultu digniora loca.

[¶86] 37.6. There the beasts were turned out to graze, and the men, exhausted with toiling at the road, were allowed to rest. Thence they descended in three days' time into the plain, through a region now that was less forbidding, as was the character of its inhabitants.

> Latin: 37.6. ibi iumenta in pabulum missa et quies muniendo fessis hominibus data. triduo inde ad planum descensum et iam locis mollioribus et accolarum ingeniis.

[¶87] 38.1. Such were the chief features of the march to Italy, which they accomplished five months after leaving New Carthage —as certain authorities state —having crossed the Alps in fifteen days.

> Latin: 38.1. hoc maxime modo in Italiam peruentum est quinto mense a Carthagine Noua, ut quidam auctores sunt, quinto decimo die Alpibus superatis.

[¶88] 38.2. The strength of Hannibal's forces on his entering Italy is a point on which historians are by no means agreed. Those who put the figures highest give him a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse; the lowest estimate is twenty thousand foot and six thousand horse.

> Latin: 38.2. quantae copiae transgresso in Italiam Hannibali fuerint nequaquam inter auctores constat. qui plurimum, centum milia peditum, uiginti equitum fuisse scribunt; qui minimum, uiginti milia peditum, sex equitum.

[¶89] 38.3. Lucius Cincius Alimentus, who says that he was taken prisoner by Hannibal, would be our weightiest authority, did he not confuse the reckoning by adding in Gauls and Ligurians: including these, he says that Hannibal brought eighty thousand foot and ten thousand horse —but it is more probable, and certain historians so hold, that these people joined his standard in Italy; he says, moreover, that he had learned from Hannibal's own lips that after crossing the Rhone he lost thirty-six thousand men and a vast number of horses and other animals.

> Latin: 38.3. L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab Hannibale scribit, maxime auctor moueret, nisi confunderet numerum Gallis Liguribusque additis; cum his octoginta milia peditum, decem equitum adducta;—in Italia magis adfluxisse ueri simile est et ita quidam auctores sunt;

[¶90] 38.5. The Taurine Gauls were the first people he encountered on descending into Italy. Since all are agreed on this point, I am the more astonished at the difference of opinion in regard to his route over the Alps, and that it should be commonly held that he crossed by the Poenine Pass and that from this circumstance that ridge of the Alps derived its name —and that Coelius should state that he crossed by the ridge of Cremo; for both these passes would have brought him down, not amongst the Taurini but through the Salassi Montani to the Libuan Gauls.

> Latin: 38.5. —ex ipso autem audisse Hannibale, postquam Rhodanum transierit triginta sex milia hominum ingentemque numerum equorum et aliorum iumentorum amisisse. Taurini Semigalli proxima gens erat in Italiam degresso. id cum inter omnes constet, eo magis miror ambigi quanam Alpes transierit et uolgo credere Poenino—atque inde nomen ei iugo Alpium inditum—transgressum, Coelium per Cremonis iugum dicere transisse; qui ambo saltus eum non in Taurinos sed per Salassos montanos ad Libuos Gallos deduxerint.

[¶91] 38.8. Neither is it probable that these routes to Gaul were open at that time; those leading to the Poenine Pass, at any rate, would have been blocked by tribes of half-German stock.

> Latin: 38.8. nec ueri simile est ea tum ad Galliam patuisse itinera; utique quae ad Poeninum ferunt obsaepta gentibus semigermanis fuissent.

[¶92] 38.9. Nor for that matter —if anyone happens to consider this point of consequence —do the Seduni Veragri, who inhabit those mountains, know of their having been named from any passage of the Phoenicians (or Poeni) but from that deity whose sanctuary is established on their very summit and whom the mountaineers call Poeninus.

> Latin: 38.9. neque hercule <nomen> montibus his, si quem forte id mouet, ab transitu Poenorum ullo Sedunoueragri, incolae iugi eius, norint inditum sed ab eo quem in summo sacratum uertice Poeninum montani appellant.

[¶93] 39.1. Quite opportunely for the opening of the campaign, the Taurini, the nearest tribe, had begun a war against the Insubres. But Hannibal was unable to put an army in the field to aid the Insubres, as the soldiers while convalescing felt more keenly than ever the distress arising from the hardships they had undergone;

> Latin: 39.1. peropportune ad principia rerum Taurinis, proximae genti, aduersus Insubres motum bellum erat. sed armare exercitum Hannibal ut parti alteri auxilio esset, in reficiendo maxime sentientem contracta ante mala, non poterat;

[¶94] 39.2. for rest coming after toil, plenty after want, comfort after filth and wet, produced all manner of disorders in their squalid and well-nigh brutalized bodies.

> Latin: 39.2. otium enim ex labore, copia ex inopia, cultus ex inluuie tabeque squalida et prope efferata corpora uarie mouebat.

[¶95] 39.3. This was the reason why the consul Publius Cornelius, who had come by sea to Pisa, though the army which he received from Manlius and Atilius was made up of raw recruits, still quaking from their recent defeats, yet marched in all haste towards the Po, that he might join battle with an enemy not yet restored to vigour.

> Latin: 39.3. ea P. Cornelio consuli causa fuit, cum Pisas nauibus uenisset, exercitu a Manlio Atilioque accepto tirone et in nouis ignominiis trepido ad Padum festinandi ut cum hoste nondum refecto manus consereret.

[¶96] 39.4. But when the consul reached Placentia, Hannibal had already broken camp and taken the capital city of the Taurini by assault, because they would not freely come into his friendship.

> Latin: 39.4. sed cum Placentiam consul uenit, iam ex statiuis mouerat Hannibal Taurinorumque unam urbem, caput gentis eius, quia uolentes in amicitiam non ueniebant, ui expugnarat;

[¶97] 39.5. On the other hand, he would have brought the Gauls who dwell along the Po to join him, not alone from fear but even of their own free choice, had not the consul taken them by surprise, appearing unexpectedly whilst they were looking about them for a pretext to revolt.

> Latin: 39.5. iunxissetque sibi non metu solum sed etiam uoluntate Gallos accolas Padi, ni eos circumspectantes defectionis tempus subito aduentu consul oppressisset.

[¶98] 39.6. Hannibal, too, moved forward from the Taurini, being persuaded that the Gauls, uncertain which side they had best adhere to, would attach themselves to those who were on the spot.

> Latin: 39.6. et Hannibal mouit ex Taurinis, incertos quae pars sequenda esset Gallos praesentem secuturos esse ratus.

[¶99] 39.7. The armies were now almost within sight of each other, and the opposing generals, though as yet they did not know one another well, had yet each been imbued with a kind of admiration for his antagonist.

> Latin: 39.7. iam prope in conspectu erant exercitus conuenerantque duces sicuti inter se nondum satis noti, ita iam imbutus uterque quadam admiratione alterius.

[¶100] 39.8. For Hannibal's name had been very renowned amongst the Romans, even before the destruction of Saguntum, and Scipio was a man of mark in the eyes of Hannibal, from the mere fact of his having been selected, in preference to any other, to command against himself.

> Latin: 39.8. nam Hannibalis et apud Romanos iam ante Sagunti excidium celeberrimum nomen erat, et Scipionem Hannibal eo ipso quod aduersus se dux potissimum lectus esset praestantem uirum credebat;

[¶101] 39.9. Each had increased the other's good opinion —Scipio, because, though left behind in Gaul, he had confronted Hannibal at his crossing over into Italy; Hannibal by the audacity with which he had conceived and executed his passage of the Alps.

> Latin: 39.9. et auxerant inter se opinionem, Scipio, quod relictus in Gallia obuius fuerat in Italiam transgresso Hannibali, Hannibal et conatu tam audaci traiciendarum Alpium et effectu.

[¶102] 39.10. Scipio, however, was the first to cross the Po. He brought his army up to the river Ticinus, and in order to put heart into the men before leading them out to fight, harangued them after the following fashion:

> Latin: 39.10. occupauit tamen Scipio Padum traicere et ad Ticinum amnem motis castris, priusquam educeret in aciem, adhortandorum militum causa talem orationem est exorsus.

[¶103] 40.1. "Soldiers, if I were leading into battle the army that I had under me in Gaul, I should have deemed it unnecessary to address you.

> Latin: 40.1. 'si eum exercitum, milites, educerem in aciem quem in Gallia mecum habui, supersedissem loqui apud uos;

[¶104] 40.2. For what point would there have been in exhorting either those horsemen who at the river Rhone had signally defeated the horsemen of the enemy, or those legions with which I pursued this very enemy in his flight, and by the confession implied in his withdrawal and avoidance of a battle, gained a virtual victory?

> Latin: 40.2. quid enim adhortari referret aut eos equites qui equitatum hostium ad Rhodanum flumen egregie uicissent, aut eas legiones cum quibus fugientem hunc ipsum hostem secutus confessionem cedentis ac detractantis certamen pro uictoria habui?

[¶105] 40.3. As it is, since that army, enrolled for service in Spain, is campaigning there under my auspices with my brother Gnaeus Scipio, where the senate and the Roman People desired that it should serve, and I myself, that you might have a consul for your leader against Hannibal and the Phoenicians, have of my own choice undertaken the present conflict, it is right that your new commander should say a word or two to his new soldiers.

> Latin: 40.3. nunc quia ille exercitus, Hispaniae prouinciae scriptus, ibi cum fratre Cn. Scipione meis auspiciis rem gerit ubi eum gerere senatus populusque Romanus uoluit, ego, ut consulem ducem aduersus Hannibalem ac Poenos haberetis, ipse me huic uoluntario certamini obtuli, nouo imperatori apud nouos milites pauca uerba facienda sunt.

[¶106] 40.5. "That you may not be ignorant what manner of war it is, or what your enemies are, you are to fight, my men, with those whom you defeated in the former war, on land and sea; with those from whom you exacted tribute for twenty years; with those from whom you wrested Sicily and Sardinia, which you now hold as the spoils of war.

> Latin: 40.5. ne genus belli neue hostem ignoretis, cum iis est uobis, milites, pugnandum quos terra marique priore bello uicistis, a quibus stipendium per uiginti annos exegistis, a quibus capta belli praemia Siciliam ac Sardiniam habetis.

[¶107] 40.6. You and they will therefore enter the present struggle with such spirits as usually attend the victors and the vanquished. Nor are they now going to fight because they dare, but because they must;

> Latin: 40.6. erit igitur in hoc certamine is uobis illisque animus qui uictoribus et uictis esse solet. nec nunc illi quia audent sed quia necesse est pugnaturi sunt, qui plures paene perierint quam supersint;

[¶108] 40.7. unless you think that those who avoided battle when their strength was unimpaired would, now that they have lost two-thirds of their infantry and cavalry in the passage of the Alps, have become more hopeful!

> Latin: 40.7. nisi creditis, qui exercitu incolumi pugnam detractauere, eos duabus partibus peditum equitumque in transitu Alpium amissis plus spei nactos esse.

[¶109] 40.8. But, you will say, their numbers indeed are small, but their courage and vigour are so great that scarce any force could withstand their might and power. Nay, not so!

> Latin: 40.8. at enim pauci quidem sunt sed uigentes animis corporibusque, quorum robora ac uires uix sustinere uis ulla possit.

[¶110] 40.9. They are but the semblance, the shadows of men, wasted away with hunger and cold, with filth and squalor; bruised and crippled amongst the rocks and cliffs; moreover, their limbs are frost-bitten, their muscles stiffened by the snow, their bodies numb with cold, their arms shattered and broken, their horses lame and feeble.

> Latin: 40.9. effigies immo, umbrae hominum, fame, frigore, inluuie, squalore enecti, contusi ac debilitati inter saxa rupesque; ad hoc praeusti artus, niue rigentes nerui, membra torrida gelu, quassata fractaque arma, claudi ac debiles equi.

## 4. Book XXI · chapters 40–52

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/4/#p-N

[¶0] 40.10. That is the cavalry, that the infantry with which you are to fight; you have no enemy —only the last relics of an enemy! And I fear nothing more than this, that when you have fought, it may seem to have been the Alps that conquered Hannibal.

> Latin: 40.10. cum hoc equite, cum hoc pedite pugnaturi estis; reliquias extremas hostis, non hostem habetis, ac nihil magis uereor quam ne cui, uos cum pugnaueritis, Alpes uicisse Hannibalem uideantur.

[¶1] 40.11. But perhaps it was right that the gods themselves, without any human aid, should begin and decide a war with a general and a people who break their treaties; and that we, whose injury was second to that of the gods, should add the finishing stroke to a war already so begun and so decided.

> Latin: 40.11. sed ita forsitan decuit, cum foederum ruptore duce ac populo deos ipsos sine ulla humana ope committere ac profligare bellum, nos, qui secundum deos uiolati sumus, commissum ac profligatum conficere.

[¶2] 41.1. “I am not afraid that anyone may suppose that I am using these brave words to encourage you, but that in my heart I think otherwise.”

> Latin: 41.1. non uereor ne quis me haec uestri adhortandi causa magnifice loqui existimet, ipsum aliter animo adfectum esse.

[¶3] 41.2. “It was open to me to proceed with my army to my own province, Spain, for which I had already started; I might there have had a brother to share my counsels and my dangers, and Hasdrubal instead of Hannibal for my enemy, and a war undoubtedly less difficult to conduct;”

> Latin: 41.2. licuit in Hispaniam, prouinciam meam, quo iam profectus eram, cum exercitu ire meo, ubi et fratrem consilii participem ac periculi socium haberem et Hasdrubalem potius quam Hannibalem hostem et minorem haud dubie molem belli;

[¶4] 41.3. “nevertheless, when rumours of this enemy reached me, as I sailed along by the coast of Gaul, I landed, and sending my cavalry ahead, moved my camp up to the Rhone.”

> Latin: 41.3. tamen, cum praeterueherer nauibus Galliae oram, ad famam huius hostis in terram egressus, praemisso equitatu ad Rhodanum moui castra.

[¶5] 41.4. “In a cavalry engagement —for this was the arm with which I was given the opportunity of fighting —I put the enemy to rout: his infantry column, marching hastily off as if in flight, I could not overtake by land; returning therefore to my ships I accomplished with all possible expedition so circuitous a voyage and march, and am come to confront this redoubtable enemy almost at the very foot of the Alps. Does it look as though I were avoiding battle and had blundered upon him unawares?”

> Latin: 41.4. equestri proelio, qua parte copiarum conserendi manum fortuna data est, hostem fudi; peditum agmen, quod in modum fugientium raptim agebatur, quia adsequi terra non poteram, [neque] regressus ad naues [erat] quanta maxime potui celeritate tanto maris terrarumque circuitu, in radicibus prope Alpium huic timendo hosti obuius fui.

[¶6] 41.5. “or, rather, as though I were in hot haste to encounter him and to provoke and bait him into fighting?”

> Latin: 41.5. utrum, cum declinarem certamen, improuidus incidisse uideor an occurrere in uestigiis eius, lacessere ac trahere ad decernendum?

[¶7] 41.6. “I would willingly make trial whether the earth has suddenly produced in the last twenty years another breed of Carthaginians, or whether they are the same who fought at the Aegatian islands and whom you suffered to depart from Eryx at a rating of eighteen denarii a head;” “and whether our friend Hannibal is a rival, as he himself would have it, of the wandering Hercules, or has been left to the Roman People by his father to be their tributary, tax-payer, and slave.”

> Latin: 41.6. experiri iuuat utrum alios repente Carthaginienses per uiginti annos terra ediderit an iidem sint qui ad Aegates pugnauerunt insulas et quos ab Eryce duodeuicenis denariis aestimatos emisistis, et utrum Hannibal hic sit aemulus itinerum Herculis, ut ipse fert, an uectigalis stipendiariusque et seruus populi Romani a patre relictus.

[¶8] 41.8. “Were he not maddened by the crime he committed at Saguntum, he would surely have regard, if not for his conquered country, yet at least for his house and his father and the treaties written by the hand of Hamilcar, who, under the orders of our consul, withdrew his garrison from Eryx;” “who submitted with rage and anguish to the heavy terms imposed upon the beaten Carthaginians; who agreed, on withdrawing from Sicily, to pay tribute to the Roman People.”

> Latin: 41.8. quem nisi Saguntinum scelus agitaret, respiceret profecto, si non patriam uictam, domum certe patremque et foedera Hamilcaris scripta manu, qui iussus ab consule nostro praesidium deduxit ab Eryce, qui graues impositas uictis Carthaginiensibus leges fremens maerensque accepit, qui decedens Sicilia stipendium populo Romano dare pactus est.

[¶9] 41.10. “And so I could wish you, soldiers, to fight not only with that courage with which you are wont to fight against other enemies, but with a kind of resentful rage, as if you saw your slaves all at once take up arms against you.”

> Latin: 41.10. itaque uos ego, milites, non eo solum animo quo aduersus alios hostes soletis, pugnare uelim, sed cum indignatione quadam atque ira, uelut si seruos uideatis uestros arma repente contra uos ferentes.

[¶10] 41.11. “When we had shut them up at Eryx, we might have killed them by starvation, the worst torment that man can know; we might have dispatched our victorious fleet to Africa, and in a few days' time, without the slightest struggle, have annihilated Carthage.”

> Latin: 41.11. licuit ad Erycem clausos ultimo supplicio humanorum, fame interficere; licuit uictricem classem in Africam traicere atque intra paucos dies sine ullo certamine Carthaginem delere;

[¶11] 41.12. “But we gave them the quarter they besought of us; we lifted the siege and let them go; we made peace with them when we had conquered them; and thereafter, when they were hard pressed by the war in Africa, we regarded them as under our protection.”

> Latin: 41.12. ueniam dedimus precantibus, emisimus ex obsidione, pacem cum uictis fecimus, tutelae deinde nostrae duximus, cum Africo bello urgerentur.

[¶12] 41.13. “In requital of these benefits they are coming in the train of a crazy youth to assail our country!”

> Latin: 41.13. pro his impertitis furiosum iuuenem sequentes oppugnatum patriam nostram ueniunt. atque utinam pro decore tantum hoc uobis et non pro salute esset certamen.

[¶13] 41.14. “And I would that your honour only and not your very existence were in jeopardy: you have got to fight not for the ownership of Sicily and Sardinia, which were formerly in dispute, but for Italy.”

> Latin: 41.14. non de possessione Siciliae ac Sardiniae, de quibus quondam agebatur, sed pro Italia uobis est pugnandum.

[¶14] 41.15. “There is no second army at our back to stop the enemy, in case we fail to beat him, nor are there other Alps to obstruct his advance while we make ready new defences. Here, soldiers, is the spot where we must make our stand, as though we were fighting before the walls of Rome.”

> Latin: 41.15. nec est alius ab tergo exercitus qui, nisi nos uincimus, hosti obsistat, nec Alpes aliae sunt, quas dum superant, comparari noua possint praesidia; hic est obstandum, milites, uelut si ante Romana moenia pugnemus.

[¶15] 41.16. “Let each and every one of you consider that his arms protect, not his own person, but his wife and little children; nor let him be concerned for his family alone, but remember that ours are the hands to which the senate and the Roman People are now looking, and that even as our might and valour shall prove to be,” “such henceforward will be the fortune of that City and the Roman empire.”

> Latin: 41.16. unusquisque se non corpus suum sed coniugem ac liberos paruos armis protegere putet; nec domesticas solum agitet curas sed identidem hoc animo reputet nostras nunc intueri manus senatum populumque Romanum:

[¶16] 41.17. So spoke the consul to the Romans. Hannibal thought it well to encourage his soldiers by an object lesson before haranguing them. He therefore caused the army to gather in a circle for the spectacle, and setting in the midst some captive mountaineers with fetters on them, gave the order to throw some Gallic weapons down at their feet, and bade an interpreter enquire if any were willing to fight for life or death, on condition of being granted freedom, if victorious, and presented with a horse and arms.

> Latin: 41.17. qualis nostra uis uirtusque fuerit, talem deinde fortunam illius urbis ac Romani imperii fore.' haec apud Romanos consul. Hannibal rebus prius quam uerbis adhortandos milites ratus, circumdato ad spectaculum exercitu captiuos montanos uinctos in medio statuit armisque Gallicis ante pedes eorum proiectis interrogare interpretem iussit, ecquis, si uinculis leuaretur armaque et equum uictor acciperet, decertare ferro uellet.

[¶17] 42.2. When the captives, to the last man, called for sword and combat, and lots were being cast to decide amongst them, each hoped that he should be the one whom fortune selected for that contest; and he who had drawn the lot would leap for joy, and dancing about —as their custom is —while the others showered congratulations on him, would eagerly snatch up his weapons.

> Latin: 42.2. cum ad unum omnes ferrum pugnamque poscerent et deiecta in id sors esset, se quisque eum optabat quem fortuna in id certamen legeret, et, <ut> cuiusque sors exciderat, alacer, inter gratulantes gaudio exsultans, cum sui moris tripudiis arma raptim capiebat.

[¶18] 42.4. But when they fought, the feeling, not only in the bosoms of the other captives but even amongst the onlookers in general, was such that the fortune of those who conquered was not more praised than that of those who met an honourable death.

> Latin: 42.4. ubi uero dimicarent, is habitus animorum non inter eiusdem modo condicionis homines erat sed etiam inter spectantes uolgo, ut non uincentium magis quam bene morientium fortuna laudaretur.

[¶19] 43.1. Having thus, by the exhibition of several pairs, worked on the passions of his troops, he dismissed them. Then, convening an assembly, he addressed them —so it is said —in the following strain: "If that spirit which but now was roused in you by the example of the plight of others shall presently be yours, when you consider your own prospects, then, soldiers, the victory is ours.

> Latin: 43.1. cum sic aliquot spectatis paribus adfectos dimisisset, contione inde aduocata ita apud eos locutus fertur. 'si, quem animum in alienae sortis exemplo paulo ante habuistis, eundem mox in aestimanda fortuna uestra habueritis, uicimus, milites;

[¶20] 43.2. For that was no mere spectacle, but a kind of picture, as it were, of your own condition.

> Latin: 43.2. neque enim spectaculum modo illud sed quaedam ueluti imago uestrae condicionis erat.

[¶21] 43.3. And I incline to think that Fortune has laid you under stronger bonds and heavier necessities than your captives.

> Latin: 43.3. ac nescio an maiora uincula maioresque necessitates uobis quam captiuis uestris fortuna circumdederit.

[¶22] 43.4. On the right and on the left two seas encompass you, and you have not a single ship, even to flee in; round you is the river Po —the Po, a greater and more turbulent river than the Rhone; behind you tower the Alps, which you hardly scaled when you were fresh and vigorous.

> Latin: 43.4. dextra laeuaque duo maria claudunt nullam ne ad effugium quidem nauem habentes; circa Padus amnis, maior [Padus] ac uiolentior Rhodano, ab tergo Alpes urgent, uix integris uobis ac uigentibus transitae.

[¶23] 43.5. Here, soldiers, you must conquer or die, where for the first time you have faced the enemy. And the same Fortune which has laid upon you the necessity of fighting holds forth the promise of such prizes, in the event of victory, that men are wont to ask not even the immortal gods for greater.

> Latin: 43.5. hic uincendum aut moriendum, milites, est, ubi primum hosti occurristis. et eadem fortuna, quae necessitatem pugnandi imposuit, praemia uobis ea uictoribus proponit quibus ampliora homines ne ab dis quidem immortalibus optare solent.

[¶24] 43.6. If it were only Sicily and Sardinia, wrested from our fathers, that we were going to recover by our valour, these would still be great enough rewards. As it is, whatever the Romans have won and heaped up in the course of all their triumphs, whatever they possess, is all destined —and its owners with it —to be yours.

> Latin: 43.6. si Siciliam tantum ac Sardiniam parentibus nostris ereptas nostra uirtute reciperaturi essemus, satis tamen ampla pretia essent: quidquid Romani tot triumphis partum congestumque possident, id omne uestrum cum ipsis dominis futurum est;

[¶25] 43.7. Come then! Arm yourselves, with Heaven helping you, to earn this splendid wage!

> Latin: 43.7. in hanc tam opimam mercedem, agite dum, dis bene iuuantibus arma capite.

[¶26] 43.8. Long enough have you been chasing flocks on the barren mountains of Lusitania and Celtiberia, without seeing any recompense for all your toil and dangers.

> Latin: 43.8. satis adhuc in uastis Lusitaniae Celtiberiaeque montibus pecora consectando nullum emolumentum tot laborum periculorumque uestrorum uidistis;

[¶27] 43.9. It is now time for you to make rich and lucrative campaigns, and reap the large rewards of so long a march over so many mountains and rivers and through so many warlike tribes. Here Fortune has fixed the final goal of your labours; here, when your wars are ended, she will worthily requite you.

> Latin: 43.9. tempus est iam opulenta uos ac ditia stipendia facere et magna operae pretia mereri, tantum itineris per tot montes fluminaque et tot armatas gentes emensos.

[¶28] 43.10. "Nor must you think that in proportion to the great name of the war will be the difficulty you will have in winning it.

> Latin: 43.10. hic uobis terminum laborum fortuna dedit; hic dignam mercedem emeritis stipendiis dabit.

[¶29] 43.11. It has often happened that even an enemy held cheap has caused a bloody battle, and that nations and princes of renown have been very lightly overcome. Take from your enemies this one glory of the Roman name, and in what particular can they bear comparison with you?

> Latin: 43.11. nec, quam magni nominis bellum est, tam difficilem existimaritis uictoriam fore; saepe et contemptus hostis cruentum certamen edidit et incliti populi regesque perleui momento uicti sunt.

[¶30] 43.12. To say nothing of your twenty years of service and your far-famed courage and good fortune, you have come from the Pillars of Hercules, from the Ocean and the uttermost limits of the world, and through so many of the fiercest tribes of Spain and Gaul have fought your way victoriously to this field.

> Latin: 43.12. nam dempto hoc uno fulgore nominis Romani, quid est cur illi uobis comparandi sint? ut uiginti annorum militiam uestram cum illa uirtute, cum illa fortuna taceam, ab Herculis columnis, ab Oceano terminisque ultimis terrarum per tot ferocissimos Hispaniae et Galliae populos uincentes huc peruenistis;

[¶31] 43.14. You will be pitted against an army of recruits, who have been this very summer cut to pieces, routed, and besieged by Gauls —an army as yet unknown to its general and one that knows not him.

> Latin: 43.14. pugnabitis cum exercitu tirone, hac ipsa aestate caeso, uicto, circumsesso a Gallis, ignoto adhuc duci suo ignorantique ducem.

[¶32] 43.15. Or am I, who if not actually born in the headquarters of my father-most illustrious of commanders —was at least brought up there, am I, the subjugator of Spain and Gaul and conqueror not only of the Alpine tribes, but —what is much more —of the Alps themselves, am I, I ask you, to compare myself to this six-months general, who has deserted his own army?

> Latin: 43.15. an me in praetorio patris, clarissimi imperatoris, prope natum, certe eductum, domitorem Hispaniae Galliaeque, uictorem eundem non Alpinarum modo gentium sed ipsarum, quod multo maius est, Alpium, cum semenstri hoc conferam duce, desertore exercitus sui?

[¶33] 43.16. Why, if one were to show him to-day the Phoenicians and Romans without their standards, I am certain he would not know which army he was consul of.

> Latin: 43.16. cui si quis demptis signis Poenos Romanosque hodie ostendat, ignoraturum certum habeo utrius exercitus sit consul.

[¶34] 43.17. For my part, soldiers, I regard it as no slight advantage that there is not one of you in whose sight I have not often myself performed some soldierly feat; not one of whose courage I have not in my turn been a spectator and eye-witness —whose deeds of prowess, noted, together with their times and circumstances, I am not able to rehearse.

> Latin: 43.17. non ego illud parui aestimo, milites, quod nemo est uestrum cuius non ante oculos ipse saepe militare aliquod ediderim facinus, cui non idem ego uirtutis spectator ac testis notata temporibus locisque referre sua possim decora.

[¶35] 43.18. I shall enter the battle in company with men whom I have praised and decorated a thousand times, and to all of whom I was a foster-son before I was their general. Opposed to me will be men who do not even know each other.

> Latin: 43.18. cum laudatis a me miliens donatisque, alumnus prius omnium uestrum quam imperator, procedam in aciem aduersus ignotos inter se ignorantesque.

[¶36] 44.1. “Wherever I turn my eyes I see nothing but eagerness and strength, a veteran infantry, cavalry from the noblest tribes, riding with bridles or without, here ” “the trustiest and most valiant of allies, there Carthaginians, prepared to fight not only in defence of their native land, but in satisfaction of a most righteous indignation.”

> Latin: 44.1. quocumque circumtuli oculos, plena omnia uideo animorum ac roboris, ueteranum peditem, generosissimarum gentium equites frenatos infrenatosque, uos socios fidelissimos fortissimosque, uos, Carthaginienses, cum ob patriam, tum ob iram iustissimam pugnaturos.

[¶37] 44.3. “We are the assailants, and are descending with hostile standards into Italy, where we shall fight with more boldness and courage than our foes in proportion as our hopes are higher and the gallantry of the assailant greater than his who but defends himself.”

> Latin: 44.3. inferimus bellum infestisque signis descendimus in Italiam, tanto audacius fortiusque pugnaturi quam hostis, quanto maior spes, maior est animus inferentis uim quam arcentis.

[¶38] 44.4. “Moreover, our hearts are kindled and pricked by rancour, wrongs, and insults. They called for the punishment of myself first, as your leader, then of all of you who had borne a part in the assault upon Saguntum; had we been given up, they meant to have inflicted upon us the worst of tortures.”

> Latin: 44.4. accendit praeterea et stimulat animos dolor, iniuria, indignitas. ad supplicium depoposcerunt me ducem primum, deinde uos omnes qui Saguntum oppugnassetis; deditos ultimis cruciatibus adfecturi fuerunt.

[¶39] 44.5. “Most inhuman and most arrogant of nations, they reckon the world as theirs and subject to their pleasure. With whom we are to be at war, with whom at peace, they think it right that they should determine.”

> Latin: 44.5. crudelissima ac superbissima gens sua omnia suique arbitrii facit; cum quibus bellum, cum quibus pacem habeamus, se modum imponere aequum censet. circumscribit includitque nos terminis montium fluminumque, quos non excedamus, neque eos, quos statuit, terminos obseruat:

[¶40] 44.6. “They circumscribe and hem us in with boundaries of mountains and rivers which we may not cross; yet they do not observe those boundaries which they have set.”

> Latin: 44.6. "ne transieris Hiberum; ne quid rei tibi sit cum Saguntinis." ad Hiberum est Saguntum? "nusquam te uestigio moueris.

[¶41] 44.7. ' Do not cross the Ebro! Have naught to do with the Saguntines!' But Saguntum is free. ' Do not budge from where you are in any direction!' Is it not enough that you have taken away my ancient provinces of Sicily and Sardinia? Are you taking away Spain as well? If I withdraw from these, shall you cross over into Africa? Shall, do I say? They have dispatched the two consuls of this year, the one into Africa, and the other into Spain!

> Latin: 44.7. " parum est quod ueterrimas prouincias meas, Siciliam ac Sardiniam, <ademisti?> adimis etiam Hispanias et, si inde cessero, in Africam transcendes. <transcendes> autem? transcendisse dico. duos consules huius anni, unum in Africam, alterum in Hispaniam miserunt. nihil usquam nobis relictum est nisi quod armis uindicarimus.

[¶42] 44.8. “Nothing is left us anywhere, except what we shall defend by force of arms. They can afford to be timid and unenterprising who have something to fall back upon; whom their own country and their own fields will receive as they flee over safe and peaceful roads. As for you, you must be stout-hearted men, and discarding, without vain regrets, all hopes of anything but victory or death, either conquer or, if Fortune falters, sooner perish in battle than in flight.”

> Latin: 44.8. illis timidis et ignauis esse licet, qui respectum habent, quos sua terra, suus ager per tuta ac pacata itinera fugientes accipient: uobis necesse est fortibus uiris esse et, omnibus inter uictoriam mortemue certa desperatione abruptis, aut uincere aut, si fortuna dubitabit, in proelio potius quam in fuga mortem oppetere.

[¶43] 44.9. “If this idea has been firmly fixed and implanted in your hearts, let me say once more: the victory is already yours. The immortal gods have bestowed on man no sharper weapon for winning victories than contempt of death.”

> Latin: 44.9. si hoc [bene fixum] omnibus destinatum in animo est, iterum dicam, uicistis; nullum contemptu m<ortis incitamentum> ad uincendum homini ab dis immortalibus acrius datum est.'

[¶44] 45.1. When the spirits of the soldiers on both sides had been whetted for the struggle by these speeches, the Romans threw a bridge over the Ticinus and erected a fort besides for its protection;

> Latin: 45.1. his adhortationibus cum utrimque ad certamen accensi militum animi essent, Romani ponte Ticinum iungunt tutandique pontis causa castellum insuper imponunt:

[¶45] 45.2. and the Phoenician, whilst his enemies were engaged in fortification, sent Maharbal with a squadron of Numidians, numbering five hundred horse, to ravage the fields belonging to the allies of the Roman People, with orders to spare the Gauls as much as possible and tempt their leaders to desert.

> Latin: 45.2. Poenus hostibus opere occupatis Maharbalem cum ala Numidarum, equitibus quingentis, ad depopulandos sociorum populi Romani agros mittit;

[¶46] 45.3. On the completion of the bridge, the Roman army marched over into the country of the Insubres, and took up a position five miles from Victumulae.

> Latin: 45.3. Gallis parci quam maxime iubet principumque animos ad defectionem sollicitari. ponte perfecto traductus Romanus exercitus in agrum Insubrium quinque milia passuum ab Uictumulis consedit.

[¶47] 45.4. It was there that Hannibal had his camp, who, quickly recalling Maharbal and his cavalry, when he saw that a battle was imminent, called his troops together —for he never felt that he had done enough in the way of preparing and cheering the men —and held out definite rewards to them to fight for;

> Latin: 45.4. ibi Hannibal castra habebat; reuocatoque propere Maharbale atque equitibus cum instare certamen cerneret, nihil unquam satis dictum praemonitumque ad cohortandos milites ratus, uocatis ad contionem certa praemia pronuntiat in quorum spem pugnarent:

[¶48] 45.5. he would give them land, he said, in Italy, Africa, or Spain, as each might choose, tax-free to the recipient and to his children; those who had rather have money than land he would content with silver; if any of the allies desired to become citizens of Carthage, he would give them the opportunity;

> Latin: 45.5. agrum sese daturum esse in Italia, Africa, Hispania, ubi quisque uelit, immunem ipsi qui accepisset liberisque; qui pecuniam quam agrum maluisset, ei se argento satisfacturum;

[¶49] 45.6. as for such as preferred to go back to their homes, he would see to it that they should feel no inclination to change places with any of their countrymen;

> Latin: 45.6. qui sociorum ciues Carthaginienses fieri uellent, potestatem facturum; qui domos redire mallent, daturum se operam ne cuius suorum popularium mutatum secum fortunam esse uellent.

[¶50] 45.7. besides this he promised freedom to the slaves who had come with their masters, and declared that he would make restitution to the latter, at the rate of two for one.

> Latin: 45.7. seruis quoque dominos prosecutis libertatem proponit binaque pro his mancipia dominis se redditurum.

[¶51] 45.8. And that they might know that these promises would be kept, he held a lamb with his left hand, and with his right a flint, and praying that if he should deceive them, then Jupiter and the other gods might slay him, even as he had slain the lamb, he thereupon smote the lamb's head with the stone.

> Latin: 45.8. eaque ut rata scirent fore, agnum laeua manu, dextra silicem retinens, si falleret, Iouem ceterosque precatur deos ita se mactarent quemadmodum ipse agnum mactasset, et secundum precationem caput pecudis saxo elisit.

[¶52] 45.9. Then indeed they all, as though each had received the blessing of the gods on his own particular hopes, and thought that their fulfilment was being delayed only because they were not yet fighting, cried out with one accord and one voice for battle.

> Latin: 45.9. tum uero omnes, uelut dis auctoribus in spem suam quisque acceptis, id morae quod nondum pugnarent ad potienda sperata rati, proelium uno animo et uoce una poscunt.

[¶53] 46.1. On the Roman side there was far less alacrity, for, besides other things, they were also frightened by some recent portents:

> Latin: 46.1. apud Romanos haudquaquam tanta alacritas erat, super cetera recentibus etiam territos prodigiis;

[¶54] 46.2. a wolf had entered the camp and after rending those whom it met, had itself escaped unharmed; and a swarm of bees had settled in a tree that hung over the consul's tent.

> Latin: 46.2. nam et lupus intrauerat castra laniatisque obuiis ipse intactus euaserat, <et> examen apum in arbore praetorio imminente consederat.

[¶55] 46.3. After averting these omens, Scipio set out with his cavalry and light-armed darters to reconnoitre at close hand the enemy's camp and the size and character of his forces, and encountered Hannibal, who had likewise come out with his cavalry to explore the surrounding country.

> Latin: 46.3. quibus procuratis Scipio cum equitatu iaculatoribusque expeditis profectus ad castra hostium exque propinquo copias, quantae et cuius generis essent, speculandas obuius fit Hannibali et ipsi cum equitibus ad exploranda circa loca progresso.

[¶56] 46.4. Neither party descried the other at first; afterwards an increasingly thick cloud of dust, that rose with the advance of so many men and horses, gave them notice that their enemies were approaching. Both bodies halted and began to make ready for battle.

> Latin: 46.4. neutri alteros primo cernebant; densior deinde incessu tot hominum <et> equorum oriens puluis signum propinquantium hostium fuit. consistit utrumque agmen et ad proelium sese expediebant.

[¶57] 46.5. Scipio stationed his darters and Gallic horse in front, holding in reserve the Romans and the best of the allies; Hannibal put the cavalry who rode with bridles in the centre, and made his wings strong with Numidians. Hardly had the battle-cry been raised, when the darters fled through their supports to the second line.

> Latin: 46.5. Scipio iaculatores et Gallos equites in fronte locat, Romanos sociorumque quod roboris fuit in subsidiis; Hannibal frenatos equites in medium accipit, cornua Numidis firmat.

[¶58] 46.6. Then followed a cavalry fight of which the issue was for a time in doubt; but by and by the horses became excited by the presence of the foot-soldiers who were mingled with them, and many riders lost their seats or dismounted on seeing their fellows in distress, and the battle was now fought chiefly on foot; until the Numidians, who were posted on the flanks, rode round in a little circuit and showed themselves on the rear.

> Latin: 46.6. uixdum clamore sublato iaculatores fugerunt inter subsidia ac secundam aciem. inde equitum certamen erat aliquamdiu anceps; dein quia turbabant equos pedites intermixti, multis labentibus ex equis aut desilientibus ubi suos premi circumuentos uidissent, iam magna ex parte ad pedes pugna abierat, donec Numidae qui in cornibus erant circumuecti paulum ab tergo se ostenderunt.

[¶59] 46.7. So alarming a sight filled the Romans with dismay, and, to add to their fear, the consul was wounded and was only saved from danger by the intervention of his son, who was just reaching manhood.

> Latin: 46.7. is pauor perculit Romanos, auxitque pauorem consulis uolnus periculumque intercursu tum primum pubescentis filii propulsatum.

[¶60] 46.8. This is the youth who will have the glory of finishing this war, and be surnamed Africanus, from his famous victory over Hannibal and the Phoenicians.

> Latin: 46.8. hic erit iuuenis penes quem perfecti huiusce belli laus est, Africanus ob egregiam uictoriam de Hannibale Poenisque appellatus.

[¶61] 46.9. However, the rout was chiefly amongst the darters, the first to be charged by the Numidians: the cavalry rallied, and receiving the consul into their midst, and shielding him not only with their arms but with their persons also, brought him back to camp without panic or confusion at any point in their retreat. (The credit for saving the consul's life is given by Coelius to a Ligurian slave.

> Latin: 46.9. fuga tamen effusa iaculatorum maxime fuit quos primos Numidae inuaserunt; alius confertus equitatus consulem in medium acceptum, non armis modo sed etiam corporibus suis protegens, in castra nusquam trepide neque effuse cedendo reduxit.

[¶62] 46.10. I should prefer, for my own part, that the story about his son were the true one, and this is the version which most authorities have handed down and tradition has established. ) Such was the first battle fought with Hannibal, in which it was clearly seen that the Phoenician was superior in cavalry and that consequently open plains, like those between the Po and the Alps, were ill-suited to the Romans for campaigning.

> Latin: 46.10. seruati consulis decus Coelius ad seruum natione Ligurem delegat; malim equidem de filio uerum esse, quod et plures tradidere auctores et fama obtinuit. hoc primum cum Hannibale proelium fuit; quo facile apparuit et equitatu meliorem Poenum esse et ob id campos patentes, quales sunt inter Padum Alpesque, bello gerendo Romanis aptos non esse.

[¶63] 47.2. Accordingly, the next night Scipio gave his men the order to pack up without making any noise, and quitting his camp on the Ticinus, marched swiftly to the Po, intending to use the bridge of boats which he had thrown across the river and had not yet broken up, in order to set his army over without confusion or interruption by the enemy.

> Latin: 47.2. itaque proxima nocte iussis militibus uasa silentio colligere castra ab Ticino mota festinatumque ad Padum est ut ratibus, quibus iunxerat flumen, nondum resolutis sine tumultu atque insectatione hostis copias traiceret.

[¶64] 47.3. They were at Placentia before Hannibal was well aware that they were gone from the Ticinus; nevertheless some six hundred men, who were lingering on the northern bank and taking their time about casting off the raft, fell into Hannibal's hands. He was not able to cross the bridge, for when the end was cast off, the whole raft swung down stream with the current.

> Latin: 47.3. prius Placentiam peruenere quam satis sciret Hannibal ab Ticino profectos; tamen ad sescentos moratorum in citeriore ripa Padi segniter ratem soluentes cepit. transire pontem non potuit, ut extrema resoluta erant tota rate in secundam aquam labente.

[¶65] 47.4. Coelius states that Mago with the cavalry and the Spanish foot immediately swam the river, and that Hannibal himself led his army across the Po by an upper ford, after placing the elephants in a line to break the current of the river.

> Latin: 47.4. Coelius auctor est Magonem cum equitatu et Hispanis peditibus flumen extemplo tranasse, ipsum Hannibalem per superiora Padi uada exercitum traduxisse, elephantis in ordinem ad sustinendum impetum fluminis oppositis.

[¶66] 47.5. Those who are acquainted with the Po will hardly credit this account; for, in the first place, it is unlikely that the horsemen could have breasted so strong a current without the loss of arms or horses, even if all the Spaniards had swum over on inflated skins, and in the second place it would have needed a circuitous march of many days to reach fords on the Po by which an army encumbered with baggage could get across.

> Latin: 47.5. ea peritis amnis eius uix fidem fecerint; nam neque equites armis equisque saluis tantam uim fluminis superasse ueri simile est—ut iam Hispanos omnes inflati trauexerint utres—, et multorum dierum circuitu Padi uada petenda fuerunt qua exercitus grauis impedimentis traduci posset.

[¶67] 47.6. Those writers seem to me more worthy of belief who relate that in two days' search a pace was scarcely found where the river could be spanned by a bridge of boats; by this the cavalry and light Spanish infantry were sent forward under Mago.

> Latin: 47.6. potiores apud me auctores sunt qui biduo uix locum rate iungendo flumini inuentum tradunt; ea cum Magone equites <et> Hispanorum expeditos praemissos.

[¶68] 47.7. While Hannibal, who had lingered on the northern bank to give a hearing to some Gallic embassies, was bringing over the heavy infantry, Mago and his horsemen advanced a day's march from the crossing of the river towards Placentia and the enemy.

> Latin: 47.7. dum Hannibal, circa flumen legationibus Gallorum audiendis moratus, traicit grauius peditum agmen, interim Mago equitesque ab transitu fluminis diei unius itinere Placentiam ad hostes contendunt.

[¶69] 47.8. A few days later, Hannibal went into camp behind entrenchments, six miles from the town, and on the following day drew up his troops in sight of the enemy and offered battle.

> Latin: 47.8. Hannibal paucis post diebus sex milia a Placentia castra communiuit et postero die in conspectu hostium acie directa potestatem pugnae fecit.

[¶70] 48.1. The next night there was a bloody affray in the Roman camp, occasioned by some Gallic auxiliaries, though the confusion was greater than the loss of life.

> Latin: 48.1. insequenti nocte caedes in castris Romanis, tumultu tamen quam re maior, ab auxiliaribus Gallis facta est.

[¶71] 48.2. Some two thousand foot-soldiers and two hundred horsemen cut down the guards doing duty at the gates and fled to Hannibal, who received them with fair words, and after encouraging them to hope for great rewards, sent them off to their several states to solicit the support of their countrymen.

> Latin: 48.2. ad duo milia peditum et ducenti equites uigilibus ad portas trucidatis ad Hannibalem transfugiunt; quos Poenus benigne adlocutus et spe ingentium donorum accensos in ciuitates quemque suas ad sollicitandos popularium animos dimisit.

[¶72] 48.3. Scipio apprehended that this bloodshed would prove to be a signal for the defection of all the Gauls, and that they would fly to arms, as if maddened by the contagion of this crime. Accordingly, though still troubled with his wound, he marched silently away in the fourth watch of the next night to the river Trebia, and encamped on higher ground, where hills made it more difficult for cavalry to operate.

> Latin: 48.3. Scipio caedem eam signum defectionis omnium Gallorum esse ratus contactosque eo scelere uelut iniecta rabie ad arma ituros, quamquam grauis adhuc uolnere erat, tamen quarta uigilia noctis insequentis tacito agmine profectus, ad Trebiam fluuium iam in loca altiora collesque impeditiores equiti castra mouet.

[¶73] 48.5. He was less successful than he had been on the Ticinus in eluding the observation of Hannibal, who sent after him first the Numidians and then all his cavalry, and would have thrown the rearguard at least into disorder, had not the Numidians, in their greed for booty, turned aside to plunder the camp which the Romans had abandoned.

> Latin: 48.5. minus quam ad Ticinum fefellit; missisque Hannibal primum Numidis, deinde omni equitatu turbasset utique nouissimum agmen, ni auiditate praedae in uacua Romana castra Numidae deuertissent.

[¶74] 48.6. Whilst they frittered away the time there, rummaging in every nook and cranny without finding anything that really repaid them for the loss of time, they let their enemies slip through their fingers. The Romans had already passed the Trebia and were marking out their camp, when the Numidians caught sight of them and cut down a few loiterers whom they intercepted on the hither side of the stream.

> Latin: 48.6. ibi dum perscrutantes loca omnia castrorum nullo satis digno morae pretio tempus terunt, emissus hostis est de manibus; et cum iam transgressos Trebiam Romanos metantesque castra conspexissent, paucos moratorum occiderunt citra flumen interceptos.

[¶75] 48.7. Scipio could no longer bear the pain occasioned by the jolting of his wound in travelling, and besides he judged it best to wait for the arrival of his colleague, who was already recalled —so he had heard —from Sicily. He therefore chose what seemed to be the safest place near the river for a permanent camp, and proceeded to entrench it.

> Latin: 48.7. Scipio, nec uexationem uolneris in uia iactati ultra patiens et collegam— iam enim et reuocatum ex Sicilia audierat—ratus exspectandum, locum qui prope flumen tutissimus statiuis est uisus delectum communiit.

[¶76] 48.8. Hannibal, too, went into camp not far away. Elated as he was at the victory of his horse, he was no less worried by the dearth of food, which increased from day to day, as he advanced through hostile territory without having anywhere arranged beforehand for supplies.

> Latin: 48.8. nec procul inde Hannibal cum consedisset, quantum uictoria equestri elatus, tantum anxius inopia quae per hostium agros euntem, nusquam praeparatis commeatibus, maior in dies excipiebat, ad Clastidium uicum, quo magnum frumenti numerum congesserant Romani, mittit.

[¶77] 48.9. In the village of Clastidium the Romans had got together a great quantity of corn. Thither Hannibal dispatched some soldiers, who were making preparations to assault the place, when hopes were held out of its betrayal. The price was not a large one: Dasius of Brundisium, who was in command of the garrison, accepted a bribe of four hundred gold pieces, and turned Clastidium over to Hannibal.

> Latin: 48.9. ibi cum uim pararent, spes facta proditionis; nec sane magno pretio, nummis aureis quadringentis, Dasio Brundisino praefecto praesidii corrupto traditur Hannibali Clastidium. id horreum fuit Poenis sedentibus ad Trebiam.

[¶78] 48.10. This served the Phoenicians as a granary, while they lay encamped on the Trebia. The surrendered garrison were spared, as Hannibal wished to gain at the very outset a reputation for clemency.

> Latin: 48.10. in captiuos ex tradito praesidio, ut fama clementiae in principio rerum colligeretur, nihil saeuitum est.

[¶79] 49.1. Though the war on land had come to a standstill at the Trebia, engagements had in the meantime been fought by land and sea off Sicily and the islands near the Italian coast, not only by Sempronius the consul, but even before his coming thither.

> Latin: 49.1. cum ad Trebiam terrestre constitisset bellum, interim circa Siciliam insulasque Italiae imminentes et a Sempronio consule et ante aduentum eius terra marique res gestae.

[¶80] 49.2. Twenty quinqueremes with a thousand men at arms had been sent by the Carthaginians to lay waste the coast of Italy; nine of them reached Liparae and eight the Isle of Vulcan; three the current diverted from their course into the Straits.

> Latin: 49.2. uiginti quinqueremes cum mille armatis ad depopulandam oram Italiae a Carthaginiensibus missae; nouem Liparas, octo ad insulam Uolcani tenuerunt, tres in fretum auertit aestus.

[¶81] 49.3. These last were sighted by the people of Messana, and Hiero, king of the Syracusans, who happened to be in Messana at the time, waiting for the Roman consul, dispatched twelve ships, which captured the enemy's ships without a struggle and brought them into the harbour of Messana.

> Latin: 49.3. ad eas conspectas a Messana duodecim naues ab Hierone rege Syracusanorum missae, qui tum forte Messanae erat consulem Romanum opperiens, nullo repugnante captas naues Messanam in portum deduxerunt.

[¶82] 49.4. It was learned from the prisoners that, besides the fleet of twenty galleys to which they themselves belonged —which had sailed for Italy —five and thirty other quinqueremes were on the way to Sicily to rouse up the old allies;

> Latin: 49.4. cognitum ex captiuis praeter uiginti naues, cuius ipsi classis essent, in Italiam missas, quinque et triginta alias quinqueremes Siciliam petere ad sollicitandos ueteres socios;

[¶83] 49.5. the seizure of Lilybaeum was their prime object; but they supposed that the same storm by which they had themselves been scattered had struck this fleet as well and had driven it out of its course to the Aegatian Islands.

> Latin: 49.5. Lilybaei occupandi praecipuam curam esse; credere eadem tempestate qua ipsi disiecti forent eam quoque classem ad Aegates insulas deiectam.

[¶84] 49.6. The king wrote a full account of these rumours, just as they had come to him, to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, who was in command in Sicily, and warned him to garrison Lilybaeum strongly.

> Latin: 49.6. haec, sicut audita erant, rex M. Aemilio praetori, cuius Sicilia prouincia erat, perscribit monetque [et] Lilybaeum firmo teneret praesidio.

[¶85] 49.7. The praetor at once sent out his lieutenants and tribunes to the cities round about, and urged his people to be on their guard. Above all, Lilybaeum was kept in a state of readiness for war, an edict having been published directing the naval allies to bring to their ships cooked rations for ten days, so that, on the signal being given, there might be nothing to delay their embarkation. All along the coast men were sent to keep a look-out from the watch-towers for the coming of the enemy's fleet.

> Latin: 49.7. extemplo et circa a praetore ad ciuitates missi legati tribunique suos ad curam custodiae intendere, et ante omnia Lilybaeum tueri apparatu belli, edicto proposito ut socii nauales decem dierum cocta cibaria ad naues deferrent et ubi signum datum esset ne quis moram conscendendi faceret, perque omnem oram qui ex speculis prospicerent aduentantem hostium classem missis.

[¶86] 49.9. And so, notwithstanding that the Carthaginians had delayed their sailing on purpose that they might come up to Lilybaeum in the dark, they were nevertheless perceived, because there was a moon all night and they bore down under a spread of canvas.

> Latin: 49.9. itaque quamquam de industria morati cursum nauium erant Carthaginienses ut ante lucem accederent Lilybaeum, praesensum tamen est quia et luna pernox erat et sublatis armamentis ueniebant.

[¶87] 49.10. The signal was at once displayed from the watchtowers, and in the town the call to arms was sounded and the ships were manned; some of the troops were at once on the walls or guarding the gates, some on the ships.

> Latin: 49.10. extemplo datum signum ex speculis et in oppido ad arma conclamatum est et in naues conscensum; pars militum in muris portarumque in stationibus, pars in nauibus erant.

[¶88] 49.11. And the Carthaginians, seeing that they should have to do with men who were not unprepared, stood off from the harbour until dawn and employed the time in taking down their masts and sails and putting the fleet in fighting trim.

> Latin: 49.11. et Carthaginienses, quia rem fore haud cum imparatis cernebant, usque ad lucem portu se abstinuerunt, demendis armamentis eo tempore aptandaque ad pugnam classe absumpto.

[¶89] 49.12. When the day broke, they withdrew into the open sea, to give room for the battle and to allow their enemy's ships a ready egress from the harbour. Nor did the Romans shun the encounter.

> Latin: 49.12. ubi inluxit, recepere classem in altum ut spatium pugnae esset exitumque liberum e portu naues hostium haberent.

[¶90] 49.13. They remembered the victories that had been won in that same vicinity, and relied on the numbers and the bravery of their men.

> Latin: 49.13. nec Romani detractauere pugnam et memoria circa ea ipsa loca gestarum rerum freti et militum multitudine ac uirtute. ubi in altum euecti sunt, Romanus conserere pugnam et ex propinquo uires conferre uelle;

[¶91] 50.2. Once at sea, the Romans wanted to join battle and match their strength against the enemy's at close quarters. The Phoenicians, on the contrary, preferred to manœuvre; to conduct the affair by strategy, not by force, and to make it a contest rather of ships than of men or arms.

> Latin: 50.2. contra eludere Poenus et arte non ui rem gerere nauiumque quam uirorum aut armorum malle certamen facere.

[¶92] 50.3. For although their fleet was well equipped with rowers, they were short of fighting men; and when a ship was grappled, the men-at-arms in her were greatly outnumbered by their enemies.

> Latin: 50.3. nam ut sociis naualibus adfatim instructam classem, ita inopem milite habebant et, sicubi conserta nauis esset, haudquaquam par numerus armatorum ex ea pugnabat.

[¶93] 50.4. Perceiving this, the Romans derived a fresh access of courage from their numbers, and the other side were correspondingly disheartened by their fewness. Seven Punic ships were instantly cut out and captured, and the rest took to flight.

> Latin: 50.4. quod ubi animaduersum est, et Romanis multitudo sua auxit animum et paucitas illis minuit.

[¶94] 50.5. There were seventeen hundred soldiers and sailors on the captured ships, including three Carthaginian nobles. The Roman fleet returned intact into the harbour: one ship only had been rammed, and even this was brought safely in.

> Latin: 50.5. extemplo septem naues Punicae circumuentae: fugam ceterae ceperunt. mille et septingenti fuere in nauibus captis milites nautaeque, in his tres nobiles Carthaginiensium.

[¶95] 50.6. After this engagement, but before the people in Messana had got wind of it, the consul Tiberius Sempronius came to that city.

> Latin: 50.6. classis Romana incolumis, una tantum perforata naui sed ea quoque ipsa reduce, in portum rediit.

[¶96] 50.7. As he was entering the straits, King Hiero put out to meet him, with his fleet in fighting order, and passing over from the royal galley to the praetorian, congratulated Sempronius on having arrived in safety with his army and his ships, and prayed that he might have a safe and successful passage to Sicily. He then described conditions in the island and the attempts made by the Carthaginians, and promised that with the same spirit with which, in his youth, he had helped the Roman People in the former war he would help them now, as an old man, and would furnish corn and clothing gratis to the legions of the consul and the naval allies.

> Latin: 50.7. secundum hanc pugnam, nondum gnaris eius qui Messanae erant Ti. Sempronius consul Messanam uenit. ei fretum intranti rex Hiero classem ornatam obuiam duxit, transgressusque ex regia in praetoriam nauem, gratulatus sospitem cum exercitu et nauibus aduenisse precatusque prosperum ac felicem in Siciliam transitum, statum deinde insulae et Carthaginiensium conata exposuit pollicitusque est, quo animo priore bello populum Romanum iuuenis adiuuisset, eo senem adiuturum;

[¶97] 50.10. He added that Lilybaeum and the cities of the coast were in great danger, and that some of them would welcome a revolution.

> Latin: 50.10. frumentum uestimentaque sese legionibus consulis sociisque naualibus gratis praebiturum; grande periculum Lilybaeo maritimisque ciuitatibus esse et quibusdam uolentibus nouas res fore.

[¶98] 50.11. In view of these things, the consul saw fit to sail without delay for Lilybaeum, and the king attended him with the royal fleet. On the voyage they learned of the action that had been fought near that city, and the defeat and capture of the enemy's ships.

> Latin: 50.11. ob haec consuli nihil cunctandum uisum quin Lilybaeum classe peteret. et rex regiaque classis una profecti. nauigantes inde pugnatum ad Lilybaeum fusasque et captas hostium naues accepere.

[¶99] 51.1. From Lilybaeum the consul dismissed King Hiero and his fleet, and leaving the praetor to protect the coast of Sicily, set sail for the island of Melita, which was held by the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 51.1. a Lilybaeo consul, Hierone cum classe regia dimisso relictoque praetore ad tuendam Siciliae oram, ipse in insulam Melitam, quae a Carthaginiensibus tenebatur, traiecit.

[¶100] 51.2. On his arrival, Hamilcar, Gisgo's son, the commandant of the garrison, surrendered himself and nearly two thousand soldiers, together with the town and island. From Melita Sempronius returned in a few days to Lilybaeum, and consul and praetor sold into slavery the prisoners they had made, with the exception of those who were distinguished by noble birth. When the consul judged that Sicily was in no danger from that quarter, he crossed over to the Isles of Vulcan, where it was rumoured that a Punic fleet was lying; but no single enemy was discovered near those islands.

> Latin: 51.2. aduenienti Hamilcar Gisgonis filius, praefectus praesidii, cum paulo minus duobus milibus militum oppidumque cum insula traditur. inde post paucos dies reditum Lilybaeum captiuique et a consule et a praetore, praeter insignes nobilitate uiros, sub corona uenierunt. postquam ab ea parte satis tutam Siciliam censebat consul, ad insulas Uolcani, quia fama erat stare ibi Punicam classem, traiecit;

[¶101] 51.3. They had already, as it happened, sailed across to ravage the Italian coast, and after pillaging the country about Vibo, were even threatening the town.

> Latin: 51.3. nec quisquam hostium circa eas insulas inuentus; iam forte transmiserant ad uastandam Italiae oram depopulatoque Uibonensi agro urbem etiam terrebant.

[¶102] 51.5. The consul was returning again to Sicily when tidings reached him of the enemy's raid on the lands of Vibo, and a letter was delivered to him from the senate, apprising him of Hannibal's descent into Italy and bidding him go to the assistance of his colleague at the earliest possible moment.

> Latin: 51.5. repetenti Siciliam consuli escensio hostium in agrum Uibonensem facta nuntiatur, litteraeque ab senatu de transitu in Italiam Hannibalis et ut primo quoque tempore collegae ferret auxilium missae traduntur.

[¶103] 51.6. Beset with many cares at once, he immediately embarked his army and dispatched it through the Adriatic to Ariminum; to Sextus Pomponius, his lieutenant, he assigned five and twenty ships of war, with the task of defending the territory of Vibo and the coast of Italy; the fleet under Marcus Aemilius the praetor he increased to fifty sail.

> Latin: 51.6. multis simul anxius curis exercitum extemplo in naues impositum Ariminum mari supero misit, Sex. Pomponio legato cum uiginti quinque longis nauibus Uibonensem agrum maritimamque oram Italiae tuendam attribuit, M.

[¶104] 51.7. He himself, after settling the affairs of Sicily, took ten ships, and skirting the Italian coast, arrived at Ariminum. Thence he marched with his army to the Trebia and effected a junction with his colleague.

> Latin: 51.7. Aemilio praetori quinquaginta nauium classem expleuit. ipse compositis Siciliae rebus decem nauibus oram Italiae legens Ariminum peruenit. inde cum exercitu suo profectus ad Trebiam flumen collegae coniungitur.

[¶105] 52.1. Now that both the consuls and all the forces which the Romans could muster were opposing Hannibal, it was obvious enough either that the troops there under arms were able to defend Rome's empire or that her case was hopeless.

> Latin: 52.1. iam ambo consules et quidquid Romanarum uirium erat Hannibali oppositum aut illis copiis defendi posse Romanum imperium aut spem nullam aliam esse satis declarabat.

[¶106] 52.2. Nevertheless one of the consuls, disheartened by a single cavalry engagement and weak from his wound, preferred to postpone the decision. The other, unwearied and therefore the more impetuous, would put up with no delay.

> Latin: 52.2. tamen consul alter, equestri proelio uno et uolnere suo comminutus, trahi rem malebat; recentis animi alter eoque ferocior nullam dilationem patiebatur.

[¶107] 52.3. The country between the Trebia and the Po was in those days inhabited by Gauls, who in this struggle of two mighty peoples maintained a neutral attitude and plainly intended to court the good-will of the victor.

> Latin: 52.3. quod inter Trebiam Padumque agri est Galli tum incolebant, in duorum praepotentium populorum certamine per ambiguum fauorem haud dubie gratiam uictoris spectantes.

[¶108] 52.4. This policy was agreeable enough to the Romans, if only the Gauls made no disturbance, but was far from acceptable to Hannibal, who declared repeatedly that he had come on the invitation of the Gauls, to set them free.

> Latin: 52.4. id Romani, modo ne quid mouerent, aequo satis, Poenus periniquo animo ferebat, ab Gallis accitum se uenisse ad liberandos eos dictitans.

[¶109] 52.5. In his resentment at this state of affairs, and in order at the same time to sustain his troops with plunder, he ordered two thousand foot and a thousand horse —chiefly Numidians but with a sprinkling of Gauls —to waste the entire country-side, field after field, right up to the banks of the Po.

> Latin: 52.5. ob eam iram, simul ut praeda militem aleret, duo milia peditum et mille equites, Numidas plerosque, mixtos quosdam et Gallos, populari omnem deinceps agrum usque ad Padi ripas iussit.

[¶110] 52.6. The helpless Gauls, who had been undecided until then, were compelled to turn from the authors of their wrongs to those who might avenge them; and, sending envoys to the consuls, besought the Romans to come to the aid of a land that was suffering for its inhabitants' too great loyalty to Rome.

> Latin: 52.6. egentes ope Galli, cum ad id dubios seruassent animos, coacti ab auctoribus iniuriae ad uindices futuros declinant legatisque ad consulem missis auxilium Romanorum terrae ob nimiam cultorum fidem in Romanos laboranti orant.

[¶111] 52.7. Cornelius liked neither the occasion nor the time for fighting, and regarded the Gauls with suspicion, both because of many acts of perfidy, and especially —even though time had obliterated those ancient grievances —because of the recent treachery of the Boi.

> Latin: 52.7. Cornelio nec causa nec tempus agendae rei placebat suspectaque ei gens erat cum ob infida multa facinora, tum, ut alia uetustate obsoleuissent, ob recentem Boiorum perfidiam:

## 5. Book XXI · chapters 52–63

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/5/#p-N

[¶0] 52.8. Sempronius, on the contrary, held that the strongest bond for keeping the allies to their obligations was the defence of those who should first stand in need of help.

> Latin: 52.8. Sempronius contra continendis in fide sociis maximum uinculum esse primos qui eguissent ope defensos censebat.

[¶1] 52.9. On the present occasion, while his colleague hesitated, Sempronius sent his cavalry, interspersed with about a thousand foot-soldiers, armed with darts, to protect the Gallic lands beyond the Trebia.

> Latin: 52.9. tum collega cunctante equitatum suum mille peditum, iaculatoribus ferme, admixtis ad defendendum Gallicum agrum trans Trebiam mittit.

[¶2] 52.10. Falling unexpectedly upon the enemy, who were scattered and disorganized —most of them laden too with spoils —they drove them with great slaughter in a terror-stricken rout to the very outposts of the Carthaginian camp. Thence the enemy poured out in numbers and repulsed the Romans, in their turn; but reserves came up and restored the day.

> Latin: 52.10. sparsos et incompositos, ad hoc graues praeda plerosque cum inopinato inuasissent, ingentem terrorem caedemque ac fugam usque ad castra stationesque hostium fecere; unde multitudine effusa pulsi, rursus subsidio suorum proelium restituere.

[¶3] 52.11. Thereafter the fortune of the battle shifted, as pursuit was followed by retreat; and though in the end the opposing armies were on even terms, still the enemy had lost more men and the Romans got the credit of a victory.

> Latin: 52.11. uaria inde pugna <inter recedentes in>sequentesque, cumque ad extremum aequassent certamen, maior tamen hostium <cum caedes esset, penes> Romanos fama uictoriae fuit.

[¶4] 53.1. But to no one did the victory seem greater or more unequivocal than to Sempronius the consul; he was beside himself with joy that with that arm of the service with which the other consul had been beaten, he himself had been successful.

> Latin: 53.1. ceterum nemini omnium maior ea iustiorque quam ipsi consuli uideri; gaudio efferri, qua parte copiarum alter consul uictus foret, ea se uicisse:

[¶5] 53.2. He declared that the spirits of the men were restored and renewed, and that no one but his colleague desired to put off the struggle; Cornelius, he said, was sick in spirit rather than in body, and the recollection of his wound made him dread a battle and its missiles.

> Latin: 53.2. restitutos ac refectos militibus animos nec quemquam esse praeter collegam qui dilatam dimicationem uellet; eum, animo magis quam corpore aegrum memoria uolneris aciem ac tela horrere.

[¶6] 53.3. But they must not droop and languish along with a sick man. Why indeed should they further postpone the conflict, or waste time? What third consul, what other army were they waiting for?

> Latin: 53.3. sed non esse cum aegro senescendum. quid enim ultra differri aut teri tempus? quem tertium consulem, quem alium exercitum exspectari?

[¶7] 53.4. The Carthaginians were encamped in Italy and almost within sight of Rome. Their object was, not to get back Sicily and Sardinia, taken from them after their defeat, nor to cross the Ebro and occupy northern Spain, but to expel the Romans from the land of their fathers and from their native soil.

> Latin: 53.4. castra Carthaginiensium in Italia ac prope in conspectu urbis esse. non Siciliam ac Sardiniam, uictis ademptas, nec cis Hiberum Hispaniam peti sed solo patrio terraque in qua geniti forent pelli Romanos.

[¶8] 53.5. “How would our fathers groan,” he cried, “that were wont to wage war about the walls of Carthage, could they see us, their offspring, two consuls and two consular armies, cowering within our camp in the heart of Italy; and the Phoenician in full sway over all the territory between the Alps and the Apennines!” Thus he ran on, as he sat by the bed of his sick colleague; thus he argued in the praetorium, almost as if haranguing the troops.

> Latin: 53.5. 'quantum ingemiscant' inquit 'patres nostri, circa moenia Carthaginis bellare soliti, si uideant nos, progeniem suam, duos consules consularesque exercitus, in media Italia pauentes intra castra, Poenum quod inter Alpes Appenninumque agri sit suae dicionis fecisse?'

[¶9] 53.6. His impatience was increased, too, by the near approach of the elections, lest the war go over to the term of the new consuls and he lose the opportunity of gaining all the glory for himself, while his colleague was laid up.

> Latin: 53.6. haec adsidens aegro collegae, haec in praetorio prope contionabundus agere. stimulabat et tempus propinquum comitiorum, ne in nouos consules bellum differretur, et occasio in se unum uertendae gloriae, dum aeger collega erat.

[¶10] 53.7. Accordingly, despite the unavailing protests of Cornelius, he commanded the soldiers to make ready for an early battle. Hannibal, since he saw what was best for the enemy, hardly dared to hope that the consuls would take any rash or ill-considered step; but knowing, as he did —by hearsay first and afterwards by experience —that one of them was of a fiery and reckless disposition, and believing that the late successful brush with the Carthaginian raiders would have made him still more headstrong, he was fairly confident that the good fortune of a general engagement was at hand.

> Latin: 53.7. itaque nequiquam dissentiente Cornelio parari ad propinquum certamen milites iubet. Hannibal cum quid optimum foret hosti cerneret, uix ullam spem habebat temere atque improuide quicquam consules acturos; cum alterius ingenium, fama prius, deinde re cognitum, percitum ac ferox sciret esse ferociusque factum prospero cum praedatoribus suis certamine crederet, adesse gerendae rei fortunam haud diffidebat.

[¶11] 53.9. It was therefore his one concern to let slip no opportunity for bringing this about, while the soldiers of the enemy still lacked experience, while the abler of their generals was incapacitated by his wound, while the courage of the Gauls was up —since he knew that their vast multitude would follow the less willingly, the farther they were drawn from home.

> Latin: 53.9. cuius ne quod praetermitteret tempus, sollicitus intentusque erat, dum tiro hostium miles esset, dum meliorem ex ducibus inutilem uolnus faceret, dum Gallorum animi uigerent, quorum ingentem multitudinem sciebat segnius secuturam quanto longius ab domo traherentur.

[¶12] 53.11. For these and similar reasons he hoped that a battle would soon be fought, and was eager, should there be any hesitation, to force it on. And so, when his Gallic scouts —who were safer for gathering the information that he wanted because there were men of that nation in both camps —had reported that the Romans were prepared to fight, the Phoenician began to look about for a place in which to lay an ambush.

> Latin: 53.11. cum ob haec taliaque speraret propinquum certamen et facere, si cessaretur, cuperet speculatoresque Galli, ad ea exploranda quae uellet tutiores quia in utrisque castris militabant, paratos pugnae esse Romanos rettulissent, locum insidiis circumspectare Poenus coepit.

[¶13] 54.1. Between the two camps was a water-course, shut in by very high banks on either side and overgrown all round with marsh-grass and the underbrush and brambles with which uncultivated land is usually clothed. When Hannibal, riding over the ground himself, saw that this place afforded sufficient cover even for cavalry, he said to his brother Mago, “This will be the place for you to hold.”

> Latin: 54.1. erat in medio riuus praealtis utrimque clausus ripis et circa obsitus palustribus herbis et quibus inculta ferme uestiuntur, uirgultis uepribusque. quem ubi equites quoque tegendo satis latebrosum locum circumuectus ipse oculis perlustrauit, 'hic erit locus' Magoni fratri ait 'quem teneas.

[¶14] 54.2. “Choose out a hundred men from all the infantry and a hundred from the cavalry, and come with them to my quarters at the first watch. It is time now to sup and rest.” With that he broke up the council. In a little while Mago presented himself with his picked men.

> Latin: 54.2. delige centenos uiros ex omni pedite atque equite cum quibus ad me uigilia prima uenias; nunc corpora curare tempus est.' ita praetorium missum.

[¶15] 54.3. “I see the stoutest of my men,” said Hannibal, “but that your numbers too may be strong to match your bravery, choose, each of you, from the squadrons and the maniples, nine others like yourselves. Mago will point out to you the spot where you are to lie in ambush; you have an enemy who is blind to these stratagems.”

> Latin: 54.3. mox cum delectis Mago aderat. 'robora uirorum cerno' inquit Hannibal; 'sed uti numero etiam, non animis modo ualeatis, singulis uobis nouenos ex turmis manipulisque uestri similes eligite. Mago locum monstrabit quem insideatis; hostem caecum ad has belli artes habetis.'

[¶16] 54.4. Mago and his thousand horse and thousand foot being thus dispatched, Hannibal ordered the Numidian cavalry to cross the Trebia at dawn, and riding up to the enemy's gates and discharging missiles against his outposts, to lure him into battle; and then, when the fight was on, to give ground insensibly and draw him across the river. Such were the orders of the Numidians.

> Latin: 54.4. ita <cum> mille equitibus Magone, mille peditibus dimisso Hannibal prima luce Numidas equites transgressos Trebiam flumen obequitare iubet hostium portis iaculandoque in stationes elicere ad pugnam hostem, iniecto deinde certamine cedendo sensim citra flumen pertrahere. haec mandata Numidis:

[¶17] 54.5. The other officers, both of cavalry and of infantry, were instructed to make their men have breakfast, and then, armed and with horses saddled, to await the signal.

> Latin: 54.5. ceteris ducibus peditum equitumque praeceptum ut prandere omnes iuberent, armatos deinde instratisque equis signum exspectare.

[¶18] 54.6. On the flurry caused by the Numidians, Sempronius, confident where cavalry was concerned, first led out all of this part of his forces; then six thousand of the infantry; and finally all the rest of his troops. He had fully made up his mind beforehand and was eager for the battle.

> Latin: 54.6. Sempronius ad tumultum Numidarum primum omnem equitatum, ferox ea parte uirium, deinde sex milia peditum, postremo omnes copias ad destinatum iam ante consilio auidus certaminis eduxit.

[¶19] 54.7. It chanced to be the time of year when the days are shortest, and it was snowing in the region between the Alps and the Apennines, and the proximity of rivers and marshes intensified the bitter cold.

> Latin: 54.7. erat forte brumae tempus et niualis dies in locis Alpibus Appenninoque interiectis, propinquitate etiam fluminum ac paludum praegelidis.

[¶20] 54.8. Moreover, men and horses had been turned out in haste, without stopping for food or doing anything to guard against becoming chilled; there was no warmth in them, and the nearer they approached the atmosphere of the river the sharper grew the cold wind in their faces.

> Latin: 54.8. ad hoc raptim eductis hominibus atque equis, non capto ante cibo, non ope ulla ad arcendum frigus adhibita, nihil caloris inerat, et quidquid aurae fluminis appropinquabant, adflabat acrior frigoris uis.

[¶21] 54.9. But when, in pursuit of the fleeing Numidians, they entered the water —swollen breast-high with the rain that had fallen in the night —or at any rate when they got out upon the further bank, then indeed their bodies were all so benumbed that they could hardly hold their weapons; and at the same time they were fainting with fatigue, and, as the day wore on, with hunger as well.

> Latin: 54.9. ut uero refugientes Numidas insequentes aquam ingressi sunt—et erat pectoribus tenus aucta nocturno imbri —tum utique egressis rigere omnibus corpora ut uix armorum tenendorum potentia esset, et simul lassitudine et procedente iam die fame etiam deficere.

[¶22] 55.1. Hannibal's soldiers had in the meantime made fires before their tents; in each company they had been served with oil to supple their joints, and had breakfasted at leisure. When, therefore, they were told that the enemy had crossed the river, they were eager both in mind and body, as they armed and went out to battle.

> Latin: 55.1. Hannibalis interim miles ignibus ante tentoria factis oleoque per manipulos, ut mollirent artus, misso et cibo per otium capto, ubi transgressos flumen hostes nuntiatum est, alacer animis corporibusque arma capit atque in aciem procedit.

[¶23] 55.2. In front of the standards Hannibal placed the Baliares, light-armed troops numbering about eight thousand, and behind these his heavy infantry, tile strength and flower of his army; the wings he formed of ten thousand horse, and, dividing the elephants, stationed them outside the wings.

> Latin: 55.2. Baliares locat ante signa <ac> leuem armaturam, octo ferme milia hominum, dein grauiorem armis peditem, quod uirium, quod roboris erat; in cornibus circumfudit decem milia equitum et ab cornibus in utramque partem diuersos elephantos statuit.

[¶24] 55.3. The consul's troopers were scattered in pursuit of the Numidians, when suddenly the latter made a stand and took them unawares; whereupon he called them back and posted them on either flank of the infantry.

> Latin: 55.3. consul effuse sequentes equites, cum ab resistentibus subito Numidis incauti exciperentur, signo receptui dato reuocatos circumdedit peditibus.

[¶25] 55.4. There were eighteen thousand Romans and twenty thousand allies of the Latin name, besides the auxiliaries of the Cenomani, the only Gallic tribe that continued loyal. These were the contending forces. The Baliares began the battle, but those light-armed troops, finding the legions too strong to cope with, were quickly withdrawn and sent to the wings.

> Latin: 55.4. duodeuiginti milia Romani erant, socium nominis Latini uiginti, auxilia praeterea Cenomanorum; ea sola in fide manserat Gallica gens. iis copiis concursum est. proelium a Baliaribus ortum est;

[¶26] 55.5. This manœuvre at once caused the Roman cavalry acute distress; for they numbered but four thousand, and, tired as they were, would scarce have been able to hold out any longer against the enemy's ten thousand cavalry alone, who were most of them fresh;

> Latin: 55.5. quibus cum maiore robore legiones obsisterent, diducta propere in cornua leuis armatura est, quae res effecit ut equitatus Romanus extemplo urgeretur.

[¶27] 55.6. and now they were overwhelmed, as it were with a cloud of missiles, by the Baliares. Besides this, the elephants, looming large on the outer extremities of the wings, gave rise to such a panic, particularly among the horses, not only by their strange appearance, but also by their unfamiliar smell, as to bring about a general flight.

> Latin: 55.6. nam cum uix iam per se resisterent decem milibus equitum quattuor milia et fessi integris plerisque, obruti sunt insuper uelut nube iaculorum a Baliaribus coniecta. ad hoc elephanti eminentes ab extremis cornibus, equis maxime non uisu modo sed odore insolito territis, fugam late faciebant.

[¶28] 55.8. As for the infantry, they were fairly matched in courage, but not in strength, which was unimpaired in the case of the Phoenicians, who had refreshed themselves shortly before entering the battle, while the Romans were faint with fasting and fatigue, and were stiff and numb with cold. Yet their courage would have enabled them to resist, had they fought against infantry alone.

> Latin: 55.8. pedestris pugna par animis magis quam uiribus erat, quas recentes Poenus paulo ante curatis corporibus in proelium attulerat; contra ieiuna fessaque corpora Romanis et rigentia gelu torpebant. restitissent tamen animis, si cum pedite solum foret pugnatum;

[¶29] 55.9. But the Baliares, having put the cavalry to flight, were raining missiles on their flanks; the elephants had now charged the centre of the line; and Mago and his Numidians, as soon as the Roman army had passed their ambuscade without observing it, started up in their rear, and caused the wildest panic and confusion.

> Latin: 55.9. sed et Baliares pulso equite iaculabantur in latera et elephanti iam in mediam peditum aciem sese tulerant et Mago Numidaeque, simul latebras eorum improuida praeterlata acies est, exorti ab tergo ingentem tumultum ac terrorem fecere.

[¶30] 55.10. Nevertheless, amidst all these evils, the line held for a time unshaken, and even —what no one had dared to hope for —against the elephants.

> Latin: 55.10. tamen in tot circumstantibus malis mansit aliquamdiu immota acies, maxime praeter spem omnium aduersus elephantos.

[¶31] 55.11. Skirmishers, expressly posted to deal with the beasts, would throw darts at them and make them turn away, and then pursuing them would strike them under the tail, where the skin is softest and it is possible to wound them.

> Latin: 55.11. eos uelites ad id ipsum locati uerutis coniectis et auertere et insecuti auersos sub caudis, qua maxime molli cute uolnera accipiunt, fodiebant.

[¶32] 56.1. In their terror they were now on the point of charging their own people, when Hannibal gave orders to drive them from the centre to the extreme left wing, against the Gallic auxiliaries. Here they immediately caused a decided stampede, and the Romans experienced a fresh alarm when they saw B.C. 218 their auxiliaries routed.

> Latin: 56.1. trepidantesque et prope iam in suos consternatos e media acie in extremam ad sinistrum cornu aduersus Gallos auxiliares agi iussit Hannibal. ibi extemplo haud dubiam fecere fugam; nouus quoque terror additus Romanis ut fusa auxilia sua uiderunt.

[¶33] 56.2. And so, hemmed in as they now were on every side, about ten thousand men, when they found it impossible to escape at any other point, forced a passage, with great slaughter of their enemies, through the Carthaginian centre, which was composed of Gallic auxiliaries, and being cut off by the river from returning to their camp and so blinded by the rain that they could not well discern where to help their comrades, took the shortest way to Placentia. After that sundry groups broke out at various points.

> Latin: 56.2. itaque cum iam in orbem pugnarent, decem milia ferme hominum— cum alia euadere nequissent—media Afrorum acie quae Gallicis auxiliis firmata erat, cum ingenti caede hostium perrupere et, cum neque in castra reditus esset flumine interclusus neque prae imbri satis decernere possent qua suis opem ferrent, Placentiam recto itinere perrexere.

[¶34] 56.4. Those who headed for the river were either drowned in its eddies, or, while they hesitated to enter it, were overtaken by the enemy;

> Latin: 56.4. plures deinde in omnes partes eruptiones factae; et qui flumen petiere, aut gurgitibus absumpti sunt aut inter cunctationem ingrediendi ab hostibus oppressi.

[¶35] 56.5. but those who scattered over the countryside in flight made their way by following the tracks of the retreating column, to Placentia; others, venturing, in their terror of the enemy, to attempt the river, got across, and reached the camp.

> Latin: 56.5. qui passim per agros fuga sparsi erant uestigia cedentis sequentes agminis Placentiam contendere; aliis timor hostium audaciam ingrediendi flumen fecit, transgressique in castra peruenerunt.

[¶36] 56.6. The mingled rain and snow and the intolerable sharpness of the cold brought death to many men and beasts of burden and to almost all the elephants.

> Latin: 56.6. imber niue mixtus et intoleranda uis frigoris et homines multos et iumenta et elephantos prope omnes absumpsit.

[¶37] 56.7. The Phoenicians pursued their enemies no further than to the river Trebia, and got back to camp so benumbed and chilled as hardly to feel the joy of victory. Consequently, when, in the night that followed, the garrison of the camp, and such soldiers without arms for the most part-as had survived the rout, were crossing the Trebia on rafts, they either heard nothing, owing to the noise made by the rain, or being unable, for weariness and wounds, to bestir themselves, pretended not to hear; and unmolested Polybius (II. lxxiv, 11), all but one perished from the effects of the rain and snow that followed the battle. by the enemy Scipio led his army in silence to B.C. 218 Placentia, and thence-after crossing the Po-to Cremona, so that that one town might not be overburdened with furnishing winter quarters for two armies.

> Latin: 56.7. finis insequendi hostis Poenis flumen Trebia fuit, et ita torpentes gelu in castra rediere ut uix laetitiam uictoriae sentirent. itaque nocte insequenti, cum praesidium castrorum et quod reliquum <ex fuga semermium> ex magna parte militum erat ratibus Trebiam traicerent, aut nihil sensere obstrepente pluuia aut, quia iam moueri nequibant prae lassitudine ac uolneribus, sentire sese dissimularunt, quietisque Poenis tacito agmine ab Scipione consule exercitus Placentiam est perductus, inde Pado traiectus Cremonam, ne duorum exercituum hibernis una colonia premeretur.

[¶38] 57.1. To Rome the news of this disaster brought such consternation that people looked for the immediate appearance of the hostile army before their very City, and knew not which way to turn for any hope or help in defending their gates and walls against its onset.

> Latin: 57.1. Romam tantus terror ex hac clade perlatus est ut iam ad urbem Romanam crederent infestis signis hostem uenturum nec quicquam spei aut auxilii esse quo portis moenibusque uim arcerent:

[¶39] 57.2. When one consul had been defeated on the Ticinus, the other had been summoned back from Sicily; but now that two consuls and two consular armies had been beaten, what other generals, what other legions had they to call upon?

> Latin: 57.2. uno consule ad Ticinum uicto, altero ex Sicilia reuocato, duobus consulibus, duobus consularibus exercitibus uictis quos alios duces, quas alias legiones esse quae arcessantur?

[¶40] 57.3. In the midst of this alarm the consul Sempronius arrived. He had made his way, taking tremendous risks, through the enemy's cavalry —which was widely dispersed in quest of booty —relying more on audacity than calculation or the prospect of eluding his enemies, or of resisting, should he be unable to elude them.

> Latin: 57.3. ita territis Sempronius consul aduenit, ingenti periculo per effusos passim ad praedandum hostium equites audacia magis quam consilio aut spe fallendi resistendiue, si non falleret, transgressus.

[¶41] 57.4. The election of consuls was the one crying need of the hour. This Sempronius accomplished and returned forthwith to his winter quarters.

> Latin: 57.4. is, quod unum maxime in praesentia desiderabatur, comitiis consularibus habitis in hiberna rediit. creati consules Cn. Seruilius et C. Flaminius.

[¶42] 57.5. The choice had fallen on Gnaeus Servilius and —for the second time —on Gaius Flaminius. For the rest, the Romans were given no peace even in their winter quarters. The Numidian cavalry ranged far and wide, and any ground that was too rough for them was covered by the Celtiberians and Lusitani.

> Latin: 57.5. ceterum ne hiberna quidem Romanis quieta erant uagantibus passim Numidis equitibus et, <ut> quaeque his impeditiora erant, Celtiberis Lusitanisque. omnes igitur undique clausi commeatus erant, nisi quos Pado naues subueherent.

[¶43] 57.6. The result was the cutting off of all supplies from every quarter, save such as were brought up the Po in ships. Their magazine, which was near Placentia, was elaborately fortified and strongly garrisoned. This place Hannibal hoped to capture by assault, and set out thither with his cavalry and light infantry.

> Latin: 57.6. emporium prope Placentiam fuit et opere magno munitum et ualido firmatum praesidio. eius castelli oppugnandi spe cum equitibus ac leui armatura profectus Hannibal, cum plurimum in celando incepto ad effectum spei habuisset, nocte adortus non fefellit uigiles.

[¶44] 57.7. He had counted mainly on the concealment of his movements for their effectiveness; but his night attack failed to catch the sentries off their guard, and the defenders at once set up so loud an outcry that it was heard even in Placentia. And so at break of day the consul was on the spot with his cavalry, having ordered the legions to follow him in fighting column.

> Latin: 57.7. tantus repente clamor est sublatus ut Placentiae quoque audiretur. itaque sub lucem cum equitatu consul aderat iussis quadrato agmine legionibus sequi.

[¶45] 57.8. Meanwhile, a cavalry engagement took place, in which Hannibal was wounded and withdrew from the fight, and the enemy were so alarmed by this that the post was successfully defended.

> Latin: 57.8. equestre interim proelium commissum; in quo, quia saucius Hannibal pugna excessit, pauore hostibus iniecto defensum egregie praesidium est. paucorum inde dierum quiete sumpta et uixdum satis percurato uolnere, ad Uictumulas oppugnandas ire pergit.

[¶46] 57.10. After this Hannibal, when he had rested only a few days and his wound was scarce healed over, set out to attack Victumulae. This had been a Roman magazine in the Gallic war, and having then been fortified had since attracted numerous settlers from the various peoples dwelling in the neighbourhood;

> Latin: 57.10. id emporium Romanis Gallico bello fuerat; munitum inde locum frequentauerant accolae mixti undique ex finitimis populis, et tum terror populationum eo plerosque ex agris compulerat.

[¶47] 57.11. and just then the fear of raids had caused large numbers to flock in from the countryside.

> Latin: 57.11. huius generis multitudo fama impigre defensi ad Placentiam praesidii accensa armis arreptis obuiam Hannibali procedit.

[¶48] 57.12. Such was the character of the population, which, fired by the story of the stout defence of the fortress near Placentia, flew to arms and went out to meet Hannibal. More like marching columns than embattled armies they encountered each other in the road; and since on one side there was only an undisciplined rabble, and on the other a general who relied upon his soldiers, and soldiers who confided in their general, some thirty-five thousand men were routed by a very few.

> Latin: 57.12. magis agmina quam acies in uia concurrerunt, et cum ex altera parte nihil praeter inconditam turbam esset, in altera et dux militi et duci miles fidens, ad triginta quinque milia hominum a paucis fusa. postero die deditione facta praesidium intra moenia accepere;

[¶49] 57.13. The next day they surrendered and received a garrison within their walls. Being commanded to give up their weapons they complied: whereupon a signal was suddenly given to the victors to sack the town, as if they had taken it by storm.

> Latin: 57.13. iussique arma tradere cum dicto paruissent, signum repente uictoribus datur, ut tamquam ui captam urbem diriperent; neque ulla, quae in tali re memorabilis scribentibus uideri solet, praetermissa clades est;

[¶50] 57.14. Nor was any cruelty omitted which historians generally deem worth noting on such an occasion; but every species of lust and outrage and inhuman insolence was visited upon the wretched inhabitants. Such were Hannibal's winter expeditions.

> Latin: 57.14. adeo omne libidinis crudelitatisque et inhumanae superbiae editum in miseros exemplum est. hae fuere hibernae expeditiones Hannibalis.

[¶51] 58.1. For no long time thereafter, while the cold was still unbearable, he allowed his men to rest, and on the first doubtful signs of spring broke up his winter quarters and marched towards Etruria, with the object of drawing that nation also to his standards, either by force or with their own consent, as he had done with the Gauls and the Ligurians.

> Latin: 58.1. haud longi inde temporis, dum intolerabilia frigora erant, quies militi data est; et ad prima ac dubia signa ueris profectus ex hibernis in Etruriam ducit, eam quoque gentem, sicut Gallos Liguresque, aut ui aut uoluntate adiuncturus.

[¶52] 58.3. In attempting to cross the Apennines he was assailed by a storm so terrible as almost to surpass the horrors of the Alps. With the wind and rain blowing full in their faces, at first —because they must either have dropped their arms or else, if they struggled against it, be caught by the hurricane and hurled to the ground —they halted; then, when it actually stopped their breath and would not allow them to respire, they turned their backs on the gale and for a time huddled together on the ground.

> Latin: 58.3. transeuntem Appenninum adeo atrox adorta tempestas est, ut Alpium prope foeditatem superauerit. uento mixtus imber cum ferretur in ipsa ora, primo, quia aut arma omittenda erant aut contra enitentes uertice intorti adfligebantur, constitere; dein, cum iam spiritum includeret nec reciprocare animam sineret, auersi a uento parumper consedere.

[¶53] 58.5. And now the heavens resounded with a frightful tumult, and between the terrific crashes the lightning flashed.

> Latin: 58.5. tum uero ingenti sono caelum strepere et inter horrendos fragores micare ignes; capti auribus et oculis metu omnes torpere;

[¶54] 58.6. Deafened and blinded, they were all stunned with fear. At length the downpour ceased, but the wind only blew the more furiously, and there seemed to be nothing to do but to pitch camp on the very spot where they had been caught.

> Latin: 58.6. tandem effuso imbre, cum eo magis accensa uis uenti esset, ipso illo quo deprensi erant loco castra ponere necessarium uisum est.

[¶55] 58.7. This, however, was but a fresh beginning of their troubles, for they could neither spread nor set up a tent, nor, once set up, would it stay in place, for the wind rent everything to shreds and swept it away;

> Latin: 58.7. id uero laboris uelut de integro initium fuit; nam nec explicare quicquam nec statuere poterant nec quod statutum esset manebat omnia perscindente uento et rapiente.

[¶56] 58.8. and when presently the moisture taken up by the wind had been congealed over the cold mountain ridges, it descended in such a storm of sleet that the men let go of everything and threw themselves on their faces on the ground, overwhelmed by their shelters rather than protected by them;

> Latin: 58.8. et mox aqua leuata uento cum super gelida montium iuga concreta esset, tantum niuosae grandinis deiecit ut omnibus omissis procumberent homines tegminibus suis magis obruti quam tecti;

[¶57] 58.9. and the cold that ensued was so severe that when anyone sought to rise and lift himself from out that pitiful heap of men and beasts, for a long time he would be unable, because his sinews were so stiff and tense that he could hardly bend his joints.

> Latin: 58.9. tantaque uis frigoris insecuta est ut ex illa miserabili hominum iumentorumque strage cum se quisque attollere ac leuare uellet, diu nequiret, quia torpentibus rigore neruis uix flectere artus poterant.

[¶58] 58.10. Afterwards, when at last by exerting themselves they had recovered the power of motion and regained their courage, and had begun here and there to kindle fires, each, in his helplessness, applied to someone else for help.

> Latin: 58.10. deinde, ut tandem agitando sese mouere ac recipere animos et raris locis ignis fieri est coeptus, ad alienam opem quisque inops tendere.

[¶59] 58.11. For two days they remained on that spot as if beleaguered. Many men and many horses perished, and seven of the elephants that had survived the battle on the Trebia.

> Latin: 58.11. biduum eo loco uelut obsessi mansere; multi homines, multa iumenta, elephanti quoque ex iis qui proelio ad Trebiam facto superfuerant septem absumpti.

[¶60] 59.1. Descending from the Apennines, Hannibal turned back once more towards Placentia, and after marching about ten miles went into camp. The next day he advanced against the enemy with twelve thousand foot and five thousand horse.

> Latin: 59.1. degressus Appennino retro ad Placentiam castra mouit et ad decem milia progressus consedit. postero die duodecim milia peditum, quinque equitum aduersus hostem ducit;

[¶61] 59.2. Nor did the consul Sempronius, who had now returned from Rome, decline the combat. That day there were only three miles between the two encampments. On the following day they fought, with great spirit and with shifting fortunes.

> Latin: 59.2. nec Sempronius consul—iam enim redierat ab Roma—detractauit certamen. atque eo die tria milia passuum inter bina castra fuere;

[¶62] 59.3. At the first encounter the Romans had so far the best of it that not only were they victorious in the battle, but they pursued the beaten enemy to his camp, and were soon attacking the camp itself.

> Latin: 59.3. postero die ingentibus animis uario euentu pugnatum est. primo concursu adeo res Romana superior fuit ut non acie uincerent solum sed pulsos hostes in castra persequerentur, mox castra quoque oppugnarent.

[¶63] 59.4. Hannibal stationed a few defenders on the rampart and at the gates and received the rest in a crowded throng within the enclosure, where he bade them watch intently for the signal to sally forth.

> Latin: 59.4. Hannibal paucis propugnatoribus in uallo portisque positis, ceteros confertos in media castra recepit intentosque signum ad erumpendum exspectare iubet.

[¶64] 59.5. It was now about the ninth hour of the day, when the Roman general, who had worn out his men to no avail and saw no prospect of capturing the camp, bade sound the recall.

> Latin: 59.5. iam nona ferme diei hora erat, cum Romanus nequiquam fatigato milite, postquam nulla spes erat potiundi castris, signum receptui dedit.

[¶65] 59.6. When Hannibal heard this and perceived that the fighting had grown lax and that the enemy had retired from his rampart, he suddenly sent his cavalry against them from the right and left and rushed out himself with the strength of his infantry from the centre of the camp.

> Latin: 59.6. quod ubi Hannibal accepit laxatamque pugnam et recessum a castris uidit, extemplo equitibus dextra laeuaque emissis in hostem ipse cum peditum robore mediis castris erupit.

[¶66] 59.7. Seldom has there been a fiercer battle or one more notable for the losses on both sides than this would have been, had the light permitted it to be prolonged; but darkness put an end to a conflict which had been begun with the greatest ardour.

> Latin: 59.7. pugna raro magis ulla saeua aut utriusque partis pernicie clarior fuisset, si extendi eam dies in longum spatium siuisset;

[¶67] 59.8. The fury of the combatants was consequently greater than the carnage, and as the battle was practically a drawn one, so were the losses equal when the opposing forces separated.

> Latin: 59.8. nox accensum ingentibus animis proelium diremit. itaque acrior concursus fuit quam caedes et, sicut aequata ferme pugna erat, ita clade pari discessum est. ab neutra parte sescentis plus peditibus et dimidium eius equitum cecidit;

[¶68] 59.9. On neither side had more than six hundred of the infantry fallen or half as many of the cavalry; but the loss of the Romans was out of proportion to the number slain, for it included several knights, five tribunes of the soldiers, and three praefects of the allies.

> Latin: 59.9. sed maior Romanis quam pro numero iactura fuit, quia equestris ordinis aliquot et tribuni militum quinque et praefecti sociorum tres sunt interfecti.

[¶69] 59.10. After this engagement Hannibal retired into Liguria and Sempronius to Luca. The Ligurians had ambushed and made prisoners of two Roman quaestors, Gaius Fulvius and Lucius Lucretius, with two tribunes of the soldiers and five members of the equestrian order —mostly sons of senators. These men they handed over to Hannibal on his coming among them, as a further earnest of their peaceful and friendly disposition towards him.

> Latin: 59.10. secundum eam pugnam Hannibal in Ligures, Sempronius Lucam concessit. uenienti in Ligures Hannibali per insidias intercepti duo quaestores Romani, C. Fuluius et L. Lucretius, cum duobus tribunis militum et quinque equestris ordinis, senatorum ferme liberis, quo magis ratam fore cum iis pacem societatemque crederet, traduntur.

[¶70] 60.1. Whilst these things were going on in Italy, Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, who had been sent out to Spain with a fleet and an army, had set sail from the mouth of the Rhone and passing the Pyrenees had put into Emporiae.

> Latin: 60.1. dum haec in Italia geruntur, Cn. Cornelius Scipio in Hispaniam cum classe et exercitu missus, cum ab ostio Rhodani profectus Pyrenaeosque montes circumuectus Emporias appulisset classem,

[¶71] 60.3. Landing his army there and beginning with the Laeetani, he had brought all that coast, as far as the river Ebro, under Roman sway, partly by renewing old alliances and partly by forming new ones.

> Latin: 60.3. exposito ibi exercitu orsus a Laeetanis omnem oram usque ad Hiberum flumen partim renouandis societatibus partim nouis instituendis Romanae dicionis fecit.

[¶72] 60.4. The reputation which he there acquired for clemency and justice availed not only with the maritime tribes, but also with the more warlike clans inhabiting the interior and the mountainous parts; so that he was able not only to establish peaceful relations but even to conclude a military alliance with them, and several strong cohorts of auxiliaries were raised there.

> Latin: 60.4. inde conciliata clementiae fama non ad maritimos modo populos sed in mediterraneis quoque ac montanis ad ferociores iam gentes ualuit; nec pax modo apud eos sed societas etiam armorum parta est, ualidaeque aliquot auxiliorum cohortes ex iis conscriptae sunt.

[¶73] 60.5. North of the Ebro Hanno was the Carthaginian commander, for Hannibal had left him there to defend that region. Feeling, therefore, that something ought to be done, before everything was lost to Carthage, he pitched his camp in sight of the enemy and offered battle.

> Latin: 60.5. Hannonis cis Hiberum prouincia erat; eum reliquerat Hannibal ad regionis eius praesidium. itaque priusquam alienarentur omnia obuiam eundum ratus, castris in conspectu hostium positis in aciem eduxit.

[¶74] 60.6. The Roman general saw no reason to put off the engagement; he knew that he must fight with Hanno and Hasdrubal, and chose rather to deal with them separately than both at once. Neither was the battle very difficult to win.

> Latin: 60.6. nec Romano differendum certamen uisum, quippe qui sciret cum Hannone et Hasdrubale sibi dimicandum esse malletque aduersus singulos separatim quam aduersus duos simul rem gerere.

[¶75] 60.7. Six thousand of the enemy were killed and two thousand captured, together with the garrison of the camp —for this too was attacked and taken. The general himself and several chieftains were made prisoners, and Cissis, a town which stood near the camp, was carried by assault.

> Latin: 60.7. nec magni certaminis ea dimicatio fuit. sex milia hostium caesa, duo capta cum praesidio castrorum; nam et castra expugnata sunt atque ipse dux cum aliquot principibus capiuntur; et Cissis, propinquum castris oppidum, expugnatur.

[¶76] 60.8. The plunder of the town yielded objects of little worth —household belongings of barbarians and slaves of no great price —but the camp made the soldiers rich;

> Latin: 60.8. ceterum praeda oppidi parui pretii rerum fuit, supellex barbarica ac uilium mancipiorum;

[¶77] 60.9. for in it they found not only the valuables of the army that they had just defeated, but also those of the army that was now serving under Hannibal in Italy, for the men had left nearly all their treasures behind when they crossed the Pyrenees, so as not to burden themselves with heavy baggage on the march.

> Latin: 60.9. castra militem ditauere, non eius modo exercitus qui uictus erat sed et eius qui cum Hannibale in Italia militabat, omnibus fere caris rebus, ne grauia impedimenta ferentibus essent, citra Pyrenaeum relictis.

[¶78] 61.1. Hasdrubal had not yet received definite tidings of this disaster when he crossed the Ebro with eight thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry, as though to confront the Romans at their first arrival; but on learning of the catastrophe at Cissis and the loss of the camp, he turned and marched in the direction of the sea.

> Latin: 61.1. priusquam certa huius cladis fama accideret, transgressus Hiberum Hasdrubal cum octo milibus peditum, mille equitum, tamquam ad primum aduentum Romanorum occursurus, postquam perditas res ad Cissim amissaque castra accepit, iter ad mare conuertit.

[¶79] 61.2. Not far from Tarraco he came upon the soldiers of the fleet and the naval allies, who were dispersed and wandering over the country-side, with the carelessness which usually attends success; and sending out his cavalry in all directions he drove them, with much slaughter and more confusion, to their ships.

> Latin: 61.2. haud procul Tarracone classicos milites naualesque socios uagos palantesque per agros, quod ferme fit ut secundae res neglegentiam creent, equite passim dimisso cum magna caede, maiore fuga ad naues compellit;

[¶80] 61.3. But not venturing to tarry longer in that region, lest Scipio should be down upon him, he retreated across the Ebro.

> Latin: 61.3. nec diutius circa ea loca morari ausus, ne ab Scipione opprimeretur, trans Hiberum sese recepit.

[¶81] 61.4. Scipio, hearing of these new enemies, did indeed march thither with all speed; but after punishing a few of the ships' captains, he left a garrison of moderate size in Tarraco and returned with the fleet to Emporiae.

> Latin: 61.4. et Scipio raptim ad famam nouorum hostium agmine acto, cum in paucos praefectos nauium animaduertisset, praesidio Tarracone modico relicto Emporias cum classe rediit.

[¶82] 61.5. No sooner was he gone than Hasdrubal appeared, and inciting the Ilergetes, who had given Scipio hostages, to revolt, he used the young men of this very tribe to lay waste the fields of the allies who were faithful to the Romans.

> Latin: 61.5. uixdum digresso eo Hasdrubal aderat et Ilergetum populo, qui obsides Scipioni dederat, ad defectionem impulso cum eorum ipsorum iuuentute agros fidelium Romanis sociorum uastat;

[¶83] 61.6. But this having roused Scipio from his winter quarters, he retreated again and abandoned all the territory north of the Ebro. Scipio invaded the country of the Ilergetes —left thus in the lurch by the instigator of their revolt —with fire and sword, and driving them all into the city of Atanagrus, the capital of that nation, laid siege to them. Within a few days he had exacted more hostages of them than before, and mulcting them also in a sum of money, had received them under his authority and rule.

> Latin: 61.6. excito deinde Scipione hibernis toto cis Hiberum rursus cedit agro. Scipio relictam ab auctore defectionis Ilergetum gentem cum infesto exercitu inuasisset, compulsis omnibus Atanagrum urbem, quae caput eius populi erat, circumsedit, intraque dies paucos pluribus quam ante obsidibus imperatis Ilergetes pecunia etiam multatos in ius dicionemque recepit.

[¶84] 61.8. Thence he marched against the Ausetani, near the Ebro, who were likewise allies of the Phoenicians; and besieging their city, laid an ambush for the Lacetani, as they were bringing assistance to their neighbours, and fell upon them in the night, not far from the city, when they would have entered it.

> Latin: 61.8. inde in Ausetanos prope Hiberum, socios et ipsos Poenorum, procedit atque urbe eorum obsessa Lacetanos auxilium finitimis ferentes nocte haud procul iam urbe, cum intrare uellent, excepit insidiis.

[¶85] 61.9. The slain amounted to about twelve thousand; almost all the others lost their arms, and scattering over the fields in all directions, fled to their homes. As for the besieged, nothing could have saved them but a winter that was most unfavourable to the besiegers.

> Latin: 61.9. caesa ad duodecim milia; exuti prope omnes armis domos passim palantes per agros diffugere; nec obsessos alia ulla res quam iniqua oppugnantibus hiemps tutabatur.

[¶86] 61.10. The blockade lasted thirty days, during which time the snow rarely lay less than four feet deep, and so completely had it covered the mantlets and pent-houses of the Romans that this alone was sufficient to protect them from the firebrands that were several times discharged upon them by the enemy.

> Latin: 61.10. triginta dies obsidio fuit, per quos raro unquam nix minus quattuor pedes alta iacuit adeoque pluteos ac uineas Romanorum operuerat ut ea sola ignibus aliquotiens coniectis ab hoste etiam tutamentum fuerit.

[¶87] 61.11. Finally, when their chief Amusicus had fled and taken refuge with Hasdrubal, they made terms and surrendered, agreeing to pay twenty talents of silver. The Romans returned to Tarraco and went into winter quarters.

> Latin: 61.11. postremo cum Amusicus princeps eorum ad Hasdrubalem profugisset, uiginti argenti talentis pacti deduntur. Tarraconem in hiberna reditum est.

[¶88] 62.1. In Rome or near it many prodigies occurred that winter, or —as often happens when men's thoughts are once turned upon religion —many were reported and too easily credited. Some of these portents were: that a free-born infant of six months had cried “Triumph!” in the provision market; that in the cattle market an ox had climbed, of its own accord, to the third storey of a house and then, alarmed by the outcry of the occupants, had thrown itself down; that phantom ships had been seen gleaming in the sky; that the temple of Hope, in the provision market, had been struck by lightning; that in Lanuvium a slain victim had stirred, and a raven had flown down into Juno's temple and alighted on her very couch; that in the district of Amiternum, in many places, apparitions of men in shining raiment had appeared in the distance, but had not drawn near to anyone;

> Latin: 62.1. Romae aut circa urbem multa ea hieme prodigia facta aut, quod euenire solet motis semel in religionem animis, multa nuntiata et temere credita sunt, in quis ingenuum infantem semenstrem in foro holitorio triumphum clamasse, et <in> foro boario bouem in tertiam contignationem sua sponte escendisse atque inde tumultu habitatorum territum sese deiecisse, et nauium speciem de caelo adfulsisse, et aedem Spei, quae est in foro holitorio, fulmine ictam, et Lanuui hastam se commouisse et coruum in aedem Iunonis deuolasse atque in ipso puluinari consedisse,

[¶89] 62.5. that in the Picentian country there had been a shower of pebbles; that at Caere the lots had shrunk; that in Gaul a wolf had snatched a sentry's sword from its scabbard and run off with it.

> Latin: 62.5. et in agro Amiternino multis locis hominum specie procul candida ueste uisos nec cum ullo congressos, et in Piceno lapidibus pluuisse, et Caere sortes extenuatas, et in Gallia lupum uigili gladium ex uagina raptum abstulisse.

[¶90] 62.6. For the other prodigies the decemviri were commanded to consult the Books, but for the shower of pebbles in the Picentian country a nine days' sacrifice was proclaimed. They then set about the expiation of the other portents, and in this virtually all the citizens bore a part.

> Latin: 62.6. ob cetera prodigia libros adire decemuiri iussi; quod autem lapidibus pluuisset in Piceno, nouendiale sacrum edictum; et subinde aliis procurandis prope tota ciuitas operata fuit.

[¶91] 62.7. First of all, the city was purified, and major victims were offered up to the designated gods; a gift of gold weighing forty pounds was carried to Lanuvium for Juno, and a bronze statue was dedicated to Juno, by the matrons, on the Aventine; a lectisternium was ordered at Caere, where the lots had shrunk; and a supplication was ordered to be made to Fortune on Mount Algidus;

> Latin: 62.7. iam primum omnium urbs lustrata est hostiaeque maiores quibus editum est dis caesae, et donum ex auri pondo quadraginta Lanuuium Iunoni portatum est et signum aeneum matronae Iunoni in Auentino dedicauerunt, et lectisternium Caere, ubi sortes attenuatae erant, imperatum, et supplicatio Fortunae in Algido;

[¶92] 62.9. in Rome, too, a lectisternium was specially appointed for Juventas, and a supplication at the temple of Hercules, and later the entire people was commanded to observe this rite at all the pulvinaria;

> Latin: 62.9. Romae quoque et lectisternium Iuuentati et supplicatio ad aedem Herculis nominatim, deinde uniuerso populo circa omnia puluinaria indicta, et Genio maiores hostiae caesae quinque, et C.

[¶93] 62.10. also five major victims were slain in honour of the Genius of the Roman People; and Gaius Atilius Serranus the praetor was ordered to make a vow, “if the commonwealth should abide for ten years in its present state.”

> Latin: 62.10. Atilius Serranus praetor uota suscipere iussus, si in decem annos res publica eodem stetisset statu.

[¶94] 62.11. The making of these vows and expiations, as prescribed by the Sibylline Books, went far to alleviate men's anxiety concerning their relations with the gods.

> Latin: 62.11. haec procurata uotaque ex libris Sibyllinis magna ex parte leuauerant religione animos.

[¶95] 63.1. Of the consuls designate, Flaminius, to whom the legions wintering at Placentia had been assigned by lot, dispatched an edict and a letter to the consul, commanding that these troops should be ready in the camp at Ariminum on the Ides of March.

> Latin: 63.1. consulum designatorum alter Flaminius, cui eae legiones quae Placentiae hibernabant sorte euenerant, edictum et litteras ad consulem misit ut is exercitus idibus Martiis Arimini adesset in castris.

[¶96] 63.2. It was here, in his province, that he designed to enter on the consulship, for he remembered his former controversies with the senators, which he had waged when a tribune of the plebs, and later as consul —in the first place about his consulship, which they tried to annul, and again concerning his triumph. He was also hated by the senators on account of an unprecedented law which Quintus Claudius the tribune of the plebs had introduced, despite the opposition of the senate, with the backing of Gaius Flaminius alone of all that body, providing that no senator or senator's son should own a sea-going ship of more than three hundred amphoras burden —this was reckoned to be sufficient to transport the crops from one's fields, and all money-making was held unseemly in a senator. The measure, which was vehemently opposed, had been productive of great resentment on the part of the nobles against Flaminius, who had advocated its enactment; but had procured for him the favour of the plebs and afterwards a second consulship.

> Latin: 63.2. hic in prouincia consulatum inire consilium erat memori ueterum certaminum cum patribus, quae tribunus plebis et quae postea consul prius de consulatu qui abrogabatur, dein de triumpho habuerat, inuisus etiam patribus ob nouam legem, quam Q. Claudius tribunus plebis aduersus senatum atque uno patrum adiuuante C. Flaminio tulerat, ne quis senator cuiue senator pater fuisset maritimam nauem, quae plus quam trecentarum amphorarum esset, haberet.

[¶97] 63.4. Believing, therefore, that his enemies would falsify the auspices and make use of the Latin Festival and other means of hindering a consul, to detain him in the City, he pretended that he had to take a journey, and departing, as a private citizen, slipped away secretly to his province.

> Latin: 63.4. id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris uectandos; quaestus omnis patribus indecorus uisus. res per summam contentionem acta inuidiam apud nobilitatem suasori legis Flaminio, fauorem apud plebem alterumque inde consulatum peperit.

[¶98] 63.5. This behaviour, when the truth came out, aroused fresh indignation in the breasts of the already hostile senators: Gaius Flaminius, they said, was waging war not only with the senate, but this time with the immortal gods.

> Latin: 63.5. ob haec ratus auspiciis ementiendis Latinarumque feriarum mora et consularibus aliis impedimentis retenturos se in urbe, simulato itinere priuatus clam in prouinciam abiit. ea res ubi palam facta est, nouam insuper iram infestis iam ante patribus mouit:

[¶99] 63.6. He had formerly been made consul without the confirmation of the auspices, and, though both gods and men had sought to recall him from the very battle-line, he had not obeyed; now, conscious of having spurned them, he had fled the Capitol and the vows that were regularly undertaken, that he might not, on the day of entering upon his office, approach the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus; that he might not see and consult the senate, which hated him and which he alone of all men hated; that he might not proclaim the Latin Festival and offer the accustomed sacrifice to Jupiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount; that he might not, after receiving auspices, go up to the Capitol to make his vows, and thence proceed, in the general's cloak and accompanied by lictors, to his province; like some camp-follower, without insignia and without lictors, he had set out in secret and by stealth, precisely as though going into exile; he thought, forsooth, that it was more in keeping with the dignity of his high command to begin his magistracy in Ariminum than in Rome —to assume the purple-bordered toga in an inn than in the presence of

> Latin: 63.6. non cum senatu modo sed iam cum dis immortalibus C. Flaminium bellum gerere. consulem ante inauspicato factum reuocantibus ex ipsa acie dis atque hominibus non paruisse; nunc conscientia spretorum et Capitolium et sollemnem uotorum nuncupationem fugisse, ne die initi magistratus Iouis optimi maximi templum adiret, ne senatum inuisus ipse et sibi uni inuisum uideret consuleretque, ne Latinas indiceret Iouique Latiari sollemne sacrum in monte faceret, ne auspicato profectus in Capitolium ad uota nuncupanda, paludatus inde cum lictoribus in prouinciam iret. lixae modo sine insignibus, sine lictoribus profectum clam, furtim, haud aliter quam si exsilii causa solum uertisset.

[¶100] 63.10. his household gods! With one accord they voted to recall him and drag him back and compel him to discharge in person all his obligations to gods and men, before he went to his army and his province.

> Latin: 63.10. magis pro maiestate uidelicet imperii Arimini quam Romae magistratum initurum et in deuersorio hospitali quam apud penates suos praetextam sumpturum.

[¶101] 63.11. On this commission —for commissioners they resolved to dispatch —Quintus Terentius and Marcus Antistius set forth, but moved Flaminius no more than the letter sent him by the senate had moved him in his former consulship.

> Latin: 63.11. reuocandum uniuersi retrahendumque censuerunt et cogendum omnibus prius praesentem in deos hominesque fungi officiis quam ad exercitum et in prouinciam iret.

[¶102] 63.12. A few days later he entered on his magistracy, and as he was offering up a calf, it escaped —after being struck —out of the hands of those who would have sacrificed it, and spattered many of the bystanders with its blood.

> Latin: 63.12. in eam legationem—legatos enim mitti placuit— Q. Terentius et M. Antistius profecti nihilo magis eum mouerunt quam priore consulatu litterae mouerant ab senatu missae.

[¶103] 63.13. The dismay and confusion were even greater among those who stood farther B..217 off and knew not what was occasioning the panic. By most people it was regarded as an omen of great terror.

> Latin: 63.13. paucos post dies magistratum iniit, immolantique ei uitulus iam ictus e manibus sacrificantium sese cum proripuisset, multos circumstantes cruore respersit;

[¶104] 63.14. After this the army comprising the two legions received from Sempronius, the consul of the year before, and the two taken over from Gaius Atilius the praetor, began its march into Etruria through the passes of the Apennines.

> Latin: 63.14. fuga procul etiam maior apud ignaros quid trepidaretur et concursatio fuit. id a plerisque in omen magni terroris acceptum. legionibus inde duabus a Sempronio prioris anni consule, duabus a C. Atilio praetore acceptis Etruriam per Appennini tramites exercitus duci est coeptus.

## 6. Book XXII · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/6/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/6/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. SPRING was now drawing on, and accordingly Hannibal moved out of his winter encampment. He had tried before this to cross the Apennines, but had failed because of the intolerable cold.

> Latin: 1.1. iam uer appetebat cum Hannibal ex hibernis mouit, et nequiquam ante conatus transcendere Appenninum intolerandis frigoribus et cum ingenti periculo moratus ac metu.

[¶1] 1.2. And the delay had been attended with the greatest danger and anxiety; for when the Gauls, whom the hope of spoil and pillage had excited to revolt, perceived that instead of harrying and plundering the fields of others, their own lands were the seat of war and were burdened with the winter quarters of both armies, they turned their hatred back again from the Romans upon Hannibal.

> Latin: 1.2. Galli, quos praedae populationumque conciuerat spes, postquam pro eo ut ipsi ex alieno agro raperent agerentque, suas terras sedem belli esse premique utriusque partis exercituum hibernis uidere, uerterunt retro in Hannibalem ab Romanis odia;

[¶2] 1.3. But though their leaders laid many a plot against him, their treachery to one another saved him, for they gave him information of these conspiracies with the same inconstancy with which they had conspired. Moreover, changing now his dress and now his headgear, he protected himself against their plots by the uncertainty which this gave rise to.

> Latin: 1.3. petitusque saepe principum insidiis, ipsorum inter se fraude, eadem leuitate qua consenserant consensum indicantium, seruatus erat et mutando nunc uestem nunc tegumenta capitis errore etiam sese ab insidiis munierat.

[¶3] 1.4. Still, the fear of such plots was another reason for quitting his winter quarters early. About the same time, on the Ides of March, Gnaeus Servilius entered on his consulship at Rome.

> Latin: 1.4. ceterum hic quoque ei timor causa fuit maturius mouendi ex hibernis. per idem tempus Cn. Seruilius consul Romae idibus Martiis magistratum iniit.

[¶4] 1.5. On his then referring the state of the nation to the senate for discussion, their anger at Gaius Flaminius was renewed. They had chosen two consuls, they said, but had only one; for what proper authority or right of auspices did Flaminius possess?

> Latin: 1.5. ibi cum de re publica rettulisset, redintegrata in C. Flaminium inuidia est: duos se consules creasse, unum habere; quod enim illi iustum imperium, quod auspicium esse?

[¶5] 1.6. Magistrates, they urged, carried with them this prerogative when they set out from home —from their own and the nation's hearth —after celebrating the Latin Festival, sacrificing on the Alban Mount and duly offering up their vows on the Capitol;

> Latin: 1.6. magistratus id a domo, publicis priuatisque penatibus, Latinis feriis actis, sacrificio in monte perfecto, uotis rite in Capitolio nuncupatis, secum ferre;

[¶6] 1.7. but a private citizen could neither take the auspices with him, nor, if he had left Rome without them, receive them new from the beginning on foreign soil.

> Latin: 1.7. nec priuatum auspicia sequi nec sine auspiciis profectum in externo ea solo noua atque integra concipere posse.

[¶7] 1.8. Men's fears were augmented by the prodigies reported simultaneously from many places: that in Sicily the javelins of several soldiers had taken fire, and that in Sardinia, as a horseman was making the round of the night-watch, the same thing had happened to the truncheon which he held in his hand; that many fires had blazed up on the shore; that two shields had sweated blood; that certain soldiers had been struck with lightning; that the sun's disk had seemed to be contracted; that glowing stones had fallen from the sky at Praeneste; that at Arpi bucklers had appeared in the sky and the sun had seemed to be fighting with the moon; that at Capena two moons had risen in the daytime;

> Latin: 1.8. augebant metum prodigia ex pluribus simul locis nuntiata: in Sicilia militibus aliquot spicula, in Sardinia autem in muro circumeunti uigilias equiti scipionem quem manu tenuerit arsisse et litora crebris ignibus fulsisse et scuta duo sanguine sudasse, et milites quosdam ictos fulminibus et solis orbem minui uisum, et Praeneste ardentes lapides caelo cecidisse, et Arpis parmas in caelo uisas pugnantemque cum luna solem,

[¶8] 1.10. that the waters of Caere had flowed mixed with blood, and that bloodstains had appeared in the water that trickled from the spring of Hercules itself; that at Antium, when some men were reaping, bloody ears of corn had fallen into their basket; that at Falerii the sky had seemed to be rent as it were with a great fissure; and through the opening a bright light had shone;

> Latin: 1.10. et Capenae duas interdiu lunas ortas, et aquas Caeretes sanguine mixtas fluxisse fontemque ipsum Herculis cruentis manasse respersum maculis, et in Antiati metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisse, et Faleriis caelum findi uelut magno hiatu uisum quaque patuerit ingens lumen effulsisse;

[¶9] 1.11. and that lots had shrunk and that one had fallen out without being touched, on which was written, “Mavors brandishes his spear;”

> Latin: 1.11. sortes sua sponte attenuatas unamque excidisse ita scriptam:

[¶10] 1.12. that in Rome, about the same time, the statue of Mars on the Appian Way and the images of the wolves had sweated; that at Capua there had been the appearance of a sky on fire and of a moon that fell in the midst of a shower of rain.

> Latin: 1.12. 'Mauors telum suum concutit', et per idem tempus Romae signum Martis Appia uia ac simulacra luporum sudasse, et Capuae speciem caeli ardentis fuisse lunaeque inter imbrem cadentis.

[¶11] 1.13. Afterwards less memorable prodigies were also given credence: that certain folk had found their goats to have got woolly fleeces; that a hen had changed into a cock and a cock into a hen.

> Latin: 1.13. inde minoribus etiam dictu prodigiis fides habita: capras lanatas quibusdam factas, et gallinam in marem, gallum in feminam sese uertisse.

[¶12] 1.14. When the consul had laid these reports before the senate exactly as they had come to him and had introduced into the House the men who vouched for their truth, he consulted the Fathers regarding their religious import.

> Latin: 1.14. his, sicut erant nuntiata, expositis auctoribusque in curiam introductis consul de religione patres consuluit.

[¶13] 1.15. It was voted that these prodigies should be expiated, in part with greater, in part with lesser victims, and that a supplication should be held for three days at all the couches of the gods;

> Latin: 1.15. decretum ut ea prodigia partim maioribus hostiis, partim lactentibus procurarentur et uti supplicatio per triduum ad omnia puluinaria haberetur;

[¶14] 1.16. as for the rest, when the decemvirs should have inspected the Books, such rites were to be observed as they should declare, in accordance with the sacred verses, to be pleasing to the gods.

> Latin: 1.16. cetera, cum decemuiri libros inspexissent, ut ita fierent quemadmodum cordi esse <di sibi> diuinis carminibus praefarentur.

[¶15] 1.17. Being so admonished by the decemvirs, they decreed that the first gift should be made to Jupiter, a golden thunderbolt weighing fifty pounds; and that Juno and Minerva should be given offerings of silver; that Juno Regina on the Aventine and Juno Sospita at Lanuvium should receive a sacrifice of greater victims, and that the matrons, each contributing as much as she could afford, should make up a sum of money and carry it as a gift to Juno Regina on the Aventine and there celebrate a lectisternium; and that even the very freed-women should contribute money, in proportion to their abilities, for an offering to Feronia.

> Latin: 1.17. decemuirorum monitu decretum est Ioui primum donum fulmen aureum pondo quinquaginta fieret, Iunoni Mineruaeque ex argento dona darentur et Iunoni reginae in Auentino Iunonique Sospitae Lanuui maioribus hostiis sacrificaretur, matronaeque pecunia conlata quantum conferre cuique commodum esset donum Iunoni reginae in Auentinum ferrent lectisterniumque fieret, et ut libertinae et ipsae unde Feroniae donum daretur pecuniam pro facultatibus suis conferrent.

[¶16] 1.19. These measures being taken, the decemvirs sacrificed at Ardea in the market-place with the greater victims. Finally-the month was now December —victims were slain at the temple of Saturn in Rome and a lectisternium was ordered-this time senators administered the rite —and a public feast, and throughout the City for a day and a night “Saturnalia” was cried, and the people were bidden to keep that day as a holiday and observe it in perpetuity.

> Latin: 1.19. haec ubi facta, decemuiri Ardeae in foro maioribus hostiis sacrificarunt. postremo Decembri iam mense ad aedem Saturni Romae immolatum est, lectisterniumque imperatum—et eum lectum senatores strauerunt—et conuiuium publicum, ac per urbem Saturnalia diem ac noctem clamata, populusque eum diem festum habere ac seruare in perpetuum iussus.

[¶17] 2.1. While the consul was occupied at Rome in appeasing the gods and levying troops, Hannibal, who had left his winter quarters, heard that Flaminius, the other consul, had already arrived at Arretium; and so, though another route, longer, to be sure, but less difficult, was pointed out to him, he took the shorter, though the marshes, which the river Arno had lately flooded to an unusual extent.

> Latin: 2.1. dum consul placandis Romae dis habendoque dilectu dat operam, Hannibal profectus ex hibernis, quia iam Flaminium consulem Arretium peruenisse fama erat, cum aliud longius, ceterum commodius ostenderetur iter, propiorem uiam per paludes petit, qua fluuius Arnus per eos dies solito magis inundauerat.

[¶18] 2.3. He ordered the Spaniards and the Africans and all the flower of his veteran army, taking their own baggage with them so as not to want the necessities of life wherever they might be forced to halt, to march in the van; the Gauls to follow them and form the centre of the column; and the cavalry to fall in behind.

> Latin: 2.3. Hispanos et Afros—id omne ueterani erat robur exercitus—admixtis ipsorum impedimentis necubi consistere coactis necessaria ad usus deessent, primos ire iussit; sequi Gallos, ut id agminis medium esset; nouissimos ire equites;

[¶19] 2.4. Mago and the Numidian light horse were to bring up the rear, their principal duty being to keep the Gauls in order, in case they should weary of the long and painful march —for the race is ill adapted to such hardships —and attempt to steal away or refuse to go forward.

> Latin: 2.4. Magonem inde cum expeditis Numidis cogere agmen, maxime Gallos, si taedio laboris longaeque uiae—ut est mollis ad talia gens—dilaberentur aut subsisterent, cohibentem.

[¶20] 2.5. Those in front only asked that their guides lead on before. Through deep and well-nigh bottomless quagmires left by the flood, almost engulfed in the mud into which they plunged, they nevertheless followed on after their standards.

> Latin: 2.5. primi, qua modo praeirent duces, per praealtas fluuii ac profundas uoragines, hausti paene limo immergentesque se, tamen signa sequebantur.

[¶21] 2.6. But the Gauls could neither keep from falling when they slipped, nor regain their footing, once they had plunged into a hole; the flesh was neither sustained by the spirit nor the spirit by hope. Some could hardly drag their tired limbs along; others, their courage yielding once for all to their weariness, dropped down and died amongst the baggage-animals, for these too were lying all about.

> Latin: 2.6. Galli neque sustinere se prolapsi neque adsurgere ex uoraginibus poterant, neque aut corpora animis aut animos spe sustinebant, alii fessa aegre trahentes membra, alii, ubi semel uictis taedio animis procubuissent, inter iumenta et ipsa iacentia passim morientes;

[¶22] 2.7. What distressed them most of all was the want of sleep, which they had now endured for four days and three nights.

> Latin: 2.7. maximeque omnium uigiliae conficiebant per quadriduum iam et tres noctes toleratae.

[¶23] 2.8. And since everything was under water and they could find no dry spot on which to stretch their weary bodies, they would pile their packs in the flood and lie down on these; or the heaps of sumpter-animals that were everywhere strewn about along the line of march would afford a makeshift bed —for all they asked was a place that stood out above the water, where they could snatch a little sleep.

> Latin: 2.8. cum omnia obtinentibus aquis nihil ubi in sicco fessa sternerent corpora inueniri posset, cumulatis in aqua sarcinis insuper incumbebant, <aut> iumentorum itinere toto prostratorum passim acerui tantum quod exstaret aqua quaerentibus ad quietem parui temporis necessarium cubile dabant.

[¶24] 2.10. Hannibal himself, whose eyes were suffering in the first place from the trying spring weather, alternating betwixt hot and cold, rode upon the sole surviving elephant, that he might be higher above the water. But lack of sleep, damp nights, and the air of the marshes affected his head, and since he had neither place nor time for employing remedies, he lost the sight of one of his eyes.

> Latin: 2.10. ipse Hannibal aeger oculis ex uerna primum intemperie uariante calores frigoraque, elephanto, qui unus superfuerat, quo altius ab aqua exstaret, uectus, uigiliis tamen et nocturno umore palustrique caelo grauante caput et quia medendi nec locus nec tempus erat altero oculo capitur.

[¶25] 3.1. Many men and beasts had perished miserably, when at last he got out from the marshes, and pitching his camp on the first dry ground available, ascertained from scouts whom he had sent on ahead that the Roman army lay around the walls of Arretium.

> Latin: 3.1. multis hominibus iumentisque foede amissis cum tandem e paludibus emersisset, ubi primum in sicco potuit, castra locat, certumque per praemissos exploratores habuit exercitum Romanum circa Arreti moenia esse.

[¶26] 3.2. He then went to work with all possible diligence to learn the plans and temper of the consul, the lie of the land and the roads, his resources for provisioning the army —everything, in short, which it was important to find out.

> Latin: 3.2. consulis deinde consilia atque animum et situm regionum itineraque et copias ad commeatus expediendos et cetera quae cognosse in rem erat summa omnia cum cura inquirendo exsequebatur.

[¶27] 3.3. The district was one of the most fertile in Italy, for the Etruscan plains between Faesulae and Arretium abound in corn and flocks and all sorts of provisions. The consul had been proud and headstrong since his former consulship, and lacked all proper reverence, not only for the laws and for the senate's majesty, but even for the gods.

> Latin: 3.3. regio erat in primis Italiae fertilis, Etrusci campi, qui Faesulas inter Arretiumque iacent, frumenti ac pecoris et omnium copia rerum opulenti;

[¶28] 3.4. This native rashness had been nourished by the success which Fortune had bestowed on him in political and military enterprises. It was therefore sufficiently apparent that, seeking no counsel, either divine or human, he would manage everything with recklessness and headlong haste; but to make him incline the more towards his characteristic faults, the Phoenician planned to provoke and exasperate him.

> Latin: 3.4. consul ferox ab consulatu priore et non modo legum aut patrum maiestatis sed ne deorum quidem satis metuens; hanc insitam ingenio eius temeritatem fortuna prospero ciuilibus bellicisque rebus successu aluerat. itaque satis apparebat nec deos nec homines consulentem ferociter omnia ac praepropere acturum;

[¶29] 3.5. Leaving the enemy therefore on his left, and looking out for an opportunity to ambush him, he proceeded to lay waste the heart of Etruria and exhibited to the consul from afar all the havoc that fire and sword could possibly effect.

> Latin: 3.5. quoque pronior esset in uitia sua, agitare eum atque inritare Poenus parat, et laeua relicto hoste Faesulas praeteriens medio Etruriae agro praedatum profectus, quantam maximam uastitatem potest caedibus incendiisque consuli procul ostendit.

[¶30] 3.7. Flaminius, even had his enemy sat still, was not the man to have sat still himself; but now, when he saw the farms of the allies being harried and pillaged almost under his own eyes, he felt it as a personal disgrace that the Phoenician should be roaming through the midst of Italy, and marching, with no one to dispute his passage, to assault the very walls of Rome.

> Latin: 3.7. Flaminius, qui ne quieto quidem hoste ipse quieturus erat, tum uero, postquam res sociorum ante oculos prope suos ferri agique uidit, suum id dedecus ratus per mediam iam Italiam uagari Poenum atque obsistente nullo ad ipsa Romana moenia ire oppugnanda, ceteris omnibus in consilio salutaria magis quam speciosa suadentibus:

[¶31] 3.8. In the council of war the rest were all for safe in preference to showy measures: he should wait, they said, for his colleague to come up, in order that they might unite their forces and conduct the war with a common policy and resolution; meantime, he should employ his cavalry and skirmishers to check the enemy's widespread, unrestricted pillaging.

> Latin: 3.8. collegam exspectandum, ut coniunctis exercitibus communi animo consilioque rem gererent, interim equitatu auxiliisque leuium armorum ab effusa praedandi licentia hostem cohibendum,—iratus se ex consilio proripuit, signumque simul itineris pugnaeque cum

[¶32] 3.10. Enraged by this advice, Flaminius flung out of the council, and having given the signal at once for marching and for fighting, exclaimed, “Ay, truly! Let us sit still under the walls of Arretium, for here are our native city and our household gods; let Hannibal slip through our fingers and ravage Italy, and, laying waste and burning everything, march clear to Rome; and let us not move from this spot, till the Fathers, as once they summoned Camillus from Veii, shall summon Gaius Flaminius from Arretium.” Uttering these scornful words he bade pluck up the standards quickly, and vaulted upon his horse, when suddenly the charger stumbled, and unseating the consul threw him over his head. The dismay which this occasioned in all who were present, as an evil omen for beginning the campaign, was intensified on its being reported that, although the standard-bearer was exerting all his might, the standard could not be pulled up.

> Latin: 3.10. <iussisset pronuntiari> 'immo Arreti ante moenia sedeamus' inquit, 'hic enim patria et penates sunt. Hannibal emissus e manibus perpopuletur Italiam uastandoque et urendo omnia ad Romana moenia perueniat, nec ante nos hinc mouerimus quam, sicut olim Camillum ab Ueiis, C. Flaminium ab Arretio patres acciuerint'. haec simul increpans cum ocius signa conuelli iuberet et ipse in equum insiluisset, equus repente corruit consulemque lapsum super caput effudit. territis omnibus qui circa erant uelut foedo omine incipiendae rei, insuper nuntiatur signum omni ui moliente signifero conuelli nequire.

[¶33] 3.13. Rounding upon the messenger the consul cried, “Do you bring me a dispatch too from the senate, forbidding me to fight? Go, tell them to dig the standard out, if their hands are too numb with fear to pull it up!” The column then began to advance, though the higher officers, besides disapproving of the consul's plan, were terrified by the double prodigy. The soldiers, most of them, rejoiced in the temerity of their commander: their hopes ran high: the grounds for hoping they did not scrutinize.

> Latin: 3.13. conuersus ad nuntium 'num litteras quoque' inquit 'ab senatu adfers quae me rem gerere uetant? abi, nuntia, effodiant signum, si ad conuellendum manus prae metu obtorpuerit'. incedere inde agmen coepit primoribus, superquam quod dissenserant ab consilio, territis etiam duplici prodigio, milite in uolgus laeto ferocia ducis, cum spem magis ipsam quam causam spei intueretur.

[¶34] 4.1. Hannibal laid waste the land between the city of Cortona and Lake Trasumennus with every circumstance of cruelty known to war, in order the more to whet his enemy's anger and prompt him to avenge the sufferings of his allies.

> Latin: 4.1. Hannibal quod agri est inter Cortonam urbem Trasumennumque lacum omni clade belli peruastat, quo magis iram hosti ad uindicandas sociorum iniurias acuat;

[¶35] 4.2. And now he had reached a spot designed by nature for an ambuscade, where Trasumennus approaches closest to the mountains of Cortona. Between them is nothing but a very narrow track, as though room had been left expressly for this purpose; the ground then widens into a little plain; beyond this the hills rise steeply.

> Latin: 4.2. et iam peruenerant ad loca nata insidiis, ubi maxime montes Cortonenses in Trasumennum sidunt. uia tantum interest perangusta, uelut ad <id> ipsum de industria relicto spatio; deinde paulo latior patescit campus;

[¶36] 4.3. At this point he laid out a camp in the open, for himself and his African and Spanish troops only; the Baliares and the rest of his light-armed forces he led round behind the mountains; the cavalry he stationed near the entrance to the defile, where some hillocks formed a convenient screen for them, so that when the Romans should have entered the pass, they might block the road, and trap the entire army between the lake and the mountains. Flaminius had reached the lake at sunset; the next morning, without reconnoitring, and scarcely waiting for broad daylight, he passed through the defile.

> Latin: 4.3. inde colles adsurgunt. ibi castra in aperto locat, ubi ipse cum Afris modo Hispanisque consideret; Baliares ceteramque leuem armaturam post montes circumducit; equites ad ipsas fauces saltus tumulis apte tegentibus locat, ut, ubi intrassent Romani, obiecto equitatu clausa omnia lacu ac montibus essent. Flaminius cum pridie solis occasu ad lacum peruenisset, inexplorato postero die uixdum satis certa luce angustiis superatis, postquam in patentiorem campum pandi agmen coepit, id tantum hostium quod ex aduerso erat conspexit:

[¶37] 4.4. As the column began to spread out on the more open ground, they caught sight of those enemies only who were right in front of them; the ambush in their rear and that above them they failed to perceive. The Phoenician had now gained his object, the Romans were hemmed in between the mountains and the lake and their escape cut off by his own troops, when he made the signal for all his forces to attack at once.

> Latin: 4.4. ab tergo ac super caput deceptae insidiae. Poenus ubi, id quod petierat, clausum lacu ac montibus et circumfusum suis copiis habuit hostem, signum omnibus dat simul inuadendi.

[¶38] 4.6. As they charged down, each at the nearest point, their onset was all the more sudden and unforeseen inasmuch as the mist from the lake lay less thickly on the heights than on the plain, and the attacking columns had been clearly visible to one another from the various hills and had therefore delivered their charge at more nearly the same instant.

> Latin: 4.6. qui ubi, qua cuique proximum fuit, decucurrerunt, eo magis Romanis subita atque improuisa res fuit, quod orta ex lacu nebula campo quam montibus densior sederat agminaque hostium ex pluribus collibus ipsa inter se satis conspecta eoque magis pariter decucurrerant.

[¶39] 4.7. From the shouting that arose on every side the Romans learned, before they could clearly see, that they were surrounded; and they were already engaged on their front and flank before they could properly form up or get out their arms and draw their swords.

> Latin: 4.7. Romanus clamore prius undique orto quam satis cerneret se circumuentum esse sensit, et ante in frontem lateraque pugnari coeptum est quam satis instrueretur acies aut expediri arma stringique gladii possent.

[¶40] 5.1. Amidst the general consternation the consul himself displayed —if allowance be made for the terrifying circumstances —considerable coolness. He brought such order as time and place permitted out of the confusion in the ranks, where the men were all turning different ways to face the various shouts; and wherever he could go and make himself heard, he tried to encourage them and bade them stand and fight.

> Latin: 5.1. consul perculsis omnibus ipse satis ut in re trepida impauidus, turbatos ordines, uertente se quoque ad dissonos clamores, instruit ut tempus locusque patitur, et quacumque adire audirique potest, adhortatur ac stare ac pugnare iubet:

[¶41] 5.2. Their position, he said, was one from which vows and supplications to the gods could not extricate them, but only their own brave exertions: it was the sword that opened a way through embattled enemies, and the less men feared, the less, in general, was their danger.

> Latin: 5.2. nec enim inde uotis aut imploratione deum sed ui ac uirtute euadendum esse; per medias acies ferro uiam fieri et quo timoris minus sit, eo minus ferme periculi esse.

[¶42] 5.3. But the din and confusion were so great that neither advice nor orders could be heard, and so far were the men from knowing their proper standards companies and places, that they had hardly enough spirit to arm and prepare themselves to fight, and some were borne down while more encumbered than protected by their armour.

> Latin: 5.3. ceterum prae strepitu ac tumultu nec consilium nec imperium accipi poterat, tantumque aberat ut sua signa atque ordines et locum noscerent, ut uix ad arma capienda aptandaque pugnae competeret animus, opprimerenturque quidam onerati magis iis quam tecti. et erat in tanta caligine maior usus aurium quam oculorum.

[¶43] 5.4. Indeed the fog was so thick that ears were of more use than eyes, and the groans of the wounded, the sound of blows on body or armour and the mingled shouts and screams of assailants and assailed made them turn and gaze, now this way and now that.

> Latin: 5.4. ad gemitus uolnerum ictusque corporum aut armorum et mixtos strepentium pauentiumque clamores circumferebant ora oculosque.

[¶44] 5.5. Some, as they sought to escape, were swept into a crowd of combatants and held there; others, trying to get back into the fight, were turned aside by a throng of fugitives.

> Latin: 5.5. alii fugientes pugnantium globo inlati haerebant; alios redeuntes in pugnam auertebat fugientium agmen.

[¶45] 5.6. When attempts to break through had resulted everywhere in failure and they found themselves shut in on the flanks by the mountains and the lake, and in front and rear by the enemy; when it became apparent that their only hope of safety lay in their right arms and their swords; then every man became his own commander and urged himself to action, and the battle began all over again. It was no ordered battle, with the troops marshalled in triple line, nor did the vanguard fight before the standards and the rest of the army behind them, neither did each soldier keep to his proper legion cohort and maniple:

> Latin: 5.6. deinde, ubi in omnes partes nequiquam impetus capti et ab lateribus montes ac lacus, a fronte et ab tergo hostium acies claudebat apparuitque nullam nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, tum sibi quisque dux adhortatorque factus ad rem gerendam, et noua de integro exorta pugna est, non illa ordinata per principes hastatosque ac triarios nec ut pro signis antesignani, post signa alia pugnaret acies nec ut in sua legione miles aut cohorte aut manipulo esset;

[¶46] 5.8. it was chance that grouped them, and every man's own valour assigned him his post in van or rear; and such was the frenzy of their eagerness and so absorbed were they in fighting, that an earthquake, violent enough to overthrow large portions of many of the towns of Italy, turn swift streams from their courses, carry the sea up into rivers, and bring down mountains with great landslides, was not even felt by any of the combatants.

> Latin: 5.8. fors conglobat et animus suus cuique ante aut post pugnandi ordinem dabat tantusque fuit ardor animorum, adeo intentus pugnae animus, ut eum motum terrae qui multarum urbium Italiae magnas partes prostrauit auertitque cursu rapidos amnes, mare fluminibus inuexit, montes lapsu ingenti proruit, nemo pugnantium senserit.

[¶47] 6.1. The conflict lasted for about three hours, and was bitterly contested at every point; but nowhere did it rage so fiercely as about the consul.

> Latin: 6.1. tres ferme horas pugnatum est et ubique atrociter; circa consulem tamen acrior infestiorque pugna est.

[¶48] 6.2. He was attended by the bravest of his soldiers and stoutly lent a hand himself, wherever he saw the Romans hard pressed and in dire straits. His arms made him conspicuous, and the enemy attacked and his own people defended him with the greatest fury, until an Insubrian horseman, named Ducarius, who recognized the consul also by his face, cried out to his countrymen, “Behold the man who massacred our legions and laid waste our fields and our city! Now will I offer him up as a sacrifice to the shades of our fellow citizens so foully slain!”

> Latin: 6.2. eum et robora uirorum sequebantur et ipse, quacumque in parte premi ac laborare senserat suos, impigre ferebat opem, insignemque armis et hostes summa ui petebant et tuebantur ciues, donec Insuber eques—Ducario nomen erat—facie quoque noscitans consulem, '<en>' inquit 'hic est' popularibus suis, 'qui legiones nostras cecidit agrosque et urbem est depopulatus; iam ego hanc uictimam manibus peremptorum foede ciuium dabo'. subditisque calcaribus equo per confertissimam hostium turbam impetum facit obtruncatoque prius armigero, qui se infesto uenienti obuiam obiecerat, consulem lancea transfixit;

[¶49] 6.4. Then clapping spurs to his horse, he dashed through the very thick of his enemies, and first cutting down the armour-bearer, who had thrown himself in the way of his onset, transfixed the consul with his spear, but could not despoil him, for the veterans interposed their shields and kept him off. A great part of the Romans now began to run; neither lake nor mountains could any longer check the panic; defiles and precipices were all alike to them, as they rushed blindly to escape, and arms and men came down pell-mell together.

> Latin: 6.4. spoliare cupientem triarii obiectis scutis arcuere. magnae partis fuga inde primum coepit; et iam nec lacus nec montes pauori obstabant; per omnia arta praeruptaque uelut caeci euadunt, armaque et uiri super alium alii praecipitantur.

[¶50] 6.6. Many, having no room to flee, waded out into the shallow water at the margin of the lake, and kept on till only their heads and shoulders were above the surface.

> Latin: 6.6. pars magna, ubi locus fugae deest, per prima uada paludis in aquam progressi, quoad capitibus [umeris] exstare possunt, sese immergunt; fuere quos inconsultus pauor nando etiam capessere fugam impulerit;

[¶51] 6.7. Some were driven by their unreasoning panic even to attempt escape by swimming; but this was an endless, desperate undertaking, and either their hearts failed them and they sank in the deep water, or else, exhausted to no purpose, they struggled back with difficulty to the shoals, and were cut down on every hand by the horsemen, who rode into the water after them.

> Latin: 6.7. quae ubi immensa ac sine spe erat, aut deficientibus animis hauriebantur gurgitibus aut nequiquam fessi uada retro aegerrime repetebant atque ibi ab ingressis aquam hostium equitibus passim trucidabantur.

[¶52] 6.8. Some six thousand of those in the van made a valiant thrust through the enemy that barred their way, and got out of the defile without knowing anything of what was going on behind them. Taking up their stand on some rising ground, whence they could only hear the shouting and the clash of arms, they could neither know nor make out, for the murk, which way the victory was going.

> Latin: 6.8. sex milia ferme primi agminis per aduersos hostes eruptione impigre facta, ignari omnium quae post se agerentur, ex saltu euasere et, cum in tumulo quodam constitissent, clamorem modo ac sonum armorum audientes, quae fortuna pugnae esset neque scire nec perspicere prae caligine poterant.

[¶53] 6.9. It was not until the battle was decided, that the mist dissolved with the growing heat of the sun and revealed the day, when the clear light on hill and plain showed that all was lost and the Roman army shamefully discomfited.

> Latin: 6.9. inclinata denique re, cum incalescente sole dispulsa nebula aperuisset diem, tum liquida iam luce montes campique perditas res stratamque ostendere foede Romanam aciem.

[¶54] 6.10. And so, lest they should be seen afar and the enemy's cavalry be sent against them, they hurriedly pulled up their standards and marched off as fast as they could go.

> Latin: 6.10. itaque ne in conspectos procul immitteretur eques, sublatis raptim signis quam citatissimo poterant agmine sese abripuerunt.

[¶55] 6.11. On the following day, when besides their other misfortunes they were threatened also with the extremity of hunger, Maharbal —who with all the cavalry had overtaken them in the night —pledged his word that if they delivered up their arms, he would let them go, with a single garment each, and they surrendered.

> Latin: 6.11. postero die cum super cetera extrema fames etiam instaret, fidem dante Maharbale, qui cum omnibus equestribus copiis nocte consecutus erat, si arma tradidissent, abire cum singulis uestimentis passurum, sese dediderunt;

[¶56] 6.12. This pledge Hannibal observed with true Punic reverence and threw them all into chains.

> Latin: 6.12. quae Punica religione seruata fides ab Hannibale est atque in uincula omnes coniecti.

[¶57] 7.1. Such was the famous battle of Trasumennus, a disaster memorable as few others have been in Roman history.

> Latin: 7.1. haec est nobilis ad Trasumennum pugna atque inter paucas memorata populi Romani clades.

[¶58] 7.2. Fifteen thousand Romans were killed on the field; ten thousand, scattered in flight over all Etruria, made their way by different roads to the City.

> Latin: 7.2. quindecim milia Romanorum in acie caesa sunt; decem milia sparsa fuga per omnem Etruriam auersis itineribus urbem petiere;

[¶59] 7.3. Two thousand five hundred of the enemy fell in the battle and many perished subsequently of their wounds. Some writers multiply the losses on both sides: I myself, besides that I would not idly exaggerate anything —a vice to which historians are in general all too prone —have taken Fabius, who lived at the time of this war, as my authority, in preference to any other.

> Latin: 7.3. duo milia quingenti hostium in acie, multi postea [utrimque] ex uolneribus periere. multiplex caedes utrimque facta traditur ab aliis; ego praeterquam quod nihil auctum ex uano uelim, quo nimis inclinant ferme scribentium animi, Fabium, aequalem temporibus huiusce belli, potissimum auctorem habui.

[¶60] 7.5. Hannibal dismissed scot-free the prisoners of the Latin name and gave the Romans into captivity. Having issued orders that the bodies of his own dead should be sorted out from the heaps of their enemies and buried, he would have given the body of Flaminius burial also, but though he-caused it to be searched for with great diligence, he could not find it.

> Latin: 7.5. Hannibal captiuorum qui Latini nominis essent sine pretio dimissis, Romanis in uincula datis, segregata ex hostium coaceruatorum cumulis corpora suorum cum sepeliri iussisset, Flamini quoque corpus funeris causa magna cum cura inquisitum non inuenit.

[¶61] 7.6. At Rome the first tidings of this defeat brought the citizens into the Forum in a frightened and tumultuous throng, while the matrons wandered about the streets and demanded of all they met what sudden disaster had been reported and how it was going with the army.

> Latin: 7.6. Romae ad primum nuntium cladis eius cum ingenti terrore ac tumultu concursus in forum populi est factus.

[¶62] 7.7. And when the crowd, like some vast public assembly, turned to the Comitium and the senate-house and called for the magistrates, at last, as the sun was almost going down, Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, said, “A great battle has been fought, and we were beaten.”

> Latin: 7.7. matronae uagae per uias, quae repens clades allata quaeue fortuna exercitus esset, obuios percontantur; et cum frequentis contionis modo turba in comitium et curiam uersa magistratus uocaret, tandem haud multo ante solis occasum M.

[¶63] 7.8. And although they learned nothing more definite from him, still they picked up a rumour here and a rumour there, and returning to their homes brought word that the consul and a great part of his soldiers had been slain:

> Latin: 7.8. Pomponius praetor 'pugna' inquit 'magna uicti sumus'. et quamquam nihil certius ex eo auditum est, tamen alius ab alio impleti rumoribus domos referunt:

[¶64] 7.9. that only a few survived, either dispersed as fugitives throughout Etruria or taken prisoners by the enemy.

> Latin: 7.9. consulem cum magna parte copiarum caesum; superesse paucos aut fuga passim per Etruriam sparsos aut captos ab hoste.

[¶65] 7.10. The vicissitudes of the defeated army were no more various than the apprehensions which preyed upon the minds of those whose relatives had served under Gaius Flaminius, the consul. They were ignorant of how those dear to each of them were faring, nor did anyone really know what to hope or fear.

> Latin: 7.10. quot casus exercitus uicti fuerant, tot in curas distracti animi eorum erant quorum propinqui sub C. Flaminio consule meruerant, ignorantium quae cuiusque suorum fortuna esset; nec quisquam satis certum habet quid aut speret aut timeat.

[¶66] 7.11. On the next and on several succeeding days the City gates were thronged with a crowd in which the women almost outnumbered the men, waiting for some kinsman, or for news of him. Surrounding anybody who came along, they plied him with questions, nor could they tear themselves away —especially from those they were acquainted with —until they had enquired into every detail.

> Latin: 7.11. postero ac deinceps aliquot diebus ad portas maior prope mulierum quam uirorum multitudo stetit, aut suorum aliquem aut nuntios de iis opperiens; circumfundebanturque obuiis sciscitantes neque auelli, utique ab notis, priusquam ordine omnia inquisissent, poterant.

[¶67] 7.12. Very different were the expressions you would have noted in their countenances, according as the tidings they received were glad or sorrowful, when they moved away from their informants and returned to their homes, surrounded by friends, congratulating or consoling them.

> Latin: 7.12. inde uarios uoltus digredientium ab nuntiis cerneres, ut cuique laeta aut tristia nuntiabantur, gratulantesque aut consolantes redeuntibus domos circumfusos. feminarum praecipue et gaudia insignia erant et luctus.

[¶68] 7.13. The women especially exhibited extremes of joy and grief; one, on suddenly meeting her son safe and sound at the very gate, expired, they say, in his embrace; another, whose son had been falsely reported dead, sat sorrowing at home, and no sooner beheld him entering the house, than she died of excessive joy.

> Latin: 7.13. unam in ipsa porta sospiti filio repente oblatam in complexu eius exspirasse ferunt; alteram, cui mors filii falso nuntiata erat, maestam sedentem domi, ad primum conspectum redeuntis filii gaudio nimio exanimatam.

[¶69] 7.14. For some days the praetors kept the senate in session in the Curia, from sunrise until sunset, deliberating with what possible commander or what forces they could withstand the victorious Phoenicians.

> Latin: 7.14. senatum praetores per dies aliquot ab orto usque ad occidentem solem in curia retinent, consultantes quonam duce aut quibus copiis resisti uictoribus Poenis posset.

[¶70] 8.1. They had not yet fully determined what to do, when, lo! another disaster was reported, for which they were quite unprepared. Four thousand horse under the propraetor Gaius Centenius had been sent by the Consul Servilius to join his colleague; but on hearing of the battle at Trasumennus they had turned aside into Umbria, and had there fallen into the hands of Hannibal.

> Latin: 8.1. priusquam satis certa consilia essent, repens alia nuntiatur clades, quattuor milia equitum cum C. Centenio propraetore missa ad collegam ab Seruilio consule in Umbria, quo post pugnam ad Trasumennum auditam auerterant iter, ab Hannibale circumuenta.

[¶71] 8.2. The news of this affair affected people variously: some, whose thoughts were taken up with a greater sorrow, regarded this fresh loss of the cavalry as trivial in comparison with their former losses;

> Latin: 8.2. eius rei fama uarie homines adfecit. pars occupatis maiore aegritudine animis leuem ex comparatione priorum ducere recentem equitum iacturam;

[¶72] 8.3. others refused to judge of the misfortune as an isolated fact, but held that, just as when a man was sick, any disorder, however slight, was felt more than a worse one would be by a healthy man, so now, when the state was sick and suffering, any untoward occurrence should be gauged not by its intrinsic importance but by the enfeebled condition of the commonwealth, which could endure no aggravation.

> Latin: 8.3. pars non id quod acciderat per se aestimare sed, ut in adfecto corpore quamuis leuis causa magis quam <in> ualido grauior sentiretur, ita tum aegrae et adfectae ciuitati quodcumque aduersi inciderit, non rerum magnitudine sed uiribus extenuatis, quae nihil quod adgrauaret pati possent, aestimandum esse.

[¶73] 8.5. And so the citizens had recourse to a remedy that had now for a long time neither been employed nor needed —the creation of a dictator. And because the consul, who alone was supposed to possess the power to nominate one, was absent, and because it was no easy matter, when Italy was beset with Punic arms, to get a courier or a letter through to him, they did what had never been done until that day, and created a dictator by popular election.

> Latin: 8.5. itaque ad remedium iam diu neque desideratum nec adhibitum, dictatorem dicendum, ciuitas confugit; et quia et consul aberat, a quo uno dici posse uidebatur, nec per occupatam armis Punicis Italiam facile erat aut nuntium aut litteras mitti [nec dictatorem populus creare poterat], quod nunquam ante eam diem factum erat, dictatorem populus creauit Q.

[¶74] 8.6. Their choice fell on Quintus Fabius Maximus, and Marcus Minucius Rufus they made master of the horse.

> Latin: 8.6. Fabium Maximum et magistrum equitum M. Minucium Rufum;

[¶75] 8.7. To them the senate entrusted the task of strengthening the walls and towers of the City, of disposing its defences as to them seemed good, and of breaking down the bridges over the rivers: they would have to fight for their City and their homes, since they had not been able to save Italy.

> Latin: 8.7. iisque negotium ab senatu datum, ut muros turresque urbis firmarent et praesidia disponerent, quibus locis uideretur, pontesque rescinderent fluminum: pro urbe dimicandum esse ac penatibus quando Italiam tueri nequissent.

[¶76] 9.1. Hannibal marched straight on through Umbria as far as Spoletium.

> Latin: 9.1. Hannibal recto itinere per Umbriam usque ad Spoletium uenit.

[¶77] 9.2. But when, after systematically ravaging the country, he attempted to storm the town, he was repulsed with heavy losses; and conjecturing from the strength of a single colony which he had unsuccessfully attacked how vast an undertaking the City of Rome would be, he turned aside into the Picentine territory, a land not only abounding in all kinds of produce, but filled with livestock, which his greedy and impoverished men gathered in from far and wide.

> Latin: 9.2. inde, cum perpopulato agro urbem oppugnare adortus esset, cum magna caede suorum repulsus, coniectans ex unius coloniae minus prospere temptatae uiribus quanta moles Romanae urbis esset, in agrum Picenum auertit iter, non copia solum omnis generis frugum abundantem sed refertum praeda, quam effuse auidi atque egentes rapiebant.

[¶78] 9.4. He remained in camp there for some days, while his soldiers recovered from the marches they had made in wintry weather and through swamps, and from the battle, which, however successful its outcome, had been no light or easy adventure.

> Latin: 9.4. ibi per dies aliquot statiua habita refectusque miles hibernis itineribus ac palustri uia proelioque magis ad euentum secundo quam leui aut facili adfectus.

[¶79] 9.5. After allowing sufficient rest to his soldiers, who delighted more in booty and rapine than in quiet and repose, he resumed his march and laid waste the Praetutian and Hadrian fields, and after these the lands of the Marsi, Marrucini and Paeligni, and the nearest part of Apulia, in the vicinity of Arpi and Luceria.

> Latin: 9.5. ubi satis quietis datum praeda ac populationibus magis quam otio aut requie gaudentibus, profectus Praetutianum Hadrianumque agrum, Marsos inde Marrucinosque et Paelignos deuastat circaque Arpos et Luceriam proximam Apuliae regionem.

[¶80] 9.6. Gnaeus Servilius, the consul, had engaged in skirmishes with the Gauls and had taken one insignificant town by assault, when he learned of the destruction of his colleague and the army, and being now alarmed for the safety of the capital, lest he should be absent in the very crisis of its peril, set out for Rome.

> Latin: 9.6. Cn. Seruilius consul leuibus proeliis cum Gallis factis et uno oppido ignobili expugnato, postquam de collegae exercitusque caede audiuit, iam moenibus patriae metuens ne abesset in discrimine extremo, ad urbem iter intendit.

[¶81] 9.7. Quintus Fabius Maximus, dictator now for the second time, convened the senate on the day he entered upon his office. Taking up first the question of religion, he convinced the Fathers that the consul Flaminius had erred more through his neglect of the ceremonies and the auspices than through his recklessness and ignorance; and asserting that they ought to enquire of the gods themselves how the displeasure of the gods might be appeased, prevailed with them to do what is rarely done except when dreadful prodigies have been announced, and order the decemvirs to consult the Sibylline books.

> Latin: 9.7. Q. Fabius Maximus dictator iterum quo die magistratum iniit uocato senatu, ab dis orsus, cum edocuisset patres plus neglegentia caerimoniarum quam temeritate atque inscitia peccatum a C. Flaminio consule esse quaeque piacula irae deum essent ipsos deos consulendos esse, peruicit ut, quod non ferme decernitur nisi cum taetra prodigia nuntiata sunt, decemuiri libros Sibyllinos adire iuberentur.

[¶82] 9.9. When the decemvirs had inspected the Books of Fate, they reported to the Fathers that the vow which had been made to Mars on account of this war had not been duly performed, and must be performed afresh and on an ampler scale; that great games must be vowed to Jupiter, and temples to Venus Erycina and to Mens; and finally that a supplication and lectisternium must be celebrated in honour of the gods, and a Sacred Spring be vowed, if they proved victorious and the state remained as it had been before the outbreak of hostilities.

> Latin: 9.9. qui inspectis fatalibus libris rettulerunt patribus, quod eius belli causa uotum Marti foret, id non rite factum de integro atque amplius faciundum esse, et Ioui ludos magnos et aedes Ueneri Erycinae ac Menti uouendas esse, et supplicationem lectisterniumque habendum, et uer sacrum uouendum si bellatum prospere esset resque publica in eodem quo ante bellum fuisset statu permansisset.

[¶83] 9.11. The senate, seeing that Fabius would be occupied with the conduct of the war, commanded Marcus Aemilius the praetor, as the college of pontifices had recommended, to see that all these measures were promptly put into effect.

> Latin: 9.11. senatus, quoniam Fabium belli cura occupatura esset, M. Aemilium praetorem, ex collegii pontificum sententia omnia ea ut mature fiant, curare iubet.

[¶84] 10.1. When the senate had passed these resolutions, the praetor consulted the college, and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, the Pontifex Maximus, gave his opinion that first of all a popular vote must be taken about the Sacred Spring; for it could not be vowed without the authorization of the people.

> Latin: 10.1. his senatus consultis perfectis, L. Cornelius Lentulus pontifex maximus consulente collegium praetore omnium primum populum consulendum de uere sacro censet: iniussu populi uoueri non posse.

[¶85] 10.2. The question was put to them in this form: “Do you will and so order that these things be done in the manner following? If the Republic of the Roman People, the Quirites, shall be preserved for the next five years —as I would wish it preserved —in ” “these wars, to wit, the war of the Roman People with the People of Carthage and the wars with the Gauls on this side of the Alps, let the Roman People, the Quirites, offer up in indefeasible sacrifice to Jupiter what the spring shall have produced of swine, sheep, goats and cattle —which shall not have been consecrated to some other deity —beginning with the day which the senate and the People shall have designated.”

> Latin: 10.2. rogatus in haec uerba populus: 'uelitis iubeatisne haec sic fieri? si res publica populi Romani Quiritium ad quinquennium proximum, sicut uelim <uou>eamque, salua seruata erit hisce duellis, quod duellum populo Romano cum Carthaginiensi est quaeque duella cum Gallis sunt qui cis Alpes sunt, tum donum duit populus Romanus Quiritium quod uer attulerit ex suillo ouillo caprino bouillo grege quaeque profana erunt Ioui fieri, ex qua die senatus populusque iusserit.

[¶86] 10.4. “Let him who shall make a sacrifice do so at such time and by such rite as shall seem good to him; in what manner soever he does it, let it be accounted duly done.”

> Latin: 10.4. qui faciet, quando uolet quaque lege uolet facito; quo modo faxit probe factum esto.

[¶87] 10.5. “If the animal which he ought to sacrifice dies, let it be deemed unconsecrate and let no guilt attach to him; if any shall hurt it or slay it unawares, let it be no sin; if any shall steal it, let no guilt attach to the People nor to him from whom it shall have been stolen;”

> Latin: 10.5. si id moritur quod fieri oportebit, profanum esto, neque scelus esto. si quis rumpet occidetue insciens, ne fraus esto. si quis clepsit, ne populo scelus esto neue cui cleptum erit. si atro die faxit insciens, probe factum esto.

[¶88] 10.6. “if he shall sacrifice unwittingly on a black day, let the sacrifice be deemed to have been duly made; by night or by day, if slave or freeman perform the sacrifice, let it be deemed to have been duly made; if sacrifice shall be performed before the senate and the People shall have ordered it to be performed, let the People be absolved therefrom and free ” “of obligation.”

> Latin: 10.6. si nocte siue luce, si seruus siue liber faxit, probe factum esto. si antidea senatus populusque iusserit fieri ac faxitur, eo populus solutus liber esto.' eiusdem rei causa ludi magni uoti aeris trecentis triginta tribus milibus, <trecentis triginta tribus> triente, praeterea bubus Ioui trecentis, multis aliis diuis bubus albis atque ceteris hostiis.

## 7. Book XXII · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/7/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/7/#p-N

[¶0] 10.8. For the same cause great games were vowed, to cost three hundred and thirty-three thousand, three hundred and thirty-three and a third bronze asses, and, besides, a sacrifice to Jupiter of three hundred oxen, and of white oxen and the other customary victims to many other gods. When the vows had been duly pronounced, a supplication was decreed, and was performed not only by the urban population, with their wives and children, but by such country folk besides, as, having some fortune of their own, were beginning to feel concern for the Commonwealth.

> Latin: 10.8. uotis rite nuncupatis supplicatio edicta; supplicatumque iere cum coniugibus ac liberis non urbana multitudo tantum sed agrestium etiam, quos in aliqua sua fortuna publica quoque contingebat cura.

[¶1] 10.9. A lectisternium was then celebrated during three days under the supervision of the decemvirs who had charge of sacrifices. Six couches were displayed: one for Jupiter and Juno, a second for Neptune and Minerva, a third for Mars and Venus, a fourth for Apollo and Diana, a fifth for Vulcan and Vesta, a sixth for Mercury and Ceres.

> Latin: 10.9. tum lectisternium per triduum habitum decemuiris sacrorum curantibus: sex puluinaria in conspectu fuerunt, Ioui ac Iunoni unum, alterum Neptuno ac Mineruae, tertium Marti ac Ueneri, quartum Apollini ac Dianae, quintum Uolcano ac Uestae, sextum Mercurio et Cereri.

[¶2] 10.10. The temples were then vowed —that to Venus Erycina by Quintus Fabius Maximus the dictator, because the Books of Fate had given out that he whose authority in the state was paramount should make the vow; and the temple to Mens by the praetor Titus Otacilius.

> Latin: 10.10. tum aedes uotae. Ueneri Erycinae aedem Q. Fabius Maximus dictator uouit, quia ita ex fatalibus libris editum erat ut is uoueret cuius maximum imperium in ciuitate esset; Menti aedem T. Otacilius praetor uouit.

[¶3] 11.1. Religious duties being thus acquitted, the dictator turned to affairs of war and state, and called upon the senate to decide with what and how many legions the victorious enemy should be faced.

> Latin: 11.1. ita rebus diuinis peractis, tum de bello reque [de] publica dictator rettulit quibus quotue legionibus uictori hosti obuiam eundum esse patres censerent.

[¶4] 11.2. It was voted that he should take over the army of Gnaeus Servilius, the consul; that he should enroll, besides, from the citizens and the allies, as many horsemen and foot-soldiers as seemed good to him; and with regard to all other questions should act as he deemed conducive to the welfare of the state.

> Latin: 11.2. decretum ut ab Cn. Seruilio consule exercitum acciperet; scriberet praeterea ex ciuibus sociisque quantum equitum ac peditum uideretur; cetera omnia ageret faceretque ut e re publica duceret.

[¶5] 11.3. Fabius announced that he should add two legions to the army that Servilius had commanded. These legions he enlisted, through his master of the horse, and commanded them to assemble at Tibur on a given day.

> Latin: 11.3. Fabius duas legiones se adiecturum ad Seruilianum exercitum dixit. iis per magistrum equitum scriptis Tibur diem ad conueniendum edixit.

[¶6] 11.4. He also issued an edict that those who dwelt in unfortified towns and hamlets should remove to places of safety; and that all the inhabitants of that district where Hannibal was likely to be marching should abandon their farms, first burning the buildings and destroying the crops, that there might be no supplies for him of any kind. He himself went out by the Flaminian way to meet the consul and his army, and when, close to the Tiber near Ocriculum, he came in sight of the column and saw the consul riding towards him at the head of his cavalry, he dispatched an orderly to bid the consul appear before the dictator without lictors.

> Latin: 11.4. edictoque proposito ut, quibus oppida castellaque immunita essent, ut ii commigrarent in loca tuta, ex agris quoque demigrarent omnes regionis eius qua iturus Hannibal esset tectis prius incensis ac frugibus corruptis ne cuius rei copia esset, ipse uia Flaminia profectus obuiam consuli exercituque, cum ad Tiberim circa Ocriculum prospexisset agmen consulemque cum equitibus ad se progredientem, <substitit> uiatore misso qui consuli nuntiaret ut sine lictoribus ad dictatorem ueniret.

[¶7] 11.6. The consul obeyed, and their meeting vividly impressed the greatness of the dictatorship on citizens and allies, who had now, with the lapse of years, almost forgotten that supreme authority. Just then a dispatch was delivered from the City, announcing that ships of burden with supplies from Ostia for the army in Spain had been captured by the Punic fleet off the port of Cosa.

> Latin: 11.6. qui cum dicto paruisset congressusque eorum ingentem speciem dictaturae apud ciues sociosque uetustate iam prope oblitos eius imperii fecisset, litterae ab urbe allatae sunt naues onerarias commeatum ab Ostia in Hispaniam ad exercitum portantes a classe Punica circa portum Cosanum captas esse.

[¶8] 11.7. Accordingly, the consul was ordered to set out at once for Ostia and, manning such ships as were at Rome or Ostia with soldiers and naval allies, to pursue the enemy's fleet and protect the coasts of Italy.

> Latin: 11.7. itaque extemplo consul Ostiam proficisci iussus nauibusque quae ad urbem Romanam aut Ostiae essent completis milite ac naualibus sociis persequi hostium classem ac litora Italiae tutari.

[¶9] 11.8. A vast number of men had been enrolled in Rome; even freedmen who had children and were of military age had taken the oath.

> Latin: 11.8. magna uis hominum conscripta Romae erat; libertini etiam, quibus liberi essent et aetas militaris, in uerba iurauerant.

[¶10] 11.9. Of this urban levy those who were less than thirty-five years old were sent on board the ships; the others were left to garrison the City.

> Latin: 11.9. ex hoc urbano exercitu, qui minores quinque et triginta annis erant, in naues impositi, alii ut urbi praesiderent relicti.

[¶11] 12.1. The dictator, after taking over the consul's army from Fulvius Flaccus, his lieutenant, marched through the Sabine country to Tibur, where he had given the new levies notice to assemble on a certain day.

> Latin: 12.1. dictator exercitu consulis accepto a Fuluio Flacco legato per agrum Sabinum Tibur, quo diem ad conueniendum edixerat nouis militibus, uenit.

[¶12] 12.2. From Tibur he marched to Praeneste, and striking across the country came out into the Latin Way, and then, reconnoitring the roads with the utmost circumspection, advanced in the direction of the enemy, though resolved nowhere to commit himself to fortune, except in so far as necessity might compel him.

> Latin: 12.2. inde Praeneste ac transuersis limitibus in uiam Latinam est egressus, unde itineribus summa cum cura exploratis ad hostem ducit, nullo loco, nisi quantum necessitas cogeret, fortunae se commissurus.

[¶13] 12.3. On the day when Fabius first encamped in sight of the enemy, not far from Arpi, the Phoenician promptly led out his forces into line and offered battle.

> Latin: 12.3. quo primum die haud procul Arpis in conspectu hostium posuit castra, nulla mora facta quin Poenus educeret in aciem copiamque pugnandi faceret.

[¶14] 12.4. But when he perceived that all was quiet on the other side, and could hear no sounds of commotion in their camp, he went back to his quarters, exclaiming scornfully that the boasted martial spirit of the Romans was broken at last, that the war was fought and won, that they had openly bade valour and renown farewell;

> Latin: 12.4. sed ubi quieta omnia apud hostes nec castra ullo tumultu mota uidet, increpans quidem uictos tandem illos Martios animos Romanis, debellatumque et concessum propalam de uirtute ac gloria esse, in castra rediit;

[¶15] 12.5. but in the silence of his heart he was troubled by the thought that he would have a general to deal with by no means like Flaminius or Sempronius, since the Romans, schooled by their misfortunes, had now at last sought out a leader to match Hannibal.

> Latin: 12.5. ceterum tacita cura animum incessit quod cum duce haudquaquam Flamini Sempronique simili futura sibi res esset ac tum demum edocti malis Romani parem Hannibali ducem quaesissent.

[¶16] 12.6. The prudence of the dictator was indeed an immediate source of worry to him, but, possessing as yet no experience of his firmness, he began to provoke and try his temper by frequent shifting of his camp and by pillaging the lands of the allies before his very eyes. Now he would march off rapidly and disappear; and now would lie in wait at some turn of the road, in hopes to cut the Romans off when they had descended on to level ground.

> Latin: 12.6. et prudentiam quidem [non uim] dictatoris extemplo timuit; constantiam hauddum expertus, agitare ac temptare animum mouendo crebro castra populandoque in oculis eius agros sociorum coepit, et modo citato agmine ex conspectu abibat, modo repente in aliquo flexu uiae, si excipere degressum in aequum posset, occultus subsistebat.

[¶17] 12.8. Fabius kept leading his troops along the heights, at a moderate distance from the enemy, so as neither to lose touch nor yet come to blows with him. He would keep his men in camp, except for such necessary duties as obliged their leaving it; when they went out for wood and fodder, they were neither few in number nor dispersed;

> Latin: 12.8. Fabius per loca alta agmen ducebat, modico ab hoste interuallo ut neque omitteret eum neque congrederetur. castris, nisi quantum usus necessarii cogerent, tenebatur miles; pabulum et ligna nec pauci petebant nec passim;

[¶18] 12.9. a corps of cavalry and skirmishers drawn up and ready for sudden onsets made everything safe for his own men and dangerous for the scattered pillagers of the enemy.

> Latin: 12.9. equitum leuisque armaturae statio, composita instructaque in subitos tumultus, et suo militi tuta omnia et infesta effusis hostium populatoribus praebebat;

[¶19] 12.10. He refused to stake all on a general engagement, and yet by means of little skirmishes, undertaken from a safe position and with a place of refuge close at hand, he at length accustomed his soldiers, disheartened by their former defeats, to be less diffident of their own courage and good fortune.

> Latin: 12.10. neque uniuerso periculo summa rerum committebatur et parua momenta leuium certaminum ex tuto coeptorum, finitimo receptu, adsuefaciebant territum pristinis cladibus militem minus iam tandem aut uirtutis aut fortunae paenitere suae.

[¶20] 12.11. But even Hannibal was not more vexed by these prudent measures than was the master of the horse, who was only withheld from plunging the nation into ruin by his subordinate authority. Violent and hasty in his opinions and of unbridled tongue, he spoke of Fabius —at first in the hearing of a few, but after a time quite openly to everybody —not as deliberate but as slothful, not as cautious but as timid, inventing faults that neighboured on his virtues; and exalted himself by disparaging his superior —an infamous practice, which has grown in favour from the all too great prosperity of many who have followed it.

> Latin: 12.11. sed non Hannibalem magis infestum tam sanis consiliis habebat quam magistrum equitum, qui nihil aliud quam quod impar erat imperio morae ad rem publicam praecipitandam habebat. ferox rapidusque consiliis ac lingua immodicus, primo inter paucos, dein propalam in uolgus, pro cunctatore segnem, pro cauto timidum, adfingens uicina uirtutibus uitia, compellabat, premendoque superiorem, quae pessima ars nimis prosperis multorum successibus creuit, sese extollebat.

[¶21] 13.1. Hannibal, leaving the Hirpini, crossed over into Samnium, laid waste the lands of Beneventum, and captured the city of Telesia. He even deliberately sought to vex the Roman general, for he hoped that by so often insulting and distressing his allies he might anger him and induce him to come down and fight on equal terms.

> Latin: 13.1. Hannibal ex Hirpinis in Samnium transit, Beneuentanum depopulatur agrum, Telesiam urbem capit, inritat etiam de industria Romanum ducem, si forte accensum tot indignitatibus [cladibus] sociorum detrahere ad aequum certamen possit.

[¶22] 13.2. Amongst the numerous allies of Italian stock who had been made prisoners by Hannibal at Trasumennus and afterwards released were three Campanian knights, whom he had even then enticed with gifts and promises to procure for him the goodwill of their countrymen.

> Latin: 13.2. inter multitudinem sociorum Italici generis, qui ad Trasumennum capti ab Hannibale dimissique fuerant, tres Campani equites erant, multis iam tum inlecti donis promissisque Hannibalis ad conciliandos popularium animos.

[¶23] 13.3. These men now informed him that if he would bring his army into Campania the opportunity would be afforded him of taking Capua. It was a weighty undertaking for such men to enter into, and Hannibal hesitated, now trusting and again distrusting them, but in the end they persuaded him to march from Samnium into Campania.

> Latin: 13.3. hi nuntiantes si in Campaniam exercitum admouisset Capuae potiendae copiam fore, cum res maior quam auctores esset, dubium Hannibalem alternisque fidentem ac diffidentem tamen ut Campaniam ex Samnio peteret mouerunt.

[¶24] 13.4. He warned them again and again to confirm their words with deeds, and dismissed them with orders to come back to him with more people, including some of their leading men.

> Latin: 13.4. monitos etiam atque etiam promissa rebus adfirmarent iussosque cum pluribus et aliquibus principum redire ad se dimisit.

[¶25] 13.5. He then ordered his guide to conduct him to the territory of Casinum, for he had been told by those who knew the country that if he occupied that pass he could keep the Romans from marching to the aid of their allies.

> Latin: 13.5. ipse imperat duci ut se in agrum Casinatem ducat, edoctus a peritis regionum, si eum saltum occupasset, exitum Romano ad opem ferendam sociis interclusurum;

[¶26] 13.6. But the difficulty experienced by Carthaginians in pronouncing Latin names caused the guide to understand Casilinum instead of Casinum; and quitting the proper road he led him down through the districts of Allifae, Caiatia and Cales into the Plain of Stella.

> Latin: 13.6. sed Punicum abhorrens ab Latinorum nominum <locutione os, Casilinum> pro Casino dux ut acciperet, fecit, auersusque ab suo itinere per Allifanum Caiatinumque et Calenum agrum in campum Stellatem descendit.

[¶27] 13.7. There Hannibal, looking round on the mountains and rivers that enclosed the plain, called up the guide and asked him where in the world he was.

> Latin: 13.7. ubi cum montibus fluminibusque clausam regionem circumspexisset, uocatum ducem percontatur ubi terrarum esset.

[¶28] 13.8. And only when the guide had answered that he should lodge that night in Casilinum, did he perceive at last how the man had blundered, and that Casinum lay far off in another direction.

> Latin: 13.8. cum is Casilini eo die mansurum eum dixisset, tum demum cognitus est error et Casinum longe inde alia regione esse;

[¶29] 13.9. Whereupon he scourged the guide, and, to terrify the others, crucified him, and going into camp behind entrenchments, dispatched Maharbal with the cavalry to ravage the Falernian countryside. The devastation extended even to the Baths of Sinuessa.

> Latin: 13.9. uirgisque caeso duce et ad reliquorum terrorem in crucem sublato, castris communitis Maharbalem cum equitibus in agrum Falernum praedatum dimisit. usque ad aquas Sinuessanas populatio ea peruenit.

[¶30] 13.10. The Numidians wrought great havoc and spread dismay and terror more widely still;

> Latin: 13.10. ingentem cladem, fugam [tamen] terroremque latius Numidae fecerunt;

[¶31] 13.11. yet this terror, even though all the country blazed with war, did not cause the allies to waver in their loyalty, assuredly because the rule under which they were governed was just and temperate, nor did they refuse —and that is the only guarantee of loyalty —to yield obedience to their betters.

> Latin: 13.11. nec tamen is terror, cum omnia bello flagrarent, fide socios dimouit, uidelicet quia iusto et moderato regebantur imperio nec abnuebant, quod unum uinculum fidei est, melioribus parere.

[¶32] 14.1. But when Hannibal had encamped by the river Volturnus, and the fairest district in all Italy was in flames, and the smoke went curling up from burning farm-houses, while Fabius continued to march along the ridges of Mount Massicus, there was almost a new outburst of sedition.

> Latin: 14.1. ut uero, <post>quam ad Uolturnum flumen castra sunt posita, exurebatur amoenissimus Italiae ager uillaeque passim incendiis fumabant, per iuga Massici montis Fabio ducente, tum prope de integro seditio [ac de seditione] accensa;

[¶33] 14.2. For the disaffected had kept quiet for several days, believing that the army, which had been moving more rapidly than usual, was hastening to preserve Campania from devastation.

> Latin: 14.2. †quidam fuerant† enim per paucos dies, quia, cum celerius solito ductum agmen esset, festinari ad prohibendam populationibus Campaniam crediderant.

[¶34] 14.3. But when they reached the farthest extremity of the range, and saw the enemy down below them setting fire to the farms of the Falernian district and the colony of Sinuessa, and yet no word was uttered about fighting, Minucius cried, “Are we come here as to a spectacle, that we may gratify our eyes with the slaughter of our friends and the burning of their homes?”

> Latin: 14.3. ut uero in extrema iuga Massici montis uentum est <et> hostes sub oculis erant Falerni agri colonorumque Sinuessae tecta urentes, nec ulla erat mentio pugnae, 'spectatum huc' inquit Minucius, 'ad rem fruendam oculis, sociorum caedes et incendia uenimus?

[¶35] 14.4. “If nothing else can awaken us to a sense of shame, do we feel none when we behold these fellow citizens of ours whom our fathers sent as colonists to Sinuessa to secure this frontier from the Samnite enemy?” “It is not our Samnite neighbours who are wasting it now, but Phoenician invaders, who have been suffered to come all this way, from the farthest, limits of the world, by our delays and slothfulness. So greatly, alas!”

> Latin: 14.4. nec, si nullius alterius nos ne ciuium quidem horum pudet, quos Sinuessam colonos patres nostri miserunt, ut ab Samnite hoste tuta haec ora esset, quam nunc non uicinus Samnis urit sed Poenus aduena, ab extremis orbis terrarum terminis nostra cunctatione et socordia iam huc progressus?

[¶36] 14.6. “do we degenerate from our fathers that we behold overrun with enemies and in the possession of Numidians and Moors that coast past which they could not see the Punic navies cruising without feeling that their empire was disgraced.”

> Latin: 14.6. tantum pro. degeneramus a patribus nostris ut, praeter quam [per] oram illi [suam] Punicas uagari classes dedecus esse imperii sui duxerint, eam nunc plenam hostium Numidarumque ac Maurorum iam factam uideamus?

[¶37] 14.7. “When, a little while ago, Saguntum was besieged, we appealed indignantly, not to men only, but to treaties and to the gods; but now that Hannibal is scaling the walls of a Roman colony, we look on with indifference.”

> Latin: 14.7. qui modo Saguntum oppugnari indignando non homines tantum sed foedera et deos ciebamus, scandentem moenia Romanae coloniae Hannibalem laeti spectamus.

[¶38] 14.8. “The smoke from burning farm-houses and fields comes into our eyes and mouths; our ears are ringing with the lamentations of our allies, who invoke our aid more often than that of Heaven; and here we are, leading our army —like a flock of sheep —through summer pastures and by devious mountain trails, and hiding ourselves in clouds and forests.”

> Latin: 14.8. fumus ex incendiis uillarum agrorumque in oculos atque ora uenit; strepunt aures clamoribus plorantium sociorum, saepius nostram quam deorum inuocantium opem; nos hic pecorum modo per aestiuos saltus deuiasque calles exercitum ducimus, conditi nubibus siluisque.

[¶39] 14.9. “If Marcus Furius had tried to recover Rome from the Gauls by wandering thus over mountain heights and passes, even as this new Camillus, this wonderful dictator to whom we have turned in our distress, is planning to recover Italy from Hannibal, the Gauls would be in Rome to-day; and I fear that if we linger thus, our fathers will so often have preserved it only for Hannibal and the Phoenicians.” “But that brave man and true Roman, on the day that the news was brought to Veii of his being appointed dictator, by command of the people in pursuance of a senatorial resolution —though ” “Janiculum was high enough for him to have sat there and enjoyed a prospect of the enemy —came down into the plain, and on that very day, in the midst of the City —where now the Gallic Pyres are —and again on the following day, this side of Gabii, cut the legions of the Gauls to ”

> Latin: 14.9. si hoc modo peragrando cacumina saltusque M. Furius recipere a Gallis urbem uoluisset, quo hic nouus Camillus, nobis dictator unicus in rebus adfectis quaesitus, Italiam ab Hannibale reciperare parat, Gallorum Roma esset, quam uereor ne sic cunctantibus nobis Hannibali ac Poenis totiens seruauerint maiores nostri. sed uir ac uere Romanus, quo die dictatorem eum ex auctoritate patrum iussuque populi dictum Ueios allatum est, cum esset satis altum Ianiculum ubi sedens prospectaret hostem, descendit in aequum atque illo ipso die media in urbe, qua nunc busta Gallica sunt, et postero die citra Gabios cecidit Gallorum legiones. quid?

[¶40] 14.12. “pieces. What! When, many years later, at the Caudine Forks, our Samnite foe had sent us under the yoke, was it, pray, by scouring the heights of Samnium, or by pressing Luceria hard and laying siege to it, and by challenging the victorious enemy, that Lucius Papirius Cursor struck off the yoke from Roman necks and imposed it on the ” “haughty Samnite?

> Latin: 14.12. post multos annos cum ad Furculas Caudinas ab Samnite hoste sub iugum missi sumus, utrum tandem L. Papirius Cursor iuga Samni perlustrando an Luceriam premendo obsidendoque et lacessendo uictorem hostem depulsum ab Romanis ceruicibus iugum superbo Samniti imposuit?

[¶41] 14.13. What else was it than swiftness that gave the victory, not long since, to Gaius Lutatius, who bore down upon the enemy's fleet, laden deep with stores and hampered with its own munitions and equipment, on the day after he ” “sighted it?

> Latin: 14.13. modo C. Lutatio quae alia res quam celeritas uictoriam dedit, quod postero die quam hostem uidit classem grauem commeatibus, impeditam suomet ipsam instrumento atque apparatu, oppressit?

[¶42] 14.14. It is folly to think that a war can be won by sitting still or making vows; you must arm and go down into the field, and do battle, man to man! Rome's greatness has come from daring and from doing; not from these sluggish policies that timid folk ” “term cautious.”

> Latin: 14.14. stultitia est sedendo aut uotis debellari credere posse. arma capias oportet et descendas in aequum et uir cum uiro congrediaris. audendo atque agendo res Romana creuit, non his segnibus consiliis quae timidi cauta uocant.'

[¶43] 14.15. When Minucius held forth in this fashion, like a general encouraging his troops, a crowd of tribunes and Roman knights would gather round him, and his fiery words even reached the ears of the common soldiers; and if the election of their general had rested with the men, they showed unmistakably that Minucius would have been preferred to Fabius.

> Latin: 14.15. haec uelut contionanti Minucio circumfundebatur tribunorum equitumque Romanorum multitudo, et ad aures quoque militum dicta ferocia euoluebantur; ac si militaris suffragii res esset, haud dubie ferebant Minucium Fabio duci praelaturos.

[¶44] 15.1. But Fabius, watching his own men no less carefully than the enemy, proved first that it was not in them to overcome his resolution. Though he knew full well that his policy of waiting was in bad repute, not only in his camp but by this time in Rome as well, he held doggedly to the same line of conduct and dragged out the remainder of the summer; so that Hannibal, disappointed in his hopes of the battle which he had made every effort to bring on, was now looking round for a place to winter in; for the country where he was, though a land of plenty for the time being, could not support him permanently, being taken up with orchards and vineyards, and planted everywhere with agreeable rather than necessary fruits.

> Latin: 15.1. Fabius pariter in suos haud minus quam in hostes intentus, prius ab illis inuictum animum praestat. quamquam probe scit non in castris modo suis sed iam etiam Romae infamem suam cunctationem esse, obstinatus tamen tenore eodem consiliorum aestatis reliquum extraxit, ut Hannibal destitutus ab spe summa ope petiti certaminis iam hibernis locum circumspectaret, quia ea regio praesentis erat copiae, non perpetuae, arbusta uineaeque et consita omnia magis amoenis quam necessariis fructibus.

[¶45] 15.3. Fabius was informed of this by his scouts. Feeling certain that Hannibal would leave the Falernian district, by the same passes through which he had entered it, he posted a fair-sized garrison on Mount Callicula and another in Casilinum.

> Latin: 15.3. haec per exploratores relata Fabio. cum satis sciret per easdem angustias quibus intrauerat Falernum agrum rediturum, Calliculam montem et Casilinum occupat modicis praesidiis, quae urbs Uolturno flumine dirempta Falernum a Campano agro diuidit;

[¶46] 15.4. (The river Volturnus runs through this town, which marks the boundary between the Falernian district and Campania). The main army he led back by the same ridges, after sending on Lucius Hostilius Mancinus with four hundred cavalry of the allies to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 15.4. ipse iugis iisdem exercitum reducit, misso exploratum cum quadringentis equitibus sociorum L. Hostilio Mancino.

[¶47] 15.5. Mancinus was one of the crowd of young officers who often listened to the blustering speeches of the master of the horse. He advanced at first as if making a reconnaissance, with the object of observing the enemy from a safe distance. But when he saw the Numidians roaming about through the villages, and had even seized the opportunity to cut off a few of them, his heart was suddenly filled with the lust of combat, and he forgot the instructions of the dictator, who had bade him proceed as far as was compatible with safety, and retire before the enemy should see him.

> Latin: 15.5. qui ex turba iuuenum audientium saepe ferociter contionantem magistrum equitum, progressus primo exploratoris modo ut ex tuto specularetur hostem, ubi uagos passim per uicos Numidas <peruastantes uidit,> per occasionem etiam paucos occidit, extemplo occupatus certamine est animus excideruntque praecepta dictatoris, qui quantum tuto posset progressum prius recipere sese iusserat quam in conspectum hostium ueniret. Numidae alii atque alii, occursantes refugientesque, ad castra prope eum cum fatigatione equorum atque hominum pertraxere.

[¶48] 15.8. The Numidians, first one troop and then another, by charging and then retreating, drew him on almost to their very camp and wore out his horses and his men. Then Carthalo, the commander of all the enemy's cavalry, swooped down upon the Romans at a gallop, and routing them before he had got within a javelin-throw, pursued them as they fled for nearly five miles at one stretch.

> Latin: 15.8. inde Carthalo, penes quem summa equestris imperii erat, concitatis equis inuectus, cum priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret auertisset hostes, quinque ferme milia continenti cursu secutus est fugientes.

[¶49] 15.9. As soon as Mancinus perceived that the enemy would not give over the pursuit, and that he could not hope to get away, he rallied his men and led them back into the fight, though overmatched in every particular.

> Latin: 15.9. Mancinus postquam nec hostem desistere sequi nec spem uidit effugiendi esse, cohortatus suos in proelium rediit, omni parte uirium impar. itaque ipse et delecti equitum circumuenti occiduntur; ceteri effuso rursus cursu Cales primum, inde prope inuiis callibus ad dictatorem perfugerunt.

[¶50] 15.11. Accordingly, he himself and the best of his troopers were surrounded and slain, and the rest in a scattered flight made their way first to Cales, and thence, by well-nigh impassable trails, to the dictator. It happened that on that day Minucius had joined Fabius. He had been sent to secure the pass which contracts above Tarracina into a narrow gorge close to the sea, to prevent the Phoenician from taking the Appian Way from Sinuessa into Roman territory.

> Latin: 15.11. eo forte die Minucius se coniunxerat Fabio missus ad firmandum praesidio saltum, qui super Tarracinam in artas coactus fauces imminet mari, ne ab Sinuessa Poenus Appiae limite peruenire in agrum Romanum posset.

[¶51] 15.12. Combining their forces, the dictator and the master of the horse camped on the road where Hannibal was going to march.

> Latin: 15.12. coniunctis exercitibus dictator ac magister equitum castra in uiam deferunt qua Hannibal ducturus erat; duo inde milia hostes aberant.

[¶52] 16.1. The enemy was two miles away. Next day the Phoenicians were on the march, filling the road which lay between the two camps.

> Latin: 16.1. postero die Poeni quod uiae inter bina castra erat agmine compleuere.

[¶53] 16.2. The Romans had formed up just under their rampart and had clearly the advantage of position. None the less did Hannibal advance with his light infantry and cavalry, to provoke them into fighting. At one point after another the Phoenicians attacked, dashing up and then retreating. The Roman line stood firm.

> Latin: 16.2. cum Romani sub ipso constitissent uallo haud dubie aequiore loco, successit tamen Poenus cum expeditis equitibusque ad lacessendum hostem. carptim Poeni et procursando recipiendoque sese pugnauere; restitit suo loco Romana acies;

[¶54] 16.3. The battle was long drawn out and was more to the liking of the dictator than of Hannibal. Two hundred fell on the Roman side, and eight hundred of the enemy.

> Latin: 16.3. lenta pugna et ex dictatoris magis quam Hannibalis uoluntate fuit. ducenti ab Romanis, octingenti hostium cecidere.

[¶55] 16.4. Hannibal now seemed to be hemmed in, the road to Casilinum being blocked. The Romans had Capua and Samnium at their backs and all their wealthy allies to furnish them with provisions; but the Phoenicians faced the prospect of passing the winter between the cliffs of Formiae and the sands and marshes of Liternum, and amid tangled forests.

> Latin: 16.4. inclusus inde uidere Hannibal uia ad Casilinum obsessa, cum Capua et Samnium et tantum ab tergo diuitum sociorum Romanis commeatus subueheret, Poenus inter Formiana saxa ac Literni harenas stagnaque et per horridas siluas hibernaturus esset;

[¶56] 16.5. Hannibal did not fail to perceive that his own strategy was being turned against him. Accordingly, since he could not get out by way of Casilinum, but must take to the mountains and cross the ridge of Callicula, fearing lest the Romans should assail his troops as they were marching through the gorges, he resolved to approach the mountains under cover of darkness in the forepart of the night, after first contriving a terrifying exhibition, to cheat the enemy's eyes.

> Latin: 16.5. nec Hannibalem fefellit suis se artibus peti. itaque cum per Casilinum euadere non posset petendique montes et iugum Calliculae superandum esset, necubi Romanus inclusum uallibus agmen adgrederetur, ludibrium oculorum specie terribile ad frustrandum hostem commentus, principio noctis furtim succedere ad montes statuit.

[¶57] 16.7. Preparations for the ruse were made as follows. Pine-knots, collected from all the country round, and bundles of twigs and dry branches were tied to the horns of cattle, of which —counting those that were broken in and those that were not —they possessed, among their other rustic spoils, a considerable number.

> Latin: 16.7. fallacis consilii talis apparatus fuit. faces undique ex agris collectae fascesque uirgarum atque aridi sarmenti praeligantur cornibus boum, quos domitos indomitosque multos inter ceteram agrestem praedam agebat.

[¶58] 16.8. Of these, they got together about two thousand head, and Hasdrubal was commissioned to drive this herd in the night, with their horns ablaze, on to the mountains, and particularly —if it should be feasible —above the pass held by the enemy.

> Latin: 16.8. ad duo milia ferme boum effecta, Hasdrubalique negotium datum ut nocte id armentum accensis cornibus ad montes ageret, maxime, si posset, super saltus ab hoste insessos.

[¶59] 17.1. In the dusk of evening the Carthaginians broke camp in silence, driving on the cattle a little way before the standards.

> Latin: 17.1. primis tenebris silentio mota castra; boues aliquanto ante signa acti.

[¶60] 17.2. When they reached the foothills and the narrow roads, the signal was immediately given to set fire to the horns and drive the herd up the mountain. And their very-fear, as the flames at once shot up from their heads, and the heat, that soon penetrated to the quick at the base of their horns, made the cattle as wild as though they had gone crazy.

> Latin: 17.2. ubi ad radices montium uiasque angustas uentum est, signum extemplo datur, ut accensis cornibus armenta in aduersos concitentur montes; et metus ipse relucentis flammae a capite calorque iam ad uiuum ad imaque cornua ueniens uelut stimulatos furore agebat boues. quo repente discursu, haud secus quam siluis montibusque accensis, omnia circum uirgulta ardere;

[¶61] 17.3. As they suddenly rushed this way and that, all the bushes far and near seemed to be burning, as if the woods and mountains had been set on fire; and when they shook their heads, they only fanned the blaze and made it: look as if men were running about in all directions. When the troops who had been posted to hold the pass caught sight of certain-fires on the mountain-tops above them, they thought that they were surrounded and forsook their station. Where the fewest flames were flashing —for this seemed the safest way —they made for the summits of the ridges, but nevertheless fell in with some of the cattle which had strayed from their herds.

> Latin: 17.3. capitumque inrita quassatio excitans flammam hominum passim discurrentium speciem praebebat. qui ad transitum saltus insidendum locati erant, ubi in summis montibus ac super se quosdam ignes conspexere, circumuentos se esse rati praesidio excessere. qua minime densae micabant flammae, uelut tutissimum iter petentes summa montium iuga, tamen in quosdam boues palatos a suis gregibus inciderunt.

[¶62] 17.5. And at first, when they saw them afar, breathing fire, as they supposed, they were dazed by the wonder of it, and stood stock still;

> Latin: 17.5. et primo cum procul cernerent, ueluti flammas spirantium miraculo attoniti constiterunt;

[¶63] 17.6. but afterwards, perceiving it to be a trick devised by men, they concluded that it was an ambush and took to their heels in greater confusion than before. They also ran into some light-armed soldiers of the enemy; the darkness, however, by equalizing their fears, kept both sides there till daylight without either beginning the battle.

> Latin: 17.6. deinde ut humana apparuit fraus, tum uero insidias rati esse, cum maiore tumultu concitant se in fugam. leui quoque armaturae hostium incurrere; ceterum nox aequato timore neutros pugnam incipientes ad lucem tenuit.

[¶64] 17.7. In the meanwhile Hannibal had conveyed his entire army through the pass — surprising some of his enemies in the pass itself —and had pitched his camp in the district of Allifae.

> Latin: 17.7. interea toto agmine Hannibal transducto per saltum et quibusdam in ipso saltu hostium oppressis in agro Allifano posuit castra.

[¶65] 18.1. Fabius heard the din, but believing it to be an ambush, and disliking, in any case, to fight at night, kept his men within their works. At break of day there was a battle under the ridge.

> Latin: 18.1. hunc tumultum sensit Fabius; ceterum et insidias esse ratus et ab nocturno utique abhorrens certamine, suos munimentis tenuit.

[¶66] 18.2. The- Romans had cut off the light-armed troops of the enemy from the others, and possessing some superiority in numbers, would easily have overpowered them, had it not been for the arrival of a cohort of Spaniards, which Hannibal had sent back expressly to forestall them.

> Latin: 18.2. luce prima sub iugo montis proelium fuit, quo interclusam ab suis leuem armaturam facile (etenim numero aliquantum praestabant) Romani superassent, nisi Hispanorum cohors ad id ipsum remissa ab Hannibale superuenisset.

[¶67] 18.3. These troops were more used to mountains, and better suited to skirmishing amid rocks and crags, and being more agile and more lightly armed, they had no difficulty —thanks to the nature of the fighting —in getting the better of an enemy whose heavy armour and stationary tactics were adapted to level ground.

> Latin: 18.3. ea adsuetior montibus et ad concursandum inter saxa rupesque aptior ac leuior cum uelocitate corporum, tum armorum habitu, campestrem hostem, grauem armis statariumque, pugnae genere facile elusit.

[¶68] 18.4. Thus the struggle had been far from equal, when they parted and made off for their respective camps.

> Latin: 18.4. ita haudquaquam pari certamine digressi, Hispani fere omnes incolumes, Romani aliquot suis amissis in castra contenderunt.

[¶69] 18.5. Hardly any of the Spaniards had been hurt, but the Romans had lost a considerable number of their men. Fabius, too, broke camp, and marching through the pass established himself in a lofty and naturally strong position above Allifae.

> Latin: 18.5. Fabius quoque mouit castra transgressusque saltum super Allifas loco alto ac munito consedit.

[¶70] 18.6. Hannibal now feigned a movement upon Rome by way of Samnium, and marched back right to the land of the Paeligni, pillaging as he went. Fabius led his troops along the ridges between the enemy's army and the City, neither shunning his foe nor coming to grips with him.

> Latin: 18.6. tum per Samnium Romam se petere simulans Hannibal usque in Paelignos populabundus rediit; Fabius medius inter hostium agmen urbemque Romam iugis ducebat nec absistens nec congrediens.

[¶71] 18.7. From the Paelignian country the Phoenician turned, and marched back towards Apulia till he came to Gereonium, a town which its own inhabitants had abandoned in their alarm at the collapse of a part of its walls.

> Latin: 18.7. ex Paelignis Poenus flexit iter retroque Apuliam repetens Gereonium peruenit, urbem metu, quia conlapsa ruinis pars moenium erat, ab suis desertam:

[¶72] 18.8. The dictator encamped in the country about Larinum, and being summoned thence to Rome on religious business, commanded, counselled, and all but entreated the master of the horse to put more trust in prudence than in fortune, and rather to imitate his strategy than that of Sempronius and Flaminius.

> Latin: 18.8. dictator in Larinate agro castra communiit. inde sacrorum causa Romam reuocatus, non imperio modo sed consilio etiam ac prope precibus agens cum magistro equitum, ut plus consilio quam fortunae confidat et se potius ducem quam Sempronium Flaminiumque imitetur:

[¶73] 18.9. He was not to suppose, said Fabius, that nothing had been accomplished, because almost the whole summer had been tediously spent in baffling the enemy;. physicians too sometimes found rest more efficacious than motion and activity;, it was no small matter to have ceased to be defeated by an enemy who had so often been victorious, and to have breathed again after a series of disasters.

> Latin: 18.9. ne nihil actum censeret extracta prope aestate per ludificationem hostis; medicos quoque plus interdum quiete quam mouendo atque agendo proficere;

[¶74] 18.10. When he had thus fore-warned the master of the horse —but all in vain —he set out for Rome. At the beginning of the summer in which these operations were carried on, war was also begun in Spain by land and sea.

> Latin: 18.10. haud paruam rem esse ab totiens uictore hoste uinci desisse ac respirasse ab continuis cladibus,—haec nequiquam praemonito magistro equitum Romam est profectus. principio aestatis qua haec gerebantur in Hispania quoque terra marique coeptum bellum est.

[¶75] 19.2. To the number of ships, all rigged and fitted out, which Hasdrubal had taken over from his brother he added ten, and entrusted the fleet of forty sail to Himilco;

> Latin: 19.2. Hasdrubal ad eum nauium numerum, quem a fratre instructum paratumque acceperat, decem adiecit;

[¶76] 19.3. and then, setting out from Carthage, he made his ships keep near the land and led his army along the shore, prepared to do battle with whatever part of their forces tile Romans might bring against him.

> Latin: 19.3. quadraginta nauium classem Himilconi tradit atque ita Carthagine profectus nauibus prope terram, exercitum in litore ducebat, paratus confligere quacumque parte copiarum hostis occurrisset.

[¶77] 19.4. When Gnaeus Scipio learned that the enemy had left his winter quarters, he was minded at first to do the same; but on second thoughts concluded not to risk a battle on land, in view of the enormous number of auxiliaries with which rumour credited the Carthaginian, and embarking some of his best troops, went out to meet the enemy with a fleet of five and thirty ships.

> Latin: 19.4. Cn. Scipio postquam mouisse ex hibernis hostem audiuit, primo idem consilii fuit; deinde minus terra propter ingentem famam nouorum auxiliorum concurrere ausus, delecto milite ad naues imposito quinque et triginta nauium classe ire obuiam hosti pergit.

[¶78] 19.5. On the second day out of Tarraco he came to an anchorage ten miles from the mouth of the river Ebro. Thence he dispatched two Massiliot scouting vessels, who reported that the Punic fleet was lying in the mouth of the river and their camp established on the bank.

> Latin: 19.5. altero ab Tarracone die <ad> stationem decem milia passuum distantem ab ostio Hiberi amnis peruenit. inde duae Massiliensium speculatoriae praemissae rettulere, classem Punicam stare in ostio fluminis castraque in ripa posita.

[¶79] 19.6. Accordingly, in order to take them off their guard and unprepared, while at the same time spreading a universal panic, he weighed anchor and proceeded towards the enemy. The Spaniards have numerous towers built on heights, which they use both as watch-towers and also for protection against pirates.

> Latin: 19.6. itaque ut improuidos incautosque uniuerso simul offuso terrore opprimeret, sublatis ancoris ad hostem uadit. multas et locis altis positas turres Hispania habet, quibus et speculis et propugnaculis aduersus latrones utuntur.

[¶80] 19.7. From one of these the hostile ships were first descried, and on a signal being made to Hasdrubal, the alarm broke out on land and in the camp before it reached the sea and the ships; for no one had yet heard the beat of the oars or other nautical sounds, nor had the promontories yet disclosed the fleet to view, when suddenly one galloper-after another, sent off by Hasdrubal, dashed up to the sailors, who were strolling about the beach or resting in their tents and thinking of nothing so little as of the enemy or of fighting on that day, and bade them board their ships in haste and arm themselves, for the Roman fleet was even then close to the harbour.

> Latin: 19.7. inde primo conspectis hostium nauibus datum signum Hasdrubali est, tumultusque prius in terra et castris quam ad mare et ad naues est ortus, nondum aut pulsu remorum strepituque alio nautico exaudito aut aperientibus classem promunturiis, cum repente eques alius super alium ab Hasdrubale missus uagos in litore quietosque in tentoriis suis, nihil minus quam hostem aut proelium eo die exspectantes, conscendere naues propere atque arma capere iubet:

[¶81] 19.8. These orders the gallopers who had been sent out carried far and wide, and presently Hasdrubal himself appeared on the scene with his entire army, and all was noise and confusion as the rowers and soldiers rushed down together to their ships, as though their object were rather to flee the shore than to enter battle.

> Latin: 19.8. classem Romanam iam haud procul portu esse. haec equites dimissi passim imperabant; mox Hasdrubal ipse cum omni exercitu aderat, uarioque omnia tumultu strepunt ruentibus in naues simul remigibus militibusque, fugientium magis e terra quam in pugnam euntium modo.

[¶82] 19.10. Hardly were they all on board, when some cast off the hawsers and swung out on to their anchors, and others —that nothing might detain them —cut the anchor cables, and, in the hurry and excessive haste with which everything was done, the soldiers' gear interfered with the sailors in the performance of their tasks, and the confusion of the sailors kept the soldiers from taking and fitting on their armour.

> Latin: 19.10. uixdum omnes conscenderant cum alii resolutis oris in ancoras euehuntur, alii, ne quid teneat, ancoralia incidunt; raptimque omnia <ac> praepropere agendo militum apparatu nautica ministeria impediuntur, trepidatione nautarum capere et aptare arma miles prohibetur.

[¶83] 19.11. By this time the Romans were not only drawing near, but had already formed their ships in order of battle. The result was that the Phoenicians were dismayed alike by the enemy's attack and by their own confusion, and after making rather a pretence of fighting than actually engaging, turned about and ran for it.

> Latin: 19.11. et iam Romanus non appropinquabat modo sed direxerat etiam in pugnam naues. itaque non ab hoste et proelio magis Poeni quam suomet ipsi tumultu turbati, temptata uerius pugna quam inita in fugam auerterunt classem;

[¶84] 19.12. With a line so extended —and many ships came up at the same time —they were quite unable to get into the river's mouth against the current, but rowed in anywhere to the land; and getting ashore, some through shoals and others on a dry beach, some with their arms and some without, they fled to the battle-line of their friends, which was drawn up along the shore. Two, however, of the Punic ships had been taken in the first attack and four had been sunk.

> Latin: 19.12. et, cum aduersi amnis os lato agmini et tam multis simul uenientibus haud sane intrabile esset, in litus passim naues egerunt, atque alii uadis, alii sicco litore excepti, partim armati, partim inermes ad instructam per litus aciem suorum perfugere; duae tamen primo concursu captae erant Punicae naues, quattuor suppressae.

[¶85] 20.1. The Romans, although the land was in the possession of the enemy, whose line of battle could be seen extending all along the shore, continued without the slightest hesitation to press their pursuit of the terror-stricken fleet, and, attaching cables to the stern of every vessel which had neither broken its prow on the beach nor grounded its keel in the shoals, they towed it out to sea, until they had captured some twenty-five of the forty ships.

> Latin: 20.1. Romani, quamquam terra hostium erat armatamque aciem toto praetentam in litore cernebant, haud cunctanter insecuti trepidam hostium classem naues omnes, quae non aut perfregerant proras litori inlisas aut carinas fixerant uadis, religatas puppibus in altum extraxere; ad quinque et uiginti naues e quadraginta cepere.

[¶86] 20.3. Nor was this the most brilliant feature of the victory, but the fact that the Romans in one easy battle had made themselves the masters of all that coast.

> Latin: 20.3. neque id pulcherrimum eius uictoriae fuit sed quod una leui pugna toto eius orae mari potiti erant.

[¶87] 20.4. So they spread their sails for Onusa, where they disembarked and stormed and sacked the city, and thence laid a course for Carthage, and after devastating all the country round about, ended by setting fire even to the buildings that adjoined the walls and gates.

> Latin: 20.4. itaque ad Onusam classe prouecti; escensio ab nauibus in terram facta. cum urbem ui cepissent captamque diripuissent, Carthaginem inde petunt, atque omnem agrum circa depopulati postremo tecta quoque coniuncta muro portisque incenderunt.

[¶88] 20.6. Then the fleet —heavy-laden now with plunder —sailed to Longuntica, where they found a great quantity of esparto-grass, which Hasdrubal had got together for the use of his ships. Of this they took what they needed and burned all the rest.

> Latin: 20.6. inde iam praeda grauis ad Longunticam peruenit classis, ubi uis magna sparti <erat> ad rem nauticam congesta ab Hasdrubale. quod satis in usum fuit sublato ceterum omne incensum est.

[¶89] 20.7. And they not only cruised along the mainland, but crossed over to the island of Ebusus. There they endeavoured strenuously for two days, but without success, to capture the chief city of the island. And when they saw that their hopes were vain and their time was being wasted, they betook themselves to pillaging the country-side, and after sacking and burning several villages, returned to their ships with more booty than they had collected from the mainland.

> Latin: 20.7. nec continentis modo praelecta est ora, sed in Ebusum insulam transmissum. ibi urbe, quae caput insulae est, biduum nequiquam summo labore oppugnata, ubi in spem inritam frustra teri tempus animaduersum est,

[¶90] 20.9. Here envoys from the Baliaric islands came to Scipio to sue for peace. The fleet now put about and returned to the northern part of the province, and thither flocked ambassadors from all the communities on this side of the Ebro and even from many places in farthest Spain; but the communities that gave hostages and really came under the rule and government of Rome were more than a hundred and twenty.

> Latin: 20.9. ad populationem agri uersi, direptis aliquot incensisque uicis maiore quam ex continenti praeda parta cum in naues se recepissent, ex Baliaribus insulis legati pacem petentes ad Scipionem uenerunt. inde flexa retro classis reditumque in citeriora prouinciae, quo omnium populorum, qui <cis> Hiberum incolunt, multorum et ultimae Hispaniae legati concurrerunt;

## 8. Book XXII · chapters 20–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/8/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/8/#p-N

[¶0] 20.11. Feeling, therefore, sufficiently strong on land, as well as on the sea, the Roman general advanced as far as the pass of Castulo.

> Latin: 20.11. sed qui uere dicionis imperiique Romani facti sunt obsidibus datis, populi amplius fuere centum uiginti. igitur terrestribus quoque copiis satis fidens Romanus usque ad saltum Castulonensem est progressus;

[¶1] 20.12. Hasdrubal retired into Lusitania, nearer the ocean.

> Latin: 20.12. Hasdrubal in Lusitaniam ac propius Oceanum concessit.

[¶2] 21.1. It looked as if the rest of the summer would be undisturbed, and so it would have been as far as the Phoenicians were concerned.

> Latin: 21.1. quietum inde fore uidebatur reliquum aestatis tempus fuissetque per Poenum hostem;

[¶3] 21.2. But, besides that the Spaniards themselves are constitutionally restless and eager for change, no sooner had the Romans withdrawn from the pass to the seacoast, than Mandonius and Indibilis —the latter had formerly been a chieftain of the Ilergetes —roused up their countrymen and invaded the peaceful territories of Rome's allies, on a marauding expedition.

> Latin: 21.2. sed praeterquam quod ipsorum Hispanorum inquieta auidaque in nouas res sunt ingenia, Mandonius Indibilisque, qui antea Ilergetum regulus fuerat, postquam Romani ab saltu recessere ad maritimam oram, concitis popularibus in agrum pacatum sociorum Romanorum ad populandum uenerunt.

[¶4] 21.4. To oppose them Scipio dispatched a tribune of the soldiers with light-armed auxiliaries. They easily routed the enemy —a mere hastily-organized militia —slaying a thousand of them, making some prisoners, and disarming the greater part.

> Latin: 21.4. aduersus eos tribuni militum cum expeditis auxiliis a Scipione missi, leui certamine ut tumultuariam manum fudere mille hominibus occisis, quibusdam captis, magnaque parte armis exuta.

[¶5] 21.5. Nevertheless, this outbreak induced Hasdrubal, who was retreating towards the ocean, to turn back and cross the Ebro, for the purpose of protecting his allies.

> Latin: 21.5. hic tamen tumultus cedentem ad Oceanum Hasdrubalem cis Hiberum ad socios tutandos retraxit.

[¶6] 21.6. The Phoenicians were in camp in the country of the Ilergavonenses, the Romans near Nova Classis, when tidings came which gave at once a new turn to the campaign.

> Latin: 21.6. castra Punica in agro Ilergauonensium, castra Romana ad Nouam Classem erant cum fama repens alio auertit bellum.

[¶7] 21.7. The Celtiberians, who had sent their leading men to treat with the Romans and had given hostages, incited by a message from Scipio, rose up in arms and invaded the Carthaginian province with a powerful army.

> Latin: 21.7. Celtiberi, qui principes regionis suae legatos <obuiam antea miserant> obsidesque dederant Romanis, nuntio misso a Scipione exciti arma capiunt prouinciamque Carthaginiensium ualido exercitu inuadunt. tria oppida ui expugnant;

[¶8] 21.8. They captured three towns by assault, and afterwards twice engaged successfully in battle with Hasdrubal himself, slaying some fifteen thousand of their enemies, and taking four thousand prisoners, with many military standards.

> Latin: 21.8. inde cum ipso Hasdrubale duobus proeliis egregie pugnantes, quindecim milia hostium occiderunt, quattuor milia cum multis militaribus signis capiunt.

[¶9] 22.1. Such was the position of affairs in Spain when Publius Scipio came into the province. The senate had prolonged his command after the consulship and had sent him out with thirty men-ofwar and eight thousand soldiers and a great convoy of supplies.

> Latin: 22.1. hoc statu rerum in Hispania P. Scipio in prouinciam uenit, prorogato post consulatum imperio ab senatu missus, cum triginta longis nauibus et octo milibus militum magnoque commeatu aduecto.

[¶10] 22.2. This fleet, which the number of cargo-vessels swelled to an enormous size, caused great rejoicing amongst the Romans and their allies, when it was made out in the offing and standing in dropped anchor in the harbour of Tarraco.

> Latin: 22.2. ea classis ingens agmine onerariarum procul uisa cum magna laetitia ciuium sociorumque portum Tarraconis ex alto tenuit.

[¶11] 22.3. There Scipio disembarked his troops and set out to join his brother; and from that time forward they carried on the war with perfect harmony of temper and of purpose.

> Latin: 22.3. ibi milite exposito profectus Scipio fratri se coniungit, ac deinde communi animo consilioque gerebant bellum.

[¶12] 22.4. Accordingly, while the Carthaginians were taken up with the Celtiberian campaign, they lost no time in crossing the Ebro, and seeing nothing of any enemy, marched directly on Saguntum, where it was said that hostages from all over Spain were being guarded in the citadel by a small garrison, to whose keeping they had been consigned by Hannibal.

> Latin: 22.4. occupatis igitur Carthaginiensibus Celtiberico bello haud cunctanter Hiberum transgrediuntur nec ullo uiso hostes Saguntum pergunt ire, quod ibi obsides totius Hispaniae traditos ab Hannibale fama erat modico in arce custodiri praesidio.

[¶13] 22.5. It was this pledge alone that checked the inclination of all the Spanish states to ally themselves with Rome, for fear that the blood of their own children might expiate the guilt of their defection.

> Latin: 22.5. id unum pignus inclinatos ad Romanam societatem omnium Hispaniae populorum animos morabatur, ne sanguine liberum suorum culpa defectionis lueretur.

[¶14] 22.6. From this constraint Spain was released by the machinations —more clever than honest —of one man. Abelux was his name, and he was a noble Spaniard of Saguntum.

> Latin: 22.6. eo uinculo Hispaniam uir unus sollerti magis quam fideli consilio exsoluit. Abelux erat Sagunti nobilis Hispanus, fidus ante Poenis; tum, qualia plerumque sunt barbarorum ingenia, cum fortuna mutauerat fidem.

[¶15] 22.7. Loyal hitherto to the Phoenicians, he had now —as barbarians are for the most part prone to do — altered his allegiance with the alteration in their fortunes. But reflecting that a deserter who went over to the enemy without betraying to them something of great moment was but a single worthless and dishonoured individual, he proposed to benefit his new allies to the utmost extent of his ability.

> Latin: 22.7. ceterum transfugam sine magnae rei proditione uenientem ad hostes nihil aliud quam unum uile atque infame corpus esse ratus, id agebat ut quam maximum emolumentum nouis sociis esset.

[¶16] 22.8. And considering everything that fortune could put into his power, he inclined for choice to deliver up the hostages, believing that this was the one thing that would most effectively secure for the Romans the friendship of the Spanish leaders.

> Latin: 22.8. circumspectis igitur omnibus quae fortuna potestatis eius poterat facere, obsidibus potissimum tradendis animum adiecit, eam unam rem maxime ratus conciliaturam Romanis principum Hispaniae amicitiam.

[¶17] 22.9. But since he knew that the men guarding the hostages would do nothing without the orders of Bostar, the governor, he artfully approached Bostar himself, who was encamped outside the city, on the very shore, to preclude the approach of the Romans from that quarter.

> Latin: 22.9. sed cum iniussu Bostaris praefecti satis sciret nihil obsidum custodes facturos esse, Bostarem ipsum arte adgreditur.

[¶18] 22.10. Taking him on one side, he explained the situation, as though the other had no knowledge of it. Fear, he said, had until then kept the Spaniards down, because the Romans were a long way off; now the Roman camp was on this side of the Ebro, a sure stronghold and asylum for any who wished a change; those, accordingly, who were not bound by fear must be secured by kindness and generosity.

> Latin: 22.10. castra extra urbem in ipso litore habebat Bostar ut aditum ea parte intercluderet Romanis. ibi eum in secretum abductum, uelut ignorantem, monet quo statu sit res: metum continuisse ad eam diem Hispanorum animos, quia procul Romani abessent; nunc cis Hiberum castra Romana esse, arcem tutam perfugiumque nouas uolentibus res; itaque quos metus non teneat beneficio et gratia deuinciendos esse.

[¶19] 22.12. When Bostar asked in amazement what this gift could be that should suddenly be of so great value, “Send back the hostages to their homes,” said Abelux.

> Latin: 22.12. miranti Bostari percontantique quodnam id subitum tantae rei donum posset esse, 'obsides' inquit, 'in ciuitates remitte.

[¶20] 22.13. “That will at once be grateful personally to their parents, who are the people of most consequence in their own states, and to their tribes in general.”

> Latin: 22.13. id et priuatim parentibus, quorum maximum nomen in ciuitatibus est suis, et publice populis gratum erit.

[¶21] 22.14. “Everyone wishes to be trusted: confide in people, and almost always you confirm their confidence in you. The task of restoring the hostages to their homes I request for myself, that I may work, as well as counsel, for the furtherance of my plan, and to an act that is gracious in itself lend such added grace as I am able.”

> Latin: 22.14. uolt sibi quisque credi et habita fides ipsam plerumque obligat fidem. ministerium restituendorum domos obsidum mihimet deposco ipse, ut opera quoque impensa consilium adiuuem meum et rei suapte natura gratae quantam insuper gratiam possim adiciam.'

[¶22] 22.15. Once he had brought Bostar round —for his wits were not as sharp as those of most Phoenicians —he departed secretly by night for the enemy's outposts, and encountering certain Spanish auxiliaries, who conducted him to Scipio, disclosed his plan, and when he had given pledges and received them, and had agreed upon a time and place for turning over the hostages, returned to Saguntum.

> Latin: 22.15. homini non ad cetera Punica ingenia callido ut persuasit, nocte clam progressus ad hostium stationes, conuentis quibusdam auxiliaribus Hispanis et ab his ad Scipionem perductus, quid adferret expromit et fide accepta dataque ac loco et tempore constituto ad obsides tradendos Saguntum redit.

[¶23] 22.16. The following day he spent with Bostar, receiving instructions how to carry out the enterprise, and left him with the understanding that he was to go at night, in order to elude the enemy's sentinels.

> Latin: 22.16. diem insequentem absumpsit cum Bostare mandatis ad rem agendam accipiendis.

[¶24] 22.17. At the hour agreed on with the Romans he wakened the boys' custodians, and led them all, as if unwittingly, into the trap prepared by his own treachery. They were then conducted to the Roman camp.

> Latin: 22.17. dimissus, cum se nocte iturum ut custodias hostium falleret constituisset, ad compositam cum iis horam excitatis custodibus puerorum profectus, ueluti ignarus in praeparatas sua fraude insidias ducit.

[¶25] 22.18. The remainder of the plan for the restoration of the hostages to their friends was carried out, through the agency of Abelux, exactly as he and Bostar had agreed, and everything was done as it would have been if he had been acting in the name of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 22.18. in castra Romana perducti; cetera omnia de reddendis obsidibus, sicut cum Bostare constitutum erat, acta per eundem ordinem quo si Carthaginiensium nomine sic ageretur.

[¶26] 22.19. The gratitude which the Romans won under such circumstances was much greater than the Carthaginians would have enjoyed. For the Carthaginians had been found to be harsh and arrogant in the hour of their prosperity, and their gentleness might have appeared as the result of misfortune and timidity; but the Romans on first coming thither —and till then they were unknown —had begun with an act of clemency and liberality, and Abelux was held to have shown discernment, and not without reason to have changed his friends.

> Latin: 22.19. maior aliquanto Romanorum gratia fuit in re pari quam quanta futura Carthaginiensium fuerat. illos enim graues [superbos] in rebus secundis expertos fortuna et timor mitigasse uideri poterat: Romanus primo aduentu, incognitus ante, ab re clementi liberalique initium fecerat et Abelux, uir prudens, haud frustra uidebatur socios mutasse.

[¶27] 22.21. The Spaniards were therefore all with one accord intending to revolt, and would have drawn the sword at once, if winter had not intervened and compelled both Romans and Carthaginians to retire to their quarters.

> Latin: 22.21. itaque ingenti consensu defectionem omnes spectare; armaque extemplo mota forent, ni hiemps, quae Romanos quoque et Carthaginienses concedere in tecta coegit, interuenisset.

[¶28] 23.1. Such was the course of events in Spain in the second summer of the Punic war. In Italy meanwhile the defeated Romans had been afforded a little breathing space by Fabius's wise policy of holding back.

> Latin: 23.1. haec in Hispania [quoque] secunda aestate Punici belli gesta, cum in Italia paulum interualli cladibus Romanis sollers cunctatio Fabi fecisset;

[¶29] 23.2. This policy, though it occasioned Hannibal no small anxiety —for he saw that the Romans had finally chosen a military leader who waged war as reason and not as blind chance dictated —yet incurred the scorn of Fabius's fellow citizens, both soldiers and civilians, especially when his absence had been followed, thanks to the rashness of the master of the horse, by a battle which may truthfully be characterized as having ended with more rejoicing than success.

> Latin: 23.2. quae ut Hannibalem non mediocri sollicitum cura habebat, tandem eum militiae magistrum delegisse Romanos cernentem, qui bellum ratione, non fortuna gereret, ita contempta erat inter ciues armatos pariter togatosque utique postquam absente eo temeritate magistri equitum laeto uerius dixerim quam prospero euentu pugnatum fuerat.

[¶30] 23.4. Two things, moreover, increased the dictator's unpopularity. One was a crafty ruse of Hannibal's. Some deserters having pointed out to him the dictator's farm, he razed to the ground all the buildings in its neighbourhood, but ordered that this one place should be preserved from fire and sword and every kind of hostile violence, in order that it might appear that Fabius was in this way being rewarded for some secret compact. The other was something that he did himself, which, though perhaps open to criticism in the first place —because he had not waited for the authorization of the senate —redounded in the upshot, and in no uncertain manner, greatly to his fame.

> Latin: 23.4. accesserant duae res ad augendam inuidiam dictatoris, una fraude ac dolo Hannibalis quod, cum a perfugis ei monstratus ager dictatoris esset, omnibus circa solo aequatis ab uno eo ferrum ignemque et uim omnem [hostium] abstineri iussit ut occulti alicuius pacti ea merces uideri posset, altera ipsius facto, primo forsitan dubio quia non exspectata in eo senatus auctoritas est, ad extremum haud ambigue in maximam laudem uerso.

[¶31] 23.6. In exchanging prisoners the Roman and Phoenician generals had followed the example set in the first Punic war and had agreed that the side which recovered more men than it restored should pay for each two pounds and a half of silver.

> Latin: 23.6. in permutandis captiuis, quod sic primo Punico bello factum erat, conuenerat inter duces Romanum Poenumque ut, quae pars plus reciperet quam daret, argenti pondo bina et selibras in militem praestaret.

[¶32] 23.7. The Romans recovered two hundred and forty-seven more than the Phoenicians, but the senate, though the matter was often discussed, was slow in voting the money owing for them, on the ground that the dictator had not consulted them; till finally Fabius sent his son Quintus to Rome to sell the farm which the enemy had spared, and discharged the nation's obligation at his own expense.

> Latin: 23.7. ducentis quadraginta septem cum plures Romanus quam Poenus recepisset argentumque pro eis debitum, saepe iactata in senatu re, quoniam non consuluisset patres, tardius erogaretur, inuiolatum ab hoste agrum misso Romam Quinto filio uendidit, fidemque publicam impendio priuato exsoluit.

[¶33] 23.9. Hannibal lay encamped under the walls of Gereonium, where he had left a few buildings standing, to serve as granaries, when he captured and burned the city.

> Latin: 23.9. Hannibal pro Gereoni moenibus, cuius urbis captae atque incensae ab se in usum horreorum pauca reliquerat tecta, in statiuis erat.

[¶34] 23.10. From there he would send two-thirds of his army to gather corn; the other third, ready to march, he kept at the post under his own command, with the twofold object of protecting the camp and of guarding lest any attack be made upon his foragers.

> Latin: 23.10. inde frumentatum duas exercitus partes mittebat; cum tertia ipse expedita in statione erat, simul castris praesidio et circumspectans necunde impetus in frumentatores fieret.

[¶35] 24.1. The Roman army was at that time in the neighbourhood of Larinum. Minucius, the master of the horse, was in command, for the dictator, as has been said before, had departed for the City.

> Latin: 24.1. Romanus tunc exercitus in agro Larinati erat; praeerat Minucius magister equitum profecto, sicut ante dictum est, ad urbem dictatore.

[¶36] 24.2. The camp had been established on a high hill in a position of security, but was now brought down to level ground; and more vigorous measures were being discussed —in keeping with the temper of the general —for attacking the enemy's scattered foragers, or his camp, which was left but lightly garrisoned.

> Latin: 24.2. ceterum castra, quae in monte alto ac tuto loco posita fuerant, iam in planum deferuntur; agitabanturque pro ingenio ducis consilia calidiora, ut impetus aut in frumentatores palatos aut in castra relicta cum leui praesidio fieret.

[¶37] 24.3. Hannibal saw well enough that the change in leaders had brought a change in strategy, and that the Romans were likely to be more bold than prudent.

> Latin: 24.3. nec Hannibalem fefellit cum duce mutatam esse belli rationem et ferocius quam consultius rem hostes gesturos;

[¶38] 24.4. But though the enemy was close at hand, he himself did something that would almost seem incredible, and sent out a third part of his troops to forage, retaining two-thirds in his camp;

> Latin: 24.4. ipse autem, quod minime quis crederet cum hostis propius esset, tertiam partem militum frumentatum duabus in castris retentis dimisit;

[¶39] 24.5. then he brought the camp itself up nearer the enemy, about two miles away from Gereonium, to a hill in full sight of the Romans, that they might know that he was watching to protect his foragers, if they should be at all molested.

> Latin: 24.5. dein castra ipsa propius hostem mouit, duo ferme a Gereonio milia, in tumulum hosti conspectum, ut intentum <se> sciret esse ad frumentatores, si qua uis fieret, tutandos.

[¶40] 24.6. He then observed a hill even nearer the Romans and threatening their very camp; but since, if he should attempt to take it openly by daylight, the Romans, who had a shorter way to go, would doubtless get ahead of him, he sent some Numidians secretly in the night, and they seized the hill.

> Latin: 24.6. propior inde ei atque ipsis imminens Romanorum castris tumulus apparuit; ad quem capiendum si luce palam iretur quia haud dubie hostis breuiore uia praeuenturus erat, nocte clam missi Numidae ceperunt.

[¶41] 24.7. They were holding the place next day, when the Romans, despising their scanty numbers, dislodged them and transferred their own camp thither.

> Latin: 24.7. quos tenentes locum contempta paucitate Romani postero die cum deiecissent, ipsi eo transferunt castra.

[¶42] 24.8. There was now, at all events, but a very little space between rampart and rampart, and this the Romans had pretty well covered with their troops, which they had drawn up in line of battle. At the same time they had sent out their cavalry and skirmishers from the side of the camp which was farthest from the enemy, and these had fallen upon the scattered foragers, whom they routed with great slaughter.

> Latin: 24.8. [tum ut] itaque exiguum spatii uallum a uallo aberat et id ipsum totum ut prope compleuerat Romana acies, simul et per auersa castra [e castris Hannibalis] equitatus cum leui armatura emissus in frumentatores late caedem fugamque hostium palatorum fecit.

[¶43] 24.9. Still, Hannibal did not dare to fight a battle, for his forces were so small that he was hardly able to defend his camp, if the Romans should assault it, and he now began to wage war by the arts of Fabius, inaction and delay, and had withdrawn his troops to their former camp, which lay under the walls of Gereonium.

> Latin: 24.9. nec acie certare Hannibal ausus, quia tanta paucitate—pars exercitus aberat iam fame <grauante>—uix castra, si oppugnarentur, tutari poterat; iamque artibus Fabi sedendo et cunctando bellum gerebat receperatque suos in priora castra, quae pro Gereoni moenibus erant.

[¶44] 24.11. Some writers relate that there was even a regular pitched battle, in which the Phoenicians were driven from the field at the first encounter and pursued all the way to their camp, from which they sallied and quickly dismayed the Romans in their turn; but that Numerius Decimius the Samnite then came up and restored the day.

> Latin: 24.11. iusta quoque acie et conlatis signis dimicatum quidam auctores sunt; primo concursu Poenum usque ad castra fusum; inde eruptione facta repente uersum terrorem in Romanos; Numeri Decimi Samnitis deinde aduentu proelium restitutum.

[¶45] 24.12. They say that Decimius, who was the person of most consequence both for family and fortune, not only in his own town of Bovianum but in all Samnium, was on his way to the camp, by the dictator's order, at the head of eight thousand foot and five hundred horse, when, appearing on Hannibal's rear, he was mistaken by both armies for reinforcements coming up with Quintus Fabius from Rome.

> Latin: 24.12. hunc, principem genere ac diuitiis, non Bouiani modo—unde erat— sed toto Samnio, iussu dictatoris octo milia peditum et equites ad <quingentos> ducentem in castra, ab tergo cum apparuisset Hannibali, speciem parti utrique praebuisse noui praesidii cum Q. Fabio ab Roma uenientis.

[¶46] 24.13. Hannibal, fearing some trap as well, drew back his men, and the Romans, pressing forward and assisted by the Samnites, carried, that same day, two redoubts.

> Latin: 24.13. Hannibalem, insidiarum quoque aliquid timentem, recepisse suos; Romanum insecutum adiuuante Samnite duo castella eo die expugnasse.

[¶47] 24.14. Six thousand of the enemy were slain and fully five thousand Romans. Nevertheless, though the losses had been so nearly equal, a foolish tale was carried to Rome of an extraordinary victory, with a letter from the master of the horse that was more foolish still.

> Latin: 24.14. sex milia hostium caesa, quinque admodum Romanorum; tamen in tam pari prope clade famam <uanam> egregiae uictoriae cum uanioribus litteris magistri equitum Romam perlatam.

[¶48] 25.1. These events were the occasion of many speeches both in the senate and in the popular assembly.

> Latin: 25.1. de iis rebus persaepe et in senatu et in contione actum est.

[¶49] 25.2. The citizens rejoiced, and only the dictator refused to credit either rumour or dispatch, and declared that even though the story were all true, he feared success more than adversity.

> Latin: 25.2. cum laeta ciuitate dictator unus nihil nec famae nec litteris crederet, ut uera omnia essent, secunda se magis quam aduersa timere diceret, tum M.

[¶50] 25.3. Then Marcus Metilius, tribune of the plebs, cried out that this was past all bearing: not only had the dictator prevented a successful engagement being fought while he was present, but he even objected now that the victory was won, and persisted in drawing out the war and wasting time, in order the longer to remain in office, and to continue, both at Rome and in the army, in sole possession of authority; for one of the consuls had fallen in battle, and the other —under

> Latin: 25.3. Metilius tribunus plebis id unum enimuero ferendum esse negat, non praesentem solum dictatorem obstitisse rei bene gerendae sed absentem etiam gestae obstare [et in ducendo bello] ac sedulo tempus terere quo diutius in magistratu sit solusque et Romae et in exercitu imperium habeat.

[¶51] 25.5. the pretext of pursuing the Punic fleet —had been sent a great way off from Italy; the two praetors were employed in Sicily and Sardinia, neither of which required a praetor at this time;

> Latin: 25.5. quippe consulum alterum in acie cecidisse, alterum specie classis Punicae persequendae procul ab Italia ablegatum;

[¶52] 25.6. and Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, that he might not see the enemy or carry out any military operation, had been kept almost a prisoner.

> Latin: 25.6. duos praetores Sicilia atque Sardinia occupatos, quarum neutra hoc tempore prouincia praetore egeat; M. Minucium magistrum equitum, ne hostem uideret, ne quid rei bellicae gereret, prope in custodia habitum.

[¶53] 25.7. Thus it had actually come to pass that not only Samnium —whose territories, as though they lay beyond the Ebro, had already been surrendered to the Phoenicians —but Campania, and the districts both of Cales and Falerii had been utterly laid waste; while the dictator sat still at Casilinum and used the legions of the Roman People to protect his own estate.

> Latin: 25.7. itaque hercule non Samnium modo, quo iam tamquam trans Hiberum agro Poenis concessum sit, sed et Campanum Calenumque et Falernum agrum peruastatos esse sedente Casilini dictatore et legionibus populi Romani agrum suum tutante.

[¶54] 25.8. The army — eager as it was to fight —and the master of the horse had virtually been cooped up and confined within the rampart; and their swords, as though they had been captured enemies, had been taken from them.

> Latin: 25.8. exercitum cupientem pugnare et magistrum equitum clausos prope intra uallum retentos;

[¶55] 25.9. At last, when the dictator had gone away, they had come out from behind their works, as if released from a blockade, and had routed and put to flight their enemies.

> Latin: 25.9. tamquam hostibus captiuis arma adempta. tandem, ut abscesserit inde dictator, ut obsidione liberatos, extra uallum egressos fudisse ac fugasse hostes.

[¶56] 25.10. For all these reasons, if their ancient spirit had still animated the Roman plebs, he would boldly have proposed the abrogation of Quintus Fabius's command; as it was, he should move the adoption of a moderate measure, to wit, the elevation of the master of the horse to a footing of equality with the dictator.

> Latin: 25.10. quas ob res, si antiquus animus plebei Romanae esset, audaciter se laturum fuisse de abrogando Q. Fabi imperio; nunc modicam rogationem promulgaturum de aequando magistri equitum et dictatoris iure.

[¶57] 25.11. Yet, even so, they must not let Fabius rejoin his army till he had first installed a consul in the place of Gaius Flaminius.

> Latin: 25.11. nec tamen ne ita quidem prius mittendum ad exercitum Q. Fabium quam consulem in locum C. Flamini suffecisset.

[¶58] 25.12. The dictator refrained from making speeches to the people, in a cause that was far from popular. Even the senate listened coldly when he spoke in high terms of the enemy, and charging the reverses of the past two years to the rashness and ignorance of the Roman generals, declared that the master of the horse must answer to him for having fought against his orders.

> Latin: 25.12. dictator contionibus se abstinuit in actione minime populari. ne in senatu quidem satis aequis auribus audiebatur tunc, cum hostem uerbis extolleret bienniique clades per temeritatem atque inscientiam ducum acceptas referret, magistro equitum, quod contra dictum suum pugnasset, rationem diceret reddendam esse.

[¶59] 25.14. If his authority and strategy should be paramount, he would soon let people know that with a good commander fortune was of little moment; that mind and reason were in control; and that to have preserved the army in its hour of danger, yet without disgrace, was more glorious than to have slain many thousands of the enemy.

> Latin: 25.14. si penes se summa imperii consiliique sit, propediem effecturum ut sciant homines bono imperatore haud magni fortunam momenti esse, mentem rationemque dominari, et in tempore et sine ignominia seruasse exercitum quam multa milia hostium occidisse maiorem gloriam esse.

[¶60] 25.16. After making several speeches to this purport, yet without effect, and presiding over the election of Marcus Atilius Regulus to the consulship, that he might not take a personal part in the dispute about the command, on the day preceding the bringing forward of the resolution he left by night for the army.

> Latin: 25.16. huius generis orationibus frustra habitis et consule creato M. Atilio Regulo ne praesens de iure imperii dimicaret, pridie quam rogationis ferendae dies adesset, nocte ad exercitum abiit.

[¶61] 25.17. When at break of day the plebs assembled in their council, though at heart they were inclined to dislike the dictator and to favour the master of the horse, yet they wanted sufficient courage to come forward and advocate a course which most of them approved, so that the motion, despite its exceeding popularity, lacked support.

> Latin: 25.17. luce orta cum plebis concilium esset, magis tacita inuidia dictatoris fauorque magistri equitum animos uersabat quam satis audebant homines ad suadendum quod uolgo placebat prodire, et fauore superante auctoritas tamen rogationi deerat.

[¶62] 25.18. One man alone was found to urge the passage of the bill. This was Gaius Terentius Varro, praetor of the year before, whose antecedents were not merely base but even sordid.

> Latin: 25.18. unus inuentus est suasor legis C. Terentius Uarro, qui priore anno praetor fuerat, loco non humili solum sed etiam sordido ortus.

[¶63] 25.19. It is said that his father had been a butcher, who peddled his wares himself, and that he had employed this very son about the menial tasks associated with that calling.

> Latin: 25.19. patrem lanium fuisse ferunt, ipsum institorem mercis, filioque hoc ipso in seruilia eius artis ministeria usum.

[¶64] 26.1. The young man had no sooner inherited from his father the money gained in this kind of occupation than he felt encouraged to hope for a more liberal career, and resolved to enter public life; and by declaiming on behalf of ignoble men and causes against the property and reputation of persons of the better sort achieved first notoriety and then office.

> Latin: 26.1. is iuuenis, ut primum ex eo genere quaestus pecunia a patre relicta animos ad spem liberalioris fortunae fecit, togaque et forum placuere, proclamando pro sordidis hominibus causisque aduersus rem et famam bonorum primum in notitiam populi,

[¶65] 26.3. He had held the quaestorship and both aedileships —plebeian and curule —and finally even the praetorship. He now ventured to aspire to the consulship, and with considerable shrewdness sought to capture the favour of the populace by exploiting their animosity against the dictator, with the result that he alone reaped all the popularity growing out of the plebiscite.

> Latin: 26.3. deinde ad honores peruenit, quaesturaque et duabus aedilitatibus, plebeia et curuli, postremo et praetura, perfunctus, iam ad consulatus spem cum attolleret animos, haud parum callide auram fauoris popularis ex dictatoria inuidia petit scitique plebis unus gratiam tulit.

[¶66] 26.5. Everyone, whether in Rome or with the army, whether friend or foe, looked on the passing of this bill as an insult to the dictator —everyone, that is, but the dictator himself, who with the same unruffled spirit with which he had borne the slanders uttered against him before the multitude by his adversaries now bore the injustice of the infuriated people.

> Latin: 26.5. omnes eam rogationem, quique Romae quique in exercitu erant, aequi atque iniqui, praeter ipsum dictatorem in contumeliam eius latam acceperunt. ipse, qua grauitate animi criminantes se ad multitudinem inimicos tulerat, eadem et populi in se saeuientis iniuriam tulit;

[¶67] 26.7. While still on the way he received a dispatch from the senate about the equal division of command, but fairly confident that though the authority of the commanders had been equalized, their abilities had not, he returned to the army with a spirit that neither fellow citizens nor enemies could daunt.

> Latin: 26.7. acceptisque in ipso itinere litteris [s. c.] de aequato imperio, satis fidens haudquaquam cum imperii iure artem imperandi aequatam, cum inuicto a ciuibus hostibusque animo ad exercitum rediit.

[¶68] 27.1. As for Minucius, success and the favour of the crowd had already made him well-nigh insufferable.

> Latin: 27.1. Minucius uero cum iam ante uix tolerabilis fuisset rebus secundis ac fauore uolgi, tum utique immodice immodesteque non Hannibale magis uicto ab se quam Q.

[¶69] 27.2. But now, at all events, he cast away all modesty and moderation and boasted of his triumph not only over Hannibal but over Quintus Fabius as well: that wonderful leader, to whom his countrymen had turned in their distress as a match for Hannibal, had by vote of the people been reduced to a level —the superior with his subordinate, the dictator with his master of the horse; and this action, to which history could afford no parallel, had been taken in that very state in which masters of the horse had been used to tremble and shudder at the rods and axes of the dictator; so conspicuous had been his own success and courage.

> Latin: 27.2. Fabio gloriari: illum in rebus asperis unicum ducem ac parem quaesitum Hannibali, maiorem minori, dictatorem magistro equitum, quod nulla memoria habeat annalium, iussu populi aequatum in eadem ciuitate, in qua magistri equitum uirgas ac secures dictatoris tremere atque horrere soliti sint;

[¶70] 27.4. He would therefore follow up his good fortune, if the dictator persisted in that dilatory and inactive course which gods and men had united in condemning.

> Latin: 27.4. tantum suam felicitatem uirtutemque enituisse. ergo secuturum se fortunam suam, si dictator in cunctatione ac segnitie deorum hominumque iudicio damnata perstaret.

[¶71] 27.5. Accordingly, on the day of his first meeting with Quintus Fabius, he said that the very first thing to be settled was the manner in which they should exercise the joint command:

> Latin: 27.5. itaque quo die primum congressus est cum Q. Fabio, statuendum omnium primum ait esse quemadmodum imperio aequato utantur:

[¶72] 27.6. he himself thought that the best way would be for each to have supreme command and authority either every other day, or, if longer periods seemed preferable, for equally apportioned times, to the end that he might be a match for the enemy not only in strategy but in numbers also, if he should meet with a favourable opportunity for fighting.

> Latin: 27.6. se optimum ducere aut diebus alternis aut, si maiora interualla placerent, partitis temporibus alterius summum ius imperiumque esse, ut par hosti non solum consilio sed uiribus etiam esset, si quam occasionem rei gerendae habuisset.

[¶73] 27.8. This proposal by no means suited Quintus Fabius, for he saw that everything which his rash colleague should have got control of would be controlled by Fortune: he had been made, he said, to share the supreme command with another, not deprived of it;

> Latin: 27.8. Q. Fabio haudquaquam id placere: omnia fortunam eam habitura quamcumque temeritas collegae habuisset; sibi communicatum cum alio, non ademptum imperium esse;

[¶74] 27.9. he would therefore never voluntarily relinquish that share which he possessed of the power to guide the campaign prudently; he would not divide with Minucius the times or days of commanding, but would divide the army, and in accordance with his own plans would save what he could, since he was not permitted to save everything.

> Latin: 27.9. itaque se nunquam uolentem parte, qua posset, rerum consilio gerendarum cessurum, nec se tempora aut dies imperii cum eo, exercitum diuisurum suisque consiliis, quoniam omnia non liceret, quae posset seruaturum.

[¶75] 27.10. In this way he brought about a division of the legions, such as was customary between consuls. The first and fourth fell to Minucius, the second and third to Fabius.

> Latin: 27.10. ita obtinuit ut legiones, sicut consulibus mos esset, inter <se> diuiderent. prima et quarta Minucio, secunda et tertia Fabio euenerunt.

[¶76] 27.11. In like manner they divided equally the cavalry and auxiliaries, both allies and Latins. The master of the horse chose that their camps, too, should be separated.

> Latin: 27.11. item equites pari numero sociumque et Latini nominis auxilia diuiserunt. castris quoque separari magister equitum uoluit.

[¶77] 28.1. All this caused Hannibal a twofold joy, for, fully acquainted as he was with whatever went on amongst his enemies both from much information brought in by deserters and from the discoveries of his own spies, he reckoned on entrapping the uncontrolled rashness of Minucius after his own fashion, while he saw that the sagacity of Fabius had been deprived of half its strength.

> Latin: 28.1. duplex inde Hannibali gaudium fuit; neque enim quicquam eorum quae apud hostes agerentur eum fallebat et perfugis multa [non] indicantibus et per suos explorantem: nam et liberam Minuci temeritatem se suo modo captaturum et sollertiae Fabi dimidium uirium decessisse.

[¶78] 28.3. There was a hill between the camp of Minucius and that of the Phoenicians, and it was certain that he who occupied it would place his enemy in a rather bad position.

> Latin: 28.3. tumulus erat inter castra Minuci et Poenorum, quem qui occupasset haud dubie iniquiorem erat hosti locum facturus.

[¶79] 28.4. This Hannibal was desirous not so much of capturing without a struggle —though this would have been worth while —as of using to bring on a battle with Minucius, who would sally forth, as he well knew, to oppose him.

> Latin: 28.4. eum non tam capere sine certamine uolebat Hannibal, quamquam id operae pretium erat, quam causam certaminis cum Minucio, quem semper occursurum ad obsistendum satis sciebat, contrahere.

[¶80] 28.5. It appeared at first sight that none of the ground between could be used for an ambush, since it not only had nothing on it in the shape of trees, but was nowhere so much as screened with brambles. But in fact it was formed by nature for covering an ambuscade —all the more because in a bare valley no such trap could be suspected —for in its windings there were hollow cliffs, so large that some of them would hold two hundred soldiers.

> Latin: 28.5. ager omnis medius erat prima specie inutilis insidiatori, quia non modo siluestre quicquam sed ne uepribus quidem uestitum habebat, re ipsa natus tegendis insidiis, eo magis quod in nuda ualle nulla talis fraus timeri poterat;

[¶81] 28.6. In these lurking-places Hannibal concealed five thousand foot and horse —as many in each as could readily lie in wait there.

> Latin: 28.6. et erant in anfractibus cauae rupes, ut quaedam earum ducenos armatos possent capere.

[¶82] 28.7. Lest, however, the movement of anyone who might carelessly step out or the glint of arms should betray the ruse, in a valley so bare and open, he dispatched a small party at dawn to seize the hill already mentioned and draw off the enemy's attention.

> Latin: 28.7. in has latebras, quot quemque locum apte insidere poterant, quinque milia conduntur peditum equitumque.

[¶83] 28.8. The Romans no sooner descried them than they laughed at their small numbers, and everybody asked to be assigned the duty of dislodging the Carthaginians and capturing the place.

> Latin: 28.8. necubi tamen aut motus alicuius temere egressi aut fulgor armorum fraudem in ualle tam aperta detegeret, missis paucis prima luce ad capiendum quem ante diximus tumulum auertit oculos hostium.

[¶84] 28.9. Their general himself, as fatuous and rash as anyone, called the men to arms and railed at the enemy with idle threats. First he ordered out the light infantry; then he sent the cavalry off in a solid column; finally, when he saw that the enemy too were bringing up supports, he set forth with his legions in battle array. Hannibal likewise, as the struggle waxed hotter and his men were sore bested, sent in reinforcement after reinforcement, horse and foot, till he now had a regular army in the field, and both sides were engaged with all their forces.

> Latin: 28.9. primo statim conspectu contempta paucitas ac sibi quisque deposcere pellendos inde hostes ac locum capiendum; dux ipse inter stolidissimos ferocissimosque ad arma uocat et uanis minis increpat hostem. principio leuem armaturam emittit, deinde conferto agmine [mitti] equites; postremo, cum hostibus quoque subsidia mitti uideret, instructis legionibus procedit. et Hannibal laborantibus suis alia atque alia accrescente certamine mittens auxilia peditum equitumque iam iustam expleuerat aciem, ac totis utrimque uiribus certatur.

[¶85] 28.12. The Roman light infantry, as they were advancing from the lower ground on to the height which the enemy had already occupied, was the first to suffer a repulse, and as they were driven downhill, caused a panic among the cavalry, which was coming up behind them, and fled to the standards of the legions.

> Latin: 28.12. prima leuis armatura Romanorum, praeoccupatum <ex> inferiore loco succedens tumulum, pulsa detrusaque terrorem in succedentem intulit equitem et ad signa legionum refugit. peditum acies inter perculsos impauida sola erat uidebaturque, si iusta ac directa pugna esset, haudquaquam impar futura;

[¶86] 28.13. These alone maintained their line undaunted, when all the rest were in full flight, and it looked as if, had the battle been a regular front-to-front engagement, they would have proved fully equal to their enemy —so encouraged had they been by the successful action a few days before. But the men in ambush, suddenly springing out and charging them on both flanks and in the rear, worked such havoc and alarm that not one of them had any courage left for fighting or any hope in flight.

> Latin: 28.13. tantum animorum fecerat prospere ante paucos dies res gesta; sed exorti repente insidiatores eum tumultum terroremque in latera utrimque ab tergoque incursantes fecerunt ut neque animus ad pugnam neque ad fugam spes cuiquam superesset.

[¶87] 29.1. “There it is,” said Fabius, when first the cries of the frightened soldiers were heard, and then the confusion in the distant battle-line became discernible; “misfortune has not overtaken rashness more quickly than I feared.”

> Latin: 29.1. tum Fabius, primo clamore pauentium audito, dein conspecta procul turbata acie, 'ita est' inquit; 'non celerius quam timui deprendit fortuna temeritatem.

[¶88] 29.2. “Though made equal to Fabius in authority, he finds Hannibal his superior, both in courage and in fortune. But another time will do for upbraiding and resentment; for the present, march out from your trenches, and let us wrest from the enemy his victory and from our fellow citizens a confession of their blunder.”

> Latin: 29.2. Fabio aequatus imperio Hannibalem et uirtute et fortuna superiorem uidet. sed aliud iurgandi suscensendique tempus erit: nunc signa extra uallum proferte; uictoriam hosti extorqueamus, confessionem erroris ciuibus.'

[¶89] 29.3. By this time large numbers of the Romans had either been slain or were casting about for a way to escape, when suddenly Fabius and his army appeared, as though they had come down from heaven to help them; and before they got within a javelin's range or struck a blow, had checked both the headlong flight of the Romans and the reckless fury of the enemy's attack.

> Latin: 29.3. iam magna ex parte caesis aliis, aliis circumspectantibus fugam, Fabiana se acies repente uelut caelo demissa ad auxilium ostendit. itaque priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret aut manum consereret, et suos a fuga effusa et ab nimis feroci pugna hostes continuit.

[¶90] 29.5. Those who had quitted their ranks and dispersed this way and that came running up on every side to the unbroken line; those who had retreated in a body faced about to meet the enemy and, forming a circle, at first slowly retreated, but presently, being more compactly drawn together, stood their ground.

> Latin: 29.5. qui solutis ordinibus uage dissipati erant undique confugerunt ad integram aciem; qui plures simul terga dederant conuersi in hostem uoluentesque orbem nunc sensim referre pedem, nunc conglobati restare.

[¶91] 29.6. And now the beaten army and the fresh one had pretty much united into a single line and were ready to advance against the enemy, when Hannibal sounded the recall, declaring openly that he had beaten Minucius, but that Fabius had beaten him.

> Latin: 29.6. ac iam prope una acies facta erat uicti atque integri exercitus inferebantque signa in hostem, cum Poenus receptui cecinit, palam ferente Hannibale ab se Minucium, se ab Fabio uictum.

[¶92] 29.7. When the troops had got back to their camps, towards the close of a day of such varied fortune, Minucius called his men together and thus addressed them: “Soldiers, I have often heard that the best man is he who can himself advise us what is profitable;”

> Latin: 29.7. ita per uariam fortunam diei maiore parte exacta cum in castra reditum esset, Minucius conuocatis militibus 'saepe ego' inquit, 'audiui, milites, eum primum esse uirum qui ipse consulat quid in rem sit, secundum eum qui bene monenti oboediat;

[¶93] 29.8. “the next best he who listens to good advice; but that he who can neither counsel well nor obey: another has the meanest capacity of all.”

> Latin: 29.8. qui nec ipse consulere nec alteri parere sciat, eum extremi ingenii esse.

[¶94] 29.9. “Since to us the first rank of intelligence and capacity has been denied, let us hold fast to the second or middle state, and while we are learning to command, make up our minds to obey a man of wisdom.”

> Latin: 29.9. nobis quoniam prima animi ingeniique negata sors est, secundam ac mediam teneamus et, dum imperare discimus, parere prudenti in animum inducamus. castra cum Fabio iungamus.

[¶95] 29.10. “Let us join our camp to that of Fabius; and when we have brought our standards to his tent, and I have given him the name of 'Father' —as ” “befits his goodness to us and his great position —you, soldiers, will salute as 'patrons' those whose hands and swords just now protected you; and, if nothing else, this day shall at least have conferred on us the, glory of possessing thankful hearts.”

> Latin: 29.10. ad praetorium eius signa cum tulerimus, ubi ego eum parentem appellauero, quod beneficio eius erga nos ac maiestate eius dignum est, uos, milites, eos quorum uos modo arma dexterae texerunt patronos salutabitis, et, si nihil aliud, gratorum certe nobis animorum gloriam dies hic dederit.'

[¶96] 30.1. The moment the signal was given, the order to pack was shouted round. Setting forth they marched in column to the dictator's camp, to the astonishment of Fabius himself and all who were about.

> Latin: 30.1. signo dato conclamatur inde ut colligantur uasa. profecti et agmine incedentes in dictatoris castra in admirationem et ipsum et omnes qui circa erant conuerterunt.

[¶97] 30.2. When they had planted their ensigns before the tribunal, the master of the horse advanced in front of the rest and called upon Fabius by the name of Father, and his entire army saluted the soldiers who had gathered round them as their patrons. Then Minucius said, “To my parents, Dictator, with whom I have just made you equal in name, which is all that speech can do, I owe only my life; to you I owe not merely my own safety but the safety of all of these.”

> Latin: 30.2. ut constituta sunt ante tribunal signa, progressus ante alios magister equitum, cum patrem Fabium appellasset circumfusosque militum eius totum agmen patronos consalutasset, 'parentibus' inquit, 'meis, dictator, quibus te modo nomine quod fando possum aequaui, uitam tantum debeo, tibi cum meam salutem, tum omnium horum.

[¶98] 30.4. “Accordingly I am the first to reject and repeal that plebiscite which has been more onerous to me than honourable, and to place myself again under your command and auspices and restore to you these standards and these legions; and may good fortune come of it to you and to me and to these your armies, to the preserved and the preserver.”

> Latin: 30.4. itaque plebei scitum, quo oneratus <sum> magis quam honoratus, primus antiquo abrogoque et, quod exercitibus his tuis quod tibi mihique seruato ac conseruatori sit felix, sub imperium auspiciumque tuum redeo et signa haec legionesque restituo.

[¶99] 30.5. “Lay aside, I pray, your just resentment, and bid me retain my post of master of the horse and these their own proper companies and ranks.”

> Latin: 30.5. tu, quaeso, placatus me magisterium equitum, hos ordines suos quemque tenere iubeas.'

[¶100] 30.6. Then hands were clasped, and the assembly being dismissed, the soldiers were kindly and hospitably entertained, alike by friends and strangers, and a day which a little earlier had been very gloomy and almost accurst was turned into one of rejoicing.

> Latin: 30.6. tum dextrae interiunctae militesque contione dimissa ab notis ignotisque benigne atque hospitaliter inuitati laetusque dies ex admodum tristi paulo ante ac prope exsecrabili factus.

[¶101] 30.7. In Rome, when the report of this affair came in, and was later confirmed by letters not only from both commanders, but from the soldiers generally in both armies, all men joined in lauding Maximus to the skies.

> Latin: 30.7. Romae, ut est perlata fama rei gestae, dein litteris non magis ipsorum imperatorum quam uolgo militum ex utroque exercitu adfirmata, pro se quisque Maximum laudibus ad caelum ferre.

[¶102] 30.8. With Hannibal and the hostile Phoenicians his renown was equally great; then for the first time they realized that they were fighting with Romans and in Italy.

> Latin: 30.8. par gloria apud Hannibalem hostesque Poenos erat; ac tum demum sentire cum Romanis atque in Italia bellum esse;

## 9. Book XXII · chapters 30–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/9/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/9/#p-N

[¶0] 30.9. For during the past two years they had so despised the Roman generals and soldiers that they could hardly believe that they were at war with the same nation as that of which they had heard such terrifying stories from their fathers.

> Latin: 30.9. nam biennio ante adeo et duces Romanos et milites spreuerant, ut uix cum eadem gente bellum esse crederent cuius terribilem [eam] famam a patribus accepissent.

[¶1] 30.10. And Hannibal is said to have remarked, as he was returning from the field, that at last that cloud which had long been hovering about the mountain-tops had broken in a storm of rain.

> Latin: 30.10. Hannibalem quoque ex acie redeuntem dixisse ferunt tandem eam nubem, quae sedere in iugis montium solita sit, cum procella imbrem dedisse.

[¶2] 31.1. While these things were happening in Italy, Gnaeus Servilius Geminus the consul, with a fleet of a hundred and twenty ships, sailed round Sardinia and Corsica, and after taking hostages from both, bore away for Africa. Before descending on the mainland, he plundered the island of Menix; and after accepting ten talents of silver, which the people of Cercina gave him, to induce him not to burn and pillage their territory also, he sailed in to the coast of Africa and disembarked his troops.

> Latin: 31.1. dum haec geruntur in Italia, Cn. Seruilius Geminus consul cum classe <centum uiginti> nauium circumuectus Sardiniae et Corsicae oram, et obsidibus utrimque acceptis in Africam transmisit et, priusquam in continentem escensiones faceret, Menige insula uastata et ab incolentibus Cercinam, ne et ipsorum ureretur diripereturque ager, decem talentis argenti acceptis ad litora Africae accessit copiasque exposuit.

[¶3] 31.3. Soldiers and naval allies went off to pillage the country-side and dispersed as freely as if they were plundering desert islands.

> Latin: 31.3. inde ad populandum agrum ducti milites naualesque socii iuxta effusi ac si <in> insulis cultorum egentibus praedarentur.

[¶4] 31.4. And so they quickly fell into an ambush, and losing contact with each other, and knowing nothing of the country, were set upon by large bands of their enemies, who knew it well, and driven back to their ships in a bloody and disgraceful rout.

> Latin: 31.4. itaque in insidias temere inlati, cum a frequentibus palantes et locorum ignari ab gnaris circumuenirentur, cum multa caede ac foeda fuga retro ad naues compulsi sunt.

[¶5] 31.5. Fully a thousand men were lost, including the quaestor, Tiberius Sempronius Blaesus. Moorings were cast off in a hurry, and the fleet, leaving the shore behind it lined with enemies, stood away for Sicily.

> Latin: 31.5. ad mille hominum cum Ti. Sempronio Blaeso quaestore amissum, classis ab litoribus hostium plenis trepide soluta in Siciliam cursum tenuit, traditaque Lilybaei T.

[¶6] 31.6. At Lilybaeum it was handed over to the praetor Titus Otacilius, to be conducted by his lieutenant, Publius Cincius, back to Rome.

> Latin: 31.6. Otacilio praetori, ut ab legato eius P. Cincio Romam reduceretur.

[¶7] 31.7. The consul himself proceeded overland through Sicily to the straits, where he crossed into Italy, in obedience to a dispatch from Quintus Fabius. The dictator had sent for Servilius, and for Marcus Atilius his colleague, to take over his armies, for his six months' tenure of authority was drawing to a close.

> Latin: 31.7. ipse per Siciliam pedibus profectus freto in Italiam traiecit, litteris Q. Fabi accitus et ipse et collega eius M. Atilius, ut exercitus ab se exacto iam prope semenstri imperio acciperent. omnium prope annales Fabium dictatorem aduersus Hannibalem rem gessisse tradunt;

[¶8] 31.8. Nearly all the annalists state that Fabius was dictator in his campaign against Hannibal; Coelius even writes that he was the first to be created dictator by the people.

> Latin: 31.8. Caelius etiam eum primum a populo creatum dictatorem scribit.

[¶9] 31.9. But Coelius and the rest forget that only the consul Gnaeus Servilius, who was then far away in his province of Gaul, had the right of naming a dictator.

> Latin: 31.9. sed et Caelium et ceteros fugit uni consuli Cn. Seruilio, qui tum procul in Gallia prouincia aberat, ius fuisse dicendi dictatoris;

[¶10] 31.10. It was because the nation, appalled by their great disaster, could not put up with so long a delay that resort was had to the popular election of an acting dictator.

> Latin: 31.10. quam moram quia exspectare territa iam clade ciuitas non poterat, eo decursum esse ut a populo crearetur qui pro dictatore esset;

[¶11] 31.11. Thereafter the general's successes and his great renown, and the additions which his descendants made to the inscription which accompanies his portrait, led easily to the belief that one who had in fact been made acting dictator had been dictator.

> Latin: 31.11. res inde gestas gloriamque insignem ducis et augentes titulum imaginis posteros, ut qui pro dictatore <creatus erat, dictator> crederetur, facile obtinuisse.

[¶12] 32.1. The consuls —Atilius taking over the army of Fabius and Geminus Servilius that of Minucius —constructed a winter camp betimes, and carried on the war for the rest of the autumn with the greatest harmony, on the lines laid down by Fabius.

> Latin: 32.1. consules Atilius Fabiano, Geminus Seruilius Minuciano exercitu accepto, hibernaculis mature communitis, <quod reli>- quum autumni erat Fabi artibus cum summa inter se concordia bellum gesserunt.

[¶13] 32.2. As often as Hannibal went out to forage, they were sure to appear, at one place or another, harassing his march and cutting off the stragglers: a general engagement, which the enemy sought with all the arts at his command, they declined to risk; and Hannibal was driven to such extremity of want, that if he had not thought that his departure would necessarily look like flight, he would have gone back into Gaul. For he had given up all hope of supporting his army in those regions, if the next consuls should make use of the same strategy.

> Latin: 32.2. frumentatum exeunti Hannibali diuersis locis opportuni aderant, carpentes agmen palatosque excipientes; in casum uniuersae dimicationis, quam omnibus artibus petebat hostis, non ueniebant, adeoque inopia est coactus Hannibal ut, nisi cum fugae specie abeundum timuisset, Galliam repetiturus fuerit, nulla spe relicta alendi exercitus in eis locis si insequentes consules eisdem artibus bellum gererent.

[¶14] 32.4. Winter had already brought the fighting about Gereonium to a standstill, when envoys from Neapolis arrived in Rome. Bringing forty massive golden bowls into the senate-house, they delivered themselves to this effect: that they knew that the treasury of the Roman People was becoming exhausted by the war, and since it was being waged no less in behalf of the cities and lands of the allies than for the capital and citadel of Italy —the City of Rome —and for its empire, the Neapolitans had deemed it right to employ the gold which their ancestors had bequeathed them, whether for the adornment of their temples or as a subsidy in time of need, to assist the Roman People;

> Latin: 32.4. cum ad Gereonium iam hieme impediente constitisset bellum, Neapolitani legati Romam uenere. ab iis quadraginta paterae aureae magni ponderis in curiam inlatae atque ita uerba facta ut dicerent: scire sese populi <Romani> aerarium bello exhauriri et, cum iuxta pro urbibus agrisque sociorum ac pro capite atque arce Italiae urbe Romana atque imperio geratur, aequum censuisse Neapolitanos, quod auri sibi cum ad templorum ornatum tum ad subsidium fortunae a maioribus relictum foret, eo iuuare populum Romanum.

[¶15] 32.7. had they thought themselves capable of helping with their persons, they would have offered these with the same heartiness; it would gratify them if the Roman senators and people would look on all the possessions of the Neapolitans as their own, and consider that their gift deserved a willing acceptance, as being greater and of more account in respect of the friendliness and good-will of the givers than in actual value.

> Latin: 32.7. si quam opem in sese crederent, eodem studio fuisse oblaturos. gratum sibi patres Romanos populumque facturum si omnes res Neapolitanorum suas duxissent, dignosque iudicauerint ab quibus donum animo ac uoluntate eorum qui libentes darent quam re maius ampliusque acciperent.

[¶16] 32.9. The envoys received a vote of thanks for this generosity and thoughtfulness, and the bowl of least weight was accepted.

> Latin: 32.9. legatis gratiae actae pro munificentia curaque; patera, quae ponderis minimi fuit, accepta.

[¶17] 33.1. At about this time a Carthaginian spy who for two years had eluded capture was caught in Rome, and after his hands had been cut off, was allowed to go; and five and twenty slaves were crucified, on the charge of having conspired in the Campus Martius.

> Latin: 33.1. per eosdem dies speculator Carthaginiensis, qui per biennium fefellerat, Romae deprensus praecisisque manibus dimissus, et serui quinque et uiginti in crucem acti, quod in campo Martio coniurassent;

[¶18] 33.2. The informer was rewarded with freedom and twenty thousand sesterces.

> Latin: 33.2. indici data libertas et aeris grauis uiginti milia.

[¶19] 33.3. Ambassadors were dispatched to Philip, King of the Macedonians, to demand the person of Demetrius of Pharus, who, beaten in war, had fled to him for refuge; and others to expostulate with the Ligurians, because they had aided the Phoenician with supplies and men, and at the same time to observe at close range what was going on amongst the Boi and the Insubres.

> Latin: 33.3. legati et ad Philippum Macedonum regem missi ad deposcendum Demetrium Pharium, qui bello uictus ad eum fugisset, et alii <in> Ligures ad expostulandum quod Poenum opibus auxiliisque suis iuuissent, simul ad uisendum ex propinquo quae in Boiis atque Insubribus gererentur.

[¶20] 33.5. Ambassadors were likewise sent to King Pineus in Illyria, to demand a tribute which was overdue, or, in case he wished the time extended, to take hostages.

> Latin: 33.5. ad Pinnem quoque regem in Illyrios legati missi ad stipendium, cuius dies exierat, poscendum aut, si diem proferri uellet, obsides accipiendos.

[¶21] 33.6. So far were the Romans, though bearing upon their shoulders the burden of a mighty war, from permitting any concern of theirs to escape them, in however remote a part of the world it lay.

> Latin: 33.6. adeo, etsi bellum ingens in ceruicibus erat, nullius usquam terrarum rei cura Romanos, ne longinquae quidem effugiebat.

[¶22] 33.7. They were troubled, too, that the contract for the temple of Concord, which the praetor Lucius Manlius had vowed two years before in Gaul, during the mutiny of the soldiers, had hitherto not been let.

> Latin: 33.7. in religionem etiam uenit aedem Concordiae, quam per seditionem militarem biennio ante L. Manlius praetor in Gallia uouisset, locatam ad id tempus non esse.

[¶23] 33.8. Accordingly the city praetor, Marcus Aemilius, appointed for the purpose two commissioners, Gaius Pupius and Caeso Quinctius Flamininus, who arranged to have the temple built on the Citadel. The same praetor, acting on instructions from the senate, wrote to the consuls, requesting that, if it seemed good to them, one of them would come to Rome to hold an election of consuls, and promising to appoint the comitia for the day which they should designate.

> Latin: 33.8. itaque duumuiri ad eam rem creati a M. Aemilio praetore urbano, C. Pupius et Caeso Quinctius Flamininus, aedem in arce faciendam locauerunt. ab eodem praetore ex senatus consulto litterae ad consules missae ut, si iis uideretur, alter eorum ad consules creandos Romam ueniret;

[¶24] 33.9. To this the consuls answered that they could not withdraw from the presence of the enemy without detriment to the republic; it would therefore be better that the election be conducted by an interrex than that one of the consuls be called away from the seat

> Latin: 33.9. se in eam diem quam iussissent comitia edicturum. ad haec a consulibus rescriptum sine detrimento rei publicae abscedi non posse ab hoste; itaque per interregem comitia habenda esse potius quam consul alter a bello auocaretur.

[¶25] 33.11. of war. To the senators it seemed preferable that the consuls should appoint a dictator to preside at the election. They appointed Lucius Veturius Philo, who named Marcus Pomponius Matho master of the horse.

> Latin: 33.11. patribus rectius uisum est dictatorem a consule dici comitiorum habendorum causa. dictus L. Ueturius Philo M. Pomponium Mathonem magistrum equitum dixit.

[¶26] 33.12. There was a flaw in their appointment and they were commanded on the fourteenth day to resign their magistracy, whereupon the state reverted to an interregnum.

> Latin: 33.12. iis uitio creatis iussisque die quarto decimo se magistratu abdicare, ad interregnum res rediit.

[¶27] 34.1. The authority of the consuls was extended for a year. To be interrex the Fathers named Gaius Claudius Cento, the son of Appius, and after him Publius Cornelius Asina. The latter conducted an election, which was marked by a bitter struggle between patricians and plebeians.

> Latin: 34.1. consulibus prorogatum in annum imperium. interreges proditi sunt a patribus C. Claudius Appi filius Cento, inde P. Cornelius Asina. in eius interregno comitia habita magno certamine patrum ac plebis.

[¶28] 34.2. Gaius Terentius Varro had endeared himself to the plebeians —the class to which he himself belonged —by invectives against the leading men and the usual tricks of the demagogue. The blow he had struck at the influence and dictatorial authority of Fabius brought him the glory which is won by defaming others, and the rabble was now striving to raise him to the consulship, while the patricians opposed the attempt with all their might, lest men should acquire the custom of assailing them as a means of rising to their level.

> Latin: 34.2. C. Terentio Uarroni, quem sui generis hominem, plebi insectatione principum popularibusque artibus conciliatum, ab Q. Fabi opibus et dictatorio imperio concusso aliena inuidia splendentem uolgus extrahere ad consulatum nitebatur, patres summa ope obstabant ne se insectando sibi aequari adsuescerent homines.

[¶29] 34.3. Quintus Baebius B.C. 217 Herennius, a tribune of the plebs and kinsman of Gaius Terentius, railed not only at the senate but at the augurs too, because they had forbidden the dictator to accomplish the election, and by placing them in an unfavourable light, strengthened the candidacy of his friend.

> Latin: 34.3. Q. Baebius Herennius tribunus plebis, cognatus C. Terenti, criminando non senatum modo sed etiam augures, quod dictatorem prohibuissent comitia perficere, per inuidiam eorum fauorem candidato suo conciliabat:

[¶30] 34.4. The nobles, he said, had been seeking war for many years, and it was they who had brought Hannibal into Italy. It was their machinations, too, that were spinning out the war, when it might be brought to a victorious conclusion.

> Latin: 34.4. ab hominibus nobilibus, per multos annos bellum quaerentibus, Hannibalem in Italiam adductum; ab iisdem, cum debellari possit, fraude bellum trahi.

[¶31] 34.5. That four legions if united were able to hold their own in a general engagement had been shown in a successful battle fought by Marcus Minucius, when Fabius was absent. Notwithstanding this, two legions had just been exposed to be massacred by the enemy and subsequently rescued from the massacre, to the end that the names of Father and Patron might be conferred on one who had kept the Romans from conquering before keeping them from being conquered.

> Latin: 34.5. cum quattuor legionibus uniuersis pugnari posse apparuisset eo quod M. Minucius absente Fabio prospere pugnasset, duas legiones hosti ad caedem obiectas, deinde ex ipsa caede ereptas ut pater patronusque appellaretur qui prius uincere prohibuisset Romanos quam uinci.

[¶32] 34.7. After that the consuls had employed the arts of Fabius to prolong the war, when they were able to have ended it. The nobles had all made a compact to this effect; nor would his hearers see an end of the war until they had elected a true plebeian, a new man, to the consulship; for the plebeian nobles had already been admitted to the same rites as the others and had begun to look down on the plebs from the moment when they themselves had ceased to be looked down on by the patricians.

> Latin: 34.7. consules deinde Fabianis artibus, cum debellare possent, bellum traxisse. id foedus inter omnes nobiles ictum nec finem ante belli habituros quam consulem uere plebeium, id est, hominem nouum fecissent; nam plebeios nobiles iam eisdem initiatos esse sacris et contemnere plebem, ex quo contemni patribus desierint, coepisse.

[¶33] 34.9. Who could fail to see that their end and purpose in resorting to an interregnum had been to keep the election in the hands of the patricians?

> Latin: 34.9. cui non apparere id actum et quaesitum esse ut interregnum iniretur, ut in patrum potestate comitia essent?

[¶34] 34.10. To this end both consuls had remained with their army in the field; to this end, later on, because a dictator had been named, against their wishes, for the purpose of holding an election, they had succeeded in having the augurs declare that there had been a flaw in his appointment.

> Latin: 34.10. id consules ambos ad exercitum morando quaesisse; id postea, quia inuitis iis dictator esset dictus comitiorum causa, expugnatum esse ut uitiosus dictator per augures fieret.

[¶35] 34.11. They had therefore the interregnum they desired. But at least one consulship belonged to the Roman plebs; and the people meant to keep it free, and bestow it on him who would rather win an early victory than remain long in command.

> Latin: 34.11. habere igitur interregnum eos; consulatum unum certe plebis Romanae esse; populum liberum habiturum ac daturum ei qui [magis] uere uincere quam diu imperare malit.

[¶36] 35.1. When the plebs had been inflamed by these harangues, though there were three patrician candidates, Publius Cornelius Merenda, Lucius Manlius Volso, and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, and two plebeians of families which had already been ennobled, namely, Gaius Atilius Serranus and Quintus Aelius Paetus, of whom one was a pontifex, the other an augur, Gaius Terentius was the only consul elected, and the assembly called to choose a colleague for him was therefore under his control.

> Latin: 35.1. cum his orationibus accensa plebs esset, tribus patriciis petentibus, P. Cornelio Merenda L. Manlio Uolsone M. Aemilio Lepido, duobus nobilium iam familiarum plebeiis, C. Atilio Serrano et Q. Aelio Paeto, quorum alter pontifex, alter augur erat, C. Terentius consul unus creatur, ut in manu eius essent comitia rogando collegae.

[¶37] 35.3. The nobles, finding that Varro's competitors had not been able to command the necessary strength, thereupon obliged Lucius Aemilius Paulus to stand, though he held out long and earnestly against their importunity. He had been consul together with Marcus Livius, and the condemnation of his colleague —from which he had not himself escaped unscathed —had embittered him against the plebs.

> Latin: 35.3. tum experta nobilitas parum fuisse uirium in competitoribus eius, L. Aemilium Paulum, qui cum M. Liuio consul fuerat et damnatione collegae sui prope ambustus euaserat, infestum plebei, diu ac multum recusantem ad petitionem compellit.

[¶38] 35.4. On the next election day all those who had been Varro's rivals withdrew their names, the consul was given Paulus, rather as a competent opponent than as a colleague.

> Latin: 35.4. is proximo comitiali die concedentibus omnibus, qui cum Uarrone certauerant, par magis in aduersandum quam collega datur consuli. inde praetorum comitia habita.

[¶39] 35.5. The election of praetors then took place, and Marcus Pomponius Matho and Publius Furius Philus were chosen. To Philus the lot assigned the urban praetorship, for administering justice in Rome; to Pomponius the jurisdiction in suits between Roman citizens and foreigners.

> Latin: 35.5. creati M. Pomponius Matho et P. Furius <Philus>; Philo Romae iuri dicundo urbana sors, Pomponio inter ciues Romanos et peregrinos euenit;

[¶40] 35.6. Two additional praetors were elected, Marcus Claudius Marcellus for Sicily, and Lucius Postumius Albinus for Gaul.

> Latin: 35.6. additi duo praetores, M. Claudius Marcellus in Siciliam, L. Postumius Albinus in Galliam.

[¶41] 35.7. These were all elected in their absence, and not one of them, except Terentius the consul, received a magistracy which he had not already filled before, a number of stout-hearted, active men being passed over because it seemed unwise at such a juncture to give any man an office to which he was new.

> Latin: 35.7. omnes absentes creati sunt nec cuiquam eorum praeter Terentium consulem mandatus honos quem non iam antea gessisset, praeteritis aliquot fortibus ac strenuis uiris, quia in tali tempore nulli nouus magistratus uidebatur mandandus.

[¶42] 36.1. The armies also were augmented. But how large were the additions of infantry and cavalry I should hardly venture to declare with any certainty —so greatly do historians differ in regard to the numbers and kinds of troops.

> Latin: 36.1. exercitus quoque multiplicati sunt; quantae autem copiae peditum equitumque additae sint adeo et numero et genere copiarum uariant auctores, ut uix quicquam satis certum adfirmare ausus sim.

[¶43] 36.2. Some say that ten thousand new soldiers were enlisted as replacements; others that four new legions were enrolled, so that they took the field with eight.

> Latin: 36.2. decem milia nouorum militum alii scripta in supplementum, alii nouas quattuor legiones ut octo legionibus rem gererent;

[¶44] 36.3. Some assert that the legions were also increased in the numbers of their infantry and cavalry, and that each received an additional thousand foot and a hundred horse, bringing up the total of every one to five thousand foot and three hundred horse; and that double the number of horse and an equal number of foot were furnished by the allies.

> Latin: 36.3. numero quoque peditum equitumque legiones auctas milibus peditum et centenis equitibus in singulas adiectis, ut quina milia peditum, treceni equites essent, socii duplicem numerum equitum darent, peditis aequarent, septem et octoginta milia armatorum et ducentos in castris Romanis <fuisse> cum pugnatum ad Cannas est quidam auctores sunt.

[¶45] 36.5. One thing is not disputed —that they proceeded with more energy and enthusiasm than in former years, because the dictator had given them ground for hoping that they would be able to defeat the enemy.

> Latin: 36.5. illud haudquaquam discrepat maiore conatu atque impetu rem actam quam prioribus annis, quia spem posse uinci hostem dictator praebuerat.

[¶46] 36.6. Before, however, the new legions marched out from the City, the decemvirs were instructed to consult the Sacred Books, on account of a general alarm occasioned by strange portents.

> Latin: 36.6. ceterum priusquam signa ab urbe nouae legiones mouerent, decemuiri libros adire atque inspicere iussi propter territos uolgo homines nouis prodigiis.

[¶47] 36.7. For a shower of stones had been reported as having fallen at Rome on the Aventine, and about the same time at Aricia; in the Sabine country the images of the gods, and at Caere the waters that flowed from the hot spring had been drenched with blood —a prodigy all the more alarming from its having occurred so often; and in the arched way which used to lead to the Campus Martius some men had been struck by lightning and killed.

> Latin: 36.7. nam et Romae in Auentino et Ariciae nuntiatum erat sub idem tempus lapidibus pluuisse, et multo cruore signa in Sabinis, Caeretes aquas [fonte callidos] manasse;

[¶48] 36.8. These prodigies were expiated as the Books directed. Ambassadors came from Paestum, bringing golden bowls to Rome. They were thanked, as the Neapolitans had been, but the gold was not accepted.

> Latin: 36.8. id quidem etiam, quod saepius acciderat, magis terrebat; et in uia fornicata, quae ad Campum erat, aliquot homines de caelo tacti exanimatique fuerant. ea prodigia ex libris procurata. legati a Paesto pateras aureas Romam attulerunt. iis, sicut Neapolitanis, gratiae actae, aurum non acceptum.

[¶49] 37.1. About this time a fleet came in to Ostia from King Hiero with a great store of supplies.

> Latin: 37.1. per eosdem dies ab Hierone classis Ostia cum magno commeatu accessit.

[¶50] 37.2. His envoys were introduced into the senate, where they told how the news of the destruction of Gaius Flaminius the consul and his army had so grieved the King that no disaster to himself or his own kingdom could have distressed him more.

> Latin: 37.2. legati in senatum introducti nuntiarunt caedem C. Flamini consulis exercitusque allatam adeo aegre tulisse regem Hieronem ut nulla sua propria regnique sui clade moueri magis potuerit.

[¶51] 37.3. Accordingly, though well aware that the greatness of the Roman People was almost more astonishing in adversity than in prosperity, he had nevertheless sent them all those things with which good and faithful allies were wont to assist their friends in time of war, and he earnestly besought the Conscript Fathers not to refuse them.

> Latin: 37.3. itaque, quamquam probe sciat magnitudinem populi Romani admirabiliorem prope aduersis rebus quam secundis esse, tamen se omnia quibus a bonis fidelibusque sociis bella iuuari soleant misisse; quae ne accipere abnuant magno opere se patres conscriptos orare.

[¶52] 37.5. In the first place, for the omen's sake, they were bringing a golden Victory, weighing two hundred and twenty pounds, which they begged the Romans to accept and keep, and to regard it as their own for ever.

> Latin: 37.5. iam omnium primum ominis causa Uictoriam auream pondo ducentum ac uiginti adferre sese. acciperent eam tenerentque et haberent propriam et perpetuam.

[¶53] 37.6. They had also brought three hundred thousand measures of wheat and two hundred thousand of barley, that there might be no failure of provision; and whatever additional quantity were needed they stood ready to convey to any place which the senate might designate.

> Latin: 37.6. aduexisse etiam trecenta milia modium tritici, ducenta hordei, ne commeatus deessent, et quantum praeterea opus esset quo iussissent subuecturos.

[¶54] 37.7. For heavy foot and horse, the King knew that the Roman People employed none but Romans and Latins;

> Latin: 37.7. milite atque equite scire nisi Romano Latinique nominis non uti populum Romanum: leuium armorum auxilia etiam externa uidisse in castris Romanis.

[¶55] 37.8. but amongst the light-armed auxiliaries, he had seen in the camps of the Romans even foreigners; he had therefore sent a thousand archers and slingers, a force well adapted to cope with Moors and Baliares and other tribes that fought with missiles.

> Latin: 37.8. itaque misisse mille sagittariorum ac funditorum, aptam manum aduersus Baliares ac Mauros pugnacesque alias missili telo gentes.

[¶56] 37.9. To these gifts they added a piece of advice, that the praetor, namely, who might be assigned to Sicily should sail over with his fleet to Africa, so that the enemy, too, might have war on their own soil, whereby they would experience less freedom in dispatching aid to Hannibal.

> Latin: 37.9. ad ea dona consilium quoque addebant ut praetor, cui prouincia Sicilia euenisset, classem in Africam traiceret, ut et hostes in terra sua bellum haberent minusque laxamenti daretur iis ad auxilia Hannibali summittenda.

[¶57] 37.10. The senate, in replying to the royal emissaries, said that Hiero was a good man and a rare ally, who from the time when he became a friend of the Roman People had maintained an unswerving loyalty, and always and in every place had given generous assistance to the Roman cause. For this the Romans were grateful, as in duty bound.

> Latin: 37.10. ab senatu ita responsum regi est: uirum bonum egregiumque socium Hieronem esse atque uno tenore, ex quo in amicitiam populi Romani uenerit, fidem coluisse ac rem Romanam omni tempore ac loco munifice adiuuisse. id perinde ac deberet gratum populo Romano esse.

[¶58] 37.11. As for the gold, other states as well had proffered it, but the Roman People, though thankful for the kind intention, had not accepted it;

> Latin: 37.11. aurum et a ciuitatibus quibusdam allatum, gratia rei accepta, non accepisse populum Romanum;

[¶59] 37.12. the Victory and her omen they did accept; and to that goddess they dedicated and assigned the Capitol, the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, to be her seat. Established in that citadel of Rome she would be gracious and propitious, faithful and steadfast, to the Roman People.

> Latin: 37.12. Uictoriam omenque accipere sedemque ei se diuae dare dicare Capitolium, templum Iouis optimi maximi, in ea arce urbis Romanae sacratam uolentem propitiamque, firmam ac stabilem fore populo Romano.

[¶60] 37.13. The slingers and archers and the corn were turned over to the consuls. Twenty-five quinqueremes were added to the fleet of fifty ships that was under the command of Titus Otacilius in Sicily, and permission was given him, if he deemed it advantageous to the state, to sail across to Africa.

> Latin: 37.13. funditores sagittariique et frumentum traditum consulibus. quinqueremes ad <quinquaginta> nauium classem quae cum T. Otacilio propraetore in Sicilia erat quinque et uiginti additae, permissumque est ut, si e re publica censeret esse, in Africam traiceret.

[¶61] 38.1. When they had finished with the levy, the consuls waited a few days for the soldiers from the allies and the Latins to come in.

> Latin: 38.1. dilectu perfecto consules paucos morati dies dum ab sociis ac nomine Latino uenirent milites.

[¶62] 38.2. An oath was then administered to the soldiers by their tribunes — which was a thing that they had never done before.

> Latin: 38.2. tum, quod nunquam antea factum erat, iure iurando ab tribunis militum adacti milites;

[¶63] 38.3. For until that day there had only been the general oath to assemble at the bidding of the consuls and not depart without their orders; then, after assembling, they would exchange a voluntary pledge amongst themselves —the cavalrymen in their decuries and the infantry in their centuries —that they would not abandon their ranks for flight or fear, but only to take up or seek a weapon, either to smite an enemy or to save a fellow citizen.

> Latin: 38.3. nam ad eam diem nihil praeter sacramentum fuerat iussu consulum conuenturos neque iniussu abituros; et ubi ad decuriandum aut centuriandum conuenissent, sua uoluntate ipsi inter sese decuriati equites, centuriati pedites coniurabant sese fugae atque formidinis ergo non abituros neque ex ordine recessuros nisi teli sumendi aut petendi et aut hostis feriendi aut ciuis seruandi causa.

[¶64] 38.5. This voluntary agreement amongst the men themselves was replaced by an oath administered formally by the tribunes. Before the troops marched from the City, the consul Varro uttered many truculent harangues.

> Latin: 38.5. id ex uoluntario inter ipsos foedere ad tribunos ac legitimam iuris iurandi adactionem translatum.

[¶65] 38.6. He declared that the war had been brought into Italy by the nobles, and would not cease to prey upon the nation's vitals, if they had many generals like Fabius; but that he himself would put an end to it on the day when he came within sight of the enemy. His colleague Paulus spoke but once, on the day before he left the City.

> Latin: 38.6. contiones, priusquam ab urbe signa mouerentur, consulis Uarronis multae ac feroces fuere denuntiantis bellum arcessitum in Italiam ab nobilibus mansurumque in uisceribus rei publicae, si plures Fabios imperatores haberet, se quo die hostem uidisset perfecturum.

[¶66] 38.8. His words were more truthful than agreeable to the people; but he said nothing harsh against Varro, except this: that he marvelled —and indeed how should he not? —that a general, who before he knew either his own or the enemy's army or the lie of the land or the character of the country, was already certain, ere he had yet laid aside the dress of a civilian, what measures he must adopt when in the field —he

> Latin: 38.8. collegae eius Pauli una, pridie quam ex urbe proficisceretur, contio fuit, uerior quam gratior populo, qua nihil inclementer in Uarronem dictum nisi id modo mirari se quidni qui dux priusquam aut suum aut hostium exercitum locorum situm naturam regionis nosset, iam nunc togatus in urbe sciret quae sibi agenda armato forent,

[¶67] 38.10. marvelled that such a general should even be able to predict the very day on which he would be giving battle to the enemy!

> Latin: 38.10. [et] diem quoque praedicere posset qua cum hoste signis conlatis esset dimicaturus:

[¶68] 38.11. For himself, he would not anticipate, before they ripened, those plans with which circumstances provided men but which men could not well impose on circumstances.

> Latin: 38.11. se, quae consilia magis res dent hominibus quam homines rebus, ea ante tempus immatura non praecepturum; optare ut quae caute ac consulte gesta essent satis prospere euenirent;

[¶69] 38.12. He hoped that what was done with care and caution would turn out for the best: rashness was not only foolish but had hitherto been unfortunate as well It was quite apparently his own intention to choose a safe course rather than a hasty one; and, to confirm him in this resolution, Quintus Fabius Maximus is said to have addressed him, on his setting out, to this effect: — "If either, Lucius Aemilius, you had, as I should prefer, a colleague like yourself, or if you were like your colleague, my words would be superfluous.

> Latin: 38.12. temeritatem, praeterquam quod stulta sit, infelicem etiam ad id locorum fuisse. et sua sponte apparebat tuta celeribus consiliis praepositurum, et, quo id constantius perseueraret, Q. Fabius Maximus sic eum proficiscentem adlocutus fertur. 'si aut collegam, id quod mallem, tui similem, L. Aemili, haberes aut tu collegae tui esses similis, superuacanea esset oratio mea;

[¶70] 39.2. For, as two good consuls, even if I held my peace, you would act in all respects in accordance with the public interest and your own loyalty; and, as bad ones, you would neither take my words into your ears nor my advice into your hearts.

> Latin: 39.2. nam et duo boni consules, etiam me indicente, omnia e re publica fide uestra faceretis, et mali nec mea uerba auribus uestris nec consilia animis acciperetis.

[¶71] 39.3. As it is, when I see what your colleague is like and what you are like, it is to you alone that I must address myself: though I perceive that you will be a good man and good citizen to little purpose, if the state is lame on the other side and evil counsels enjoy the same rights and the same authority as good.

> Latin: 39.3. nunc et collegam tuum et te talem uirum intuenti mihi tecum omnis oratio est, quem uideo nequiquam et uirum bonum et ciuem fore, si altera parte claudente re publica malis consiliis idem ac bonis iuris et potestatis erit.

[¶72] 39.4. For you err, Lucius Paulus, if you suppose that your struggle will be less with Gaius Terentius than with Hannibal. I am not sure that you may not find the one more dangerous as an opponent than the other as an enemy, and that with your enemy you will have to contend only in battle; with your opponent, everywhere and at all times.

> Latin: 39.4. erras enim, L. Paule, si tibi minus certaminis cum C. Terentio quam cum Hannibale futurum censes; nescio an infestior hic aduersarius quam ille hostis maneat;

[¶73] 39.5. Against Hannibal and his legions you will have your cavalry and infantry to fight for you: when Varro takes the field, it will be to attack you with your own soldiers.

> Latin: 39.5. cum illo in acie tantum, cum hoc omnibus locis ac temporibus certaturus es; aduersus Hannibalem legionesque eius tuis equitibus ac peditibus pugnandum tibi est, Uarro dux tuis militibus te est oppugnaturus.

[¶74] 39.6. "For the very omen's sake, I would not have you remember Gaius Flaminius! Yet Flaminius only began to rave when he had been made consul and was in his province and had joined his army; whereas Varro was mad before he sought the consulship, as he was thereafter during his canvass, and is now as consul, before he has ever beheld his camp or the enemy.

> Latin: 39.6. ominis etiam tibi causa absit C. Flamini memoria. tamen ille consul demum et in prouincia et ad exercitum coepit furere: hic, priusquam peteret consulatum, deinde in petendo consulatu, nunc quoque consul, priusquam castra uideat aut hostem, insanit.

[¶75] 39.7. And if a man can rouse such gusts of passion even now, by bragging of battles and of stricken fields among civilians, what think you he will do when surrounded by armed youths, where words are translated instantly into deeds?

> Latin: 39.7. et qui tantas iam nunc procellas proelia atque acies iactando inter togatos ciet, quid inter armatam iuuentutem censes facturum et ubi extemplo res uerba sequitur?

[¶76] 39.8. And yet, if he fights at once, as he declares that he intends to do, either I know nothing of military science, of the nature of this war, and of our enemy, or another place will be more notorious than Trasumennus for our overthrow.

> Latin: 39.8. atqui si hic, quod facturum se denuntiat, extemplo pugnauerit, aut ego rem militarem, belli hoc genus, hostem hunc ignoro, aut nobilior alius Trasumenno locus nostris cladibus erit.

[¶77] 39.9. "It is no time to boast, when I am speaking to one man, and for my part I had rather go too far in despising than in seeking reputation; but the simple truth is that the only way of conducting a war with Hannibal is the way in which I have conducted it;

> Latin: 39.9. nec gloriandi tempus aduersus unum est, et ego contemnendo potius quam appetendo gloriam modum excesserim; sed ita res se habet: una ratio belli gerendi aduersus Hannibalem est qua ego gessi.

[¶78] 39.10. and not only the event —that schoolmaster of fools —teaches us this, but the same reasoning which held good then will hold unchanged, so long as circumstances remain the same.

> Latin: 39.10. nec euentus modo hoc docet—stultorum iste magister est—sed eadem ratio, quae fuit futuraque donec res eaedem manebunt, immutabilis est.

[¶79] 39.11. It is in Italy, our home-land, that we are fighting; everywhere about us are fellow citizens and friends;

> Latin: 39.11. in Italia bellum gerimus, in sede ac solo nostro; omnia circa plena ciuium ac sociorum sunt;

[¶80] 39.12. they are helping us with arms, men, horses, and supplies, and will continue helping us —such proof of loyalty have they already given us in our adversity; each day that passes makes us better, wiser, more steadfast men.

> Latin: 39.12. armis, uiris, equis, commeatibus iuuant iuuabuntque,—id iam fidei documentum in aduersis rebus nostris dederunt; meliores, prudentiores, constantiores nos tempus diesque facit.

[¶81] 39.13. Hannibal, on the contrary, is in an alien and hostile country, where all his surroundings are inimical and threatening, far from home and native city; for him there is no peace, on either land or sea; no cities receive him, no walls protect him; nowhere does he see aught that he can call his own; he subsists on the plunder of each day; he has barely a third of that army which he led across the Ebro;

> Latin: 39.13. Hannibal contra in aliena, in hostili est terra inter omnia inimica infestaque, procul ab domo, ab patria; neque illi terra neque mari est pax; nullae eum urbes accipiunt, nulla moenia; nihil usquam sui uidet, in diem rapto uiuit; partem uix tertiam exercitus eius habet quem Hiberum amnem traiecit;

[¶82] 39.14. more have perished by starvation than by the sword, and the few that are left have no longer any food.

> Latin: 39.14. plures fame quam ferro absumpti; nec his paucis iam uictus suppeditat.

[¶83] 39.15. Can you doubt then that if we sit still we must gain the victory over one who is growing weaker every day and is destitute of provisions, of replacements, and of money?

> Latin: 39.15. dubitas ergo quin sedendo superaturi simus eum qui senescat in dies, non commeatus, non supplementum, non pecuniam habeat?

[¶84] 39.16. How long, before Gereonium, a pitiful fort in Apulia, as if it had been the walls of Carthage, has he —but of myself I will not boast, even to you.

> Latin: 39.16. quamdiu pro Gereoni, castelli Apuliae inopis, tamquam pro Carthaginis moenibus sedet?

[¶85] 39.17. See how the consuls of last year, Servilius and Atilius, made a mock of him! “This is the only way of safety, Lucius Paulus, and your fellow citizens will do more than your enemies to make it hard and dangerous for you.”

> Latin: 39.17. ne aduersus te quidem de me gloriabor: Seruilius atque Atilius, proximi consules, uide quemadmodum eum ludificati sint. haec una salutis est uia, L. Paule, quam difficilem infestamque ciues tibi magis quam hostes facient.

[¶86] 39.18. “For your own soldiers will desire the same thing as the soldiers of the enemy; Varro, the Roman consul, will long for the same thing as Hannibal, the Phoenician commander-in-chief. Single-handed you will have to thwart two generals. But thwart them you will, if you stand out with sufficient firmness against rumours and men's idle talk, if neither the foolish applause bestowed upon your colleague nor your own unmerited disgrace shall move you.”

> Latin: 39.18. idem enim tui quod hostium milites uolent; idem Uarro consul Romanus quod Hannibal Poenus imperator cupiet. duobus ducibus unus resistas oportet. resistes autem, aduersus famam rumoresque hominum si satis firmus steteris, si te neque collegae uana gloria neque tua falsa infamia mouerit.

[¶87] 39.19. “Truth, they say, is all too frequently eclipsed but never extinguished. He who scorns false glory shall possess the true.”

> Latin: 39.19. ueritatem laborare nimis saepe aiunt, exstingui nunquam. gloriam qui spreuerit, ueram habebit.

[¶88] 39.20. “Let them call you timid, instead of cautious; slow, instead of circumspect; unwarlike, instead of experienced soldier. I had rather a wise enemy should fear you than foolish fellow citizens should praise you. He who dares all things will earn Hannibal's contempt; he who does nothing rashly will inspire him with fear.”

> Latin: 39.20. sine timidum pro cauto, tardum pro considerato, imbellem pro perito belli uocent. malo te sapiens hostis metuat quam stulti ciues laudent. omnia audentem contemnet Hannibal, nihil temere agentem metuet.

[¶89] 39.21. “Yet I do not urge that you do nothing, but that reason and not fortune should be your guide. Be master always of yourself and all that is yours; be armed and watchful; be not wanting when opportunity presents itself to you, neither present an opportunity to your enemy.”

> Latin: 39.21. nec ego ut nihil agatur <hortor> sed ut agentem te ratio ducat, non fortuna; tuae potestatis semper tu tuaque omnia sint; armatus intentusque sis; neque occasioni tuae desis neque suam occasionem hosti des.

[¶90] 39.22. “All things will be clear and definite to one who does not hurry. Haste is improvident and blind.”

> Latin: 39.22. omnia non properanti clara certaque erunt; festinatio improuida est et caeca.'

[¶91] 40.1. In reply to this the consul spoke in no very cheerful strain, admitting rather that what Fabius said was true than that it was easy of accomplishment.

> Latin: 40.1. aduersus ea consulis oratio haud sane laeta fuit, magis fatentis ea quae diceret uera quam facilia factu esse;

[¶92] 40.2. The dictator had found his master of the horse intolerable: what power or influence then would a consul have over a turbulent and headstrong colleague?

> Latin: 40.2. dictatori magistrum equitum intolerabilem fuisse; quid consuli aduersus collegam seditiosum ac temerarium uirium atque auctoritatis fore?

[¶93] 40.3. In his former consulship he had escaped badly burnt from the flames of popular resentment; he hoped that everything would turn out for the best; but if any misfortune should befall, he would sooner expose his life to the swords of the enemy than to the suffrages of his angry fellow citizens.

> Latin: 40.3. se populare incendium priore consulatu semustum effugisse; optare ut omnia prospere euenirent; sed si quid aduersi caderet, hostium se telis potius quam suffragiis iratorum ciuium caput obiecturum. ab hoc sermone profectum Paulum tradunt prosequentibus primoribus patrum:

[¶94] 40.4. Immediately after this conference they say that Paulus set out, escorted by the foremost senators: the plebeian consul was escorted by his own friends, the plebeians —in point of numbers the more imposing throng, though it contained no persons of distinction. When they got to the camp, the new forces were united with the old and the camp was divided into two, with the new and smaller one nearer Hannibal, while the greater part of the army and all the choicest troops were in the old one.

> Latin: 40.4. plebeium consulem sua plebes prosecuta, turba conspectior cum dignitates deessent. ut in castra uenerunt, permixto nouo exercitu ac uetere, castris bifariam factis, ut noua minora essent propius Hannibalem, in ueteribus maior pars et omne robur uirium esset, consulum anni prioris M.

[¶95] 40.6. Of the consuls of the year before, Marcus Atilius pleaded the excuse of age and was sent back to Rome; Geminus Servilius was put in command of the smaller camp, having under him a Roman legion and two thousand infantry and cavalry of the allies.

> Latin: 40.6. Atilium, aetatem excusantem, Romam miserunt, Geminum Seruilium in minoribus castris legioni Romanae et socium peditum equitumque duobus milibus praeficiunt.

[¶96] 40.7. Hannibal, though lie perceived that the forces of his enemies were augmented by a half, was nevertheless greatly rejoiced at the coming of the consuls.

> Latin: 40.7. Hannibal quamquam parte dimidia auctas hostium copias cernebat, tamen aduentu consulum mire gaudere.

[¶97] 40.8. For not only were the spoils exhausted on which his men had subsisted from day to day, but there was not even any district left for them to spoil; for when it appeared that the farms were no longer safe, the corn had everywhere been carried into the walled towns, and in consequence there was barely grain enough left —as was afterwards discovered —to last ten days, and the Spaniards, for want of food, had made ready to desert, if the Romans had only waited till the time was ripe.

> Latin: 40.8. non solum enim nihil ex raptis in diem commeatibus superabat sed ne unde raperet quidem quicquam reliqui erat, omni undique frumento, postquam ager parum tutus erat, in urbes munitas conuecto, ut uix decem dierum, quod compertum postea est, frumentum superesset Hispanorumque ob inopiam transitio parata fuerit, si maturitas temporum exspectata foret.

[¶98] 41.1. But even Fortune furnished material to the recklessness and over-hasty temper of the consul. The repulse of a foraging party had led to a general mellay, which came about from the soldiers rushing forward to attack the enemy, rather than from any plan or orders on the part of the generals; and in this the Phoenicians by no means held their own.

> Latin: 41.1. ceterum temeritati consulis ac praepropero ingenio materiam etiam fortuna dedit, quod in prohibendis praedatoribus tumultuario proelio ac procursu magis militum quam ex praeparato aut iussu imperatorum orto haudquaquam par Poenis dimicatio fuit.

[¶99] 41.2. About seventeen hundred of them were slain and not more than a hundred of Romans and allies. But the consul Paulus, who was in command that day —for they commanded on alternate days —was fearful of an ambuscade and checked the victors in their headlong pursuit, despite the angry remonstrances of Varro, who cried out that they had let the enemy slip through their hands and that they might have brought the war to a conclusion if they had not relaxed their efforts.

> Latin: 41.2. ad mille et septingenti caesi, non plus centum Romanorum sociorumque occisis. ceterum uictoribus effuse sequentibus metu insidiarum obstitit Paulus consul, cuius eo die—nam alternis imperitabant—imperium erat, Uarrone indignante ac uociferante emissum hostem e manibus debellarique ni cessatum foret potuisse.

[¶100] 41.4. Hannibal was not greatly disconcerted by this reverse; indeed he rejoiced that the hook should have been baited, as it were, for the rashness of the more impetuous consul, and especially for that of the new soldiers.

> Latin: 41.4. Hannibal id damnum haud aegerrime pati; quin potius credere uelut inescatam temeritatem ferocioris consulis ac nouorum maxime militum esse.

[¶101] 41.5. All the circumstances of his enemies were as familiar to him as his own: that their generals were unlike each other and were at loggerheads, and that nearly two-thirds of their army consisted of recruits.

> Latin: 41.5. et omnia ei hostium haud secus quam sua nota erant: dissimiles discordesque imperitare, duas prope partes tironum militum in exercitu esse.

[¶102] 41.6. Believing, therefore, that place and time were favourable for a ruse, he left his camp full of every sort of public and of private riches, and putting himself at the head of his troops, who carried nothing but their weapons, marched over the nearest ridge, drew up the infantry in ambush on the left, and the cavalry on the right, and made the baggage-train pass through the valley between, intending to fall upon

> Latin: 41.6. itaque locum et tempus insidiis aptum se habere ratus, nocte proxima nihil praeter arma ferente secum milite castra plena omnis fortunae publicae priuataeque relinquit, transque proximos montes laeua pedites instructos condit, dextra equites, impedimenta per conuallem mediam traducit,

[¶103] 41.8. the enemy whilst they were preoccupied and encumbered with the pillage of the camp, which would seem to them to have been deserted by its owners.

> Latin: 41.8. ut diripiendis uelut desertis fuga dominorum castris occupatum impeditumque hostem opprimeret.

[¶104] 41.9. He left a large number of fires burning, as though he had sought by means of this illusory appearance of an encampment to hold the consuls to their positions —as he had cheated Fabius the year before —till he could gain as long a start as possible in his retreat.

> Latin: 41.9. crebri relicti in castris ignes, ut fides fieret dum ipse longius spatium fuga praeciperet falsa imagine castrorum, sicut Fabium priore anno frustratus esset, tenere in locis consules uoluisse.

[¶105] 42.1. When day came, first the fact that the outposts had been withdrawn, and afterwards —as they came nearer —the unwonted silence filled the Romans with amazement.

> Latin: 42.1. ubi inluxit, subductae primo stationes, deinde propius adeuntibus insolitum silentium admirationem fecit.

## 10. Book XXII · chapters 42–54

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/10/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/10/#p-N

[¶0] 42.2. Then, as it became quite evident that there was no one in the camp, there was a rush of men to the headquarters of the consuls, announcing that the enemy had retreated in such trepidation as to quit the camp without striking their tents, and had even left a great number of fires burning to conceal their flight.

> Latin: 42.2. tum satis comperta solitudine in castris concursus fit ad praetoria consulum nuntiantium fugam hostium adeo trepidam ut tabernaculis stantibus castra reliquerint, quoque fuga obscurior esset, crebros etiam relictos ignes.

[¶1] 42.3. Next they began to clamour for the order to advance and to pursue the enemy and plunder the camp without delay, and one of the consuls behaved like a member of the mob of soldiers.

> Latin: 42.3. clamor inde ortus ut signa proferri iuberent ducerentque ad persequendos hostes ac protinus castra diripienda et consul alter uelut unus turbae militaris erat:

[¶2] 42.4. Paulus kept insisting on the need for watchfulness and circumspection, and finally, when there was no other way in which he could withstand the mutiny and the leader of the mutiny, he sent the praefect Marius Statilius with a troop of Lucanian horse to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 42.4. Paulus etiam atque etiam dicere prouidendum praecauendumque esse; postremo, cum aliter neque seditionem neque ducem seditionis sustinere posset, Marium Statilium praefectum cum turma Lucana exploratum mittit.

[¶3] 42.5. Riding up to the gates, Statilius commanded the others to wait outside the trenches, and himself with two horsemen entered the camp. After making a thorough and careful examination he reported that there was undoubtedly some treachery afoot.

> Latin: 42.5. qui ubi adequitauit portis, subsistere extra munimenta ceteris iussis ipse cum duobus equitibus uallum intrauit speculatusque omnia cum cura renuntiat insidias profecto esse:

[¶4] 42.6. The fires, he said, had been left on the side of the camp that faced the Romans; the tents were open and all kinds of valuables were left exposed to view; here and there he had seen silver carelessly flung down in the lanes, as if to tempt a pillager.

> Latin: 42.6. ignes in parte castrorum quae uergat in hostem relictos; tabernacula aperta et omnia cara in promptu relicta; argentum quibusdam locis temere per uias uel<ut> obiectum ad praedam uidisse.

[¶5] 42.7. The report, which had been made with the purpose of checking the soldiers' greed, only inflamed it, and they began to shout that if the signal were not given, they would go without any leaders. But there was no lack of a leader; for Varro at once gave the command to start.

> Latin: 42.7. quae ad deterrendos a cupiditate animos nuntiata erant, ea accenderunt, et clamore orto a militibus, ni signum detur, sine ducibus ituros, haudquaquam dux defuit; nam extemplo Uarro signum dedit proficiscendi.

[¶6] 42.8. Paulus himself wished to delay; and when the sacred fowls had refused their sanction, he gave orders to notify his colleague, who was just setting forth with the standards from the gate.

> Latin: 42.8. Paulus, cum ei sua sponte cunctanti pulli quoque auspicio non addixissent, nuntiari iam efferenti porta signa collegae iussit.

[¶7] 42.9. Varro was greatly vexed at this, but the recent disaster of Flaminius and the memorable defeat at sea of the consul Claudius, in the first Punic War made him fearful of offending the heavenly powers.

> Latin: 42.9. quod quamquam Uarro aegre est passus, Flamini tamen recens casus Claudique consulis primo Punico bello memorata naualis clades religionem animo incussit.

[¶8] 42.10. On that day, it might almost be said, the very gods put off, but did not prevent, the calamity that impended over the Romans: for it chanced that when the consul ordered the standards back into the camp and the soldiers were refusing to obey him, two slaves appeared on the scene, one belonging to a Formian, the other to a Sidicinian knight. They had been captured by the Numidians, along with other foragers, in the consulship of Servilius and Atilius, and on that day had escaped back to their masters.

> Latin: 42.10. di prope ipsi eo die magis distulere quam prohibuere imminentem pestem Romanis; nam forte ita euenit ut, cum referri signa in castra iubenti consuli milites non parerent, serui duo Formiani unus, alter Sidicini equitis, qui Seruilio atque Atilio consulibus inter pabulatores excepti a Numidis fuerant, profugerent eo die ad dominos;

[¶9] 42.11. Being conducted to the consuls, they stated that Hannibal's entire army was lying in ambush just over the nearest hills.

> Latin: 42.11. deductique ad consules nuntiant omnem exercitum Hannibalis trans proximos montes sedere in insidiis.

[¶10] 42.12. Their opportune arrival restored the authority of the consuls, when one of them, by running after popularity, and by unprincipled indulgence, had impaired their prestige —beginning with his own —amongst the soldiers.

> Latin: 42.12. horum opportunus aduentus consules imperii potentes fecit, cum ambitio alterius suam primum apud eos praua indulgentia maiestatem soluisset.

[¶11] 43.1. Hannibal, perceiving that the Romans, although they had acted ill-advisedly, had not proceeded to the extremity of rashness, returned to the camp, his stratagem having been detected and rendered idle.

> Latin: 43.1. Hannibal postquam motos magis inconsulte Romanos quam ad ultimum temere euectos uidit, nequiquam detecta fraude in castra rediit.

[¶12] 43.2. There, however, the scarcity of corn forbade his remaining many days, and new plans were daily forming, not only amongst the soldiers, the mingled offscourings of every race on earth, but even in the mind of the general himself.

> Latin: 43.2. ibi plures dies propter inopiam frumenti manere nequit, nouaque consilia in dies non apud milites solum mixtos ex conluuione omnium gentium sed etiam apud ducem ipsum oriebantur.

[¶13] 43.3. For when the men, with murmurs at first and afterwards with loud clamours, demanded their arrears of pay, and complained at first of the scarcity of corn, and finally of being starved; and when the report went round that the mercenaries —particularly those of Spanish blood —had resolved on going over to the enemy; they say that even Hannibal himself had thoughts of abandoning all his infantry and saving himself and his cavalry by escaping into Gaul.

> Latin: 43.3. nam cum initio fremitus, deinde aperta uociferatio fuisset exposcentium stipendium debitum querentiumque annonam primo, postremo famem, et mercennarios milites, maxime Hispani generis, de transitione cepisse consilium fama esset, ipse etiam interdum Hannibal de fuga in Galliam dicitur agitasse ita ut relicto peditatu omni cum equitibus se proriperet.

[¶14] 43.5. Such being the projects that were entertained in camp and such the temper of his soldiers, he decided to move from his present quarters to Apulia, where the climate was warmer and in consequence of this the harvest earlier; at the same time it would be the more difficult, the greater their distance from the enemy, for those of his followers who were fickle to desert.

> Latin: 43.5. cum haec consilia atque hic habitus animorum esset in castris, mouere inde statuit in calidiora atque eo maturiora messibus Apuliae loca, simul ut, quo longius ab hoste recessisset, eo transfugia impeditiora leuibus ingeniis essent.

[¶15] 43.6. He set out in the night, after making up some fires, as before, and leaving a few tents standing where they would be seen, so that the Romans might be withheld from following him through fear of an ambush, as before. But when the same Lucanian, Statilius, had made a thorough reconnaissance beyond the camp and on the other side of the mountains, and had reported seeing the enemy on the march a long way off, then the question of pursuing him began to be debated. The consuls were each of the same mind as they had always been; but Varro had the support of almost everybody, Paulus of none except Servilius, the consul of the year before.

> Latin: 43.6. profectus est nocte ignibus similiter factis tabernaculisque paucis in speciem relictis, ut insidiarum par priori metus contineret Romanos. sed per eundem Lucanum Statilium omnibus ultra castra transque montes exploratis, cum relatum esset uisum procul hostium agmen, tum de insequendo eo consilia agitari coepta.

[¶16] 43.8. The will of the majority prevailed, and they set forward, under the urge of destiny, to make Cannae famous for the calamity which there befell the Romans. This was the village near which Hannibal had pitched his camp, with his back to the Volturnus, a wind that brings clouds of dust over the drought-parched plains.

> Latin: 43.8. cum utriusque consulis eadem quae ante semper fuisset sententia, ceterum Uarroni fere omnes, Paulo nemo praeter Seruilium, prioris anni consulem, adsentiretur, <ex> maioris partis sententia ad nobilitandas clade Romana Cannas urgente fato profecti sunt.

[¶17] 43.10. Such a disposition was very convenient for the camp itself and bound to be particularly salutary when the troops formed up for battle, facing in the opposite direction, with the wind blowing only on their backs, and ready to fight with enemies half-blinded by the dust driven into their faces.

> Latin: 43.10. prope eum uicum Hannibal castra posuerat auersa a Uolturno uento, qui campis torridis siccitate nubes pulueris uehit. id cum ipsis castris percommodum fuit, tum salutare praecipue futurum erat cum aciem dirigerent, ipsi auersi terga tantum adflante uento in occaecatum puluere offuso hostem pugnaturi.

[¶18] 44.1. The consuls, after making a sufficient reconnaissance of the roads, followed the Phoenicians until they came to Cannae, where, having the enemy in view, they divided their forces, as they had done before, and fortified two camps, at about the same distance from one another as at Gereonium.

> Latin: 44.1. consules satis exploratis itineribus sequentes Poenum, ut uentum ad Cannas est et in conspectu Poenum habebant, bina castra communiunt, eodem ferme interuallo quo ad Gereonium sicut ante copiis diuisis.

[¶19] 44.2. The river Aufidus, flowing past both their camps, was readily accessible to water-carriers at such spots as were convenient for each, though not without fighting;

> Latin: 44.2. Aufidus amnis, utrisque castris adfluens, aditum aquatoribus ex sua cuiusque opportunitate haud sine certamine dabat;

[¶20] 44.3. it was, however, from the smaller camp, which was situated across the Aufidus, that the Romans could fetch water more freely, since the enemy had no troops posted on the further bank.

> Latin: 44.3. ex minoribus tamen castris, quae posita trans Aufidum erant, liberius aquabantur Romani, quia ripa ulterior nullum habebat hostium praesidium.

[¶21] 44.4. Hannibal had conceived a hope that the consuls would give him an opportunity of fighting in a place that was formed by nature for a cavalry action, in which arm he was invincible. He therefore drew out his men in battle array and ordered the Numidians to make a sally and provoke the enemy.

> Latin: 44.4. Hannibal spem nanctus locis natis ad equestrem pugnam, qua parte uirium inuictus erat, facturos copiam pugnandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessitque Numidarum procursatione hostes.

[¶22] 44.5. This caused the camp of the Romans to be once more the scene of strife amongst the soldiers and dissension between the consuls. Paulus cast in Varro's teeth the recklessness of Sempronius and Flaminius;

> Latin: 44.5. inde rursus sollicitari seditione militari ac discordia consulum Romana castra, cum Paulus Sempronique et Flamini temeritatem Uarroni Uarro speciosum timidis ac segnibus ducibus exemplum Fabium obiceret testareturque deos hominesque hic nullam penes se culpam esse, quod Hannibal iam uel<ut> usu cepisset Italiam;

[¶23] 44.6. Varro retorted that Fabius was a specious example for timid and slothful generals, and called on gods and men to witness that it was through no fault of his that Hannibal had by now acquired as it were a prescriptive right to Italy, for he was kept in fetters by his colleague, and the soldiers, enraged as they were and eager to fight, were deprived of swords and arms. Paulus rejoined that if anything untoward should befall the legions, recklessly abandoned to an ill-advised and rash engagement, he would himself be guiltless of all blame, but would share in all the consequences; let Varro, he said, see to it, that where tongues were bold and ready, hands —when it came to fighting —were no less so.

> Latin: 44.6. se constrictum a collega teneri; ferrum atque arma iratis et pugnare cupientibus adimi militibus; ille, si quid proiectis ac proditis ad inconsultam atque improuidam pugnam legionibus accideret, se omnis culpae exsortem, omnis euentus participem fore diceret; uideret ut quibus lingua prompta ac temeraria, aeque in pugna uigerent manus.

[¶24] 45.1. While they wasted time, rather quarrelling than consulting, Hannibal withdrew the rest of his troops, whom he had kept in line till far on in the day, into his camp, and sent the Numidians across the river to attack the men from the smaller Roman camp who were fetching water.

> Latin: 45.1. dum altercationibus magis quam consiliis tempus teritur, Hannibal ex acie, quam ad multum diei tenuerat instructam, cum in castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad inuadendos ex minoribus castris Romanorum aquatores trans flumen mittit.

[¶25] 45.3. They had hardly come out upon the other bank when their shouts and tumult sent that unorganized rabble flying, and they rode on till they came to the party that was stationed in front of the rampart, and almost to the very gates.

> Latin: 45.3. quam inconditam turbam cum uixdum in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fugassent, in stationem quoque pro uallo locatam atque ipsas prope portas euecti sunt.

[¶26] 45.4. So wholly outrageous, however, did it seem that by now even a Roman camp should be terrorized by irregular auxiliaries, that only one thing kept the Romans from crossing the river forthwith and giving battle —the fact that Paulus happened then to be in command.

> Latin: 45.4. id uero indignum uisum ab tumultuario auxilio iam etiam castra Romana terreri, ut ea modo una causa ne extemplo transirent flumen dirigerentque aciem tenuerit Romanos quod summa imperii eo die penes Paulum fuerit.

[¶27] 45.5. The next morning, therefore, Varro, whom the lot had made commander for that day, hung out the signal, without saying a word of the matter to his colleague, and, making his troops fall in, led them over the river. Paulus followed him, for he could more easily disapprove the plan than deprive it of his help.

> Latin: 45.5. itaque postero die Uarro, cui sors eius diei imperii erat, nihil consulto collega signum proposuit instructasque copias flumen traduxit, sequente Paulo quia magis non probare quam non adiuuare consilium poterat.

[¶28] 45.6. Once across, they joined to their own the forces which they had kept in the smaller camp, and marshalled their battle-line as follows: on the right wing —the one nearer the river —they placed the Roman cavalry, and next them the Roman foot;

> Latin: 45.6. transgressi flumen eas quoque quas in castris minoribus habuerant copias suis adiungunt atque ita instructa acie in dextro cornu—id erat flumini propius—Romanos equites locant, deinde pedites:

[¶29] 45.7. the left wing had on the outside the cavalry of the allies; and nearer the centre, in contact with the Roman legions, the infantry of the allies. The slingers and other light-armed auxiliaries were formed up in front.

> Latin: 45.7. laeuum cornu extremi equites sociorum, intra pedites, ad medium iuncti legionibus Romanis, tenuerunt: iaculatores ex ceteris leuium armorum auxiliis prima acies facta.

[¶30] 45.8. The consuls had charge of the wings, Terentius of the left, Aemilius of the right; and Geminus Servilius was entrusted with the centre.

> Latin: 45.8. consules cornua tenuerunt, Terentius laeuum, Aemilius dextrum: Gemino Seruilio media pugna tuenda data.

[¶31] 46.1. Hannibal crossed the river at break of day, after sending ahead of him the Baliares and the other light-armed troops, and posted each corps in line of battle, in the order in which he had brought it over. The Gallic and Spanish horse were next the river, on the left wing, facing the Roman cavalry;

> Latin: 46.1. Hannibal luce prima Baliaribus leuique alia armatura praemissa transgressus flumen, ut quosque traduxerat, ita in acie locabat, Gallos Hispanosque equites prope ripam laeuo in cornu aduersus Romanum equitatum;

[¶32] 46.3. the right wing was assigned to the Numidian horse; the centre was composed of infantry, so arranged as to have the Africans at both ends, and between them Gauls and Spaniards.

> Latin: 46.3. dextrum cornu Numidis equitibus datum media acie peditibus firmata ita ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent, interponerentur his medii Galli atque Hispani.

[¶33] 46.4. The Africans might have passed for an array of Romans, equipped as they were with arms captured partly at the Trebia but mostly at Lake Trasumennus.

> Latin: 46.4. Afros Romanam [magna ex parte] crederes aciem; ita armati erant armis et ad Trebiam ceterum magna ex parte ad Trasumennum captis.

[¶34] 46.5. The Gauls and the Spaniards had shields of almost the same shape; their swords were different in use and in appearance, those of the Gauls being very long and pointless, whilst the Spaniards, who attacked as a rule more by thrusting than by striking, had pointed ones that were short and handy. These tribes were more terrifying to look on than the others, because of the size of their bodies and the display they made of them.

> Latin: 46.5. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem formae fere erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis praelongi ac sine mucronibus, Hispano, punctim magis quam caesim adsueto petere hostem, breuitate habiles et cum mucronibus. ante alios habitus gentium harum cum magnitudine corporum, tum specie terribilis erat:

[¶35] 46.6. The Gauls were naked from the navel up; the Spaniards had formed up wearing crimson-bordered linen tunics that shone with a dazzling whiteness. The total number of the infantry who then took their place in line was forty thousand, of the cavalry ten thousand.

> Latin: 46.6. Galli super umbilicum erant nudi: Hispani linteis praetextis purpura tunicis, candore miro fulgentibus, constiterant. numerus omnium peditum qui tum stetere in acie milium fuit quadraginta, decem equitum.

[¶36] 46.7. The generals commanding on the wings were Hasdrubal on the left, Maharbal on the right; Hannibal himself, with his brother Mago, had the centre.

> Latin: 46.7. duces cornibus praeerant sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Maharbal; mediam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratre Magone tenuit.

[¶37] 46.8. The sun —whether they had so placed themselves on purpose or stood as they did by accident —was, very conveniently for both sides, on their flanks, the Romans looking south, the Phoenicians north.

> Latin: 46.8. sol seu de industria ita locatis seu quod forte ita stetere peropportune utrique parti obliquus erat Romanis in meridiem, Poenis in septentrionem uersis;

[¶38] 46.9. A wind —which those who live in those parts call Volturnus —beginning to blow against the Romans carried clouds of dust right into their faces and prevented them from seeing anything.

> Latin: 46.9. uentus—Uolturnum regionis incolae uocant—aduersus Romanis coortus multo puluere in ipsa ora uoluendo prospectum ademit.

[¶39] 47.1. With a shout the auxiliaries rushed forward and the battle began between the light-armed troops. Then the Gallic and Spanish horse which formed the left wing engaged with the Roman right in a combat very unlike a cavalry action.

> Latin: 47.1. clamore sublato procursum ab auxiliis et pugna leuibus primum armis commissa; deinde equitum Gallorum Hispanorumque laeuum cornu cum dextro Romano concurrit, minime equestris more pugnae;

[¶40] 47.2. For they had to charge front to front, there being no room to move out round the flank, for the river shut them in on one side and the ranks of infantry on the other.

> Latin: 47.2. frontibus enim aduersis concurrendum erat, quia nullo circa ad euagandum relicto spatio hinc amnis, hinc peditum acies claudebant.

[¶41] 47.3. Both parties pushed straight ahead, and as the horses came to a standstill, packed together in the throng, the riders began to grapple with their enemies and drag them from their seats. They were fighting on foot now, for the most part; but sharp though the struggle was, it was soon over, and the defeated Roman cavalry turned and fled.

> Latin: 47.3. in derectum utrimque nitentes, stantibus ac confertis postremo turba equis uir uirum amplexus detrahebat equo. pedestre magna iam ex parte certamen factum erat; acrius tamen quam diutius pugnatum est pulsique Romani equites terga uertunt.

[¶42] 47.4. Towards the end of the cavalry engagement the infantry got into action. At first they were evenly matched in strength and courage, as long as the Gauls and Spaniards maintained their ranks;

> Latin: 47.4. sub equestris finem certaminis coorta est peditum pugna, primo et uiribus et animis par dum constabant ordines Gallis Hispanisque;

[¶43] 47.5. but at last the Romans, by prolonged and frequent efforts, pushing forward with an even front and a dense line, drove in the wedge-like formation which projected from the enemy's line, for it was too thin to be strong;

> Latin: 47.5. tandem Romani, diu ac saepe conisi, aequa fronte acieque densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem eoque parum ualidum, a cetera prominentem acie.

[¶44] 47.6. and then, as the Gauls and Spaniards gave way and fell back in confusion, pressed forward and without once stopping forced their way through the crowd of fleeing, panic-stricken foes, till they reached first the centre and ultimately —for they met with no resistance —the African supports.

> Latin: 47.6. impulsis deinde ac trepide referentibus pedem institere ac tenore uno per praeceps pauore fugientium agmen in mediam primum aciem inlati, postremo nullo resistente ad subsidia Afrorum peruenerunt, qui utrimque reductis alis constiterant †media, qua Galli Hispanique steterant, aliquantum prominente acie†.

[¶45] 47.7. These had been used to form the two wings, which had been drawn back, while the centre, where the Gauls and Spaniards had been stationed, projected somewhat. When this wedge was first driven back so far as to straighten the front, and then, continuing to yield, even left a hollow in the centre, the Africans had already begun a flanking movement on either side, and as the Romans rushed incautiously in between, they enveloped them, and presently, extending their wings, crescent-wise, even closed in on their rear.

> Latin: 47.7. qui cuneus ut pulsus aequauit frontem primum, dein cedendo etiam [in] sinum in medio dedit, Afri circa iam cornua fecerant inruentibusque incaute in medium Romanis circumdedere alas;

[¶46] 47.8. From this moment the Romans, who had gained one battle to no purpose, gave over the pursuit and slaughter of the Gauls and Spaniards and began a new fight with the Africans. In this they were at a twofold disadvantage: they were shut in, while their enemies ranged on every side of them; they were tired, and faced troops that were fresh and strong.

> Latin: 47.8. mox cornua extendendo clausere et ab tergo hostes. hinc Romani, defuncti nequiquam [de] proelio uno, omissis Gallis Hispanisque, quorum terga ceciderant, [et] aduersus Afros integram pugnam ineunt, non tantum [in] eo iniquam quod inclusi aduersus circumfusos sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac uegetis pugnabant.

[¶47] 48.1. By this time the Roman left, where the cavalry of the allies had taken position facing the Numidians, was also engaged, though the fighting was at first but sluggish. It began with a Punic ruse.

> Latin: 48.1. iam et sinistro cornu Romanis, ubi sociorum equites aduersus Numidas steterant, consertum proelium erat, segne primo et a Punica coeptum fraude.

[¶48] 48.2. About five hundred Numidians, who, in addition to their customary arms and missiles, carried swords concealed under their corslets, pretended to desert. Riding over from their own side, with their bucklers at their backs, they suddenly dismounted and threw down bucklers and javelins at the feet of their enemies. Being received into the midst of their ranks they were conducted to the rear and ordered to fall in behind.

> Latin: 48.2. quingenti ferme Numidae, praeter solita arma telaque gladios occultos sub loricis habentes, specie transfugarum cum ab suis parmas post terga habentes adequitassent, repente ex equis desiliunt parmisque et iaculis ante pedes hostium proiectis in mediam aciem accepti ductique ad ultimos considere ab tergo iubentur. ac dum proelium ab omni parte conseritur, quieti manserunt;

[¶49] 48.4. And while the battle was getting under way at every point, they kept quite still; but no sooner were the minds and eyes of all absorbed in the struggle, than they snatched up the shields which lay strewn about everywhere amongst the heaps of slain, and assailing the Romans from behind and striking at their backs and hamstrings, effected a great slaughter and a terror and confusion that were even greater.

> Latin: 48.4. postquam omnium animos oculosque occupauerat certamen, tum arreptis scutis, quae passim inter aceruos caesorum corporum strata erant, auersam adoriuntur Romanam aciem, tergaque ferientes ac poplites caedentes stragem ingentem ac maiorem aliquanto pauorem ac tumultum fecerunt.

[¶50] 48.5. And now in one place there was a panic rout and in another an obstinate though hopeless struggle, when Hasdrubal, who commanded in that part of the field, withdrew the Numidians from the centre —since they fought but half-heartedly against men who met them face to face —and dispatching them in pursuit of the scattered fugitives, sent in the Spanish and Gallic cavalry to help the Africans, who were now almost exhausted, though more with slaying than with fighting.

> Latin: 48.5. cum alibi terror ac fuga, alibi pertinax in mala iam spe proelium esset, †Hasdrubal† qui ea parte praeerat, subductos ex media acie Numidas, quia segnis eorum cum aduersis pugna erat, ad persequendos passim fugientes mittit, Hispanos et Gallos pedites Afris prope iam fessis caede magis quam pugna adiungit.

[¶51] 49.1. In the other part of the field Paulus, although he had received a severe wound from a sling at the very outset of the battle, nevertheless repeatedly opposed himself to Hannibal, with his men in close formation, and at several points restored the

> Latin: 49.1. parte altera pugnae Paulus, quamquam primo statim proelio funda grauiter ictus fuerat, tamen et occurrit saepe cum confertis Hannibali et aliquot locis proelium restituit,

[¶52] 49.3. fight. He was guarded by Roman cavalry, who finally let their horses go, as the consul was growing too weak even to control his horse. At this Hannibal, being told by someone that the consul had ordered his troopers to dismount, is said to have exclaimed: “How much better if he had handed them over to me in ” “fetters!”

> Latin: 49.3. protegentibus eum equitibus Romanis, omissis postremo equis, quia consulem et ad regendum equum uires deficiebant. tum denuntianti cuidam iussisse consulem ad pedes descendere equites dixisse Hannibalem ferunt: 'quam mallem, uinctos mihi traderet.'

[¶53] 49.4. The dismounted horsemen fought as men no longer doubting that the enemy must be victorious. They were beaten, but chose rather to die where they stood than to run away; and the victors, angry that their victory was thus delayed, cut them down, when they could not rout them. But they routed them at last, when only a few were left, exhausted with fighting and with wounds.

> Latin: 49.4. equitum pedestre proelium, quale iam haud dubia hostium uictoria, fuit, cum uicti mori in uestigio mallent quam fugere, uictores morantibus uictoriam irati trucidarent quos pellere non poterant. pepulerunt tamen iam paucos superantes et labore ac uolneribus fessos. inde dissipati omnes sunt, equosque ad fugam qui poterant repetebant.

[¶54] 49.6. The survivors were now all dispersed, and those who could attempted to regain their horses and escape.

> Latin: 49.6. Cn. Lentulus tribunus militum cum praeteruehens equo sedentem in saxo cruore oppletum consulem uidisset, ' L.

[¶55] 49.7. Gnaeus Lentulus, a tribune of the soldiers, as he rode by on his horse, caught sight of the consul sitting on a stone and covered with blood.

> Latin: 49.7. Aemili ' inquit, 'quem unum insontem culpae cladis hodiernae dei respicere debent, cape hunc equum, dum et tibi uirium aliquid superest <et> comes ego te tollere possum ac protegere.

[¶56] 49.8. “Lucius Aemilius,” he cried, “on whom the gods ought to look down in mercy, as the only man without guilt in this day's disaster, take this horse, while you have still a little strength remaining and I can attend you and raise you up and guard ” “you.

> Latin: 49.8. ne funestam hanc pugnam morte consulis feceris; etiam sine hoc lacrimarum satis luctusque est.'

[¶57] 49.9. Make not this battle calamitous by a consul's death; even without that there are tears and grief enough.” To this the consul answered, “All honour, Cornelius, to your ” “manhood!

> Latin: 49.9. ad ea consul: 'tu quidem, Cn. Corneli, macte uirtute esto; sed caue, frustra miserando exiguum tempus e manibus hostium euadendi absumas.

[¶58] 49.10. But waste not in unavailing pity the little time you have to escape the enemy. Go, and tell the senators in public session to fortify the City of Rome and garrison it strongly before the victorious enemy draws near: in private say to Quintus Fabius that Lucius Aemilius has lived till this hour and now dies remembering his ” “precepts.

> Latin: 49.10. abi, nuntia publice patribus urbem Romanam muniant ac priusquam uictor hostis adueniat praesidiis firment; priuatim Q. Fabio L. Aemilium praeceptorum eius memorem et uixisse [et] adhuc et mori.

[¶59] 49.11. As for me, let me breathe my last in the midst of my slaughtered soldiers, lest either for a second time I be brought to trial after being consul, or else stand forth the accuser of my colleague, blaming another in defence of my own ” “innocence.”

> Latin: 49.11. me in hac strage militum meorum patere exspirare, ne aut reus iterum e consulatu sim <aut> accusator collegae exsistam ut alieno crimine innocentiam meam protegam.'

[¶60] 49.12. While they were speaking, there came up with them first a crowd of fleeing Romans, and then the enemy, who overwhelmed the consul, without knowing who he was, beneath a rain of missiles.

> Latin: 49.12. haec eos agentes prius turba fugientium ciuium, deinde hostes oppressere; consulem ignorantes quis esset obruere telis, Lentulum in tumultu abripuit equus. tum undique effuse fugiunt.

[¶61] 49.13. Lentulus, thanks to his horse, escaped in the confusion. The rout was now everywhere complete. Seven thousand men escaped into the smaller camp, ten thousand into the larger, and about two thousand into the village of Cannae itself.

> Latin: 49.13. septem milia hominum in minora castra, decem in maiora, duo ferme in uicum ipsum Cannas perfugerunt, qui extemplo a Carthalone atque equitibus nullo munimento tegente uicum circumuenti sunt.

[¶62] 49.14. These last were immediately cut off by Carthalo and his cavalry, for the village was not fortified. The other consul, whether by accident or by design, had not joined any throng of fugitives, but fled to Venusia with some fifty horsemen.

> Latin: 49.14. consul alter, seu forte seu consilio nulli fugientium insertus agmini, cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Uenusiam perfugit.

[¶63] 49.15. It is said that forty-five thousand five hundred foot and two thousand seven hundred horse were slain, in an almost equal proportion of citizens and allies.

> Latin: 49.15. quadraginta quinque milia quingenti pedites, duo milia septingenti equites, et tantadem prope ciuium sociorumque pars, caesi dicuntur; in his ambo consulum quaestores, L.

[¶64] 49.16. In the number were the quaestors of both consuls, Lucius Atilius and Lucius Furius Bibaculus, and twenty-nine military tribunes, some of consular rank, some of praetorian or aedilician —amongst others are mentioned Gnaeus Servilius Geminus and Marcus Minucius, who had been master of the horse in the preceding years and consul several years before —and besides these, eighty senators or men who had held offices which would have given them the right to be elected to the senate, but had volunteered to serve as soldiers in the

> Latin: 49.16. Atilius et L. Furius Bibaculus, et undetriginta tribuni militum, consulares quidam praetoriique et aedilicii—inter eos Cn. Seruilium Geminum et M. Minucium numerant, qui magister equitum priore anno, <consul> aliquot annis ante fuerat—octoginta praeterea aut senatores aut qui eos magistratus gessissent unde in senatum legi deberent cum sua uoluntate milites in legionibus facti essent.

[¶65] 49.18. legions. The prisoners taken in this battle are said to have numbered three thousand foot-soldiers and fifteen hundred horsemen.

> Latin: 49.18. capta eo proelio tria milia peditum et equites mille et quingenti dicuntur.

[¶66] 50.1. Such was the battle of Cannae, a calamity as memorable as that suffered at the Allia, and though less grave in its results —because the enemy failed to follow up his victory —yet for the slaughter of the army even more grievous and disgraceful.

> Latin: 50.1. haec est pugna <Cannensis>, Alliensi cladi nobilitate par, ceterum ut illis quae post pugnam accidere leuior, quia ab hoste est cessatum, sic strage exercitus grauior foediorque. fuga namque ad Alliam sicut urbem prodidit, ita exercitum seruauit:

[¶67] 50.3. For the flight at the Allia, though it betrayed the City, saved the army: at Cannae the consul who fled was accompanied by a scant fifty men; the other, dying, had well-nigh the entire army with him. In the two Roman camps the crowd was half-armed and destitute of leaders. The men in the larger camp sent a messenger bidding those in the smaller one come over to them in the night, while the enemy, exhausted by the fighting and by the feasting that had followed on their triumph, were sunk in sleep: they would then set out in one body for Canusium.

> Latin: 50.3. ad Cannas fugientem consulem uix quinquaginta secuti sunt, alterius morientis prope totus exercitus fuit. binis in castris cum multitudo semiermis sine ducibus esset, nuntium qui in maioribus erant mittunt, dum proelio, deinde ex laetitia epulis fatigatos quies nocturna hostes premeret ut ad se transirent: uno agmine Canusium abituros esse.

[¶68] 50.5. This plan some were for totally rejecting. Why, they asked, did not those who summoned them come themselves to the smaller camp, where they could just as well effect a junction? Clearly because the ground between was covered with enemies and they preferred to expose to such danger the persons of others rather than their own. Some were not so much displeased with the plan as wanting in resolution.

> Latin: 50.5. eam sententiam alii totam aspernari; cur enim illos, qui se arcessant, ipsos non uenire, cum aeque coniungi possent? quia uidelicet plena hostium omnia in medio essent, et aliorum quam sua corpora tanto periculo mallent obicere. aliis non tam sententia displicere quam animus deesse:

[¶69] 50.6. Then said the military tribune Publius Sempronius Tuditanus: "So you had rather be captured by the greediest and most cruel of foes, and be appraised at so much a head by those who ask, 'Are you a Roman citizen or a Latin ally?' in order that from the insults and misery you suffer, the other may win distinction?

> Latin: 50.6. P. Sempronius Tuditanus tribunus militum 'capi ergo mauoltis' inquit, 'ab auarissimo et crudelissimo hoste aestimarique capita uestra et exquiri pretia ab interrogantibus Romanus ciuis sis an Latinus socius, et ex tua contumelia et miseria alteri honos quaeratur?

[¶70] 50.7. 'Not so!' each man will answer, if you are indeed fellow citizens of Lucius Aemilius the consul, who preferred an honourable death to life with ignominy, and of all those heroes who lie in heaps around him!

> Latin: 50.7. non tu, si quidem L. Aemili consulis, qui se bene mori quam turpiter uiuere maluit, et tot fortissimorum uirorum qui circa eum cumulati iacent ciues estis.

[¶71] 50.8. But before daylight surprises us and the enemy blocks our way in greater force, let us break out through these men that are clamouring in disorder and confusion at our gates.

> Latin: 50.8. sed antequam opprimit lux maioraque hostium agmina obsaepiunt iter, per hos, qui inordinati atque incompositi obstrepunt portis, erumpamus.

[¶72] 50.9. With a sword and a stout heart a man may pass through enemies, be they never so thick. In close formation you may scatter this loose and unorganized force as though there were nothing in your way. Follow me, then, as many of you as desire safety for yourselves and for the commonwealth!

> Latin: 50.9. ferro atque audacia uia fit quamuis per confertos hostes. cuneo quidem hoc laxum atque solutum agmen, ut si nihil obstet, disicias. itaque ite mecum qui et uosmet ipsos et rem publicam saluam uoltis'.

[¶73] 50.10. "Uttering these words he grasped his sword, and, forming a column, strode away through the midst of the enemy; and when the Numidians hurled missiles at their right sides, which were unprotected, they shifted their shields to the right and so got through, about six hundred of them, to the larger camp; and thence, after being joined by the other great body of men, they made their way at once without loss to Canusium.

> Latin: 50.10. haec ubi dicta dedit, stringit gladium cuneoque facto per medios uadit hostes et, cum in latus dextrum quod patebat Numidae iacularentur, translatis in dextrum scutis in maiora castra ad sescenti euaserunt atque inde protinus alio magno agmine adiuncto Canusium incolumes perueniunt.

[¶74] 50.12. These things the conquered did rather from the urge of such courage as each derived from his own nature or from chance than in consequence of their own deliberation or any man's authority.

> Latin: 50.12. haec apud uictos magis impetu animorum, quos ingenium suum cuique aut fors dabat, quam ex consilio ipsorum aut imperio cuiusquam agebatur.

[¶75] 51.1. Hannibal's officers crowded round him with congratulations on his victory. The others all advised him, now that he had brought so great a war to a conclusion, to repose himself and to allow his weary soldiers to repose for the remainder of that day and the following night.

> Latin: 51.1. Hannibali uictori cum ceteri circumfusi gratularentur suaderentque ut, tanto perfunctus bello, diei quod reliquum esset noctisque insequentis quietem et ipse sibi sumeret et fessis daret militibus, Maharbal praefectus equitum, minime cessandum ratus, 'immo ut quid hac pugna sit actum scias, die quinto' inquit, 'uictor in Capitolio epulaberis.

[¶76] 51.2. But Maharbal, the commander of the cavalry, held that no time should be lost. “Nay,” he cried, “that you may realize what has been accomplished by this battle, in five days you shall banquet in the Capitol! Follow after; I will precede you with the cavalry, that the Romans may know that you are there before they know that you are coming!” To Hannibal the idea was too joyous and too vast for his mind at once to grasp it. And so, while praising Maharbal's goodwill, he declared that he must have time to deliberate regarding his advice.

> Latin: 51.2. sequere; cum equite, ut prius uenisse quam uenturum sciant, praecedam.' Hannibali nimis laeta res est uisa maiorque quam ut eam statim capere animo posset. itaque uoluntatem se laudare Maharbalis ait; ad consilium pensandum temporis opus esse.

[¶77] 51.4. Then said Maharbal, “In very truth the gods bestow not on the same man all their gifts; you know how to gain a victory, Hannibal: you know not how to use one.” That day's delay is generally believed to have saved the City and the empire.

> Latin: 51.4. tum Maharbal: 'non omnia nimirum eidem di dedere. uincere scis, Hannibal; uictoria uti nescis.' mora eius diei satis creditur saluti fuisse urbi atque imperio.

[¶78] 51.5. The morning after, as soon as it was light, they pressed forward to collect the spoil and to gaze on a carnage that was ghastly even to enemies.

> Latin: 51.5. postero die ubi primum inluxit, ad spolia legenda foedamque etiam hostibus spectandam stragem insistunt.

[¶79] 51.6. There lay those thousands upon thousands of Romans, foot and horse indiscriminately mingled, as chance had brought them together in the battle or the rout. Here and there amidst the slain there started up a gory figure whose wounds had begun to throb with the chill of dawn, and was cut down by his enemies;

> Latin: 51.6. iacebant tot Romanorum milia, pedites passim equitesque, ut quem cuique fors aut pugna iunxerat aut fuga; adsurgentes quidam ex strage media cruenti, quos stricta matutino frigore excitauerant uolnera, ab hoste oppressi sunt;

[¶80] 51.7. some were discovered lying there alive, with thighs and tendons slashed, baring their necks and throats and bidding their conquerors drain the remnant of their blood.

> Latin: 51.7. quosdam et iacentes uiuos succisis feminibus poplitibusque inuenerunt nudantes ceruicem iugulumque et reliquum sanguinem iubentes haurire;

[¶81] 51.8. Others were found with their heads buried in holes dug in the ground. They had apparently made these pits for themselves, and heaping the dirt over their faces shut off their breath.

> Latin: 51.8. inuenti quidam sunt mersis in effossam terram capitibus quos sibi ipsos fecisse foueas obruentesque ora superiecta humo interclusisse spiritum apparebat.

[¶82] 51.9. But what most drew the attention of all beholders was a Numidian who was dragged out alive from under a dead Roman, but with mutilated nose and ears; for the Roman, unable to hold a weapon in his hands, had expired in a frenzy of rage, while rending the other with his teeth.

> Latin: 51.9. praecipue conuertit omnes subtractus Numida mortuo superincubanti Romano uiuus naso auribusque laceratis, cum manibus ad capiendum telum inutilibus, in rabiem ira uersa laniando dentibus hostem exspirasset.

[¶83] 52.1. After spending a good part of the day in gathering spoils, Hannibal proceeded to attack the smaller camp. The first thing that he did was to throw up an entrenchment which cut them off from the river.

> Latin: 52.1. spoliis ad multum diei lectis, Hannibal ad minora ducit castra oppugnanda et omnium primum brachio obiecto <a> flumine eos excludit;

[¶84] 52.2. But they were all so tired out from fighting and lack of sleep, as well as from wounds, that they surrendered even sooner than he had expected. The terms agreed upon were as follows: they were to give up their arms and horses; the ransom was fixed at three hundred chariot-pieces for every Roman, two hundred for every ally, and one hundred for every slave; on the payment of this price they were to go free, with a single garment each.

> Latin: 52.2. ceterum omnibus labore, uigiliis, uolneribus etiam fessis maturior ipsius spe deditio est facta. pacti ut arma atque equos traderent, in capita Romana trecenis nummis quadrigatis, in socios ducenis, in seruos centenis et ut eo pretio persoluto cum singulis abirent uestimentis, in castra hostes acceperunt traditique in custodiam omnes sunt, seorsum ciues sociique.

[¶85] 52.4. They then received their enemies into the camp and were all placed in custody, citizens being separated from allies. During the delay there, those in the larger camp who possessed sufficient strength and courage, amounting to four thousand foot and two hundred horse, had escaped, some in a body, others scattering —no less safely —over the country-side, and reached Canusium. The camp itself the wounded and timorous surrendered to the enemy on the same terms as the other.

> Latin: 52.4. dum ibi tempus teritur, interea cum ex maioribus castris, quibus satis uirium aut animi fuit, ad quattuor milia hominum et ducenti equites, alii agmine, alii palati passim per agros, quod haud minus tutum erat, Canusium perfugissent, castra ipsa ab sauciis timidisque eadem condicione qua altera tradita hosti.

[¶86] 52.5. It yielded enormous spoils, and except for the horses and men and such silver as there was — which was mostly on the harness of the horses, for they then used very little plate, especially when in the field —the rest of the booty was all given up to pillage.

> Latin: 52.5. praeda ingens parta est, et praeter equos uirosque et si quid argenti (quod plurimum in phaleris equorum erat; nam ad uescendum facto perexiguo, utique militantes, utebantur) omnis cetera praeda diripienda data est.

[¶87] 52.6. He then commanded the bodies of his dead to be brought into one place for burial. It is said that they numbered about eight thousand of his bravest men. Some historians state that the Roman consul, too, was sought out and given burial.

> Latin: 52.6. tum sepeliendi causa conferri in unum corpora suorum iussit; ad octo milia fuisse dicuntur fortissimorum uirorum. consulem quoque Romanum conquisitum sepultumque quidam auctores sunt.

[¶88] 52.7. Those who escaped to Canusium were aided by an Apulian woman of birth and fortune named Busa. The townspeople had merely afforded them the protection of the walls and shelter, but she provided them with corn, clothing, and money for the way, in return for which munificence she was afterwards, on the conclusion of the war, voted honours by the senate.

> Latin: 52.7. eos qui Canusium perfugerant mulier Apula nomine Busa, genere clara ac diuitiis, moenibus tantum tectisque a Canusinis acceptos, frumento, ueste, uiatico etiam iuuit, pro qua ei munificentia postea bello perfecto ab senatu honores habiti sunt.

[¶89] 53.1. Now though there were four tribunes of the soldiers on the ground —Quintus Fabius Maximus of the first legion, whose father had been dictator the year before, Lucius Publicius Bibulus and Publius Cornelius Scipio of the second legion, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had very recently been aedile, of the third legion —the

> Latin: 53.1. ceterum cum ibi tribuni militum quattuor essent, Fabius Maximus de legione prima, cuius pater priore anno dictator fuerat, et de legione secunda L. Publicius Bibulus et P. Cornelius Scipio et de legione tertia Ap. Claudius Pulcher, qui proxime aedilis fuerat, omnium consensu ad P.

[¶90] 53.3. supreme command was by unanimous consent made over to Publius Scipio, the merest youth, and to Appius Claudius.

> Latin: 53.3. Scipionem admodum adulescentem et ad Ap. Claudium summa imperii delata est.

[¶91] 53.4. These two were considering the general situation, in company with a few others, when Publius Furius Philus, the son of an ex-consul, came in and told them that they were idly entertaining a lost hope; the state was already given over and mourned as dead;

> Latin: 53.4. quibus consultantibus inter paucos de summa rerum nuntiat P. Furius Philus, consularis uiri filius, nequiquam eos perditam spem fouere; desperatam comploratamque rem esse publicam;

[¶92] 53.5. some of the young nobles, of whom Marcus Caecilius Metellus was the chief, were looking to the sea and ships, proposing to abandon Italy and flee for refuge to some king.

> Latin: 53.5. nobiles iuuenes quosdam, quorum principem L. Caecilium Metellum, mare ac naues spectare, ut deserta Italia ad regum aliquem transfugiant.

[¶93] 53.6. These evil tidings, dreadful in themselves and coming as a new distress on the top of so many disasters, stunned those who heard them with a dull amazement. But when they would have called a council to talk the matter over, young Scipio, the predestined leader in this war, declared that it was no matter for taking counsel:

> Latin: 53.6. quod malum, praeterquam atrox, super tot clades etiam nouum, cum stupore ac miraculo torpidos defixisset qui aderant et consilium aduocandum de eo censerent, negat consilii rem esse [Scipio] iuuenis, fatalis dux huiusce belli:

[¶94] 53.7. they must be bold and act, not deliberate, in the face of this great evil; let them take arms and go with him at once, as many as wished to save the state;

> Latin: 53.7. audendum atque agendum, non consultandum ait in tanto malo esse. irent secum extemplo armati qui rem publicam saluam uellent;

[¶95] 53.8. no camp was so truly the camp of the enemy as one where such thoughts were rife.

> Latin: 53.8. nulla uerius quam ubi ea cogitentur hostium castra esse.

[¶96] 53.9. He proceeded, with only a few followers, to the quarters of Metellus, where he found a gathering of the young men of whom he had been informed. Raising his sword over their heads, as they sat in consultation, “I solemnly swear,” he said, “that even as I myself shall not desert the republic of the Roman People, so likewise shall I suffer no other Roman citizen to do so;”

> Latin: 53.9. pergit ire sequentibus paucis in hospitium Metelli et, cum concilium ibi iuuenum de quibus allatum erat inuenisset, stricto super capita consultantium gladio, 'ex mei animi sententia' inquit, 'ut ego rem publicam populi Romani non deseram neque alium ciuem Romanum deserere patiar;

[¶97] 53.11. “if I wittingly speak false, may Jupiter Optimus Maximus utterly destroy me, my house, my family, and my estate.”

> Latin: 53.11. si sciens fallo, tum me, Iuppiter optime maxime, domum, familiam remque meam pessimo leto adficias.

[¶98] 53.12. “Marcus Caecilius, I call on you and the others who are present to swear after these terms, and if any refuse to swear, let him know that against him this sword is drawn.”

> Latin: 53.12. in haec uerba, L. Caecili, iures postulo, ceterique qui adestis. qui non iurauerit in se hunc gladium strictum esse sciat.'

[¶99] 53.13. Quaking as though they beheld the victorious Hannibal, all took the oath, and delivered themselves into the custody of Scipio.

> Latin: 53.13. haud secus pauidi quam si uictorem Hannibalem cernerent, iurant omnes custodiendosque semet ipsos Scipioni tradunt.

[¶100] 54.1. While this was happening at Canusium, about four thousand five hundred horse and foot, who had scattered over the country-side in flight, made their way to Venusia, to the consul.

> Latin: 54.1. eo tempore quo haec Canusi agebantur Uenusiam ad consulem ad quattuor milia et quingenti pedites equitesque, qui sparsi fuga per agros fuerant, peruenere.

## 11. Book XXII · chapters 54–61

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/11/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/11/#p-N

[¶0] 54.2. All these the inhabitants distributed amongst various families where they might be kindly received and cared for, and bestowed on each horseman a toga and a tunic and twenty-five chariot-pieces, and on each foot-soldier ten pieces, together with arms, where they were needed. In all other matters, too, they dealt hospitably by them, both as a town and as individuals, in their zeal that the People of Venusia should not lag behind a Canusian woman in friendly offices. But the great multitude was beginning to be too heavy a burden upon Busa —and indeed there were now as many as ten thousand men —and Appius and Scipio, when they learned that the other consul was alive, immediately dispatched a messenger to let him know what forces of infantry and cavalry they had with them, and at the same time to enquire whether he desired the army to be brought to Venusia or remain

> Latin: 54.2. eos omnes Uenusini per familias benigne accipiendos curandosque cum diuisissent, in singulos equites togas et tunicas et quadrigatos nummos quinos uicenos, et pediti denos et arma quibus deerant dederunt, ceteraque publice ac priuatim hospitaliter facta certatumque ne a muliere Canusina populus Uenusinus officiis uinceretur. sed grauius onus Busae multitudo faciebat;

[¶1] 54.5. at Canusium. Varro transferred his own troops to Canusium; and they now had something resembling a consular army, and might look to defend themselves against the enemy, behind walls, at all events, if not in the field.

> Latin: 54.5. et iam ad decem milia hominum erant, Appiusque et Scipio, postquam incolumem esse alterum consulem acceperunt, nuntium extemplo mittunt quantae secum peditum equitumque copiae essent sciscitatumque simul utrum Uenusiam adduci exercitum an manere iuberet Canusi.

[¶2] 54.6. But at Rome it was reported that not even these pitiful remnants of citizens and allies survived, but that the army with its two consuls was clean destroyed and all their forces blotted out.

> Latin: 54.6. Uarro ipse Canusium copias traduxit; et iam aliqua species consularis exercitus erat moenibusque se certe, si non armis, ab hoste uidebantur defensuri.

[¶3] 54.7. Never, save when the City had been captured, was there such terror and confusion within the walls of Rome. I shall therefore confess myself unequal to the task, nor attempt a narrative where the fullest description would fall short of the truth. The year before a consul and his army had been lost at Trasumennus, and now it was not merely one blow following another, but a calamity many times as great that was reported; two consuls and two consular armies had been lost, and there was no longer any Roman camp, or general, or soldier; Hannibal was master of Apulia, Samnium, and well-nigh the whole

> Latin: 54.7. Romam ne has quidem reliquias superesse ciuium sociorumque sed occidione occisum cum duobus <consularibus ducibus> exercitum deletasque omnes copias allatum fuerat. nunquam salua urbe tantum pauoris tumultusque intra moenia Romana fuit. itaque succumbam oneri neque adgrediar narrare quae edissertando minora uero faciam. consule exercituque ad Trasumennum priore anno amisso non uolnus super uolnus sed multiplex clades, cum duobus consulibus duo consulares exercitus amissi nuntiabantur nec ulla iam castra Romana nec ducem nec militem esse;

[¶4] 54.9. of Italy. Surely there was no other people that would not have been overwhelmed by a disaster of such vast proportions.

> Latin: 54.9. Hannibalis Apuliam, Samnium ac iam prope totam Italiam factam. nulla profecto alia gens tanta mole cladis non obruta esset.

[¶5] 54.10. Would you compare the disaster off the Aegatian islands, which the Carthaginians suffered in the sea-fight, by which their spirit was so broken that they relinquished Sicily and Sardinia and suffered themselves to become tax-payers and tributaries? or the defeat in Africa to which this very Hannibal afterwards succumbed? In no single aspect are they to be compared with this calamity, except that they were endured with less of fortitude.

> Latin: 54.10. compares cladem ad Aegates insulas Carthaginiensium proelio nauali acceptam, qua fracti Sicilia ac Sardinia cessere, inde uectigales ac stipendiarios fieri se passi sunt, aut pugnam aduersam in Africa, cui postea hic ipse Hannibal succubuit; nulla ex parte comparandae sunt nisi quod minore animo latae sunt.

[¶6] 55.1. Publius Furius Philus and Marcus Pomponius, the praetors, called the senate together in the Curia Hostilia, to consult about the defence of Rome;

> Latin: 55.1. P. Furius Philus et M. Pomponius praetores senatum in curiam Hostiliam uocauerunt, ut de urbis custodia consulerent;

[¶7] 55.2. for they made no doubt that the enemy, after wiping out their armies, would be advancing to besiege the City, which was all that remained to do to end the war.

> Latin: 55.2. neque enim dubitabant deletis exercitibus hostem ad oppugnandam Romam, quod unum opus belli restaret, uenturum.

[¶8] 55.3. But when, amid dangers at once so immense and so incalculable, they failed to think of even any tolerable plan of action, and were deafened with the cries and lamentations of the women, both the living and the dead —in the lack as yet of any announcement —being indiscriminately mourned in almost every house, then Quintus Fabius Maximus urged that light-armed horsemen be sent out along the Appian and Latin ways, and questioning those they met — for some there would surely be who had dispersed and made off in the rout —bring back word of the fortunes of the consuls and the armies, and if the immortal gods, taking pity on the empire, had spared any remnant of the Roman name, where those forces were;

> Latin: 55.3. cum in malis sicuti ingentibus ita ignotis ne consilium quidem satis expedirent obstreperetque clamor lamentantium mulierum et nondum palam facto uiui mortuique et per omnes paene domos promiscue complorarentur, tum Q. Fabius Maximus censuit equites expeditos et Appia et Latina uia mittendos, qui obuios percontando—aliquos profecto ex fuga passim dissipatos fore—referant quae fortuna consulum atque exercituum sit et, si quid di immortales miseriti imperii reliquum Romani nominis fecerint, ubi eae copiae sint;

[¶9] 55.5. whither Hannibal had gone after the battle, what his plans were, what he was doing and was likely to do.

> Latin: 55.5. quo se Hannibal post proelium contulerit, quid paret, quid agat acturusque sit.

[¶10] 55.6. To discover and ascertain these facts was a task, he said, for active youths; what the Fathers themselves must do, since there were not magistrates enough, was this: quell the panic and confusion in the City; keep the matrons off the streets and compel them each to abide in her own home; restrain families from lamentation; procure silence throughout the City; see that bearers of any news were brought before the praetors —every man must wait at home for tidings that concerned himself;

> Latin: 55.6. haec exploranda noscendaque per impigros iuuenes esse; illud per patres ipsos agendum, quoniam magistratuum parum sit, ut tumultum ac trepidationem in urbe tollant, matronas publico arceant continerique intra suum quamque limen cogant, comploratus familiarum coerceant, silentium per urbem faciant, nuntios rerum omnium ad praetores deducendos curent, suae quisque fortunae domi auctorem exspectent,

[¶11] 55.8. —and, besides this, post sentries at the gates, to keep anyone from leaving the City, and make the people rest all hope of safety on the safety of Rome and of its walls. When the tumult had died down, then the Fathers must be convened again and consider how to defend the City.

> Latin: 55.8. custodesque praeterea ad portas ponant qui prohibeant quemquam egredi urbe cogantque homines nullam nisi urbe ac moenibus saluis salutem sperare. ubi conticuerit [recte] tumultus, tum in curiam patres reuocandos consulendumque de urbis custodia esse.

[¶12] 56.1. After they had all voted for this proposal without debate, and the throng had been cleared out of the Forum by the magistrates, and the Fathers had dispersed in various directions to still the uproar, then at last came a dispatch from Gaius Terentius the consul, announcing that the consul Lucius Aemilius and his army had been destroyed;

> Latin: 56.1. cum in hanc sententiam pedibus omnes issent summotaque foro <a> magistratibus turba patres diuersi ad sedandos tumultus discessissent, tum demum litterae a C. Terentio consule allatae sunt:

[¶13] 56.2. that he himself was at Canusium, collecting —as though after a storm at sea —the wreckage of that great disaster; that he had about ten thousand men, not organised or assigned to companies;

> Latin: 56.2. L. Aemilium consulem exercitumque caesum; sese Canusi esse, reliquias tantae cladis uelut ex naufragio colligentem; ad decem milia militum ferme esse incompositorum inordinatorumque;

[¶14] 56.3. that the Phoenician was sitting down at Cannae, haggling over the ransom of his prisoners and over the rest of the booty, exhibiting neither the spirit of a conqueror nor the behaviour of a great commander.

> Latin: 56.3. Poenum sedere ad Cannas, in captiuorum pretiis praedaque alia nec uictoris animo nec magni ducis more nundinantem.

[¶15] 56.4. Announcement was then made from house to house of the losses they had each sustained, and the entire City was so filled with lamentation that the annual rite of Ceres was allowed to lapse, since it may not be performed by mourners, nor was there at that time a single matron who was not bereaved.

> Latin: 56.4. tum priuatae quoque per domos clades uolgatae sunt adeoque totam urbem oppleuit luctus ut sacrum anniuersarium Cereris intermissum sit, quia nec lugentibus id facere est fas nec ulla in illa tempestate matrona expers luctus fuerat.

[¶16] 56.5. Accordingly, lest for this same reason other public or private rites might be neglected, the senate decreed that mourning should be limited to thirty days.

> Latin: 56.5. itaque ne ob eandem causam alia quoque sacra publica aut priuata desererentur, senatus consulto diebus triginta luctus est finitus.

[¶17] 56.6. But when the confusion in the City had subsided and the Fathers had been summoned back to the senate-house, another dispatch was brought in from Sicily, from the propraetor Titus Otacilius.

> Latin: 56.6. ceterum cum sedato urbis tumultu reuocati in curiam patres essent, aliae insuper ex Sicilia litterae allatae sunt ab T. Otacilio propraetore, regnum Hieronis classe Punica uastari;

[¶18] 56.7. He reported that Hiero's kingdom was being laid waste by a Punic fleet, and that when he would have responded to Hiero's appeal for help, he had got news of another fleet, that was standing off the Aegatian islands, all ready and equipped, so that when the Phoenicians should perceive that he had turned his back on them to go to the rescue of the Syracusan coast, they might instantly descend on Lilybaeum and the rest of the Roman province.

> Latin: 56.7. cui cum opem imploranti ferre uellent <praefecti ab se missi>, nuntiatum his esse aliam classem ad Aegates insulas stare paratam instructamque, ut, ubi se uersum ad tuendam Syracusanam oram Poeni sensissent, Lilybaeum extemplo prouinciamque aliam Romanam adgrederentur;

[¶19] 56.8. A fleet was therefore necessary if they desired to protect the king, their ally, and Sicily.

> Latin: 56.8. itaque classe opus esse, si regem socium Siciliamque tueri uellent.

[¶20] 57.1. When the dispatches from the consul and the praetor had been read out, the senate voted to send Marcus Claudius, the praetor commanding the fleet at Ostia, to Canusium, and to write to the consul to turn the army over to him and come to Rome at the earliest moment compatible with the welfare of the state. They were terrified not only by the great disasters they had suffered, but also by a number of prodigies, and in particular because two Vestals, Opimia and Floronia, had in that year been convicted of unchastity. Of these one had been buried alive, as the custom is, near the Colline Gate, and the other had killed herself.

> Latin: 57.1. litteris consulis praetorisque <lectis censuere patres> M. Claudium, qui classi ad Ostiam stanti praeesset, Canusium ad exercitum mittendum scribendumque consuli et, cum praetori exercitum tradidisset, primo quoque tempore, quantum per commodum rei publicae fieri posset, Romam ueniret. territi etiam super tantas clades cum ceteris prodigiis, tum quod duae Uestales eo anno, Opimia atque Floronia, stupri compertae et altera sub terra, uti mos est, ad portam Collinam necata fuerat, altera sibimet ipsa mortem consciuerat;

[¶21] 57.2. Lucius Cantilius, a secretary to the pontiffs —one of those who are now called the lesser pontiffs —had been guilty with Floronia, and the Pontifex Maximus had him scourged in the Comitium so severely that he died under the blows.

> Latin: 57.2. L. Cantilius scriba pontificius, quos nunc minores pontifices appellant, qui cum Floronia stuprum fecerat, a pontifice maximo eo usque uirgis in comitio caesus erat ut inter uerbera exspiraret. hoc nefas cum inter tot, ut fit, clades in prodigium uersum esset, decemuiri libros adire iussi sunt et Q.

[¶22] 57.4. Since in the midst of so many misfortunes this pollution was, as happens at such times, converted into a portent, the decemvirs were commanded to consult the Books, and Quintus Fabius Pictor was dispatched to Delphi, to enquire of the oracle with what prayers and supplications they might propitiate the gods, and what would be the end of all their calamities.

> Latin: 57.4. Fabius Pictor Delphos ad oraculum missus est sciscitatum quibus precibus suppliciisque deos possent placare et quaenam futura finis tantis cladibus foret. interim ex fatalibus libris sacrificia aliquot extraordinaria facta, inter quae Gallus et Galla, Graecus et Graeca in foro bouario sub terram uiui demissi sunt in locum saxo consaeptum, iam ante hostiis humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutum.

[¶23] 57.6. In the meantime, by the direction of the Books of Fate, some unusual sacrifices were offered; amongst others a Gaulish man and woman and a Greek man and woman were buried alive in the Cattle Market, in a place walled in with stone, which even before this time had been defiled with human victims, a sacrifice wholly alien to the Roman spirit.

> Latin: 57.6. placatis satis, ut rebantur, deis M. Claudius Marcellus ab Ostia mille et quingentos milites quos in classem scriptos habebat Romam, ut urbi praesidio essent, mittit;

[¶24] 57.7. Deeming that the gods had now been sufficiently appeased, Marcus Claudius Marcellus sent fifteen hundred soldiers whom he had under him, enrolled for service with the fleet, from Ostia to Rome, to defend the City; and sending before him to Teanum Sidicinum the naval legion (to wit, the third ) under its tribunes, handed over the fleet to his colleague Publius Furius Philus and a few days later hastened by forced marches to Canusium.

> Latin: 57.7. ipse legione classica—ea legio tertia erat—cum tribunis militum Teanum Sidicinum praemissa, classe tradita P. Furio Philo collegae paucos post dies Canusium magnis itineribus contendit.

[¶25] 57.8. The senate then authorized the appointment of a dictator and Marcus Junius [Pera] was named to that office, with Tiberius Sempronius as master of the horse.

> Latin: 57.8. inde dictator ex auctoritate patrum dictus M. Iunius et Ti. Sempronius magister equitum dilectu edicto iuniores ab annis septemdecim et quosdam praetextatos scribunt; quattuor ex his legiones et mille equites effecti.

[¶26] 57.9. Proclaiming a levy they enlisted the young men over seventeen and some who still wore the purple-bordered dress of boyhood. Of these they made up four legions and a thousand horse. They also sent men to the allies and the Latins to take over their soldiers, as by treaty provided.

> Latin: 57.9. item ad socios Latinumque nomen ad milites ex formula accipiendos mittunt. arma, tela, alia parari iubent et uetera spolia hostium detrahunt templis porticibusque.

[¶27] 57.10. They gave orders that armour, weapons and other equipment should be made ready, and took down from the temples and porticoes the ancient spoils of enemies.

> Latin: 57.10. et aliam formam noui dilectus inopia liberorum capitum ac necessitas dedit: octo milia iuuenum ualidorum ex seruitiis, prius sciscitantes singulos uellentne militare, empta publice armauerunt.

[¶28] 57.11. The levy wore a strange appearance, for, owing to the scarcity of free men and the need of the hour, they bought, with money from the treasury, eight thousand young and stalwart slaves and armed them, first asking each if he were willing to serve. They preferred these slaves for soldiers, though they might have redeemed the prisoners of war at less expense. For Hannibal, after his great victory at Cannae, had been more concerned with the projects of a conqueror than with those of one who was still waging war. Mustering the prisoners and dividing them into two groups, he addressed a few kindly words to the allies and dismissed them without ransom, as he had done previously at the Trebia and Lake Trasumennus. He then called up the Romans also and spoke to them with a mildness he had never shown before.

> Latin: 57.11. hic miles magis placuit, cum pretio minore redimendi captiuos copia fieret. namque Hannibal secundum tam prosperam ad Cannas pugnam uictoris magis quam bellum gerentis intentus curis, cum captiuis productis segregatisque socios, sicut ante ad Trebiam Trasumennumque lacum, benigne adlocutus sine pretio dimisisset, Romanos quoque uocatos, quod nunquam alias antea, satis miti sermone adloquitur:

[¶29] 58.3. He was waging, he said, no war of extermination with them, but was contending for honour and dominion. His forerunners had yielded to the valour of the Romans, and he was striving to compel them in their turn to yield to his own good fortune and valour.

> Latin: 58.3. non interneciuum sibi esse cum Romanis bellum; de dignitate atque imperio certare. et patres uirtuti Romanae cessisse et se id adniti ut suae in uicem simul felicitati et uirtuti cedatur.

[¶30] 58.4. He would therefore give them an opportunity to redeem the prisoners, and would fix their ransom at five hundred chariot-pieces for each horseman, three hundred for each foot-soldier, and a hundred for each slave.

> Latin: 58.4. itaque redimendi se captiuis copiam facere; pretium fore in capita equiti quingenos quadrigatos nummos, trecenos pediti, seruo centenos.

[¶31] 58.5. Although this was a rather large addition to the ransom which the horsemen had agreed to on surrendering, they joyfully accepted any terms of treaty.

> Latin: 58.5. quamquam aliquantum adiciebatur equitibus ad id pretium quo pepigerant dedentes se, laeti tamen quamcumque condicionem paciscendi acceperunt.

[¶32] 58.6. It was resolved that the prisoners should themselves elect ten representatives to go to the senate in Rome; nor did Hannibal take any other pledge of their good faith than their oath that they would return.

> Latin: 58.6. placuit suffragio ipsorum decem deligi qui Romam ad senatum irent, nec pignus aliud fidei quam ut iurarent se redituros acceptum.

[¶33] 58.7. Carthalo, a Carthaginian noble, was sent with them, so that, if he should see that the Romans inclined to peace, he might offer terms.

> Latin: 58.7. missus cum his Carthalo, nobilis Carthaginiensis, qui, si forte ad pacem inclinaret animus, condiciones ferret.

[¶34] 58.8. The envoys had just left the camp when one of them, a fellow of thoroughly un-Roman character, returned to it —as if he had forgotten something —in order to free himself from his oath, and before dark had caught up with his companions.

> Latin: 58.8. cum egressi castris essent, unus ex iis, minime Romani ingenii homo uelut aliquid oblitus, iuris iurandi soluendi causa cum in castra redisset, ante noctem comites adsequitur.

[¶35] 58.9. When the news reached Rome that they were coming, a lictor was sent to meet Carthalo on the way and warn him in the name of the Dictator to depart before nightfall out of Roman territory.

> Latin: 58.9. ubi Romam uenire eos nuntiatum est, Carthaloni obuiam lictor missus, qui dictatoris uerbis nuntiaret ut ante noctem excederet finibus Romanis.

[¶36] 59.1. As for the envoys of the prisoners, the dictator admitted them into the senate, where their leader spoke as follows: “Marcus Junius and Conscript Fathers, none of us is unaware that no state ever held prisoners of war in less esteem than ours.”

> Latin: 59.1. legatis captiuorum senatus ab dictatore datus est, quorum princeps: ' M. Iuni uosque, patres conscripti' inquit, 'nemo nostrum ignorat nulli unquam ciuitati uiliores fuisse captiuos quam nostrae;

[¶37] 59.2. “But, unless we overrate our cause, there have never been men who came into the power of the enemy less deserving than ourselves of your neglect.”

> Latin: 59.2. ceterum, nisi nobis plus iusto nostra placet causa, non alii unquam minus neglegendi uobis quam nos in hostium potestatem uenerunt.

[¶38] 59.3. “For we did not yield up our swords through fear on the field of battle, but standing on the heaped bodies of the slain prolonged the combat almost until nightfall and then retired to our camp.”

> Latin: 59.3. non enim in acie per timorem arma tradidimus sed cum prope ad noctem superstantes cumulis caesorum corporum proelium extraxissemus, in castra recepimus nos;

[¶39] 59.4. “The rest of the day and the succeeding night, though exhausted with fighting and with wounds, we defended the stockade.”

> Latin: 59.4. diei reliquum ac noctem insequentem, fessi labore ac uolneribus, uallum sumus tutati;

[¶40] 59.5. “On the following day, surrounded by a victorious army and cut off from water, having no longer any hope of breaking through the throng of enemies, and thinking it no disgrace that when fifty thousand of our troops had been cut down, some few Roman soldiers should survive the battle of Cannae, we finally stipulated ” “for a price at which we might be ransomed, and delivered to the enemy the arms in which there was no longer any help.”

> Latin: 59.5. postero die, cum circumsessi ab exercitu uictore aqua arceremur nec ulla iam per confertos hostes erumpendi spes esset nec esse nefas duceremus quinquaginta milibus hominum ex acie nostra trucidatis aliquem ex Cannensi pugna Romanum militem restare, tunc demum pacti sumus pretium quo redempti dimitteremur, arma in quibus nihil iam auxilii erat hosti tradidimus.

[¶41] 59.7. “Even our ancestors —so we had heard —redeemed themselves from the Gauls with gold; and your fathers, despite their fierce opposition to terms of peace, sent envoys to Tarentum to ransom prisoners.”

> Latin: 59.7. maiores quoque acceperamus se a Gallis auro redemisse et patres uestros, asperrimos illos ad condiciones pacis, legatos tamen [ad] captiuorum redimendorum gratia Tarentum misisse.

[¶42] 59.8. “And yet neither the battle with the Gauls at the Allia nor that with Pyrrhus at Heraclea owed its unhappy fame so much to carnage as to craven flight. At Cannae the plains are covered with heaps of Roman corpses, and if we survive, it is only because our enemies' swords were dulled and their strength spent with slaughtering.”

> Latin: 59.8. atqui et <ad> Alliam cum Gallis et ad Heracleam cum Pyrrho utraque non tam clade infamis quam pauore et fuga pugna fuit: Cannenses campos acerui Romanorum corporum tegunt, nec supersumus pugnae nisi in quibus trucidandis et ferrum et uires hostem defecerunt.

[¶43] 59.9. “There are some of us, too, who were never even in the battle, but were left to guard the camp, and on its surrender passed into the enemy's hands.”

> Latin: 59.9. sunt etiam de nostris quidam qui ne in acie quidem fuerunt sed praesidio castris relicti, cum castra traderentur, in potestatem hostium uenerunt.

[¶44] 59.10. “Think not that I envy the good luck or circumstances of any fellow citizen or fellow soldier, nor would I raise myself by thrusting another down; but —unless there be a prize for fleetness of foot and running —it is not those who, without weapons for the most part and fleeing from the fight, never stopped until they reached Venusia or Canusium that can justly set themselves above us or boast that they are better defenders of the state than ” “we.

> Latin: 59.10. haud equidem ullius ciuis et commilitonis fortunae aut condicioni inuideo, nec premendo alium me extulisse uelim: ne illi quidem, nisi pernicitatis pedum et cursus aliquod praemium est, qui plerique inermes ex acie fugientes non prius quam Uenusiae aut Canusii constiterunt, se nobis merito praetulerint gloriatique sint in se plus quam in nobis praesidii rei publicae esse.

[¶45] 59.11. Both in them and in us you shall have good and valiant soldiers; but we shall be even more eager than they to defend our country, since we shall owe to your kindness our redemption and our restoration to that country. You are levying soldiers of every age and condition; I hear that eight thousand slaves are being ” “armed.

> Latin: 59.11. sed illis et bonis ac fortibus militibus utemini et nobis etiam promptioribus pro patria, quod beneficio uestro redempti atque in patriam restituti fuerimus. dilectum ex omni aetate et fortuna habetis;

[¶46] 59.12. Our number is not less than that, and our ransom would be no more costly than their purchase; I make no comparison between our worth and theirs, for that would be to insult the name of ” “Roman.

> Latin: 59.12. octo milia seruorum audio armari. non minor numerus noster est nec maiore pretio redimi possumus quam ii emuntur; nam si conferam nos cum illis, iniuriam nomini Romano faciam.

[¶47] 59.13. One other point I would suggest, as meriting consideration, when you deliberate about this matter, Conscript Fathers: if haply you should incline to deal harshly by us —which we do not in the least deserve —to what enemy would you be leaving us? To a Pyrrhus, pray, who treated his prisoners like ” “guests?

> Latin: 59.13. illud etiam in tali consilio animaduertendum uobis censeam, patres conscripti, si iam duriores esse uelitis, quod nullo nostro merito faciatis, cui nos hosti relicturi sitis.

[¶48] 59.14. or to a barbarian and Phoenician, of whom it can hardly be determined whether his avarice or cruelty be ” “greater?

> Latin: 59.14. Pyrrho uidelicet, qui [uos] hospitum numero captiuos habuit? an barbaro ac Poeno, qui utrum auarior an crudelior sit uix existimari potest?

[¶49] 59.15. If you could behold the fetters, the squalor, the degradation of your fellow-citizens, assuredly the sight would move you no less profoundly than if, on the other hand, you saw your legions lying slaughtered on the fields of Cannae. One thing you can see —the distress and tears of our kinsmen who are standing at the entrance of the Curia awaiting your ” “decision.

> Latin: 59.15. si uideatis catenas, squalorem, deformitatem ciuium uestrorum, non minus profecto uos ea species moueat quam si ex altera parte cernatis stratas Cannensibus campis legiones uestras.

[¶50] 59.16. When these people are in such suspense and agony for us and for those who are absent, what think you the men themselves must feel whose life and liberty are hanging in the balance? If Hannibal —Heaven help ” “me!

> Latin: 59.16. intueri potestis sollicitudinem et lacrimas in uestibulo curiae stantium cognatorum nostrorum exspectantiumque responsum uestrum. cum ii pro nobis proque iis qui absunt ita suspensi ac solliciti sint, quem censetis animum ipsorum esse quorum in discrimine uita libertasque est?

[¶51] 59.17. — should himself be pleased, against his nature, to show us mercy, we should nevertheless deem life a worthless boon, if we had seemed to you unworthy of being ransomed. There once came back to Rome some prisoners whom Pyrrhus had allowed to go scot-free; but they came back in company with envoys, the first men of the state, whom you had sent to ransom ” “them.

> Latin: 59.17. si, mediusfidius, ipse in nos mitis Hannibal contra naturam suam esse uelit, nihil tamen nobis uita opus esse censeamus cum indigni ut redimeremur a uobis uisi simus.

[¶52] 59.18. Am I to come back to my country as a citizen not reckoned to be worth three hundred pieces? Every man, Conscript Fathers, has his own way of ” “thinking.

> Latin: 59.18. rediere Romam quondam remissi a Pyrrho sine pretio captiui; sed rediere cum legatis, primoribus ciuitatis, ad redimendos sese missis. redeam ego in patriam trecentis nummis non aestimatus ciuis? suum quisque animum, patres conscripti.

[¶53] 59.19. I know that my life and person are in jeopardy; but I am troubled more by the danger to my honour —lest we depart under your condemnation and rebuff; for the world will never believe that you were niggardly about the cost.”

> Latin: 59.19. scio in discrimine esse uitam corpusque meum; magis me famae periculum mouet, ne a uobis damnati ac repulsi abeamus; neque enim uos pretio pepercisse homines credent.'

[¶54] 60.1. As soon as he had finished speaking, the throng in the Comitium began to utter doleful cries, and holding out their hands to the Curia besought the senators to give them back their sons, their brothers, and their kinsmen.

> Latin: 60.1. ubi is finem fecit, extemplo ab ea turba, quae in comitio erat, clamor flebilis est sublatus manusque ad curiam tendebant orantes ut sibi liberos, fratres, cognatos redderent.

[¶55] 60.2. Even the women had been driven by their fear and destitute condition to mingle in the Forum with the crowd of men. The senate was cleared of strangers and the debate began.

> Latin: 60.2. feminas quoque metus ac necessitas in foro [ac] turbae uirorum immiscuerat. senatus summotis arbitris consuli coeptus.

[¶56] 60.3. Opinions differed. Some were for ransoming the prisoners at the public cost; others would have no money disbursed by the state, but would not prohibit ransoming at the expense of individuals, and to such as might not have the money in hand proposed to grant loans from the treasury, guarding the people against loss by taking sureties and mortgages.

> Latin: 60.3. ibi cum sententiis uariaretur et alii redimendos de publico, alii nullam publice impensam faciendam nec prohibendos ex priuato redimi; si quibus argentum in praesentia deesset, dandam ex aerario pecuniam mutuam praedibusque ac praediis cauendum populo censerent, tum T.

[¶57] 60.5. Then Titus Manlius Torquatus, a man of an old-fashioned and, as it seemed to many, a too harsh austerity, was called upon for his opinion and spoke as follows:

> Latin: 60.5. Manlius Torquatus, priscae ac nimis durae, ut plerisque uidebatur, seueritatis, interrogatus sententiam ita locutus fertur:

[¶58] 60.6. “If, in pleading the cause of those who are in the hands of our enemies, their representatives had been content to ask that they be ransomed, I should have said my say in a few words, without reflecting upon any of them; for what else need I have done than warn you to hold fast to the tradition of our fathers and teach a lesson necessary for military discipline?”

> Latin: 60.6. 'si tantummodo postulassent legati pro iis qui in hostium potestate sunt ut redimerentur, sine ullius insectatione eorum breui sententiam peregissem;

[¶59] 60.7. “But as it is, since they have almost boasted of having surrendered to the enemy, and have held that they are to be preferred not only to those who were captured by the enemy in battle, but also to those who made their way to Venusia and Canusium, and even to the consul, Gaius Terentius himself, I will not permit you to be ignorant, Conscript Fathers, of any part of their conduct there.”

> Latin: 60.7. quid enim aliud quam admonendi essetis ut morem traditum a patribus necessario ad rem militarem exemplo seruaretis? nunc autem, cum prope gloriati sint quod se hostibus dediderint, praeferrique non captis modo in acie ab hostibus sed etiam iis qui Uenusiam Canusiumque peruenerunt atque ipsi C. Terentio consuli aequum censuerint, nihil uos eorum, patres conscripti, quae illic acta sunt ignorare patiar.

[¶60] 60.8. “And I wish that what I am going to say to you I might say at Canusium in the presence of the army itself, the most competent witness to any man's cowardice or valour, or that Sempronius, at least, were with us here, whose leadership if yonder men had followed, they would to-day be soldiers in a Roman camp, not prisoners in the hands of our enemies.”

> Latin: 60.8. atque utinam haec, quae apud uos acturus sum, Canusii apud ipsum exercitum agerem, optimum testem ignauiae cuiusque et uirtutis, aut unus hic saltem adesset P. Sempronius, quem si isti ducem secuti essent, milites hodie in castris Romanis non captiui in hostium potestate essent.

[¶61] 60.9. “But when the enemy, worn out with fighting, and rejoicing in their victory, had themselves for the most part gone back to their own camp and left the night free for a sally; though seven thousand armed men could have forced their way even through a close array of foes, they neither attempted to do this of themselves, nor yet were willing to follow another.”

> Latin: 60.9. sed cum fessis pugnando hostibus, tum uictoria laetis et ipsis plerique regressis in castra sua, noctem ad erumpendum liberam habuissent et septem milia armatorum hominum erumpere etiam <per> confertos hostes possent, neque per se ipsi id facere conati sunt neque alium sequi uoluerunt.

[¶62] 60.10. “During almost all that night Publius Sempronius Tuditanus ceased not to admonish and exhort them to let him lead them, while only a few of their enemies were near the camp, while everything was hushed and still, while the darkness might afford a cover for their enterprise. Before daylight, he declared, they could reach a place of safety among the towns of the allies.”

> Latin: 60.10. nocte prope tota P. Sempronius Tuditanus non destitit monere, adhortari eos, dum paucitas hostium circa castra, dum quies ac silentium esset, dum nox inceptum tegere posset, se ducem sequerentur: ante lucem peruenire in tuta loca, in sociorum urbes posse.

[¶63] 60.11. “If he had said what, within the recollection of our grandsires, Publius Decius, tribune of the soldiers, said in Samnium; or what Marcus Calpurnius Flamma said, when we ourselves were young men, in the former Punic war, to three hundred volunteers whom he was leading to take a hill that rose in the very midst of the enemy: 'Soldiers, let us die, and by our death set free the beleaguered legions' —if ” “Publius Sempronius had said this, I should have deemed you no true men, to say nothing of Romans, if none had come forward to share so brave an exploit.”

> Latin: 60.11. si ut auorum memoria P. Decius tribunus militum in Samnio, si ut nobis adulescentibus priore Punico bello Calpurnius Flamma trecentis uoluntariis, cum ad tumulum eos capiendum situm inter medios duceret hostes, dixit "moriamur, milites, et morte nostra eripiamus ex obsidione circumuentas legiones", si hoc P. Sempronius diceret, nec uiros quidem nec Romanos uos duceret, si nemo tantae uirtutis exstitisset comes.

[¶64] 60.13. “But instead he points out to you a road that leads to safety as surely as to fame. He proposes to restore you to your country, to your parents, to your wives and children. You lack even the spirit to be saved! What would you do then if your country called on you to die?”

> Latin: 60.13. uiam non ad gloriam magis quam ad salutem ferentem demonstrat; reduces in patriam ad parentes, ad coniuges ac liberos facit. ut seruemini, deest uobis animus:

[¶65] 60.14. “Fifty thousand fellow Romans and allies lay slaughtered round you that very day. If so many brave examples could not move you, nothing ever will. If that dreadful carnage has not made life cheap, none ever will. Long for your country, whilst you are free and unattainted. Nay, rather, long for it whilst it is your country, whilst you are reckoned with its citizens.”

> Latin: 60.14. quid, si moriendum pro patria esset, faceretis? quinquaginta milia ciuium sociorumque circa uos eo ipso die caesa iacent. si tot exempla uirtutis non mouent, nihil unquam mouebit; si tanta clades uilem uitam non fecit, nulla faciet. liberi atque incolumes desiderate patriam;

[¶66] 60.15. “Too late now is your longing; you have forfeited your status, lost your civic rights, been made slaves of the Carthaginians. Do you think to return, for ransom, to that condition which you forfeited by cowardice and turpitude?”

> Latin: 60.15. immo desiderate, dum patria est, dum ciues eius estis. sero nunc desideratis, deminuti capite, [abalienati iure ciuium] serui Carthaginiensium facti.

[¶67] 60.16. “You would not listen to Publius Sempronius, your fellow citizen, when he bade you arm and follow him; but you listened to Hannibal a little later, when he bade you betray the camp and surrender your arms. But why do I charge these men with cowardice when I could bring against them a charge of crime?”

> Latin: 60.16. pretio redituri estis eo unde ignauia ac nequitia abistis? P. Sempronium ciuem uestrum non audistis arma capere ac sequi se iubentem; Hannibalem post paulo audistis castra prodi et arma tradi iubentem.

[¶68] 60.17. “For not only did they refuse to follow a man who gave them good advice, but they tried to thwart and hinder him; and those heroic men were forced to draw their swords and thrust the cowards from their path. Aye, Publius Sempronius must needs break through a band of Roman citizens before he could break through their enemies: Can their country wish to recover such citizens as these?”

> Latin: 60.17. quam<quam quid> ego ignauiam istorum accuso, cum scelus possim accusare? non modo enim sequi recusarunt bene monentem sed obsistere ac retinere conati sunt, ni strictis gladiis uiri fortissimi inertes summouissent. prius, inquam, P. Sempronio per ciuium agmen quam per hostium fuit erumpendum.

[¶69] 60.18. “If the others had resembled these, she would possess to-day no single citizen of all those who fought at Cannae. Out of seven thousand soldiers, six hundred were sufficiently courageous to force their way through and return to their country, free and armed.”

> Latin: 60.18. hos ciues patria desideret, quorum si ceteri similes fuissent, neminem hodie ex iis qui ad Cannas pugnauerunt ciuem haberet?

[¶70] 60.19. “Nor did these six hundred encounter any opposition from the enemy; how safe then, think you, would have been their march, if they had amounted almost to two legions?”

> Latin: 60.19. ex milibus septem armatorum sescenti exstiterunt qui erumpere auderent, qui in patriam liberi atque armati redirent, neque his sescentis hostes obstitere;

[¶71] 60.20. “You would have to-day under arms at Canusium, Conscript Fathers, twenty thousand brave and loyal men. But how can these men now be good and loyal citizens —for they themselves would hardly claim to be brave?”

> Latin: 60.20. quam tutum iter duarum prope legionum agmini futurum censetis fuisse? haberetis hodie uiginti milia armatorum Canusii fortia, fidelia, patres conscripti. nunc autem quemadmodum hi boni fidelesque—nam "fortes" ne ipsi quidem dixerint—ciues esse possunt?

[¶72] 60.21. “Unless we are to believe that they helped their comrades to sally out, when in fact they tried to prevent the sally; or that they grudge not those men both the safety and the renown their courage has earned them, knowing, as they do, that fear and cowardice are the cause of their own disgraceful servitude. They had a good chance of escaping in the silence of the night, but preferred to hide in their tents and await both the day and the enemy.”

> Latin: 60.21. nisi quis credere potest aut adfuisse erumpentibus qui, ne erumperent, obsistere conati sunt, aut non inuidere eos cum incolumitati, tum gloriae illorum per uirtutem partae, cum sibi timorem ignauiamque seruitutis ignominiosae causam esse sciant.

[¶73] 60.22. “But perhaps, though they lacked the courage to sally forth, they had courage enough for a valiant defence of the camp? Perhaps they were besieged for several days and nights, and protected the rampart with their swords, and themselves with the rampart?”

> Latin: 60.22. maluerunt in tentoriis latentes simul lucem atque hostem exspectare, cum silentio noctis erumpendi occasio esset. <at> ad erumpendum e castris defuit animus, ad tutanda fortiter castra animum habuerunt;

[¶74] 60.23. “and finally, after suffering the last extremities, when every support of life gave out and their strength was so impaired with hunger that they could now no longer hold up their shields, they were overcome by the necessities of human nature and not by arms?”

> Latin: 60.23. dies noctesque aliquot obsessi uallum armis, se ipsi tutati uallo sunt; tandem ultima ausi passique, cum omnia subsidia uitae deessent adfectisque fame uiribus arma iam sustinere nequirent, necessitatibus magis humanis quam armis uicti sunt.

[¶75] 60.24. “Nay, the sun was up when the enemy approached the rampart, and the day was not two hours old when, without once putting their fortune to the test of battle, they surrendered both their arms and their persons. Such, mark you, were the exploits these men performed during two days.”

> Latin: 60.24. orto sole ab hostibus ad uallum accessum; ante secundam horam, nullam fortunam certaminis experti, tradiderunt arma ac se ipsos. haec uobis istorum per biduum militia fuit.

[¶76] 60.25. “When they ought to have stood fast in the line and fought, they fled to their tents; when they ought to have fought for their stockade, they surrendered the camp, worthless alike in the field and behind entrenchments.”

> Latin: 60.25. cum in acie stare ac pugnare decuerat, [cum] in castra refugerunt; cum pro uallo pugnandum erat, castra tradiderunt, neque in acie neque in castris utiles.

[¶77] 60.26. “And you would have us ransom you? When it is time to sally from your camp, you hesitate and stop there; when it is needful that you stop and defend it with your swords, you hand over camp and swords and your own bodies to the enemy!”

> Latin: 60.26. et uos redimam? cum erumpere e castris oportet, cunctamini ac manetis; cum manere <et> castra tutari armis necesse est, et castra et arma et uos ipsos traditis hosti.

[¶78] 60.27. “No, Conscript Fathers, I would no more vote for ransoming these men than I would for giving those others up to Hannibal, who forced their way from the camp through the midst of enemies, and, by exerting the utmost valour, gave themselves back to their country.”

> Latin: 60.27. ego non magis istos redimendos, patres conscripti, censeo quam illos dedendos Hannibali qui per medios hostes e castris eruperunt ac per summam uirtutem se patriae restituerunt.'

[¶79] 61.1. After the speech of Manlius, though most of the senators, too, had relatives amongst the prisoners, yet, besides the example of a state which had shown from of old the scantiest consideration for prisoners of war, they were also moved by the greatness of the sum required, not wishing either to exhaust the treasury, on which they had already made a heavy draft to purchase slaves and arm them for service, or to furnish Hannibal with money —the one thing of which he was rumoured to stand most in need.

> Latin: 61.1. postquam Manlius dixit, quamquam patrum quoque plerosque captiui cognatione attingebant, praeter exemplum ciuitatis minime in captiuos iam inde antiquitus indulgentis, pecuniae quoque summa homines mouit, quia nec aerarium exhauriri, magna iam summa erogata in seruos ad militiam emendos armandosque, nec Hannibalem, maxime huiusce rei, ut fama erat, egentem, locupletari uolebant.

[¶80] 61.3. When the stern reply, that the prisoners would not be ransomed, had gone forth, and fresh sorrow had been added to the old, at the loss of so many of their fellow-citizens, the crowd attended the envoys to the gate with many tears and lamentations.

> Latin: 61.3. cum triste responsum non redimi captiuos redditum esset nouusque super ueterem luctus tot iactura ciuium adiectus esset, cum magnis fletibus questibus legatos ad portam prosecuti sunt.

[¶81] 61.4. One of them departed to his home, pretending to have freed himself from his oath when he deceitfully returned to the enemy's camp. As soon as this became known and was reported to the senators, they voted unanimously to arrest him and appointed guards to conduct him back to Hannibal.

> Latin: 61.4. unus ex iis domum abiit, quod fallaci reditu in castra iure iurando se exsoluisset. quod ubi innotuit relatumque ad senatum est, omnes censuerunt comprehendendum et custodibus publice datis deducendum ad Hannibalem esse. est et alia de captiuis fama:

[¶82] 61.5. There is also another accounts of the prisoners of war: that ten envoys came at first, and that the senate, after hesitating whether or no to admit them to the City, admitted them, with the proviso that they should have no hearing.

> Latin: 61.5. decem primos uenisse; de eis cum dubitatum in senatu esset admitterentur in urbem necne, ita admissos esse ne tamen iis senatus daretur;

[¶83] 61.6. Later, on their delaying longer than anybody had anticipated, three additional envoys came, namely Lucius Scribonius and Gaius Calpurnius and Lucius Manlius; then at last a motion was made in the senate by a kinsman of Scribonius, who was tribune of plebs, that the prisoners be ransomed, but the motion was defeated;

> Latin: 61.6. morantibus deinde longius omnium spe alios tres insuper legatos uenisse, L. Scribonium et C. Calpurnium et L. Manlium; tum demum ab cognato Scriboni tribuno plebis de redimendis captiuis relatum esse nec censuisse redimendos senatum;

[¶84] 61.7. the three new envoys now returned to Hannibal, but the original ten remained in Rome, alleging that they had freed themselves of their obligation by going back to Hannibal's camp, after starting on their journey, under the pretext of reviewing the prisoners' names.

> Latin: 61.7. et nouos legatos tres ad Hannibalem reuertisse, decem ueteres remansisse, quod per causam recognoscendi nomina captiuorum ad Hannibalem ex itinere regressi religione sese exsoluissent;

[¶85] 61.8. A proposal to surrender them was hotly debated in the senate and was lost by only a few votes.

> Latin: 61.8. de iis dedendis magna contentione actum in senatu esse uictosque paucis sententiis qui dedendos censuerint;

[¶86] 61.9. However, under the next censors the ten were so overwhelmed with every species of reprobation and disgrace that some of them killed themselves forthwith, and the rest during all the remainder of their lives avoided not only the Forum, but, one might almost say, the light of day and the public streets.

> Latin: 61.9. ceterum proximis censoribus adeo omnibus notis ignominiisque confectos esse ut quidam eorum mortem sibi ipsi extemplo consciuerint, ceteri non foro solum omni deinde uita sed prope luce ac publico caruerint.

[¶87] 61.10. It is more amazing that the authorities should be so divergent than easy to make out the truth. For the rest, how greatly this disaster exceeded those that had gone before is plain from this: the loyalty of the allies, which had held firm until the day of Cannae, now began to waver, assuredly for no other reason than because they had lost all hope of the empire.

> Latin: 61.10. mirari magis adeo discrepare inter auctores quam quid ueri sit discernere queas. quanto autem maior ea clades superioribus cladibus fuerit uel ea res indicio <est quod fides socio>rum, quae ad eam diem firma steterat, tum labare coepit nulla profecto alia de re quam quod desperauerant de imperio.

[¶88] 61.11. Now these are the peoples that revolted: the Campanians, the Atellani, the Calatini, the Hirpini, a part of the Apulians, all the Samnites but the Pentri, all the Bruttii, the Lucanians, and besides these the Uzentini and almost all the Greeks on the coast, the Tarentines, the Metapontines, the Crotoniates and the Locri, together with all the Cisalpine Gauls.

> Latin: 61.11. defecere autem ad Poenos hi populi: Atellani, Calatini, Hirpini, Apulorum pars, Samnites praeter Pentros, Bruttii omnes, Lucani, praeter hos Uzentini, et Graecorum omnis ferme ora, Tarentini, Metapontini, Crotonienses Locrique, et Cisalpini omnes Galli.

[¶89] 61.13. Yet these disasters and the falling away of the allies could not induce the Romans anywhere to mention peace, either before the consul came to Rome or after his coming had turned men's thoughts anew to the calamity which they had suffered.

> Latin: 61.13. nec tamen eae clades defectionesque sociorum mouerunt ut pacis usquam mentio apud Romanos fieret neque ante consulis Romam aduentum nec postquam is rediit renouauitque memoriam acceptae cladis;

[¶90] 61.14. In that very hour there was such courage in the hearts of the citizens that when the consul was returning from that defeat for which he himself had been chiefly responsible, a crowd of all sorts and conditions went out to meet him on the way, and gave him thanks because he had not despaired of the state;

> Latin: 61.14. quo in tempore ipso adeo magno animo ciuitas fuit ut consuli ex tanta clade, cuius ipse causa maxima fuisset, redeunti et obuiam itum frequenter ab omnibus ordinibus sit et gratiae actae quod de re publica non desperasset;

[¶91] 61.15. whereas, had he been the commander of the Carthaginians, there was no punishment he would not have been compelled to suffer.

> Latin: 61.15. qui si Carthaginiensium ductor fuisset, nihil recusandum supplicii foret.

## 12. Book XXIII · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. AFTER the battle of Cannae and the capture and plunder of the camps, Hannibal had moved at once out of Apulia into Samnium, being invited into the land of the Hirpini by Statius Trebius, who promised that he would turn over Compsa to him.

> Latin: 1.1. Hannibal post Cannensem pugnam ltcastraquegt capta ac direpta confestim ex Apulia in Samnium mouerat, accitus in Hirpinos a Statio ltTrebiogt pollicente se Compsam traditurum.

[¶1] 1.2. Trebius was a Compsan of high rank among his people, but opposed by the party of the Mopsii, a family made powerful by the favour of the Romans.

> Latin: 1.2. Compsanus erat Trebius nobilis inter suos; sed premebat eum Mopsiorum factio, familiae per gratiam Romanorum potentis.

[¶2] 1.3. After the news of the battle of Cannae, and when the coming of Hannibal had been made known by utterances of Trebius, since the Mopsii had left the city, it was handed over to the Carthaginians without resistance and a garrison admitted.

> Latin: 1.3. post famam Cannensis pugnae uolgatumque Trebi sermonibus aduentum Hannibalis cum Mopsiani urbe excessissent, sine certamine tradita urbs Poeno praesidiumque acceptum est.

[¶3] 1.4. There Hannibal left all his booty and the baggage, divided his army, and ordered Mago either to take over such cities of that region as were deserting the Romans or to compel them to desert in case they refused. He himself made his way through the Campanian region to the Lower Sea, intending to attack Neapolis, that he might have a seaport.

> Latin: 1.4. ibi praeda omni atque impedimentis relictis, exercitu partito Magonem regionis eius urbes aut deficientes ab Romanis accipere aut detractantes cogere ad defectionem iubet, ipse per agrum Campanum mare inferum petit, oppugnaturus Neapolim, ut urbem maritimam haberet.

[¶4] 1.6. On entering the territory of the Neapolitans, he stationed some of the Numidians in ambush, wherever he conveniently could (and most of the roads are deep-cut and the turnings concealed). Other Numidians he ordered to ride up to the gates, making a display of the booty they were driving along before them from the farms.

> Latin: 1.6. ubi fines Neapolitanorum intrauit, Numidas partim in insidiis—et pleraeque cauae sunt uiae sinusque occulti—quacumque apte poterat disposuit, alios prae se actam praedam ex agris ostentantes obequitare portis iussit.

[¶5] 1.7. Against these men, because they seemed to be few in number and disorganized, a troop of cavalry made a sally, but being drawn into the ambush by the enemy's purposely retreating, it was overpowered.

> Latin: 1.7. in quos, quia nec multi et incompositi uidebantur, cum turma equitum erupisset, ab cedentibus consulto tracta in insidias circumuenta est;

[¶6] 1.8. And not a: man would have escaped if the proximity of the sea and the sight of vessels, chiefly of fishermen, not far from the shore had not given those who could swim a way of escape.

> Latin: 1.8. nec euasisset quisquam, ni mare propinquum et haud procul litore naues, piscatoriae pleraeque, conspectae peritis nandi dedissent effugium.

[¶7] 1.9. However a number of young nobles were captured or slain in that battle, among them, Hegeas, a cavalry commander, who fell as he rashly pursued the retreating.

> Latin: 1.9. aliquot tamen eo proelio nobiles iuuenes capti caesique, inter quos et Hegeas, praefectus equitum, intemperantius cedentes secutus cecidit.

[¶8] 1.10. From besieging the city the Carthaginian was deterred by the sight of walls such as by no means invited an attacker.

> Latin: 1.10. ab urbe oppugnanda Poenum absterruere conspecta moenia haudquaquam prompta oppugnanti.

[¶9] 2.1. Hannibal then directed his march to Capua, which was pampered by its long-continued prosperity and the favour of fortune, but, along with the general corruption, especially from the licence of the common people, who enjoyed an unlimited freedom.

> Latin: 2.1. inde Capuam flectit iter, luxuriantem longa felicitate atque indulgentia fortunae, maxime tamen inter corrupta omnia licentia plebis sine modo libertatem exercentis.

[¶10] 2.2. As for the senate, Pacuvius Calavius, a noble who was at the same time of the people's party, but had gained his influence by base arts, had made it subservient both to himself and to the common people.

> Latin: 2.2. senatum et sibi et plebi obnoxium Pacuuius Calauius fecerat, nobilis idem ac popularis homo, ceterum malis artibus nanctus opes.

[¶11] 2.3. He, being in their highest office, as is happened, in the year of the defeat at Lake Trasumennus, thought that the commons, long hostile to the senate, would use the opportunity of a revolution and dare to commit a great crime, namely, if Hannibal should come into the region with his victorious army, they would slay the senators and hand over Capua to the Carthaginians. A bad man, but not utterly abandoned, he preferred to dominate a state still intact rather than one that had been wrecked, yet believed that none was intact if deprived of its deliberative body. He accordingly entered upon a scheme to save the senate and at the same time to make it submissive to himself and to the commons.

> Latin: 2.3. is cum eo forte anno, quo res male gesta ad Trasumennum est, in summo magistratu esset, iam diu infestam senatui plebem ratus per occasionem nouandi res magnum ausuram facinus ut, si in ea loca Hannibal cum uictore exercitu uenisset, trucidato senatu traderet Capuam Poenis, improbus homo sed non ad extremum perditus, cum mallet incolumi quam euersa re publica dominari, nullam autem incolumem esse orbatam publico consilio crederet, rationem iniit qua et senatum seruaret et obnoxium sibi ac plebi faceret.

[¶12] 2.5. Summoning the senate he began by saying that, unless it should prove necessary, a plan to revolt from the Romans would by no means have his approval, since he had children by a daughter of Appius Claudius and had given a daughter in marriage to Marcus Livius at Rome.

> Latin: 2.5. uocato senatu cum sibi defectionis ab Romanis consilium placiturum nullo modo, nisi necessarium fuisset, praefatus esset, quippe qui liberos ex Ap.

[¶13] 2.6. But, he went on to say, something much more serious and more to be dreaded was impending;

> Latin: 2.6. Claudi filia haberet filiamque Romam nuptum M. Liuio dedisset; ceterum maiorem multo rem magisque timendam instare;

[¶14] 2.7. for the common people were not aiming to rid the state of the senate by a revolt, but by the massacre of the senate wished to hand over the republic, left helpless, to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 2.7. non enim per defectionem ad tollendum ex ciuitate senatum plebem spectare sed per caedem senatus uacuam rem publicam tradere Hannibali ac Poenis uelle;

[¶15] 2.8. From that danger he could free them if they should leave it to him, and, forgetting civil conflicts, trust him. When, overcome by fear, they unanimously left matters to him, “I will shut you up,” he said, “in the Senate House and,” “just as if I were myself a sharer in the crime intended, by approving plans which it would be vain for me to oppose, I will find a way to save you.

> Latin: 2.8. eo se periculo posse liberare eos si permittant sibi et certaminum in re publica obliti credant,—cum omnes uicti metu permitterent, 'claudam' inquit 'in curia uos et, tamquam et ipse cogitati facinoris particeps, approbando consilia quibus nequiquam aduersarer uiam saluti uestrae inueniam.

[¶16] 2.9. For this accept a pledge, as you yourselves desire.”

> Latin: 2.9. in hoc fidem, quam uoltis ipsi, accipite.'

[¶17] 2.10. Having given the pledge he went out, ordered the Senate House to be closed and left a guard before the entrance, that no one might be able to enter the Senate House or leave it without his order.

> Latin: 2.10. fide data egressus claudi curiam iubet praesidiumque in uestibulo relinquit ne quis adire curiam iniussu suo neue inde egredi possit.

[¶18] 3.1. Then calling the people to an assembly he said: “You have often desired, Campanians, to have the power to exact punishment from a base and odious senate. That power you have, not by riotously storming, with great danger to yourselves, the houses of individuals who defend them with garrisons of clients and slaves, but you have the power secure and unrestricted.”

> Latin: 3.1. tum uocato ad contionem populo 'quod saepe' inquit 'optastis, Campani, ut supplicii sumendi uobis ex improbo ac detestabili senatu potestas esset, eam non per tumultum expugnantes domos singulorum, quas praesidiis clientium seruorumque tuentur, cum summo uestro periculo, sed tutam habetis ac liberam;

[¶19] 3.2. “As they are shut up there, every man of them, in the Senate House, seize them, left alone, unarmed!”

> Latin: 3.2. clausos omnes in curia accipite, solos, inermes.

[¶20] 3.3. “And do nothing in haste or at haphazard. I will give you the right to decide their fate in each separate case, so that each shall pay the penalty he has deserved.”

> Latin: 3.3. nec quicquam raptim aut forte temere egeritis; de singulorum capite uobis ius sententiae dicendae faciam, ut quas quisque meritus est poenas pendat;

[¶21] 3.4. “But above all things you should vent your wrath with due regard to the conviction that your safety and advantage are worth more than wrath. For it is these senators that you hate, I think; it is not your wish to have no senate at all.”

> Latin: 3.4. sed ante omnia ita uos irae indulgere oportet, ut potiorem ira salutem atque utilitatem uestram habeatis. etenim hos, ut opinor, odistis senatores, non senatum omnino habere non uoltis;

[¶22] 3.5. “In fact you must either have a king —save the mark! —or else a senate, the only deliberative body in a free state. And so you have two things to do at the same time —to do away with the old senate, and to choose a new one.”

> Latin: 3.5. quippe aut rex, quod abominandum, aut, quod unum liberae ciuitatis consilium est, senatus habendus est. itaque duae res simul agendae uobis sunt, ut et ueterem senatum tollatis et nouum cooptetis.

[¶23] 3.6. “I will order the senators to be called one by one and will consult you as to their fate. Whatever is your opinion in each case shall be done, but before punishment is inflicted on the guilty one you will choose in his place a brave and active man as a new senator.”

> Latin: 3.6. citari singulos senatores iubebo de quorum capite uos consulam; quod de quoque censueritis fiet; sed prius in eius locum uirum fortem ac strenuum nouum senatorem cooptabitis quam de noxio supplicium sumatur.'

[¶24] 3.7. He then sat down, and after the names had been placed in the urn, he ordered the first name drawn by lot to be called and the man himself to be led out of the Senate House.

> Latin: 3.7. inde consedit et nominibus in urnam coniectis citari quod primum sorte nomen excidit ipsumque e curia produci iussit.

[¶25] 3.8. On hearing the name every man shouted his loudest, that he was a bad man and base and deserved punishment.

> Latin: 3.8. ubi auditum est nomen, malum et improbum pro se quisque clamare et supplicio dignum.

[¶26] 3.9. Upon that Pacuvius said: “I see what your verdict is in this man's case; therefore in place of a bad man and base nominate a good and just senator.”

> Latin: 3.9. tum Pacuuius: 'uideo quae de hoc sententia sit; date igitur pro malo atque improbo bonum senatorem et iustum.'

[¶27] 3.10. At first there was silence from their inability to suggest a better man. Then when someone, overcoming his timidity, named a man, at once there was a much louder outcry, some saying they did not know him, others taunting him, now with shameful conduct, now with low rank and sordid poverty and the disreputable nature of his trade or business.

> Latin: 3.10. primo silentium erat inopia potioris subiciundi; deinde cum aliquis omissa uerecundia quempiam nominasset, multo maior extemplo clamor oriebatur, cum alii negarent nosse, alii nunc probra, nunc humilitatem sordidamque inopiam et pudendae artis aut quaestus genus obicerent.

[¶28] 3.12. All the more was this done in the case of the second and third senator called. So it was clear that people were dissatisfied with the man himself, but had no one to put in his place. For nothing was gained by once more naming the same men, who had been named only to be reviled. And the rest were much lower in rank and less known than those who first came to mind.

> Latin: 3.12. hoc multo magis in secundo ac tertio citato senatore est factum, ut ipsius paenitere homines appareret, quem autem in eius substituerent locum deesse, quia nec eosdem nominari attinebat, nihil aliud quam ad audienda probra nominatos, et multo humiliores obscurioresque ceteri erant eis qui primi memoriae occurrebant.

[¶29] 3.14. Accordingly men slipped away, saying that the most familiar evil is the most endurable, and bidding Pacuvius release the senate from confinement.

> Latin: 3.14. ita dilabi homines, notissimum quodque malum maxime tolerabile dicentes esse iubentesque senatum ex custodia dimitti.

[¶30] 4.1. In this way Pacuvius, having made the senate much more subservient to himself than to the common people by saving their lives, ruled without arms, as all now gave way to him.

> Latin: 4.1. hoc modo Pacuuius cum obnoxium uitae beneficio senatum multo sibi magis quam plebi fecisset, sine armis iam omnibus concedentibus dominabatur.

[¶31] 4.2. Thereafter the senators, forgetting their rank and freedom, flattered the common people, greeted them, invited them graciously, entertained them at well appointed feasts;

> Latin: 4.2. hinc senatores omissa dignitatis libertatisque memoria plebem adulari;

[¶32] 4.3. invariably undertook cases, appeared as counsel, or as jurors gave a verdict, only for that side which was the more popular and better suited to win favour with the populace.

> Latin: 4.3. salutare, benigne inuitare, apparatis accipere epulis, eas causas suscipere, ei semper parti adesse, secundum eam litem iudices dare quae magis popularis aptiorque in uolgus fauori conciliando esset;

[¶33] 4.4. Moreover, nothing was done in the senate otherwise than if a meeting of the common people was being held there. The state had always been inclined to luxury, not only from defects in character, but also from the abundant opportunity for indulgences and the beguilement of all the charms of sea and land. But at that time, thanks to the servility of the leading men and the licence of the common people, they were so unrestrained that no limit was set to passion or to expense.

> Latin: 4.4. iam uero nihil in senatu agi aliter quam si plebis ibi esset concilium. prona semper ciuitas in luxuriam non ingeniorum modo uitio sed afluenti copia uoluptatium et illecebris omnis amoenitatis maritimae terrestrisque, tum uero ita obsequio principum et licentia plebei lasciuire ut nec libidini nec sumptibus modus esset.

[¶34] 4.6. To their contempt for laws, the magistrates, the senate, there was now added, after the defeat at Cannae, their disparagement of the Roman power also, for which there used to be some respect.

> Latin: 4.6. ad contemptum legum, magistratuum, senatus accessit tum, post Cannensem cladem, ut, cuius aliqua uerecundia erat, Romanum quoque spernerent imperium.

[¶35] 4.7. All that held them back from at once revolting was that the long-established right of intermarriage had united many distinguished and powerful families with the Romans, and that, although a considerable number were serving on the Roman side, the strongest bond was the three hundred horsemen, noblest of the Campanians, who had been chosen to garrison Sicilian cities by the Romans and sent thither.

> Latin: 4.7. id modo erat in mora ne extemplo deficerent, quod conubium uetustum multas familias claras ac potentes Romanis miscuerat, et, quod maximum uinculum erat, trecenti equites, nobilissimus quisque Campanorum, cum militarent aliquando apud Romanos in praesidia Sicularum urbium delecti ab Romanis ac missi.

[¶36] 5.1. Their parents and relatives with difficulty carried their point, that representatives should be sent to the Roman consul. These men found the consul not yet departed for Canusium, but with a few half-armed men at Venusia, exciting the utmost pity in good allies, but contempt in the haughty and faithless, such as were the Campanians.

> Latin: 5.1. horum parentes cognatique aegre peruicerunt ut legati ad consulem Romanum mitterentur. ii nondum Canusium profectum sed Uenusiae cum paucis ac semiermibus consulem inuenerunt, quam poterant maxime miserabilem bonis sociis, superbis atque infidelibus, ut erant Campani, spernendum.

[¶37] 5.2. And the consul increased the contempt for his situation and for himself by needlessly uncovering and laying bare the disaster.

> Latin: 5.2. et auxit rerum suarum suique contemptum consul nimis detegendo cladem nudandoque.

[¶38] 5.3. For when the delegation had reported that the senate and the Campanian people were distressed that any reverse had befallen the Romans, and were promising everything that might be needed for the war, he said: “You, Campanians, have observed the customary manner of speaking to allies, in bidding me requisition whatever is needed for the war, rather than spoken conformably to the present state of our fortunes.”

> Latin: 5.3. nam cum legati aegre ferre senatum populumque Campanum aduersi quicquam euenisse Romanis nuntiassent pollicerenturque omnia quae ad bellum opus essent, 'morem magis' inquit 'loquendi cum sociis seruastis, Campani, iubentes quae opus essent ad bellum imperare, quam conuenienter ad praesentem fortunae nostrae statum locuti estis.

[¶39] 5.5. “For what has been left to us at Cannae, so that, as if we had something, we may wish what is lacking to be made up by the allies? Are we to requisition infantry from you, as though we had cavalry? Are we to say that money is lacking, as if that alone were lacking? Nothing has fortune left us, even to supplement.”

> Latin: 5.5. quid enim nobis ad Cannas relictum est ut, quasi aliquid habeamus, id quod deest expleri ab sociis uelimus? pedites uobis imperemus tamquam equites habeamus? pecuniam deesse dicamus tamquam ea tantum desit? nihil, ne quod suppleremus quidem, nobis reliquit fortuna.

[¶40] 5.6. “Legions, cavalry, arms, standards, horses and men, money and supplies have vanished either in the battle or in the loss of two camps the next day.”

> Latin: 5.6. legiones, equitatus, arma, signa, equi uirique, pecunia, commeatus aut in acie aut binis postero die amissis castris perierunt.

[¶41] 5.7. “And so you, Campanians, have not to help us in war, but almost to undertake the war in our stead.”

> Latin: 5.7. itaque non iuuetis nos in bello oportet, Campani, sed paene bellum pro nobis suscipiatis.

[¶42] 5.8. “Recall how, when your ancestors were once confined in alarm within their walls, dreading not only the Samnite enemy but also the Sidicinian, we took them under our protection and defended them at Saticula. Also how with varying fortunes we endured for almost a hundred years the war begun with the Samnites on your account.”

> Latin: 5.8. ueniat in mentem, ut trepidos quondam maiores uestros intra moenia compulsos, nec Samnitem modo hostem sed etiam Sidicinum pauentes, receptos in fidem ltadgt Saticulam defenderimus coeptumque propter uos cum Samnitibus bellum per centum prope annos uariante fortuna euentum tulerimus.

[¶43] 5.9. “Add to this that upon your submission we gave you a fair treaty and your own laws, and finally —and before the disaster at Cannae this was certainly the greatest privilege —our citizenship to a large number of you and shared it with you.”

> Latin: 5.9. adicite ad haec, quod foedus aequum deditis, quod leges uestras, quod ad extremum, id quod ante Cannensem certe cladem maximum fuit, ciuitatem nostram magnae parti uestrum dedimus communicauimusque uobiscum.

[¶44] 5.10. “A share, then, Campanians, you should believe you have in this disaster which has befallen us, and should think that you must defend the country in which you have a share.”

> Latin: 5.10. itaque communem uos hanc cladem quae accepta est credere, Campani, oportet, communem patriam tuendam arbitrari esse.

[¶45] 5.11. “Not with the Samnite or Etruscan is the struggle to have the power which has been wrested from us nevertheless remain in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy, not even of African origin, is dragging after him from the farthest limits of the world, from the strait of Ocean and the Pillars of Hercules, soldiers who are unacquainted with any civilized laws and organization and, one may almost add, language too.”

> Latin: 5.11. non cum Samnite aut Etrusco res est ut quod a nobis ablatum sit in Italia tamen imperium maneat; Poenus hostis ne Africae quidem indigenam ab ultimis terrarum oris, freto Oceani Herculisque columnis, expertem omnis iuris et condicionis et linguae prope humanae militem trahit.

[¶46] 5.12. “Ruthless and barbarous by nature and custom, these men have been further barbarized by the general himself, in making bridges and embankments of piled up human bodies, and by teaching them —horrible even to relate —to feed upon the bodies of men.”

> Latin: 5.12. hunc natura et moribus immitem ferumque insuper dux ipse efferauit, pontibus ac molibus ex humanorum corporum strue faciendis et, quod proloqui etiam piget, uesci corporibus humanis docendo.

[¶47] 5.13. “To see and have as our masters men who fatten upon these unspeakable feasts, men whom it is a crime even to touch, and to get our law from Africa and Carthage, and to allow Italy to be a province of the Numidians and the Mauri —who, if merely born in Italy, would not find that abominable?”

> Latin: 5.13. his infandis pastos epulis, quos contingere etiam nefas sit, uidere atque habere dominos et ex Africa et a Carthagine iura petere et Italiam Numidarum ac Maurorum pati prouinciam esse, cui non, genito modo in Italia, detestabile sit?

[¶48] 5.14. “It will be a glorious thing, Campanians, if the Roman power, brought low by disaster, shall have been maintained and restored by your loyalty and your resources.”

> Latin: 5.14. pulchrum erit, Campani, prolapsum clade Romanum imperium uestra fide, uestris uiribus retentum ac reciperatum esse.

[¶49] 5.15. “Thirty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen can be enrolled from Campania, I believe. Moreover you have sufficient money and grain. If you have a loyalty to match your prosperity Hannibal will not be aware of his victory, nor the Romans of their defeat.”

> Latin: 5.15. triginta milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum arbitror ex Campania scribi posse; iam pecuniae adfatim est frumentique. si parem fortunae uestrae fidem habetis, nec Hannibal se uicisse sentiet nec Romani uictos esse.'

[¶50] 6.1. After this speech of the consul the legates were dismissed, and on their way home Vibius Virrius, one of them, said the time had come when the Campanians could not only recover the territory formerly taken from them unjustly by the Romans, but could also gain authority over Italy. For they would make a treaty with Hannibal on their own terms.

> Latin: 6.1. ltabgt hac oratione consulis dimissis redeuntibusque domum legatis unus ex iis Uibius Uirrius tempus uenisse ait, quo Campani non agrum solum ab Romanis quondam per iniuriam ademptum reciperare sed imperio etiam Italiae potiri possint;

[¶51] 6.2. And there would be no doubt that, when Hannibal, upon the completion of the war, retired as victor to Africa and removed his army, authority over Italy would be left to the Campanians.

> Latin: 6.2. foedus enim cum Hannibale quibus uelint legibus facturos; neque controuersiam fore quin, cum ipse confecto bello Hannibal uictor in Africam decedat exercitumque deportet, Italiae imperium Campanis relinquatur.

[¶52] 6.3. Having agreed unanimously with these words of Virrius, they made such a report of their embassy that the Roman name seemed to all to have been blotted out.

> Latin: 6.3. haec Uirrio loquenti assensi omnes ita renuntiant legationem uti deletum omnibus uideretur nomen Romanum.

[¶53] 6.4. At once the populace and most of the senate were aiming to revolt.

> Latin: 6.4. extemplo plebes ad defectionem ac pars maior senatus spectare;

[¶54] 6.5. But action was postponed for a few days by the weighty advice of the older men. Finally the view of the majority prevailed, that the same legates who had gone to the Roman consul should be sent to Hannibal.

> Latin: 6.5. extracta tamen auctoritatibus seniorum per paucos dies est res. postremo uicit sententia plurium ut iidem legati qui ad consulem Romanum ierant ad Hannibalem mitterentur.

[¶55] 6.6. Before they went to him and' before the plan to revolt was settled upon, I find in some of the annals that legates were sent to Rome by the Campanians with the demand that, if they wished' them to aid the Roman state, one of the consuls should be a Campanian;

> Latin: 6.6. quo priusquam iretur certumque defectionis consilium esset, Romam legatos missos a Campanis in quibusdam annalibus inuenio, postulantes ut alter consul Campanus fieret, si rem Romanam adiuuari uellent;

[¶56] 6.7. that resentment was aroused and the legates were ordered to be removed from the Senate House, and that a lictor was sent to lead them out of the city and bid them lodge that night outside of Roman territory.

> Latin: 6.7. indignatione orta summoueri a curia iussos esse, missumque lictorem qui ex urbe educeret eos atque eo die manere extra fines Romanos iuberet.

[¶57] 6.8. Because there was once a suspiciously similar demand made by the Latins, and Coelius and other historians had not without reason omitted the matter, I have been afraid to set this down as established.

> Latin: 6.8. quia nimis compar Latinorum quondam postulatio erat Coeliusque et alii id haud sine causa praetermiserint scriptores, ponere pro certo sum ueritus.

[¶58] 7.1. The legates came to Hannibal and made an alliance with him on these terms: that no general or magistrate of the Carthaginians should have any authority over a Campanian citizen, and that no Campanian citizen should be a soldier or perform any service against his will;

> Latin: 7.1. legati ad Hannibalem uenerunt pacemque cum eo condicionibus fecerunt ne quis imperator magistratusue Poenorum ius ullum in ciuem Campanum haberet neue ciuis Campanus inuitus militaret munusue faceret;

[¶59] 7.2. that Capua should have its own laws, its own magistrates; that the Carthaginian should give the Campanians three hundred of the Roman captives of their own choosing, with whom there should be an exchange of the Campanian horsemen who were serving in Sicily.

> Latin: 7.2. ut suae leges, sui magistratus Capuae essent; ut trecentos ex Romanis captiuis Poenus daret Campanis, quos ipsi elegissent, cum quibus equitum Campanorum, qui in Sicilia stipendia facerent, permutatio fieret.

[¶60] 7.3. Such were the terms. In addition to what was agreed upon the Campanians perpetrated these misdeeds: the populace suddenly seized prefects of the allies and other Roman citizens, some of them employed in a military duty, some engaged in private business, and with the pretence of guarding them ordered them all to be confined in the baths, that there they might die a terrible death, being suffocated by the extreme heat.

> Latin: 7.3. haec pacta: illa insuper quam quae pacta erant facinora Campani ediderunt: nam praefectos socium ciuesque Romanos alios, partim aliquo militiae munere occupatos, partim priuatis negotiis implicitos, plebs repente omnes comprehensos uelut custodiae causa balneis includi iussit, ubi feruore atque aestu anima interclusa foedum in modum exspirarent.

[¶61] 7.4. Such conduct and the sending of an embassy to the Carthaginian had been opposed to the utmost by Decius Magius, a man who lacked nothing for the attainment of the highest authority except sanity on the part of the citizens.

> Latin: 7.4. ea ne fierent neu legatio mitteretur ad Poenum, summa ope Decius Magius, uir cui ad summam auctoritatem nihil praeter sanam ciuium mentem defuit, restiterat.

[¶62] 7.5. But when he heard that a garrison was being sent by Hannibal, recalling the haughty rule of Pyrrhus and the wretched servitude of the Tarentines as warning examples, he at first openly protested that the garrison should not be admitted; then, after it had been admitted, either that it should be driven out, or, if they wished to atone for their evil action in having revolted from their oldest allies and men of the same blood by a brave and notable act, that they should slay the Punic garrison and return to their Roman allegiance.

> Latin: 7.5. ut uero praesidium mitti ab Hannibale audiuit, Pyrrhi superbam dominationem miserabilemque Tarentinorum seruitutem exempla referens, primo ne reciperetur praesidium palam uociferatus est, deinde ut receptum aut eiceretur aut, si malum facinus quod a uetustissimis sociis consanguineisque defecissent forti ac memorabili facinore purgare uellent, ut interfecto Punico praesidio restituerent Romanis se.

[¶63] 7.7. When this was reported to Hannibal (for it was not done in secret), he first sent men to summon Magius to him at the camp. Then when the latter replied with spirit that he would not go, for Hannibal had no authority over a Campanian citizen, the Carthaginian was enraged and ordered the man to be seized and brought before him in chains.

> Latin: 7.7. haec— nec enim occulta agebantur—cum relata Hannibali essent, primo misit qui uocarent Magium ad sese in castra; deinde, cum is ferociter negasset se iturum nec enim Hannibali ius esse in ciuem Campanum, concitatus ira Poenus comprehendi hominem uinctumque attrahi ad sese iussit.

[¶64] 7.8. Later, fearing that in the use of force some commotion, and in view of the excitement some unpremeditated conflict, might occur, he first sent word to Marius Blossius, the Campanian magistrate, that he would be in Capua the next day, and then he set out from the camp with a small escort.

> Latin: 7.8. ueritus deinde ne quid inter uim tumultus atque ex concitatione animorum inconsulti certaminis oreretur, ipse praemisso nuntio ad Marium Blossium, praetorem Campanum, postero die se Capuae futurum, proficiscitur e castris cum modico praesidio.

[¶65] 7.9. Marius, calling an assembly, ordered them to go out to meet Hannibal en masse with wives and children. This was done by all not only obediently but also eagerly, owing to the enthusiasm of the crowd as well and the desire to go and see a general already famous for so many victories.

> Latin: 7.9. Marius contione aduocata edicit, ut frequentes cum coniugibus ac liberis obuiam irent Hannibali. ab uniuersis id non obedienter modo sed enixe, fauore etiam uolgi et studio uisendi tot iam uictoriis clarum imperatorem, factum est.

[¶66] 7.10. Decius Magius neither went out to meet him nor remained in seclusion, by doing which he might show some fear due to conscience. He strolled idly in the market-place with his son and a few clients, although the whole city was astir to welcome and to see the Carthaginian.

> Latin: 7.10. Decius Magius nec obuiam egressus est nec, quo timorem aliquem ex conscientia significare posset, priuatim se tenuit; in foro cum filio clientibusque paucis otiose inambulauit trepidante tota ciuitate ad excipiendum Poenum uisendumque.

[¶67] 7.11. Hannibal entered the city and at once demanded a session of the senate, and then when the leading Campanians begged him not to do any serious business that day, and that he should himself cheerfully and willingly honour the day gladdened by his coming, though he was naturally hot-tempered, still in order not to deny them anything at the start, he spent a large part of the day in seeing the city.

> Latin: 7.11. Hannibal ingressus urbem senatum extemplo postulat, precantibusque inde primoribus Campanorum ne quid eo die seriae rei gereret diemque ut ipse, aduentu suo festum, laetus ac libens celebraret, quamquam praeceps ingenio in iram erat, tamen, ne quid in principio negaret, uisenda urbe magnam partem diei consumpsit.

[¶68] 8.1. He lodged at the house of the Ninnii Celeres, the brothers Sthenius and Pacuvius, men distinguished for their rank and wealth.

> Latin: 8.1. deuersatus est apud Ninnios Celeres, Sthenium Pacuuiumque, inclitos nobilitate ac diuitiis.

[¶69] 8.2. To that house Pacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has been made above, leader of the party which had drawn the state to the side of the Carthaginians, came bringing his young son. He had got him away from the company of Decius Magius, with whom the son in the most confident spirit had stood up for the Roman alliance against a treaty with Carthage. And neither the decision of the state for the other side nor his father's high position had dislodged him from his opinion.

> Latin: 8.2. eo Pacuuius Calauius, de quo ante dictum est, princeps factionis eius quae traxerat rem ad Poenos, filium iuuenem adduxit abstractum ab Deci Magi latere, cum quo ferocissime pro Romana societate aduersus Punicum foedus steterat, nec eum aut inclinata in partem alteram ciuitas aut patria maiestas sententia depulerat.

[¶70] 8.4. Such was the young man to whom his father, rather by pleading than by excusing, reconciled Hannibal, and he, prevailed upon by the father's prayers and tears, even ordered that the son should be invited with the father to a dinner at which he was to have the company of no Campanian except his hosts and Vibellius Taurea, a distinguished soldier.

> Latin: 8.4. huic tum pater iuueni Hannibalem deprecando magis quam purgando placauit, uictusque patris precibus lacrimisque etiam ad cenam eum cum patre uocari iussit, cui conuiuio neminem Campanum praeterquam hospites Uibelliumque Tauream, insignem bello uirum, adhibiturus erat.

[¶71] 8.6. They began feasting by daylight, and the banquet was not according to Carthaginian custom or military regimen, but provided with all that tempts indulgence, as it was to be expected in a city, and a house as well, of wealth and luxury.

> Latin: 8.6. epulari coeperunt de die, et conuiuium non ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse sed, ut in ciuitate atque etiam domo diti ac luxuriosa, omnibus uoluptatium inlecebris instructum.

[¶72] 8.7. Calavius the son was the only one who could not be prevailed upon to drink either by the invitation of the owners or even, now and then, of Hannibal. He himself pleaded ill health as an excuse, while his father alleged distress of mind also, at which one could not wonder.

> Latin: 8.7. unus nec dominorum inuitatione nec ipsius interdum Hannibalis Calauius filius perlici ad uinum potuit, ipse ualetudinem excusans patre animi quoque eius haud mirabilem perturbationem causante.

[¶73] 8.8. About sunset the son followed the elder Calavius coming out from the feast, and when they had reached a secluded spot —it was a garden in the rear of the house —he said: “I propose a plan, father, by which we may not only gain pardon from the Romans for our offence in having revolted to Hannibal, but as Campanians may be in a position of much greater respect and favour than we should ever have been otherwise.”

> Latin: 8.8. solis ferme occasu patrem Calauium ex conuiuio egressum secutus filius, ubi in secretum—hortus erat posticis aedium partibus— peruenerunt, 'consilium' inquit 'adfero, pater, quo non ueniam solum peccati, quod defecimus ad Hannibalem, impetraturi ab Romanis sed in multo maiore dignitate et gratia simus Campani ltfuturigt quam unquam fuimus.

[¶74] 8.10. When the astonished father asked what that plan was, the son throwing his toga off his shoulder bared his side girt with a sword.

> Latin: 8.10. cum mirabundus pater quidnam id esset consilii quaereret, toga reiecta ab umero latus succinctum gladio nudat.

[¶75] 8.11. “Presently,” he said, “I will ratify a treaty with the Romans by the blood of Hannibal. I wished you to know that in advance, in case you should prefer not to be there when the deed is being done.”

> Latin: 8.11. 'iam ego' inquit 'sanguine Hannibalis sanciam Romanum foedus. te id prius scire uolui, si forte abesse, dum facinus patratur, malles.'

[¶76] 9.1. When the old man saw and heard that, he was beside himself with fear, as if he were already present at the execution of the plan of which he was being told, and said: “I pray and implore you, my son, by all the rights which link children to their parents, not to do and suffer all that is unutterable before the eyes of your father.”

> Latin: 9.1. quae ubi uidit audiuitque senex, uelut si iam agendis quae audiebat interesset, amens metu 'per ego te' inquit, 'fili, quaecumque iura liberos iungunt parentibus, precor quaesoque ne ante oculos patris facere et pati omnia infanda uelis.

[¶77] 9.3. “It is but a few hours since, with an oath by all the gods that exist and joining our right hands to his, we pledged our honour. Was it with the intention, as soon as we left the conference, to arm against him the hands hallowed by our plighted faith?”

> Latin: 9.3. paucae horae sunt intra quas iurantes per quidquid deorum est, dextrae dextras iungentes, fidem obstrinximus—ut sacratas fide manus, digressi a conloquio, extemplo in eum armaremus?

[¶78] 9.4. “From the hospitable board, to which you were invited by Hannibal with but two other Campanians, do you rise with the intention of staining that very board with the blood of a guest?”

> Latin: 9.4. ab hospitali mensa surgis, ad quam tertius Campanorum adhibitus es ab Hannibale,—ut eam ipsam mensam cruentares hospitis sanguine? Hannibalem pater filio meo potui placare, filium Hannibali non possum?

[¶79] 9.5. “Was I able as a father to reconcile Hannibal with my son, and can not reconcile my son with Hannibal? But assuming that there is nothing hallowed, no honour, no scruple, no filial devotion, dare to do unspeakable things, if they do not bring destruction to us as well as guilt.”

> Latin: 9.5. sed sit nihil sancti, non fides, non religio, non pietas; audeantur infanda, si non perniciem nobis cum scelere ferunt.

[¶80] 9.6. “Single-handed will you attack Hannibal? What of that crowd, so many free men and slaves? What of all men's eyes fixed upon one man?”

> Latin: 9.6. unus adgressurus es Hannibalem? quid illa turba tot liberorum seruorumque? quid in unum intenti omnium oculi? quid tot dextrae?

[¶81] 9.7. “What of so many sword-hands? Will they be paralysed in the moment of that mad deed? Will you withstand Hannibal's own countenance, which armed forces have been unable to withstand, which the Roman people dreads? Supposing that help from others is lacking, will you bring yourself to strike me, when I interpose my body in place of Hannibal's? And yet it is through my breast that you will have to attack him and run him through.”

> Latin: 9.7. torpescent in amentia illa? uoltum ipsius Hannibalis, quem armati exercitus sustinere nltequeuntgt, quem horret populus Romanus, tu sustinebis? ut alia auxilia desint, me ipsum ferire corpus meum opponentem pro corpore Hannibalis sustinebis?

[¶82] 9.8. “But allow yourself to be dissuaded here, rather than overpowered there. Let my prayers prove effectual with you, as they have proved this day for you.”

> Latin: 9.8. atqui per meum pectus petendus ille tibi transfigendusque est. sed hic te deterreri sine potius quam illic uinci. ualeant preces apud te meae, sicut pro te hodie ualuerunt.'

[¶83] 9.9. Seeing the young man in tears he threw his arms about his waist, and repeatedly kissing him he did not desist from entreaties until he had prevailed upon him to put down his sword and give his pledge that he would do no such crime.

> Latin: 9.9. lacrimantem inde iuuenem cernens medium complectitur atque osculo haerens non ante precibus abstitit quam peruicit, ut gladium poneret fidemque daret nihil facturum tale.

[¶84] 9.10. Then the young man said: “As for me, I will pay my father the debt of devotion which I owe to my country.” “For you I am sorry, for you will have to meet the charge of thrice betraying your country, once when you took part in the revolt from the Romans, a second time when you advised peace with Hannibal, a third time today when you are an obstacle and a hindrance to restoring Capua to the Romans.”

> Latin: 9.10. tum iuuenis 'ego quidem' inquit, 'quam patriae debeo pietatem exsoluam patri. tuam doleo uicem, cui ter proditae patriae sustinendum est crimen, semel cum defectionem inisti ab Romanis, iterum cum pacis cum Hannibale fuisti auctor, tertio hodie, cum restituendae Romanis Capuae mora atque impedimentum es.

[¶85] 9.12. “Do you, my country, take back the sword with which I had armed myself in your defence and entered this stronghold of the enemy; for my father wrests it from me.”

> Latin: 9.12. tu, patria, ferrum, quo pro te armatus hanc arcem hostium inii, quoniam parens extorquet, recipe.'

[¶86] 9.13. Having thus spoken, he threw the sword over the garden wall into a street, and, that his conduct might not be open to suspicion, himself returned to the banquet.

> Latin: 9.13. haec cum dixisset, gladium in publicum trans maceriam horti abiecit et, quo minus res suspecta esset, se ipse conuiuio reddidit.

[¶87] 10.1. On the following day a full session of the senate was given to Hannibal. There his speech was at the outset very genial and kindly, thanking the Campanians for having preferred his friendship to a Roman alliance. And among his other magnificent assurances he promised them that Capua should soon be the capital of all Italy, and that from it the Roman people along with the rest of the nations should derive its law.

> Latin: 10.1. postero die senatus frequens datus Hannibali; ubi prima eius oratio perblanda ac benigna fuit, qua gratias egit Campanis quod amicitiam suam Romanae societati praeposuissent, [et] inter cetera magnifica promissa pollicitus breui caput Italiae omni Capuam fore iuraque inde cum ceteris populis Romanum etiam petiturum.

[¶88] 10.3. He said that one man had no part in friendship with Carthage and the treaty made with himself, namely Magius Decius, a man who ought neither to be a Campanian nor to be so called; he demanded that the man be surrendered to him, and that in his own presence his case be brought up and a decree of the senate framed.

> Latin: 10.3. unum esse exsortem Punicae amicitiae foederisque secum facti, quem neque esse Campanum neque dici debere, Magium Decium; eum postulare ut sibi dedatur, ac se praesente de eo referatur senatusque consultum fiat.

[¶89] 10.4. All voted for that proposal, although it seemed to many of them that the man did not deserve that misfortune; also that the right of liberty was being infringed by a first act that was not insignificant.

> Latin: 10.4. omnes in eam sententiam ierunt, quamquam magnae parti et uir indignus ea calamitate et haud paruo initio minui uidebatur ius libertatis.

[¶90] 10.5. Leaving the Senate House Hannibal took his seat on the tribune of the magistrates and ordered the arrest of Decius Magius, and that he be placed at his feet and make his defence.

> Latin: 10.5. egressus curia in templo magistratuum consedit comprehendique Decium Magium atque ante pedes destitutum causam dicere iussit.

[¶91] 10.6. While with undaunted spirit Magius was saying that by the terms of the treaty he could not be compelled to do that, chains were put upon him and he was ordered to be led to the camp with a lictor following.

> Latin: 10.6. qui cum manente ferocia animi negaret lege foederis id cogi posse, tum iniectae catenae ducique ante lictorem in castra est iussus.

[¶92] 10.7. So long as they led him with bare head, he kept haranguing as he went, shouting to the crowd all about him: “You have the freedom you wanted, Campanians. Through the middle of the market-place, in broad daylight, before your eyes, I, who am second to no one of the Campanians, am being hurried away in chains to my death.”

> Latin: 10.7. quoad capite aperto est ductus, contionabundus incessit, ad circumfusam undique multitudinem uociferans: 'habetis libertatem, Campani, quam petistis. foro medio, luce clara, uidentibus uobis nulli Campanorum secundus uinctus ad mortem rapior.

[¶93] 10.8. “What deed of greater violence could be done if Capua had been taken? Go to meet Hannibal, decorate your city and make the day of his coming a holiday, —that you may witness this triumph over your fellow-citizen.”

> Latin: 10.8. quid uiolentius capta Capua fieret? ite obuiam Hannibali, exornate urbem diemque aduentus eius consecrate, ut hunc triumphum de ciue uestro spectetis.'

[¶94] 10.9. As he was thus shouting and the populace seemed to be aroused, his head was covered and they were ordered to drag him more swiftly outside the gate. Thus he was led into the camp, at once put on shipboard and consigned to Carthage, for fear, if there should be some outbreak at Capua in consequence of the shameful act, the senate also might regret having surrendered a leading man, and, when an embassy was sent to demand his return, Hannibal either must offend his new allies by refusing their first request, or by granting it be obliged to keep at Capua a fomenter of insurrection and riots.

> Latin: 10.9. haec uociferanti, cum moueri uolgus uideretur, obuolutum caput est ociusque rapi extra portam iussus. ita in castra perducitur extemploque impositus in nauem et Carthaginem missus, ne motu aliquo Capuae ex indignitate rei orto senatum quoque paeniteret dediti principis et legatione missa ad repetendum eum aut negando rem quam primam peterent offendendi sibi noui socii aut tribuendo habendus Capuae esset seditionis ac turbarum auctor.

[¶95] 10.11. A storm carried the ship to Cyrenae, which was then subject to kings. On fleeing for refuge to the statue of King Ptolemy there, Magius was carried under guard to Ptolemy at Alexandria. And having informed him that he had been bound by Hannibal contrary to his treaty rights, he was freed from his chains and allowed to return to Rome or to Capua, as he might prefer.

> Latin: 10.11. nauem Cyrenas detulit tempestas, quae tum in dicione regum erant. ibi cum Magius ad statuam Ptolomaei regis confugisset, deportatus a custodibus Alexandream ad Ptolomaeum, cum eum docuisset contra ius foederis uinctum se ab Hannibale esse, uinclis liberatur, permissumque ut rediret seu Romam seu Capuam mallet.

[¶96] 10.13. Magius said that Capua was unsafe for him, and on the other hand, at a time when there was a war between the Romans and the Campanians, Rome would be the abode of a deserter rather than of a guest; that he had no wish to live elsewhere than in the land of a king in whom he found the giver and defender of his freedom.

> Latin: 10.13. nec Magius Capuam sibi tutam dicere et Romam eo tempore quo inter Romanos Campanosque bellum sit transfugae magis quam hospitis fore domicilium; nusquam malle quam in regno eius uiuere quem uindicem atque auctorem habeat libertatis.

[¶97] 11.1. While these things were going on, Quintus Fabius Pictor returned to Rome from his embassy to Delphi and read from a manuscript the response of the oracle. In it were indicated the gods and goddesses to whom offerings should be made, and in what manner.

> Latin: 11.1. dum haec geruntur, Q. Fabius Pictor legatus a Delphis Romam rediit responsumque ex scripto recitauit. diui diuaeque in eo erant quibus quoque modo supplicaretur; tum:

[¶98] 11.2. It continued: “If you do thus, Romans, your situation will be better and easier, and your state will go on more in accordance with your desire, and the Roman people will have the victory in the war.”

> Latin: 11.2. 'si ita faxitis, Romani, uestrae res meliores facilioresque erunt magisque ex sententia res publica uestra uobis procedet uictoriaque duelli populi Romani erit.

[¶99] 11.3. “When you have successfully administered and preserved your state, from the gains made you shall send a gift to Pythian Apollo and do honour to him out of the booty, the profits and the spoils.”

> Latin: 11.3. Pythio Apollini re publica uestra bene gesta seruataque lucris meritis donum mittitote deque praeda manubiis spoliisque honorem habetote;

[¶100] 11.4. “You shall keep yourselves from exulting.” After reading these words translated from the Greek verses, he went on to say that, on coming out of the oracle, he had at once made offerings to all those divinities with incense and wine; also that he had been bidden by the high-priest of the temple, just as he had come to the oracle and also conducted the rite while wearing a garland of laurel, so also to wear the garland when he boarded the ship, and not to lay it aside until he should reach Rome.

> Latin: 11.4. lasciuiam a uobis prohibetote.' haec ubi ex Graeco carmine interpretata recitauit, tum dixit se oraculo egressum extemplo iis omnibus diuis rem diuinam ture ac uino fecisse, iussumque ab templi antistite, sicut coronatus laurea corona et oraculum adisset et rem diuinam fecisset, ita coronatum nauem adscendere nec ante deponere eam quam Romam peruenisset;

[¶101] 11.6. Further, that he had carried out with the utmost scrupulosity and care all the instructions given him, and had then laid the wreath upon the altar of Apollo at Rome.

> Latin: 11.6. se, quaecumque imperata sint, cum summa religione ac diligentia exsecutum coronam Romae in aram Apollinis deposuisse. senatus decreuit ut eae res diuinae supplicationesque primo quoque tempore cum cura fierent.

[¶102] 11.7. The senate decreed that at the first opportunity those rites should be duly observed with prayers. While these things were happening at Rome and in Italy, Mago, the son of Hamilcar, had come to Carthage to report the victory at Cannae. He had not been sent by his brother directly from the battle, but had been detained for some time in taking over the Bruttian states which were revolting.

> Latin: 11.7. dum haec Romae atque ltingt Italia geruntur, nuntius uictoriae ad Cannas Carthaginem uenerat Mago Hamilcaris filius, non ex ipsa acie a fratre missus sed retentus aliquot dies in recipiendis ciuitatibus Bruttiorum quae deficiebant.

[¶103] 11.8. Accorded a hearing in the senate, he set forth the achievements of his brother in Italy: that he had fought pitched battles with six high commanders, of whom four were consuls, and two a dictator and a master of the horse, in all with six consular armies;

> Latin: 11.8. is, cum ei senatus datus esset, res gestas in Italia a fratre exponit: cum sex imperatoribus eum, quorum quattuor consules, duo dictator ac magister equitum fuerint, cum sex consularibus exercitibus acie conflixisse;

[¶104] 11.9. that he had slain over 200,000 of the enemy and captured over 50,000; that of the four consuls he had slain two; of the other two one had fled wounded, the other with barely fifty men, after losing his entire army; that the master of the horse, whose power is that of a consul, had been routed and put to flight;

> Latin: 11.9. occidisse supra ducenta milia hostium, supra quinquaginta milia cepisse. ex quattuor consulibus duos occidisse; ex duobus saucium alterum, alterum toto amisso exercitu uix cum quinquaginta hominibus effugisse.

[¶105] 11.10. that the dictator was accounted an extraordinary general because he never ventured into battle-line;

> Latin: 11.10. magistrum equitum, quae consularis potestas sit, fusum fugatum; dictatorem, quia se in aciem nunquam commiserit, unicum haberi imperatorem.

## 13. Book XXIII · chapters 11–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/13/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/13/#p-N

[¶0] 11.11. that the Bruttians and Apulians and some of the Samnites and Lucanians had revolted to the Carthaginians; that Capua, which was the capital not only of Campania, but, since the blow inflicted upon the Roman state by the battle of Cannae, of Italy also, had surrendered to Hannibal.

> Latin: 11.11. Bruttios Apulosque, partim Samnitium ac Lucanorum defecisse ad Poenos. Capuam, quod caput non Campaniae modo sed post adflictam rem Romanam Cannensi pugna Italiae sit, Hannibali se tradidisse.

[¶1] 11.12. For these victories, so many and so great, it was proper, he said, that gratitude be expressed and felt toward the immortal gods.

> Latin: 11.12. pro his tantis totque uictoriis uerum esse grates deis immortalibus agi haberique.

[¶2] 12.1. Then in evidence of such successes he ordered the golden rings to be poured out at the entrance of the Senate House. And so great was the heap of them that, when measured, they filled, as some historians assert, three pecks and a half.

> Latin: 12.1. ad fidem deinde tam laetarum rerum effundi in uestibulo curiae iussit anulos aureos, qui tantus aceruus fuit ut metientibus dimidium supra tres modios explesse sint quidam auctores:

[¶3] 12.2. The prevailing report, and nearer the truth, is that there was not more than one peck. Then, that it might be proof of a greater calamity, he added in explanation that no one but a knight, and even of the knights only those of the higher class, wore that token.

> Latin: 12.2. fama tenuit quae propior uero est, haud plus fuisse modio. adiecit deinde uerbis, quo maioris cladis indicium esset, neminem nisi equitem, atque eorum ipsorum primores, id gerere insigne.

[¶4] 12.3. The main point of his speech was that the nearer Hannibal came to realizing his hope of ending the war, the more necessary it was to help him by every means. For his campaigning was far from home, in the midst of the enemy's country.

> Latin: 12.3. summa fuit orationis, quo propius spem belli perficiendi sit, eo magis omni ope iuuandum Hannibalem esse; procul enim ab domo militiam esse, in media hostium terra;

[¶5] 12.4. A large amount of grain and money was being consumed, he said, and though so many battles had destroyed the enemy's armies, still they had considerably diminished the forces of the victor as well.

> Latin: 12.4. magnam uim frumenti pecuniae absumi, et tot acies, ut hostium exercitus delesse, ita uictoris etiam copias parte aliqua minuisse;

[¶6] 12.5. Therefore they must send reinforcements, they must send money to pay them and grain to soldiers who had deserved so well of the Carthaginian nation. After these words of Mago, while all were rejoicing, Himilco, a man of the Barca party, thought it an opportunity to rebuke Hanno.

> Latin: 12.5. mittendum igitur supplementum esse, mittendam in stipendium pecuniam frumentumque tam bene meritis de nomine Punico militibus. secundum haec dicta Magonis laetis omnibus, Himilco, uir factionis Barcinae, locum Hannonis increpandi esse ratus, 'quid est, Hanno?'

[¶7] 12.6. “Tell me, Hanno,” he-said, “is it still to be regretted that we undertook a war against the Romans? Order the surrender of Hannibal!”

> Latin: 12.6. inquit; 'etiam nunc paenitet belli suscepti aduersus Romanos?

[¶8] 12.7. “In the midst of such successes forbid the rendering of thanks to the immortal gods! Let us listen to a Roman senator in the Carthaginian 'Senate House.”

> Latin: 12.7. iube dedi Hannibalem; ueta in tam prosperis rebus grates deis immortalibus agi; audiamus Romanum senatorem in Carthaginiensium curia.' tum Hanno:

[¶9] 12.8. Thereupon Hanno said: “I should have remained silent to-day, members of the senate, for fear of saying something which in the universal rejoicing would bring less joy to you.”

> Latin: 12.8. 'tacuissem hodie, patres conscripti, ne quid in communi omnium gaudio minus laetum quod esset uobis loquerer;

[¶10] 12.9. “As it is, when a senator asks me whether it is still a matter of regret that we entered upon a war against the Romans, if I were to remain silent I should be thought either haughty or subservient, of which the one marks a man forgetful of another's independence, the other a man who forgets his own.”

> Latin: 12.9. nunc interroganti senatori, paeniteatne adhuc suscepti aduersus Romanos belli, si reticeam, aut superbus aut obnoxius uidear, quorum alterum est hominis alienae libertatis obliti, alterum suae.

[¶11] 12.10. “I should like to say in reply to Himilco,” he said, “that I have not ceased to regret the war, and will not cease to accuse your invincible commander until I shall see the war ended on some sufferable terms; nor will anything else than a new peace end my longing for the old peace.”

> Latin: 12.10. respondeam' inquit 'Himilconi non desisse paenitere me belli neque desiturum ante inuictum uestrum imperatorem incusare quam finitum aliqua tolerabili condicione bellum uidero; nec mihi pacis antiquae desiderium ulla alia res quam pax noua finiet. itaque ista quae modo Mago iactauit Himilconi ceterisque Hannibalis satellitibus iam laeta sunt:

[¶12] 12.11. “And so those facts which Mago has just boastfully reported already give joy to Himilco and the other minions of Hannibal, and may give joy to me, since successes in war, if we are willing to make use of our good fortune, will give us a more favourable peace.”

> Latin: 12.11. mihi possunt laeta esse, quia res bello bene gestae, si uolumus fortuna uti, pacem nobis aequiorem dabunt;

[¶13] 12.12. “I mean that if we let slip this moment, when we may be considered as giving, rather than receiving, a peace, I fear that this joy also of ours may run to excess and come to nothing.”

> Latin: 12.12. nam si praetermittimus hoc tempus quo magis dare quam accipere possumus uideri pacem, uereor ne haec quoque laetitia luxuriet nobis ac uana euadat.

[¶14] 12.13. “But even now what is it worth? ' I have slain armies of the enemy. Send me soldiers! ' What else would you ask for if you had been defeated?”

> Latin: 12.13. quae tamen nunc quoque qualis est? occidi exercitus hostium; mittite milites mihi. quid aliud rogares, si esses uictus?

[¶15] 12.14. ' I have captured two camps of the enemy,' full of booty and supplies, of course. ' Give me grain and money!

> Latin: 12.14. hostium cepi bina castra, praedae uidelicet plena et commeatuum; frumentum et pecuniam date. quid aliud, si spoliatus, si exutus castris esses, peteres?

[¶16] 12.15. ' What else would you beg if you had been despoiled, if you had lost your camp? And, not to have all the amazement to myself —for it is right and proper for me too, having answered Himilco, to turn questioner, —I “should like either Himilco or Mago to answer, in the first place, whether any state among the Latins has revolted to us, although the battle of Cannae meant the utter destruction of the Roman power, and it is known that all Italy is in revolt; in the second place, whether any man out of the thirty-five tribes has deserted to Hannibal.”

> Latin: 12.15. et ne omnia ipse mirer—mihi quoque enim, quoniam respondi Himilconi, interrogare ius fasque est—uelim seu Himilco seu Mago respondeat, cum ad internecionem Romani imperii pugnatum ad Cannas sit constetque in defectione totam Italiam esse, primum, ecquis Latini nominis populus defecerit ad nos, deinde, ecquis homo ex quinque et triginta tribubus ad Hannibalem transfugerit.'

[¶17] 12.17. On Mago's negative answer to both Hanno said: "Accordingly there remains, to be sure, a very great number of the enemy. But what spirit, what hope that multitude has, I should like to know.'

> Latin: 12.17. cum utrumque Mago negasset, 'hostium quidem ergo' inquit 'adhuc nimis multum superest. sed multitudo ea quid animorum quidue spei habeat scire uelim.'

[¶18] 13.1. As Mago said he did not know, “Nothing is easier to know,” said Hanno. “Have the Romans sent any emissaries to Hannibal suing for peace? Has it been reported to you that even any mention of peace has been made at Rome?”

> Latin: 13.1. cum id nescire Mago diceret, 'nihil facilius scitu est' inquit. 'ecquos legatos ad Hannibalem Romani miserunt de pace? ecquam denique mentionem pacis Romae factam esse allatum ad uos est?'

[¶19] 13.2. The answer to this also being negative, “Therefore,” he said, “we have the war intact, as truly as we had on the day on which Hannibal crossed into Italy.”

> Latin: 13.2. cum id quoque negasset, 'bellum igitur' inquit 'tam integrum habemus quam habuimus qua die Hannibal in Italiam est transgressus.

[¶20] 13.3. “How often victory shifted in the previous Punic War very many of us are alive to remember. Never have our fortunes seemed more favourable on land and sea than they were before the consulship of Gaius Lutatius and Aulus Postumius. But in the consulship of Lutatius and Postumius we were utterly defeated off the Aegates Islands.”

> Latin: 13.3. quam uaria uictoria priore [Punico] bello fuerit plerique qui meminerimus supersumus. nunquam terra marique magis prosperae res nostrae uisae sunt quam ante consules C. Lutatium et A. Postumium fuerunt;

[¶21] 13.4. “And if now also-may the gods avert the omen! —fortune shall shift to any extent, do you hope that at the time of our defeat we shall have a peace which no one gives us now when we are victorious?”

> Latin: 13.4. Lutatio et Postumio consulibus deuicti ad Aegates insulas sumus. quod si, id quod di omen auertant, nunc quoque fortuna aliquid uariauerit, tum pacem speratis cum uincemur, quam nunc cum uincimus dat nemo?

[¶22] 13.5. “For myself, if some one is about to bring up the question either of offering peace to the enemy or of accepting it, I know what opinion to express. But if you are raising the question of Mago's demands, I do not think it to the point to send those things to victors, and I think it much less necessary to send them to men who are deluding us with a hope unfounded and empty.”

> Latin: 13.5. ego, si quis de pace consulet seu deferenda hostibus seu accipienda, habeo quid sententiae dicam; si de iis quae Mago postulat refertis, nec uictoribus mitti attinere puto et frustrantibus nos falsa atque inani spe multo minus censeo mittenda esse.' haud multos mouit Hannonis oratio;

[¶23] 13.6. Not many were moved by Hanno's speech. For the feud with the Barca family made his advice less weighty, and then minds filled with the joy of the moment would not listen to anything which made their rejoicing less well-founded. And they thought that, if they were willing to add a little to their efforts, the war would soon be finished.

> Latin: 13.6. nam et simultas cum familia Barcina leuiorem auctorem faciebat et occupati animi praesenti laetitia nihil quo uanius fieret gaudium suum auribus admittebant debellatumque mox fore, si adniti paulum uoluissent, rebantur.

[¶24] 13.7. Accordingly the senate with great unanimity decreed that four thousand Numidians should be sent to Hannibal as a reinforcement; also forty elephants and... silver talents. And... was sent in advance to Spain with Mago, for the purpose of hiring twenty thousand infantry and four thousand horse, to reinforce the armies that were in Italy and those in Spain.

> Latin: 13.7. itaque ingenti consensu fit senatus consultum ut Hannibali quattuor milia Numidarum in supplementum mitterentur et quadraginta elephanti et argenti talenta, † dictatorque cum Magone in Hispaniam praemissus est ad conducenda uiginti milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum, quibus exercitus qui in Italia quique in Hispania erant, supplerentur.

[¶25] 14.1. But, as usual in prosperous times, these measures were carried out without spirit and in leisurely fashion, while the Romans, in addition to their inborn activity, were prevented by misfortune also from delaying.

> Latin: 14.1. ceterum haec, ut in secundis rebus, segniter otioseque gesta; Romanos praeter insitam industriam animis fortuna etiam cunctari prohibebat.

[¶26] 14.2. That is, the consul was not found wanting in anything which it was his to do, and the dictator, Marcus Junius Pera, after performing the religious rites, proposed to the people according to custom a bill allowing him to be mounted. And then, in addition to the two city legions which had been enrolled by the consuls at the beginning of the year, and the levy of slaves, also the cohorts raised from the Picene and Gallic districts, he stooped to that last defence of a state almost despaired of, when honour yields to necessity: namely, he issued an edict that, if any men who had committed a capital offence, or were in chains as judgment debtors, should become soldiers under him, he would order their release from punishment or debt.

> Latin: 14.2. nam nec consul ulli rei quae per eum agenda esset deerat, et dictator M. Iunius Pera, rebus diuinis perfectis latoque, ut solet, ad populum ut equum escendere liceret, praeter duas urbanas legiones quae principio anni a consulibus conscriptae fuerant et seruorum dilectum cohortesque ex agro Piceno et Gallico collectas, ad ultimum prope desperatae rei publicae auxilium—cum honesta utilibus cedunt—descendit edixitque qui capitalem fraudem ausi quique pecuniae iudicati in uinculis essent, qui eorum apud se milites fierent, eos noxa pecuniaque sese exsolui iussurum.

[¶27] 14.4. Six thousand such men he armed with Gallic spoils which had been carried in the triumph of Gaius Flaminius, and thus set out from the city with twenty-five thousand armed men.

> Latin: 14.4. ea sex milia hominum Gallicis spoliis, quae triumpho C. Flamini tralata erant, armauit, itaque cum uiginti quinque milibus armatorum ab urbe proficiscitur.

[¶28] 14.5. Hannibal, after gaining possession of Capua and vainly trying, partly by hope, partly by fear, to work for the second time upon the feelings of the Neapolitans, led his army over into the territory of Nola. Though this was not at first with hostile intent, since he did not despair of a voluntary surrender, still he was ready, if they baulked his hope, to omit none of the things which they might suffer or fear to suffer. The senate and especially its leading members stood loyally by the alliance with Rome.

> Latin: 14.5. Hannibal Capua recepta, cum iterum Neapolitanorum animos partim spe, partim metu nequiquam temptasset, in agrum Nolanum exercitum traducit, ut non hostiliter statim, quia non desperabat uoluntariam deditionem, ita, si morarentur spem, nihil eorum quae pati aut timere possent praetermissurus.

[¶29] 14.7. But the common people, as usual, were all for a change of government and for Hannibal; and they called to mind the fear of devastation of their lands and the many hardships and indignities they must suffer in case of a siege. And men were not lacking to propose revolt.

> Latin: 14.7. senatus ac maxime primores eius in societate Romana cum fide perstare; plebs nouarum, ut solet, rerum atque Hannibalis tota esse metumque agrorum populationis et patienda in obsidione multa grauia indignaque proponere animo; neque auctores defectionis deerant.

[¶30] 14.8. Accordingly the senators, now obsessed by the fear that, if they should move openly, there could be no resisting the excited crowd, found a way to postpone the evil by pretending agreement.

> Latin: 14.8. itaque ubi senatum metus cepit, si propalam tenderent, resisti multitudini concitatae non posse, secunda simulando dilationem mali inueniunt.

[¶31] 14.9. For they pretend that they favour revolt to Hannibal, but that there is no agreement as to the terms on which they may go over to a new alliance and friendship.

> Latin: 14.9. placere enim sibi defectionem ad Hannibalem simulant; quibus autem condicionibus in foedus amicitiamque nouam transeant, parum constare.

[¶32] 14.10. Thus gaining time, they send emissaries in haste to the Roman praetor, Marcellus Claudius, who was at Casilinum with his army, and inform him in what danger the Nolan state is placed; that its territory is in the hands of Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and that the city will be so at once, if help be not given;

> Latin: 14.10. ita spatio sumpto legatos propere ad praetorem Romanum M[arcellum] Claudium, qui Casilini cum exercitu erat, mittunt docentque quanto in discrimine sit Nolana res: agrum Hannibalis esse et Poenorum, urbem extemplo futuram ni subueniatur;

[¶33] 14.11. that the senate, by conceding to the common people that they would revolt whenever the people wished, had prevented their making haste to revolt.

> Latin: 14.11. concedendo plebei senatum ubi uelint defecturos se, ne deficere praefestinarent effecisse.

[¶34] 14.12. Marcellus, after warmly praising the men of Nola, bade them postpone matters by the same pretence until his arrival; in the meantime to conceal the dealings they had had with him and all hope of Roman aid.

> Latin: 14.12. Marcellus conlaudatis Nolanis eadem simulatione extrahi rem in suum aduentum iussit; interim celari quae secum acta essent spemque omnem auxilii Romani.

[¶35] 14.13. He himself went from Casilinum to Caiatia, and thence, after crossing the river Volturnus, made his way to Nola through the territory of Saticula and that of Trebia, above Suessula and through the mountains.

> Latin: 14.13. ipse a Casilino Caiatiam petit atque inde Uolturno amni traiecto per agrum Saticulanum Trebianumque super Suessulam per montes Nolam peruenit.

[¶36] 15.1. Upon the arrival of the Roman praetor the Carthaginian left the territory of Nola and came down to the sea near Neapolis, desiring to gain possession of a coast town to which ships might have a safe passage from Africa.

> Latin: 15.1. sub aduentum praetoris Romani Poenus agro Nolano excessit et ad mare proxime Neapolim descendit, cupidus maritimi oppidi potiundi, quo cursus nauibus tutus ex Africa esset;

[¶37] 15.2. But on learning that Neapolis was held by a Roman prefect —it was Marcus Junius Silanus, who had been called in by the Neapolitans themselves —he turned aside from Neapolis also, as he had from Nola, and made for Nuceria.

> Latin: 15.2. ceterum postquam Neapolim a praefecto Romano teneri accepit— M. Iunius Silanus erat, ab ipsis Neapolitanis accitus—Neapoli quoque, sicut Nola, omissa petit Nuceriam.

[¶38] 15.3. He had besieged that city for some time, often attacking, often attempting in vain to win over the populace, and at another time the leading citizens, when at last by starving them he gained their surrender, stipulating that they leave unarmed and with one garment only.

> Latin: 15.3. eam cum aliquamdiu circumsedisset, saepe ui, saepe sollicitandis nequiquam nunc plebe, nunc principibus, fame demum in deditionem accepit, pactus ut inermes cum singulis abirent uestimentis.

[¶39] 15.4. And then, as from the beginning he had wished to be thought merciful to all Italians except the Romans, he promised rewards and honours to any who remained and would serve under him.

> Latin: 15.4. deinde ut qui a principio mitis omnibus Italicis praeter Romanos uideri uellet, praemia atque honores qui remanserint ac militare secum uoluissent proposuit.

[¶40] 15.5. And yet he did not hold anyone by that hope. They all dispersed, wherever hospitality or impulse happened to carry them, among the cities of Campania, especially Nola and Neapolis.

> Latin: 15.5. nec ea spe quemquam tenuit; dilapsi omnes, quocumque hospitia aut fortuitus animi impetus tulit, per Campaniae urbes, maxime Nolam Neapolimque.

[¶41] 15.6. A group of some thirty senators, and as it chanced all the most prominent, came to Capua, and being refused admission because they had closed their gates to Hannibal, went to Cumae. At Nuceria the booty was given to the soldiers, the city sacked and burned. As for Nola, Marcellus held it not more by confidence in his force than by the good-will of the leading citizens.

> Latin: 15.6. cum ferme triginta senatores, ac forte primus quisque, Capuam petissent, exclusi inde, quod portas Hannibali clausissent, Cumas se contulerunt. Nucerina praeda militi data est, urbs direpta atque incensa. Nolam Marcellus non sui magis fiducia praesidii quam uoluntate principum habebat;

[¶42] 15.7. He was apprehensive of the common people and above all of Lucius Bantius, who was impelled by the consciousness of an attempted revolt and by fear of the Roman praetor, now to betray his native city, now, if fortune should not favour him in that, to desert.

> Latin: 15.7. plebs timebatur et ante omnes L. Bantius, quem conscientia temptatae defectionis ac metus a praetore Romano nunc ad proditionem patriae, nunc, si ad id fortuna defuisset, ad transfugiendum stimulabat.

[¶43] 15.8. He was a young man of spirit and at that time almost the best-known horseman among the allies. He had been found half-dead at Cannae in a pile of the slain; and Hannibal, after nursing him kindly, had sent him home, even adding gifts.

> Latin: 15.8. erat iuuenis acer et sociorum ea tempestate prope nobilissimus eques. seminecem eum ad Cannas in aceruo caesorum corporum inuentum curatumque benigne, etiam cum donis Hannibal domum remiserat.

[¶44] 15.9. Out of gratitude for that service Bantius had wished to put the state of Nola under the authority and rule of the Carthaginian. And the praetor saw that he was troubled and tormented by his desire for a revolution. But since he had either to be restrained by punishment or else won over by kindness, Marcellus preferred rather to gain for himself a brave and energetic ally than merely to take such a man away from the enemy, and summoning him addressed him kindly.

> Latin: 15.9. ob eius gratiam meriti rem Nolanam in ius dicionemque dare uoluerat Poeno, anxiumque eum et sollicitum cura nouandi res praetor cernebat. ceterum cum aut poena cohibendus esset aut beneficio conciliandus, sibi adsumpsisse quam hosti ademisse fortem ac strenuum maluit socium, accitumque ad se benigne appellat: multos eum inuidos inter populares habere inde existimatu facile esse quod nemo ciuis Nolanus sibi indicauerit quam multa eius egregia facinora militaria essent;

[¶45] 15.11. It was easy, he said, to judge that he had among his countrymen many who envied him, and this from the fact that no citizen of Nola had told the speaker how many were his brilliant feats of arms. But to a man who had served in the Roman camp his bravery could not be unknown. Many who had been in the service with Bantius were telling the speaker what a man he was, and what dangers he had incurred for the safety and honour of the Roman people, and how often;

> Latin: 15.11. sed qui in Romanis militauerit castris, non posse obscuram eius uirtutem esse. multos sibi qui cum eo stipendia fecerint, referre qui uir esset ille quaeque et quotiens pericula pro salute ac dignitate populi Romani adisset, utique Cannensi proelio non prius pugna abstiterit quam prope exsanguis ruina superincidentium uirorum equorum armorumque sit oppressus. 'itaque macte uirtute esto' inquit.

[¶46] 15.13. also how at the battle of Cannae he had not ceased fighting until, almost lifeless, he had been overwhelmed by the mass of men, horses and arms that fell upon him. “And so,” he said, “all honour to your courage!”

> Latin: 15.13. 'apud me tibi omnis honos atque omne praemium erit et, quo frequentior mecum fueris, senties eam rem tibi dignitati atque emolumento esse.'

[¶47] 15.14. “Under me you will have every advancement and every reward, and the more constantly you are with me, the more you will feel that it is a distinction and an advantage to you.” The youth was delighted with the promises, and Marcellus gave him a fine horse and ordered the quaestor to pay him five hundred denarii. The lictors were bidden to allow him access to the commander whenever he wished.

> Latin: 15.14. laetoque iuueni promissis equum eximium dono dat bigatosque quingentos quaestorem numerare iubet; lictoribus imperat ut eum se adire quotiens uelit patiantur.

[¶48] 16.1. By this kindliness on the part of Marcellus the high spirit of the young man was so tempered that thereafter none of the allies more bravely and loyally aided the Roman cause.

> Latin: 16.1. hac comitate Marcelli ferocis iuuenis animus adeo est mollitus ut nemo inde sociorum rem Romanam fortius ac fidelius iuuerit.

[¶49] 16.2. While Hannibal was at the gates —for he again moved his camp from Nuceria to Nola —and the common people of Nola were making fresh plans to revolt, Marcellus, upon the arrival of the enemy, withdrew within the walls, not fearing for his camp, but lest he give the great number who were impatient for it an opportunity to betray the city.

> Latin: 16.2. cum Hannibal ad portas esset—Nolam enim rursus a Nuceria mouit castra—plebesque Nolana de integro ad defectionem spectaret, Marcellus sub aduentum hostium intra muros se recepit, non castris metuens sed ne prodendae urbis occasionem nimis multis in eam imminentibus daret.

[¶50] 16.4. Then on both sides they began to form their battle-lines, the Romans before the walls of Nola, the Carthaginians in front of their camp. Thereupon there were small engagements with varying results in the space between the city and the camp, since the commanders wished neither to forbid small numbers who rashly challenged the enemy, nor to give the signal for a general engagement.

> Latin: 16.4. instrui deinde utrimque acies coeptae, Romanorum pro moenibus Nolae, Poenorum ante castra sua. proelia hinc parua inter urbem castraque et uario euentu fiebant, quia duces nec prohibere paucos temere prouocantes nec dare signum uniuersae pugnae uolebant.

[¶51] 16.5. During this daily guard-duty of the two armies leading citizens of Nola reported to Marcellus that conferences between the common people and the Carthaginians were taking place by night; and that it had been settled that, when the Roman force should be outside the gates and in line, they would plunder their baggage-train and their packs, then close the gates and take possession of the walls, so that, having the control of their affairs and the city in their own hands, they would then admit the Carthaginian instead of the Roman.

> Latin: 16.5. in hac cotidiana duorum exercituum statione principes Nolanorum nuntiant Marcello nocturna conloquia inter plebem ac Poenos fieri statutumque esse ut, cum Romana acies egressa portis foret, impedimenta eorum ac sarcinas diriperent, clauderent deinde portas murosque occuparent, ut potentes rerum suarum atque urbis Poenum inde pro Romano acciperent.

[¶52] 16.7. This being reported to Marcellus, he warmly praised the senators of Nola and resolved to try the fortune of battle before there should be any movement in the city.

> Latin: 16.7. haec ubi nuntiata Marcello sunt, conlaudatis senatoribus Nolanis, priusquam aliqui motus in urbe oreretur, fortunam pugnae experiri statuit.

[¶53] 16.8. At the three gates facing the enemy he drew up his army in three sections. He ordered the baggage to bring up the rear, the camp-servants and sutlers and incapacitated soldiers to carry stakes. At the middle gate he posted the pick of the legionaries with the Roman cavalry, at the two gates to right and left the recruits, light-armed and cavalry of the allies.

> Latin: 16.8. ad tres portas in hostes uersas tripertito exercitum instruxit; impedimenta subsequi iussit, calones lixasque et inualidos milites uallum ferre. media porta robora legionum et Romanos equites, duabus circa portis nouos milites leuemque armaturam ac sociorum equites statuit.

[¶54] 16.9. The men of Nola were forbidden to approach the walls and gates, and the forces to be used as reserves were assigned to the baggage, in order to prevent an attack upon it while the legions were fighting.

> Latin: 16.9. Nolani muros portasque adire uetiti subsidiaque destinata impedimentis data, ne occupatis proelio legionibus in ea impetus fieret. ita instructi intra portas stabant.

[¶55] 16.10. In this formation they were standing inside the gates. Hannibal, who remained in battle-line under the standards until late in the day, as he had done for several days, at first wondered that the Roman army did not come out of the gate and that there was not one armed man on the walls.

> Latin: 16.10. Hannibali sub signis, id quod per aliquot dies fecerat, ad multum diei in acie stanti primo miraculo esse quod nec exercitus Romanus porta egrederetur nec armatus quisquam in muris esset.

[¶56] 16.11. Then, supposing the conferences to have been betrayed, and that inaction was the result of fear, he sent part of his soldiers back to the camp, with orders to bring up in haste to the front line all the equipment for besieging the city.

> Latin: 16.11. ratus deinde prodita conloquia esse metuque resides factos, partem militum in castra remittit iussos propere apparatum omnem oppugnandae urbis in primam aciem adferre, satis fidens, si cunctantibus instaret, tumultum aliquem in urbe plebem moturam.

[¶57] 16.12. He was quite confident that, if he should press the hesitating, the common people would stir up some outbreak in the city. While they were scattering to their several duties and hastening to the first standards, and the line was advancing to the walls, the gate suddenly opened and Marcellus ordered the trumpets to be sounded and a shout raised; that infantry at first, and then cavalry should sally out against the enemy with all the dash possible.

> Latin: 16.12. dum in sua quisque ministeria discursu trepidat ad prima signa succeditque ad muros acies, patefacta repente porta Marcellus signa canere clamoremque tolli ac pedites primum, deinde equites, quanto maximo possent impetu in hostem erumpere iubet.

[¶58] 16.13. They had carried sufficient panic and confusion into the centre, when Publius Valerius Flaccus and Gaius Aurelius, his lieutenants, sallied out of the two gates on this side and that, to attack the enemy's wings.

> Latin: 16.13. satis terroris tumultusque in aciem mediam intulerant, cum duabus circa portis P. Ualerius Flaccus et C. Aurelius legati in cornua hostium erupere.

[¶59] 16.14. Sutlers and camp-servants raised another shout, as did the rest of the crowd stationed to guard the baggage so that the shouting gave the sudden impression of a very large army to the Carthaginians, who particularly despised their small numbers.

> Latin: 16.14. addidere clamorem lixae calonesque et alia turba custodiae impedimentorum adposita, ut paucitatem maxime spernentibus Poenis ingentis repente exercitus speciem fecerit.

[¶60] 16.15. I should hardly venture to assert, what some have affirmed, that 2800 of the enemy were slain, while not more than 500 of the Romans were lost.

> Latin: 16.15. uix equidem ausim adfirmare, quod quidam auctores sunt, duo milia et octingentos hostium caesos non plus quingentis Romanorum amissis;

[¶61] 16.16. But whether the victory was on such a scale or less, a very great thing, I rather think the greatest in that war, was accomplished that day. For not to be defeated by Hannibal was a more difficult thing than it was later to defeat him.

> Latin: 16.16. sed, siue tanta siue minor uictoria fuit, ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit; non uinci enim ab Hannibale [uincentibus] difficilius fuit quam postea uincere.

[¶62] 17.1. Now that Hannibal had lost hope of gaining Nola and had retired to Acerrae, Marcellus at once closed the gates, stationed guards to prevent anyone from leaving, and carried on in the forum an investigation of those who had been in secret conferences with the enemy.

> Latin: 17.1. Hannibal spe potiundae Nolae adempta cum Acerras recessisset, Marcellus extemplo clausis portis custodibusque dispositis ne quis egrederetur quaestionem in foro de iis qui clam in conloquiis hostium fuerant habuit.

[¶63] 17.2. Over seventy having been condemned as traitors, he beheaded them and ordered that their possessions should be public property of the Roman people. And setting out with his whole army, after turning over the government to the senate, he pitched camp and established himself above Suessula.

> Latin: 17.2. supra septuaginta damnatos proditionis securi percussit bonaque eorum iussit publica populi Romani esse et summa rerum senatui tradita cum exercitu omni profectus supra Suessulam castris positis consedit.

[¶64] 17.4. The Carthaginian first tried to entice Acerrae into a voluntary surrender; then, seeing them steadfast, prepared to blockade and attack them. But the men of Acerrae had more courage than resources.

> Latin: 17.4. Poenus Acerras primum ad uoluntariam deditionem conatus perlicere, inde postquam obstinatos uidet, obsidere atque oppugnare parat. ceterum Acerranis plus animi quam uirium erat;

[¶65] 17.5. Accordingly they gave up hope of defending the city, and when they saw that their walls were being encircled, before the enemy's works should be made continuous, they slipped away in the dead of night through the gaps in the earthworks and through neglected guard-posts. Making their way along the roads and where there were none, just as prudence or chance guided the wanderer, they fled for refuge to those cities of Campania of which it was known that they had not changed sides.

> Latin: 17.5. itaque desperata tutela urbis, ut circumuallari moenia uiderunt, priusquam continuarentur hostium opera, per intermissa munimenta neglectasque custodias silentio noctis dilapsi, per uias inuiaque qua quemque aut consilium aut error tulit, in urbes Campaniae, quas satis certum erat non mutasse fidem, perfugerunt.

[¶66] 17.7. After plundering and burning Acerrae, when word had come from Casilinum that the Roman dictator and fresh legions were being summoned, Hannibal led his army to Casilinum, in order to prevent any uprising at Capua also, while the enemy's camp was so near.

> Latin: 17.7. Hannibal Acerris direptis atque incensis, cum a Casilino dictatorem Romanum legionesque acciri nuntiassent, ne quid noui tam propinquis hostium castris Capuae quoque occurreret, exercitum ad Casilinum ducit.

[¶67] 17.8. Casilinum was at that time held by five hundred Praenestines, with a few Romans and Latins, whom the news of the disaster at Cannae had brought thither.

> Latin: 17.8. Casilinum eo tempore quingenti Praenestini habebant cum paucis Romanis Latinique nominis, quos eodem audita Cannensis clades contulerat.

[¶68] 17.9. As the levy at Praeneste was not completed at the proper date, they had been late in setting out from home, and had reached Casilinum before the news of the defeat. And joined by others, Romans and allies, they set out from Casilinum and, as they were proceeding in a fairly large column, the report of the battle of Cannae turned them back again to Casilinum.

> Latin: 17.9. hi, non confecto Praeneste ad diem dilectu, serius profecti domo cum Casilinum ante famam aduersae pugnae uenissent et aliis adgregantibus sese Romanis sociisque, profecti a Casilino cum satis magno agmine irent, auertit eos retro Casilinum nuntius Cannensis pugnae.

[¶69] 17.10. There, being suspected by the Campanians and apprehensive, they spent some days in alternately guarding against plots and hatching them. When credibly informed that the revolt of Capua and Hannibal's entry were being negotiated, they slew townspeople in the night and seized that part of the city which is on this side of the Volturnus —for it is divided by that river; and this was the garrison the Romans had at Casilinum.

> Latin: 17.10. ibi cum dies aliquot, suspecti Campanis timentesque, cauendis ac struendis in uicem insidiis traduxissent, ut de Capuae defectione agi accipique Hannibalem satis pro certo habuere, interfectis nocte oppidanis partem urbis, quae cis Uolturnum est—eo enim diuiditur amni—occupauere idque praesidii Casilini habebant Romani.

[¶70] 17.11. It was joined by a cohort from Perusia, four hundred and sixty men, who had been driven to Casilinum by the same news as the Praenestines a few days before.

> Latin: 17.11. additur et Perusina cohors, homines quadringenti sexaginta, eodem nuntio quo Praenestini paucos ante dies, Casilinum compulsi.

[¶71] 17.12. And there were quite enough men to defend so small a walled city, bounded on one side by the river. But the lack of grain made it seem that there were even too many men.

> Latin: 17.12. et satis ferme armatorum ad tam exigua moenia et flumine altera parte cincta tuenda erat: penuria frumenti, nimium etiam ut uideretur hominum, efficiebat.

[¶72] 18.1. Hannibal, being now not far away, sent his Gaetulians ahead under a prefect named Isalcas.. And he ordered him, if there should be an opportunity for a conference, at first by kind words to entice them to open the gates and admit a garrison; but if they persisted in their obstinacy, to use force and see if at some point he could make his way into the city.

> Latin: 18.1. Hannibal cum iam inde haud procul esset, Gaetulos cum praefecto nomine Isalca praemittit ac primo, si fiat conloquii copia, uerbis benignis ad portas aperiundas praesidiumque accipiendum perlicere iubet: si in pertinacia perstent, ui rem gerere ac temptare si qua parte inuadere urbem possit.

[¶73] 18.2. When they approached the walls, because of the stillness they thought them deserted. And the barbarian, supposing the garrison had withdrawn in alarm, was preparing to force the gates and break open the bars, when suddenly the gates were opened and the two cohorts, drawn up inside for that very purpose, sallied out with a mighty uproar, and wrought havoc among the enemy.

> Latin: 18.2. ubi ad moenia accessere, quia silentium erat, solitudo uisa; metuque concessum barbarus ratus moliri portas et claustra refringere parat, cum patefactis repente portis cohortes duae, ad id ipsum instructae intus, ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt stragemque hostium faciunt.

[¶74] 18.4. The first troops being thus beaten back, Maharbal, who had been sent with a larger number of picked men, was likewise unable to withstand the sally of the cohorts.

> Latin: 18.4. ita primis repulsis Maharbal cum maiore robore uirorum missus nec ipse eruptionem cohortium sustinuit.

[¶75] 18.5. Finally Hannibal pitched his camp directly before the walls and prepared to assault the small city and small garrison with the greatest violence and with all his forces. And while he was pressing the attack, the walls being completely encircled by his men, he lost a considerable number, the most active at that, being hit by missiles from the wall and the towers.

> Latin: 18.5. postremo Hannibal castris ante ipsa moenia oppositis paruam urbem paruumque praesidium summa ui atque omnibus copiis oppugnare parat, ac dum instat lacessitque corona undique circumdatis moenibus, aliquot milites et promptissimum quemque e muro turribusque ictos amisit. semel ultro erumpentes agmine elephantorum opposito prope interclusit trepidosque compulit in urbem satis multis ut ex tanta paucitate interfectis;

[¶76] 18.6. When they actually sallied out once, he almost cut off their retreat by sending a column of elephants against them, and drove them in alarm into the city, after a good number, for so small a force, had been slain. More would have fallen if night had not interrupted the battle. On the next day all were fired to make the assault, especially after a mural crown of gold was displayed to them, and the general himself kept making their spiritless attack upon a fort on level ground a reproach to the captors of Saguntum, reminding them singly and collectively of Cannae and Trasumennus and Trebia.

> Latin: 18.6. plures cecidissent ni nox proelio interuenisset. postero die omnium animi ad oppugnandum accenduntur, utique postquam corona aurea muralis proposita est atque ipse dux castelli plano loco positi segnem oppugnationem Sagunti expugnatoribus exprobrabat, Cannarum Trasumennique et Trebiae singulos admonens uniuersosque.

[¶77] 18.8. Then they began to push forward their sheds also and mines. And to meet the different attempts made by the enemy no kind of activity, no ingenuity, proved lacking to the allies of the Romans. They set up defences to meet the sheds; by transverse mines they intercepted the enemy's mines; they forestalled his attempts both visible and invisible, until shame helped to divert Hannibal from his undertaking.

> Latin: 18.8. inde uineae quoque coeptae agi cuniculique; nec ad uarios conatus hostium aut uis ulla aut ars deerat sociis Romanorum. propugnacula aduersus uineas statuere, transuersis cuniculis hostium cuniculos excipere, et palam et clam coeptis obuiam ire, donec pudor etiam Hannibalem ab incepto auertit, castrisque communitis ac praesidio modico imposito, ne omissa res uideretur, in hiberna Capuam concessit.

[¶78] 18.10. And after fortifying his camp and posting a small garrison, that the attempt might not appear to have been abandoned, he retired into winter-quarters at Capua. There he kept under roofs for the greater part of the winter troops that had been hardened long and repeatedly against all human hardships, but had no experience or familiarity with comforts.

> Latin: 18.10. ibi partem maiorem hiemis exercitum in tectis habuit, aduersus omnia humana mala saepe ac diu duratum, bonis inexpertum atque insuetum.

[¶79] 18.11. And so those whom no severe hardship had conquered were ruined by excess of comfort and immoderate pleasures and the more completely ruined the more eagerly they in their inexperience had plunged into them.

> Latin: 18.11. itaque, quos nulla mali uicerat uis, perdidere nimia bona ac uoluptates immodicae, et eo impensius quo auidius ex insolentia in eas se merserant.

[¶80] 18.12. For sleep and wine, and feasts and harlots, and baths and idleness, which habit made daily more seductive, so weakened their bodies and spirits that it was their past victories rather than their present strength which thereafter protected them; and this was regarded among the military experts as a more serious failure in their commander than that he had not led his men from the field of Cannae forthwith to the city of Rome.

> Latin: 18.12. somnus enim et uinum et epulae et scorta balineaque et otium consuetudine in dies blandius ita eneruauerunt corpora animosque ut magis deinde praeteritae uictoriae eos quam praesentes tutarentur uires, maiusque id peccatum ducis apud peritos artium militarium haberetur quam quod non ex Cannensi acie protinus ad urbem Romanam duxisset;

[¶81] 18.13. For that delay could be regarded as having merely retarded the victory, this mistake as having robbed him of the power to win.

> Latin: 18.13. illa enim cunctatio distulisse modo uictoriam uideri potuit, hic error uires ademisse ad uincendum.

[¶82] 18.14. And so in fact, just as if he were setting out from Capua with a different army, not a trace of the old-time morale survived.

> Latin: 18.14. itaque hercule, uelut si cum alio exercitu a Capua exiret, nihil usquam pristinae disciplinae tenuit.

[¶83] 18.15. For they came back most of them ensnared by harlots, and also as soon as they began to be quartered in tents, and the march and other tasks of the soldier followed, they would give out both in body and in spirit after the manner of recruits. And afterwards through the whole season of summer camps a great many kept slipping away from their standards without furloughs; and deserters had no hiding-places other than Capua.

> Latin: 18.15. nam et redierunt plerique scortis impliciti et, ubi primum sub pellibus haberi coepti sunt, uiaque et alius militaris labor excepit, tironum modo corporibus animisque deficiebant, et deinde per omne aestiuorum tempus magna pars sine commeatibus ab signis dilabebantur neque aliae latebrae quam Capua desertoribus erant.

[¶84] 19.1. But when winter was now growing mild, Hannibal led his troops out of winter quarters and returned to Casilinum. There, although they had been making no more attacks, an uninterrupted blockade had nevertheless brought townspeople and garrison to extreme want.

> Latin: 19.1. ceterum mitescente iam hieme educto ex hibernis milite Casilinum redit, ubi, quamquam ab oppugnatione cessatum erat, obsidio tamen continua oppidanos praesidiumque ad ultimum inopiae adduxerat.

[¶85] 19.3. The Roman camp was commanded by Tiberius Sempronius, since the dictator had gone to Rome to take new auspices.

> Latin: 19.3. castris Romanis Ti. Sempronius praeerat dictatore auspiciorum repetendorum causa profecto Romam.

[¶86] 19.4. Marcellus, who was likewise eager to bring aid to the besieged, was held back both by a flood of the river Volturnus and by entreaties of the men of Nola and Acerrae, who feared the Campanians if the Roman garrison should withdraw.

> Latin: 19.4. Marcellum et ipsum cupientem ferre auxilium obsessis et Uolturnus amnis inflatus aquis et preces Nolanorum Acerranorumque tenebant, Campanos timentium si praesidium Romanum abscessisset.

[¶87] 19.5. Gracchus, merely remaining near Casilinum, because it was the dictator's order that he take no action in his absence, made no move, although facts which would easily pass all endurance were being reported from Casilinum.

> Latin: 19.5. Gracchus adsidens tantum Casilino, quia praedictum erat dictatoris ne quid absente eo rei gereret, nihil mouebat, quamquam quae facile omnem patientiam uincerent nuntiabantur a Casilino;

[¶88] 19.6. For it was established that some, unable to endure hunger, had thrown themselves from the wall, and that men stood unarmed on the walls exposing unprotected bodies to wounds from missile weapons.

> Latin: 19.6. nam et praecipitasse se quosdam non tolerantes famem constabat et stare inermes in muris, nuda corpora ad missilium telorum ictus praebentes.

[¶89] 19.7. Gracchus, though indignant at this, did not dare to engage the enemy without the dictator's order, and saw that, if he should try openly to carry in grain, he must fight. As there was also no hope of carrying it in secretly, he filled many huge jars with spelt brought from the farms all around, and sent word to the magistrate at Casilinum that they should catch up the jars which the river was bringing down.

> Latin: 19.7. ea aegre patiens Gracchus, cum neque pugnam conserere dictatoris iniussu auderet—pugnandum autem esse, si palam frumentum importaret, uidebat—neque clam importandi spes esset, farre ex agris circa undique conuecto cum complura dolia complesset, nuntium ad magistratum Casilinum misit ut exciperent dolia quae amnis deferret. insequenti nocte intentis omnibus in flumen ac spem ab nuntio Romano factam dolia medio missa amni defluxerunt;

[¶90] 19.9. In the following night, while all were intent upon the river and the hope aroused by the Roman messenger, the jars set adrift in midstream floated down, and the grain was evenly divided among them all. This was done the next day also and the third day. It was night when they were set adrift and when they arrived.

> Latin: 19.9. aequaliter inter omnes frumentum diuisum. id postero quoque die ac tertio factum est; nocte et mittebantur et perueniebant;

[¶91] 19.11. In that way they escaped the notice of the enemy's guards. After that the stream, now swifter than usual because of incessant rains, forced the jars by a cross current to the bank guarded by the enemy. There, caught among the willows growing on the banks, they were seen and it was reported to Hannibal. And thereafter by a closer watch they saw to it that nothing sent down the Volturnus to the city should escape notice.

> Latin: 19.11. eo custodias hostium fallebant. imbribus deinde continuis citatior solito amnis transuerso uertice dolia impulit ad ripam quam hostes seruabant. ibi haerentia inter obnata ripis salicta conspiciuntur, nuntiatumque Hannibali est et deinde intentiore custodia cautum ne quid falleret Uolturno ad urbem missum.

[¶92] 19.12. However nuts which were poured out from the Roman camp, as they floated down the middle of the river to Casilinum, were caught by wattled hurdles.

> Latin: 19.12. nuces tamen fusae ab Romanis castris, cum medio amni ad Casilinum defluerent, cratibus excipiebantur.

[¶93] 19.13. Finally they reached such a pitch of distress that they tried, after softening them by hot water, to chew thongs and the hides stripped off of shields; and they did not abstain from rats and other animals, and dug out every kind of plant and root from the bank beneath the wall.

> Latin: 19.13. postremo ad id uentum inopiae est, ut lora detractasque scutis pelles, ubi feruida mollissent aqua, mandere conarentur nec muribus alioue animali abstinerent et omne herbarum radicumque genus aggeribus infimis muri eruerent.

[¶94] 19.14. And when the enemy had ploughed up all the grassy ground outside the wall, the garrison sowed turnips, so that Hannibal exclaimed “Am I to sit before Casilinum until those seeds come up?”

> Latin: 19.14. et cum hostes obarassent quidquid herbidi terreni extra murum erat, raporum semen iniecerunt, ut Hannibal 'eone usque dum ea nascuntur ad Casilinum sessurus sum?' exclamaret;

[¶95] 19.15. And the man who had never before listened to any terms now at last allowed them to treat with him in regard to ransoming the free men. Seven-twelfths of a pound of gold was agreed upon as the price per man.

> Latin: 19.15. et qui nullam antea pactionem auribus admiserat, tum demum agi secum est passus de redemptione liberorum capitum. septunces auri in singulos pretium conuenit.

[¶96] 19.16. On receiving his promise they surrendered. They were kept in chains until all the gold was paid, then with strict regard for his promise they were released.

> Latin: 19.16. fide accepta tradiderunt sese. donec omne aurum persolutum est, in uinculis habiti;

[¶97] 19.17. This is the more correct version than that they were slain by a charge of cavalry as they departed. The majority were Praenestines. Of the five hundred and seventy who were in the garrison sword and starvation carried off less than half. The rest returned safe to Praeneste with their commander Marcus Anicius, who had formerly been a clerk.

> Latin: 19.17. tum remissi summa cum fide. id uerius est quam ab equite in abeuntes immisso interfectos. Praenestini maxima pars fuere. ex quingentis septuaginta qui in praesidio fuerunt, minus dimidium ferrum famesque absumpsit: ceteri incolumes Praeneste cum praetore suo M. Anicio —scriba is antea fuerat—redierunt.

[¶98] 19.18. As evidence there formerly stood in the forum of Praeneste a statue of the man, wearing a cuirass and draped in a toga, with his head covered. It had an inscription on a bronze plate, stating that Marcus Anicius had paid his vow on behalf of the soldiers who were in the garrison at Casilinum. The same inscription was placed beneath three images of gods set up in the Temple of Fortune.

> Latin: 19.18. statua eius indictio fuit, Praeneste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, uelato capite, [et tria signa] cum titulo lamnae aeneae inscripto, M. Anicium pro militibus qui Casilini in praesidio fuerint uotum soluisse. idem titulus tribus signis in aede Fortunae positis fuit subiectus.

[¶99] 20.1. The town of Casilinum was restored to the Campanians and defended by a garrison of seven hundred men from the army of Hannibal, that the Romans might not attack it when the Carthaginian should withdraw.

> Latin: 20.1. Casilinum oppidum redditum Campanis est, firmatum septingentorum militum de exercitu Hannibalis praesidio, ne, ubi Poenus inde abscessisset, Romani oppugnarent.

## 14. Book XXIII · chapters 20–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/14/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/14/#p-N

[¶0] 20.2. To the Praenestine soldiers the Roman senate voted double pay and exemption from service for five years. Though rewarded for their courage with the gift of Roman citizenship, they made no change.

> Latin: 20.2. Praenestinis militibus senatus Romanus duplex stipendium et quinquennii militiae uacationem decreuit; ciuitate cum donarentur ob uirtutem, non mutauerunt.

[¶1] 20.3. As to the fate of the Perusians the report is less clear, since no light has been thrown upon it either by any record of their own or by a decree of the Romans.

> Latin: 20.3. Perusinorum casus obscurior fama est, quia nec ipsorum monumento ullo est illustratus nec decreto Romanorum.

[¶2] 20.4. At the same time the Petelini, who alone among the Bruttians had remained in the friendship of Rome, were being attacked not only by the Carthaginians, who were holding the region, but also by the rest of the Bruttians for not making common cause with them.

> Latin: 20.4. eodem tempore Petelinos, qui uni ex Bruttiis manserant in amicitia Romana, non Carthaginienses modo qui regionem obtinebant sed Bruttii quoque ceteri ob separata ab se consilia oppugnabant.

[¶3] 20.5. Unable to withstand these dangers, the Petelini sent legates to Rome to ask for a garrison. The prayers of the legates and their tears —for when ordered to shift for themselves they gave way to tearful complaints before the entrance of the Senate House —stirred great compassion among senators and people.

> Latin: 20.5. quibus cum obsistere malis nequirent Petelini, legatos Romam ad praesidium petendum miserunt. quorum preces lacrimaeque—in questus enim flebiles, cum sibimet ipsi consulere iussi sunt, sese in uestibulo curiae profuderunt—ingentem misericordiam patribus ac populo mouerunt, consultique iterum a M.

[¶4] 20.6. And when consulted a second time by Marcus Aemilius, a praetor, the senators, after surveying all the resources of the empire, were compelled to admit that they themselves no longer had any means to protect distant allies. They ordered them to return home, and having fulfilled their obligation to the last, to shift for themselves for the future as best the situation permitted.

> Latin: 20.6. Aemilio praetore patres circumspectis omnibus imperii uiribus fateri coacti nihil iam longinquis sociis in se praesidii esse, redire domum fideque ad ultimum expleta consulere sibimet ipsos in reliquum ltprogt praesenti fortuna iusserunt.

[¶5] 20.7. When this outcome of the embassy was reported at Petelia, such dejection and fear unexpectedly seized their senate that some proposed to flee, each taking any possible road, and to abandon the city, while others, since they had been deserted by their old allies, proposed to join the rest of the Bruttians and through them to surrender to Hannibal.

> Latin: 20.7. haec postquam renuntiata legatio Petelinis est, tantus repente maeror pauorque senatum eorum cepit ut pars profugiendi qua quisque posset ac deserendae urbis auctores essent, pars, quando deserti a ueteribus sociis essent, adiungendi se ceteris Bruttiis ac per eos dedendi Hannibali.

[¶6] 20.9. But those who thought nothing should be done hastily or rashly, and that they should deliberate again, prevailed.

> Latin: 20.9. uicit tamen ea pars quae nihil raptim nec temere agendum consulendumque de integro censuit.

[¶7] 20.10. When the matter was brought up in less excitement the following day, the optimates carried their point, that they should bring in everything from the farms and strengthen the city and the walls.

> Latin: 20.10. relata postero die per minorem trepidationem re tenuerunt optimates ut conuectis omnibus ex agris urbem ac muros firmarent.

[¶8] 21.1. About the same time letters from Sicily and Sardinia were brought to Rome. First to be read in the senate were those from Sicily and Titus Otacilius, the propraetor, reporting that Publius Furius, the praetor, had come with his fleet from Africa to Lilybaeum; that Furius himself had been seriously wounded and his life was in the utmost danger;

> Latin: 21.1. per idem fere tempus litterae ex Sicilia Sardiniaque Romam allatae. priores ex Sicilia T. Otacili propraetoris in senatu recitatae sunt: P. Furium praetorem cum classe ex Africa Lilybaeum uenisse; ipsum grauiter saucium in discrimine ultimo uitae esse; militi ac naualibus sociis neque stipendium neque frumentum ad diem dari neque unde detur esse;

[¶9] 21.3. that neither pay nor grain was being furnished to the soldiers and the crews at the proper date, and they had no means of doing so; that he strongly urged that both be sent as soon as possible, and that they send a successor chosen, if they saw fit, from the number of the new praetors. Much the same facts in regard to pay and grain were reported from Sardinia by Aulus Cornelius Mammula, the propraetor. To each the reply was that there was nothing on hand to send, and they were ordered to provide for their own fleets and armies.

> Latin: 21.3. magno opere suadere ut quam primum ea mittantur, sibique, si ita uideatur, ex nouis praetoribus successorem mittant. eademque ferme de stipendio frumentoque ab A. Cornelio Mammula propraetore ex Sardinia scripta. responsum utrique non esse unde mitteretur, iussique ipsi classibus atque exercitibus suis consulere. T. Otacilius ad unicum subsidium populi Romani, Hieronem, legatos cum misisset, in stipendium quanti argenti opus fuit et sex mensum frumentum accepit; Cornelio in Sardinia ciuitates sociae benigne contulerunt. et Romae quoque propter penuriam argenti triumuiri mensarii rogatione M. Minucii tribuni plebis facti, L. Aemilius Papus, qui consul censorque fuerat, et M. Atilius Regulus, qui bis consul fuerat, et L. Scribonius Libo, qui tum tribunus plebis erat.

[¶10] 21.7. Titus Otacilius sent legates to Hiero, the mainstay of the Roman people, and received what money was needed for pay, and grain for six months. In Sardinia the allied states made generous contributions to Cornelius. And at Rome besides, on account of the lack of money, three bank-commissioners were named in accordance with a bill of Marcus Minucius, a tribune of the plebs, namely, Lucius Aemilius Papus, who had been consul and censor, and Marcus Atilius Regulus, who had been consul twice, and Lucius Scribonius Libo, who was at that time a tribune of the plebs.

> Latin: 21.7. et duumuiri creati M. et C. Atilii aedem Concordiae, quam L. Manlius praetor uouerat, dedicauerunt; et tres pontifices creati, Q. Caecilius Metellus et Q. Fabius Maximus et Q. Fuluius Flaccus, in locum P. Scantini demortui et L. Aemili Pauli consulis et Q. Aeli Paeti, qui ceciderant pugna Cannensi. cum cetera quae continuis cladibus fortuna minuerat, quantum consiliis humanis adsequi poterant, patres explessent, tandem se quoque et solitudinem curiae paucitatemque conuenientium ad publicum consilium respexerunt;

[¶11] 22.3. And Marcus Atilius and Gaius Atilius, elected duumvirs, dedicated a temple of Concord, which Lucius Manlius had vowed in his praetorship.

> Latin: 22.3. neque enim post L. Aemilium et C. Flaminium censores senatus lectus fuerat, cum tantum senatorum aduersae pugnae, ad hoc sui quemque casus per quinquennium absumpsissent.

[¶12] 22.4. And three pontiffs, Quintus Caecilius Metellus and Quintus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, were elected in place of Publius Scantinius, deceased, and of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, the consul, and Quintus Aelius Paetus, both of whom had fallen in the battle- of Cannae. XXII. After making good, in so far as they could accomplish it by human wisdom, the other losses fortune had caused by a series of disasters, the fathers at last had regard for themselves as well and for the desolate Senate House and the small number that came to the council of state. For since the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Flaminius the list of the senate had not been revised, although the defeats and in addition the fate of individuals had in the five years carried off so large a number of senators. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, raised that question, as all demanded that he should, since the dictator had already gone to the army after the loss of Casilinum.

> Latin: 22.4. cum de ea re M. Aemilius praetor, dictatore post Casilinum amissum profecto iam ad exercitum, exposcentibus cunctis rettulisset, tum Sp. Caruilius cum longa oratione non solum inopiam sed paucitatem etiam ciuium ex quibus in patres legerentur conquestus esset, explendi senatus causa et iungendi artius Latini nominis cum populo Romano magno opere se suadere dixit ut ex singulis populis Latinorum binis senatoribus, ltquibusgt patres Romani censuissent, ciuitas daretur, atque ltindegt in demortuorum locum in senatum legerentur.

[¶13] 22.6. Thereupon Spurius Carvilius, after complaining in a long speech, not of the lack of senators only, but also of the small number of citizens from whom men might be chosen into the senate, said that for the sake of recruiting the senate and of linking the Latins more closely with the Roman people, he strongly urged that citizenship be bestowed upon two senators from each of the Latin states, to be selected by the Roman fathers; and that from this number men be chosen into the senate in place of the deceased members.

> Latin: 22.6. eam sententiam haud aequioribus animis quam ipsorum quondam postulatum Latinorum patres audierunt; et cum fremitus indignantium tota curia esset et praecipue T. Manlius esse etiam nunc eius stirpis uirum diceret ex qua quondam in Capitolio consul minatus esset quem Latinum in curia uidisset eum sua manu se interfecturum, Q.

[¶14] 22.8. The fathers gave no more favourable hearing to this proposal than they had given to a former demand of the Latins themselves. There was a murmur of indignation everywhere in the hall, and in particular Titus Manlius said that there still lived a man of the family to which belonged the consul who on the Capitol had once threatened that he would slay with his own hand any Latin he should see in the Senate House.

> Latin: 22.8. Fabius Maximus nunquam rei ullius alieniore tempore mentionem factam in senatu dicit quam inter tam suspensos sociorum animos incertamque fidem id iactum quod insuper sollicitaret eos;

[¶15] 22.9. Upon that Quintus Fabius Maximus said that never had anything been mentioned in the senate at a more unfavourable moment than this had been broached, in the midst of such unsettled feeling and wavering loyalty among the allies, only to stir them up the more; that that rash utterance of a single man should be drowned by silence on the part of them all; and that, if there was ever any hallowed secret to be left unmentioned in the senate, this above all others must be covered, concealed, forgotten, considered unsaid.

> Latin: 22.9. eam unius hominis temerariam uocem silentio omnium exstinguendam esse et, si quid unquam arcani sanctiue ad silendum in curia fuerit, id omnium maxime tegendum, occulendum, obliuiscendum, pro non dicto habendum esse. ita eius rei oppressa mentio est.

[¶16] 22.10. So mention of the matter was suppressed. It was decided that as dictator, to draw up the list of the senate, a man should be appointed who had previously been censor and was senior to all the other living ex-censors.

> Latin: 22.10. dictatorem, qui censor ante fuisset uetustissimusque ex iis qui uiuerent censoriis esset, creari placuit qui senatum legeret, accirique C. Terentium consulem ad dictatorem dicendum iusserunt.

[¶17] 22.11. And they ordered that Gaius Terentius, the consul, be summoned that he might name a dictator. He returned to Rome by long stages from Apulia, leaving a garrison there; and that night, as was the custom, in accordance with the decree of the senate he named Marcus Fabius Buteo dictator for six months without master of the horse.

> Latin: 22.11. qui ex Apulia relicto ibi praesidio cum magnis itineribus Romam redisset, nocte proxima, ut mos erat, M. Fabium Buteonem ex senatus consulto sine magistro equitum dictatorem in sex menses dixit.

[¶18] 23.1. Fabius mounted the Rostra with his lictors and said that he did not approve of two dictators at the same time, an unprecedented thing, nor of a dictator without master of the horse, nor of conferring a censor's power upon one man, and in fact to the same man a second time, nor of giving the full military authority for six months to a dictator not appointed for the conduct of affairs.

> Latin: 23.1. is ubi cum lictoribus in rostra escendit, neque duos dictatores tempore uno, quod nunquam antea factum esset, probare se dixit, neque dictatorem sine magistro equitum, nec censoriam uim uni permissam et eidem iterum, nec dictatori, nisi rei gerendae causa creato, in sex menses datum imperium.

[¶19] 23.2. He said that he would set a limit to such possible irregularities as the crisis and necessity had occasioned.

> Latin: 23.2. quae immoderata fors, tempus ac necessitas fecerit, iis se modum impositurum;

[¶20] 23.3. For he would not eject from the senate any of those whom Gaius Flaminius and Lucius Aemilius as censors had chosen into the senate, but would order their names merely to be copied and read out, that judgment and decision in regard to the reputation and character of a senator might not rest with one man. And in place of the deceased he would make his choice in such a way that rank should obviously have been preferred to rank, not man to man.

> Latin: 23.3. nam neque senatu quemquam moturum ex iis quos C. Flaminius L. Aemilius censores in senatum legissent; transcribi tantum recitarique eos iussurum, ne penes unum hominem iudicium arbitriumque de fama ac moribus senatoriis fuerit; et ita in demortuorum locum sublecturum ut ordo ordini, non homo homini praelatus uideretur.

[¶21] 23.5. After reading the list of the old senate, he chose in place of the deceased first those who since the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Flaminius had held a curule office and had not yet been chosen into the senate, in each case in the order of his election.

> Latin: 23.5. recitato uetere senatu, inde primos in demortuorum locum legit qui post L. Aemilium C. Flaminium censores curulem magistratum cepissent necdum in senatum lecti essent, ut quisque eorum primus creatus erat;

[¶22] 23.6. Then he chose those who had been aediles, tribunes of the people or quaestors; then, from the number of those who had not held offices, the men who had spoils of the enemy affixed to their houses or had received the civic wreath.

> Latin: 23.6. tum legit qui aediles, tribuni plebis, quaestoresue fuerant; tum ex iis qui ltnongt magistratus cepissent, qui spolia ex hoste fixa domi haberent aut ciuicam coronam accepissent.

[¶23] 23.7. Having thus chosen a hundred and seventy-seven into the senate with great approval, he at once abdicated his office and came down from the Rostra a private citizen, after ordering his lictors to leave him.

> Latin: 23.7. ita centum septuaginta septem cum ingenti adprobatione hominum in senatum lectis, extemplo se magistratu abdicauit priuatusque de rostris descendit lictoribus abire iussis, turbaeque se immiscuit priuatas agentium res, tempus hoc sedulo terens ne deducendi sui causa populum de foro abduceret.

[¶24] 23.8. And he mingled with the crowd of those engaged in private business, deliberately killing time, in order not to draw the people away from the forum for the purpose of escorting him. Yet men's attention was not relaxed by that delay, and so in large numbers they escorted him home. The consul returned that night to the army without informing the senate, for fear of being detained in the city to conduct the elections.

> Latin: 23.8. neque tamen elanguit cura hominum ea mora frequentesque eum domum deduxerunt. consul nocte insequenti ad exercitum redit non facto certiore senatu ne comitiorum causa in urbe retineretur.

[¶25] 24.1. On the next day the senate, presided over by Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, decreed that the dictator should be informed by letter that, if he thought it to the public interest, he should come with the master of the horse and the praetor, Marcus Marcellus, for the election of consuls, in order that from them in person the fathers could learn what was the condition of the state and make their plans in accordance with the facts.

> Latin: 24.1. postero die consultus a M. Pomponio praetore senatus decreuit dictatori scribendum uti, si e re publica censeret esse, ad consules subrogandos ueniret cum magistro equitum et praetore M. Marcello, ut ex iis praesentibus noscere patres possent quo statu res publica esset consiliaque ex rebus caperent.

[¶26] 24.2. All of those summoned came, leaving their lieutenants to command the legions.

> Latin: 24.2. qui acciti erant, omnes uenerunt relictis legatis qui legionibus praeessent.

[¶27] 24.3. The dictator spoke briefly and modestly of himself, and then diverted a large share of the glory to the master of the horse, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus; and he ordered the elections at which these consuls were named: Lucius Postumius for the third time, then absent with Gaul as his sphere of action, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, who was at that time master of the horse and curule aedile.

> Latin: 24.3. dictator de se pauca ac modice locutus in magistrum equitum Ti. Sempronium Gracchum magnam partem gloriae uertit comitiaque edixit, quibus L. Postumius tertium absens, qui tum Galliam prouinciam obtinebat, et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, qui tum magister equitum et aedilis curulis erat, consules creantur.

[¶28] 24.4. Then the following men were elected as praetors: Marcus Valerius Laevinus for the second time, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, Quintus Mucius Scaevola.

> Latin: 24.4. praetores inde creati M. Ualerius Laeuinus iterum, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, Q. Fuluius Flaccus, Q. Mucius Scaeuola.

[¶29] 24.5. The dictator, after the election of magistrates, returned to the army and the winter quarters at Teanum, leaving the master of the horse at Rome, in order that he, inasmuch as he was to enter upon office a few days later, might advise with the fathers in regard to enrolling and providing armies for the year.

> Latin: 24.5. dictator creatis magistratibus Teanum in hiberna ad exercitum redit relicto magistro equitum Romae, qui, cum post paucos dies magistratum initurus esset, de exercitibus scribendis comparandisque in annum patres consuleret.

[¶30] 24.6. Just as these measures were being taken, a fresh disaster was reported —for fortune was piling one upon another for that year —namely, that the consul designate, Lucius Postumius, had perished, himself and his army, in Gaul. There was a huge forest, called Litana by the Gauls, by way of which he was about to lead his army.

> Latin: 24.6. cum eae res maxime agerentur, noua clades nuntiata aliam super aliam cumulante in eum annum fortuna, L. Postumium consulem designatum in Gallia ipsum atque exercitum deletos.

[¶31] 24.7. In that forest the Gauls hacked the trees to right and left of the road in such a way that, if not disturbed, they stood, but fell if pushed slightly.

> Latin: 24.7. silua erat uasta—Litanam Galli uocabant— qua exercitum traducturus erat. eius siluae dextra laeuaque circa uiam Galli arbores ita inciderunt ut immotae starent, momento leui impulsae occiderent.

[¶32] 24.8. Postumius had two Roman legions, and had enlisted from the coast of the Upper Sea such numbers of allies that he led twenty-five thousand armed men into the enemy's territory.

> Latin: 24.8. legiones duas Romanas habebat Postumius, sociumque ab supero mari tantum conscripserat ut uiginti quinque milia armatorum in agros hostium induxerit.

[¶33] 24.9. The Gauls had surrounded the very edge of the forest, and when the column entered a defile they pushed against the outermost of the trees that had been hacked near the ground. As these fell, each upon the next tree, which was in itself unsteady and had only a slight hold, piling up from both sides they overwhelmed arms, men and horses, so that hardly ten men escaped.

> Latin: 24.9. Galli oram extremae siluae cum circumsedissent, ubi intrauit agmen saltum, tum extremas arborum succisarum impellunt; quae alia in aliam, instabilem per se ac male haerentem, incidentes ancipiti strage arma, uiros, equos obruerunt, ut uix decem homines effugerent.

[¶34] 24.10. For after very many had been killed by tree-trunks and broken branches, and the rest of the troops were alarmed by the unforeseen calamity, the Gauls under arms, surrounding the whole defile slew them, while but few out of so many were captured, —the men who were making their way to a bridge over a river, but were cut off, since the bridge had by that time been occupied by the enemy.

> Latin: 24.10. nam cum exanimati plerique essent arborum truncis fragmentisque ramorum, ceteram multitudinem inopinato malo trepidam Galli saltum omnem armati circumsedentes interfecerunt paucis e tanto numero captis, qui pontem fluminis petentes obsesso ante ab hostibus ponte interclusi sunt.

[¶35] 24.11. There Postumius fell fighting with all his might to avoid capture. Spoils taken from his body and the severed head of the general were carried in triumph by the Boians to the temple which is most revered in their land.

> Latin: 24.11. ibi Postumius omni ui ne caperetur dimicans occubuit. spolia corporis caputque praecisum ducis Boii ouantes templo quod sanctissimum est apud eos intulere.

[¶36] 24.12. Then after cleaning the head they adorned the skull with gold according to their custom. And it served them as a sacred vessel from which to pour libations at festivals and at the same time as a drinking cup for the priests and keepers of the temple.

> Latin: 24.12. purgato inde capite, ut mos iis est, caluam auro caelauere, idque sacrum uas iis erat quo sollemnibus libarent poculumque idem sacerdoti esset ac templi antistitibus.

[¶37] 24.13. The booty also meant no less to the Gauls than the victory. For although a large part of the cattle had been crushed by fallen trees, still everything else was found strewn the whole length of the column of the slain, since nothing was scattered by flight.

> Latin: 24.13. praeda quoque haud minor Gallis quam uictoria fuit; nam etsi magna pars animalium strage siluae oppressa erat, tamen ceterae res, quia nihil dissipatum fuga est, stratae per omnem iacentis agminis ordinem inuentae sunt.

[¶38] 25.1. When this disaster was reported, the city was for many days in such alarm that, in view of the stillness, like that of night, produced throughout the city by the closing of the shops, the senate charged the aediles with the duty of going about the city and ordering that shops be opened and the appearance of public mourning removed from the city.

> Latin: 25.1. hac nuntiata clade cum per dies multos in tanto pauore fuisset ciuitas ut tabernis clausis uelut nocturna solitudine per urbem acta senatus aedilibus negotium daret ut urbem circumirent aperirique tabernas et maestitiae publicae speciem urbi demi iuberent, tum Ti.

[¶39] 25.2. And then Tiberius Sempronius held a session of the senate; and he comforted the fathers, and urged that men who had not given way to the catastrophe at Cannae should not lose heart in the face of lesser disasters.

> Latin: 25.2. Sempronius senatum habuit consolatusque patres est, et adhortatus ne qui Cannensi ruinae non succubuissent ad minores calamitates animos summitterent:

[¶40] 25.3. So far as concerned the Carthaginian enemy and Hannibal, he said that, if only coming events should prove favourable, as he hoped, a Gallic war could be both safely neglected and postponed, and punishment for that treachery would be in the power of the gods and of the Roman people.

> Latin: 25.3. quod ad Carthaginienses hostes Hannibalemque attineret, prospera modo essent, sicut speraret, futura, Gallicum bellum et omitti tuto et differri posse ultionemque eam fraudis in deorum ac populi Romani potestate fore:

[¶41] 25.4. It was in regard to the Carthaginian enemy and the armies with which to carry on that war that they must deliberate and debate.

> Latin: 25.4. de hoste Poeno exercitibusque, per quos id bellum gereretur, consultandum atque agitandum.

[¶42] 25.5. He himself first stated what number of infantry and cavalry, of citizens and allies, were in the dictator's army. Then Marcellus set forth the total of his forces.

> Latin: 25.5. ipse primum quid peditum equitumque, quid ciuium, quid sociorum in exercitu esset dictatoris, disseruit; tum Marcellus suarum copiarum summam exposuit.

[¶43] 25.6. As to what troops were in Apulia with the consul Gaius Terentius, those who knew were questioned; and no method of making up consular armies strong enough for so great a war was found. And so, although righteous indignation goaded them, it was decided that Gaul should be left out of account that year. The dictator's army was assigned to the consul.

> Latin: 25.6. quid in Apulia cum C. Terentio consule esset a peritis quaesitum est nec unde duo consulares exercitus satis firmi ad tantum bellum efficerentur inibatur ratio. itaque Galliam, quamquam stimulabat iusta ira, omitti eo anno placuit. exercitus dictatoris consuli decretus est.

[¶44] 25.7. As for the army of Marcus Marcellus, it was voted that those of them who were survivors of the rout at Cannae should be transported to Sicily and serve there so long as there should be war in Italy;

> Latin: 25.7. de exercitu M. Marcelli, qui eorum ex fuga Cannensi essent, in Siciliam eos traduci atque ibi militare donec in Italia bellum esset placuit;

[¶45] 25.8. also that from the dictator's legions all the least efficient soldiers should be sent away to the same province, with no definite term of service except that of the campaigns fixed by law.

> Latin: 25.8. eodem ex dictatoris legionibus reici militem minimi quemque roboris nullo praestituto militiae tempore nisi quod stipendiorum legitimorum esset.

[¶46] 25.9. The two city legions were assigned to the other consul, to be elected in place of Lucius Postumius; and it was voted that he be elected as soon as possible with due regard to the auspices;

> Latin: 25.9. duae legiones urbanae alteri consuli, qui in locum L. Postumi suffectus esset, decretae sunt eumque, cum primum saluis auspiciis posset, creari placuit;

[¶47] 25.10. further, that two legions be summoned as soon as might be from Sicily, and that from them the consul to whom the city legions fell should take as many soldiers as he needed;

> Latin: 25.10. legiones praeterea duas primo quoque tempore ex Sicilia acciri, atque inde consulem, cui legiones urbanae euenissent, militum sumere quantum opus esset;

[¶48] 25.11. also that the command of Gaius Terentius, the consul, should be extended for one year and no reduction made in the army which he had for the defence of Apulia.

> Latin: 25.11. C. Terentio consuli prorogari in annum imperium neque de eo exercitu quem ad praesidium Apuliae haberet quicquam minui.

[¶49] 26.1. During these operations and these preparations in Italy the war in Spain was no less active, but up to that time more successful for the Romans.

> Latin: 26.1. dum haec in Italia geruntur apparanturque, nihilo segnius in Hispania bellum erat sed ad eam diem magis prosperum Romanis.

[¶50] 26.2. Publius and Gnaeus Scipio had divided the forces between them, so that Gnaeus should carry on the war on land, Publius with the fleet; and Hasdrubal, commander-in-chief of the Carthaginians, since he could not fully depend upon either arm of his forces, remained far from the enemy, being protected by distance and position, until, in answer to pleas urgent and long-continued, four thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry were sent from Africa to reinforce him.

> Latin: 26.2. P. et Cn. Scipionibus inter se partitis copias ut Gnaeus terra, Publius nauibus rem gereret, Hasdrubal, Poenorum imperator, neutri parti uirium satis fidens, procul ab hoste interuallo ac locis tutus tenebat se, quoad multum ac diu obtestanti quattuor milia peditum et quingenti equites in supplementum missi ex Africa sunt.

[¶51] 26.3. Then, with hopes at last renewed, he moved his camp nearer to the enemy, and he too ordered that a fleet should be built and equipped, in order to protect the islands and the sea-coast.

> Latin: 26.3. tum refecta tandem spe, castra propius hostem mouit classemque et ipse instrui pararique iubet ad insulas maritimamque oram tutandam.

[¶52] 26.4. In the very flush of renewed operations he met a blow in the desertion of the commanders of his ships, who, being severely reprimanded after their abandonment of the fleet at the Hiberus in their fright, had never since been entirely loyal either to the general or to the cause of Carthage. These deserters had made trouble in the tribe of the Tartesii, and at their instigation a number of cities had rebelled. One city had even been stormed by them.

> Latin: 26.4. in ipso impetu mouendarum de integro rerum perculit eum praefectorum nauium transitio, qui post classem ad Hiberum per pauorem desertam grauiter increpiti nunquam deinde satis fidi aut duci aut Carthaginiensium rebus fuerant. fecerant hi transfugae motum in Tartesiorum gente, desciuerantque his auctoribus urbes aliquot;

[¶53] 26.5. It was against this tribe that the war was now diverted from the Romans, and Hasdrubal, having entered the territory of the enemy with a hostile army, resolved to attack a noble in command of the Tartesii, Chalbus, who with a strong army was keeping to his camp before the walls of a city captured a few days before.

> Latin: 26.5. una etiam ab ipsis ui capta fuerat. in eam gentem uersum ab Romanis bellum est, infestoque exercitu Hasdrubal ingressus agrum hostium pro captae ante dies paucos urbis moenibus Chalbum, nobilem Tartesiorum ducem, cum ualido exercitu castris se tenentem, adgredi statuit.

[¶54] 26.7. Therefore Hasdrubal, sending the light-armed in advance, to draw out the enemy to battle, scattered part of his cavalry over the farms to ravage them and to capture stragglers. There was confusion at the camp and at the same time flight and slaughter in the country around.

> Latin: 26.7. praemissa igitur leui armatura quae eliceret hostes ad certamen, equitum partem ad populandum per agros passim dimisit ltetgt ut palantes exciperent.

[¶55] 26.8. Then, after they had made their way from all sides back to the camp by different roads, fear was so suddenly banished from their hearts that they had sufficient spirit not only to defend the fortifications but also to attack the enemy. Accordingly they sallied out of the camp in a column, dancing, as is their custom; and their sudden boldness inspired alarm in the enemy, who a little before had been the aggressor.

> Latin: 26.8. simul et ad castra tumultus erat et per agros fugaque et caedes; deinde undique diuersis itineribus cum in castra se recepissent, adeo repente decessit animis pauor ut non ad munimenta modo defendenda satis animorum esset sed etiam ad lacessendum proelio hostem.

[¶56] 26.9. And so Hasdrubal likewise led his forces up a very steep hill, further defended by a river in front.

> Latin: 26.9. erumpunt igitur agmine e castris, tripudiantes more suo, repentinaque eorum audacia terrorem hosti paulo ante ultro lacessenti incussit.

[¶57] 26.10. Also he got back the light-armed who had been sent ahead and the scattered cavalry to the same position. Unable to put sufficient confidence in either the hill or the river, he strongly fortified his camp with an earthwork.

> Latin: 26.10. itaque et ipse Hasdrubal in collem satis arduum, flumine etiam obiecto tutum, copias subducit et praemissam leuem armaturam equitesque palatos eodem recipit, nec aut colli aut flumini satis fidens, castra uallo permunit.

[¶58] 26.11. While fear was shifting thus from one side to the other, a number of engagements took place, and the Numidian horseman was no match for the Spaniard, nor the Moorish dart-thrower for the man with the wicker shield, the Spaniard in both cases being an equal in speed and quite superior in spirit and strength.

> Latin: 26.11. in hoc alterno pauore certamina aliquot sunt contracta; nec Numida Hispano eques par fuit nec iaculator Maurus caetrato, uelocitate pari, robore animi uiriumque aliquantum praestanti.

[¶59] 27.1. After the Tartesii had repeatedly failed to draw the Carthaginian out to battle by facing his camp, and it was also not easy to assault the camp, they took by storm the city of Ascua, to which Hasdrubal, on entering the land of the enemy, had brought grain and other supplies;

> Latin: 27.1. postquam neque elicere Poenum ad certamen obuersati castris poterant neque castrorum oppugnatio facilis erat, urbem Ascuam, quo fines hostium ingrediens Hasdrubal frumentum commeatusque alios conuexerat, ui capiunt omnique circa agro potiuntur;

[¶60] 27.2. and they gained possession of all the country around.

> Latin: 27.2. nec iam aut in agmine aut in castris ullo imperio contineri.

[¶61] 27.3. And they could no longer be restrained by any authority either on the march or in camp. Hasdrubal, perceiving that this carelessness came, as usually happens, from success, exhorted his soldiers to attack the enemy while dispersed and in no formation, and coming down from the hill he proceeded to their camp in battle order.

> Latin: 27.3. quam ubi neglegentiam ex re, ut fit, bene gesta oriri senserat Hasdrubal, cohortatus milites ut palatos sine signis hostes adgrederentur, degressus colle pergit ire acie instructa ad castra.

[¶62] 27.4. When his approach was reported by messengers fleeing wildly from the watch-towers and guard-posts, they shouted “To arms!”

> Latin: 27.4. quem ut adesse tumultuose nuntii refugientes ex speculis stationibusque attulere, ad arma conclamatum est.

[¶63] 27.5. Snatching up arms, each man for himself, without commanders, without orders, in no units or formations, they dashed into battle. Already the first men had engaged, while some charged in separate masses and others had not yet left the camp.

> Latin: 27.5. ut quisque arma ceperat, sine imperio, sine signo, incompositi, inordinati in proelium ruunt. iam primi conseruerant manus, cum alii cateruatim currerent, alii nondum e castris exissent;

[¶64] 27.6. Nevertheless they at first frightened the enemy by sheer audacity. Then, as stragglers advancing against dense ranks, finding no safety in small numbers, they looked to one another for help; and, beaten back from every side, they formed a circle. And as they crowded bodies against bodies and touched arms to arms, they were forced into close quarters. Having hardly room enough to move their weapons, they were encircled by the enemy, and the slaughter continued until late in the day.

> Latin: 27.6. tamen primo ipsa audacia terruere hostem; deinde rari in confertos inlati, cum paucitas parum tuta esset, respicere alii alios et undique pulsi coire in orbem, et, dum corpora corporibus applicant armaque armis iungunt, in artum compulsi, cum uix mouendis armis satis spatii esset, corona hostium cincti ad multum diei caeduntur;

[¶65] 27.8. A very small part of them sallied out and made for the woods and the mountains. In no less alarm the camp was abandoned, and on the next day the whole tribe surrendered. Yet not for long did the tribe abide by the agreement.

> Latin: 27.8. exigua pars eruptione facta siluas ac montes petit. parique terrore et castra sunt deserta et uniuersa gens postero die in deditionem uenit. nec diu in pacto mansit;

[¶66] 27.9. For soon came the order from Carthage that Hasdrubal should at the first opportunity lead his army into Italy. And the spreading of this news throughout Spain made nearly all incline to the side of the Romans.

> Latin: 27.9. nam subinde ab Carthagine allatum est ut Hasdrubal primo quoque tempore in Italiam exercitum duceret, quae uolgata res per Hispaniam omnium ferme animos ad Romanos auertit.

[¶67] 27.10. Accordingly Hasdrubal at once sent a letter to Carthage, showing what a loss the mere report of his departure had caused; that if he were actually to leave the country, Spain would belong to the Romans before he should cross the Hiberus.

> Latin: 27.10. itaque Hasdrubal extemplo litteras Carthaginem mittit, indicans quanto fama profectionis suae damno fuisset: si uero inde pergeret, priusquam Hiberum transiret Romanorum Hispaniam fore;

[¶68] 27.11. For besides the lack of both an army and a general to leave in his place, so able were the Roman generals that they could scarcely be resisted if the forces were evenly matched.

> Latin: 27.11. nam praeterquam quod nec praesidium nec ducem haberet quem relinqueret pro se, eos imperatores esse Romanos quibus uix aequis uiribus resisti possit.

[¶69] 27.12. And so, if they had any regard for Spain, they should send him a successor with a strong army. Even if all should go well, that man would still find it no peaceful province.

> Latin: 27.12. itaque si ulla Hispaniae cura esset, successorem sibi cum ualido exercitu mitterent; cui si omnia prospere euenirent, non tamen otiosam prouinciam fore.

[¶70] 28.1. Though this letter at first greatly stirred the senate, nevertheless, since concern for Italy was older and stronger, no change was made either in regard to Hasdrubal or to his forces.

> Latin: 28.1. eae litterae quamquam primo admodum mouerunt senatum, tamen, quia Italiae cura prior potiorque erat, nihil de Hasdrubale neque de copiis eius mutatum est:

[¶71] 28.2. But Himilco was sent with a complete army and an enlarged fleet to hold and defend Spain by land and sea.

> Latin: 28.2. Himilco cum exercitu iusto et aucta classe ad retinendam terra marique ac tuendam Hispaniam est missus.

[¶72] 28.3. After transporting his land and naval forces, Himilco fortified a camp, beached his ships and surrounded them with an earthwork. Then he himself with picked horsemen, making his way with all possible speed, and with equal alertness through the wavering and the hostile tribes, reached Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 28.3. qui ut pedestres naualesque copias traiecit, castris communitis nauibusque subductis et uallo circumdatis cum equitibus delectis ipse, quantum maxime accelerare poterat, per dubios infestosque populos iuxta intentus ad Hasdrubalem peruenit.

[¶73] 28.4. After setting forth the decrees and instructions of the senate, and being himself informed in turn how the war in Spain must be conducted, he went back to his own camp, being protected by his quickness more than anything else, since he had left each place before the enemy could agree upon action.

> Latin: 28.4. cum decreta senatus mandataque exposuisset atque edoctus fuisset ipse in uicem quemadmodum tractandum bellum in Hispania foret, retro in sua castra rediit, nulla re quam celeritate tutior, quod undique abierat antequam consentirent.

[¶74] 28.5. Hasdrubal, before breaking camp, exacted money from all the tribes under his rule, knowing well that Hannibal had repeatedly bought the right of passage, and that he had Gallic auxiliaries only by hiring them;

> Latin: 28.5. Hasdrubal priusquam moueret castra pecunias imperat populis omnibus suae dicionis, satis gnarus Hannibalem transitus quosdam pretio mercatum nec auxilia Gallica aliter quam conducta habuisse;

[¶75] 28.6. but that if he had set out on so long a march without funds, he would scarcely have made his way to the Alps.

> Latin: 28.6. inopem tantum iter ingressum uix penetraturum ad Alpes fuisse. pecuniis igitur raptim exactis ad Hiberum descendit.

[¶76] 28.7. Therefore he exacted money in haste and came down to the Hiberus. When news of the decrees of the Carthaginians and Hasdrubal's expedition reached the Roman commanders, both dropped everything, and uniting their forces prepared to meet and resist his efforts, thinking that if Hannibal, who was himself an enemy Italy could scarcely endure, should be joined by Hasdrubal as a general and by an army from Spain, that would be the end of the Roman power.

> Latin: 28.7. decreta Carthaginiensium et Hasdrubalis iter ubi ad Romanos sunt perlata, omnibus omissis rebus ambo duces iunctis copiis ire obuiam coeptis atque obsistere parant, rati, si Hannibali, uix per se ipsi tolerando Italiae hosti, Hasdrubal dux atque Hispaniensis exercitus esset iunctus, illum finem Romani imperii fore.

[¶77] 28.9. Troubled by these apprehensions, they concentrated their troops at the Hiberus, crossed the river, and after protracted deliberation, whether to pitch camp near that of the enemy or to be satisfied with keeping him from his projected march by attacking allies of the Carthaginians, they prepared to attack a city which had its name Hibera from the river near by, the richest city of the region at that time.

> Latin: 28.9. his anxii curis ad Hiberum contrahunt copias et transito amne, cum diu consultassent utrum castra castris conferrent an satis haberent sociis Carthaginiensium oppugnandis morari ab itinere proposito hostem, urbem a propinquo flumine Hiberam appellatam, opulentissimam ea tempestate regionis eius, oppugnare parant.

[¶78] 28.11. On learning this Hasdrubal, instead of bringing aid to his allies, proceeded likewise to attack a city which had recently surrendered to the Romans.

> Latin: 28.11. quod ubi sensit Hasdrubal, pro ope ferenda sociis pergit ire ipse ad urbem deditam nuper in fidem Romanorum oppugnandam.

[¶79] 28.12. Thus the siege already begun was abandoned by the Romans and the war directed against Hasdrubal himself.

> Latin: 28.12. ita iam coepta obsidio omissa ab Romanis est et in ipsum Hasdrubalem uersum bellum.

[¶80] 29.1. They had their camps five miles apart for a few days, not without skirmishes, but without drawing up lines of battle.

> Latin: 29.1. quinque milium interuallo castra distantia habuere paucos dies nec sine leuibus proeliis nec ut in aciem exirent:

[¶81] 29.2. Finally on one and the same day, as though by agreement, the signal for battle was raised on both sides and with all their forces they went down into the plain. The Roman line stood in triple ranks.

> Latin: 29.2. tandem uno eodemque die uelut ex composito utrimque signum pugnae propositum est atque omnibus copiis in campum descensum.

[¶82] 29.3. Some of the light-armed were posted in the intervals between the maniples in advance of the standards, some placed behind the standards.

> Latin: 29.3. triplex stetit Romana acies; uelitum pars inter antesignanos locata, pars post signa accepta; equites cornua cinxere.

[¶83] 29.4. Cavalry covered the wings. Hasdrubal made a strong centre of Spanish troops; on the right wing he placed Carthaginians, on the left Africans and mercenary auxiliaries. Of the cavalry he stationed the Numidians on the wing of the Carthaginian infantry, the rest on that of the Africans.

> Latin: 29.4. Hasdrubal mediam aciem Hispanis firmat; in cornibus, dextro Poenos locat, laeuo Afros mercenariorumque auxilia; equitum Numidas Poenorum peditibus, ceteros Afris, pro cornibus apponit.

[¶84] 29.5. And not all of his Numidians were placed on the right wing, but only those who, taking two horses apiece after the manner of performers, had the custom of leaping armed from the tired horse to the fresh, often in the very heat of battle; such was the agility of the men, and so well-trained their breed of horses.

> Latin: 29.5. nec omnes Numidae in dextro locati cornu sed quibus desultorum in modum binos trahentibus equos inter acerrimam saepe pugnam in recentem equum ex fesso armatis transultare mos erat; tanta uelocitas ipsis tamque docile equorum genus est.

[¶85] 29.6. While they were standing in this array, the hopes of the generals on the two sides were fairly balanced; for there was also not much superiority for the one army or the other either in the number or the type of its soldiers.

> Latin: 29.6. cum hoc modo instructi starent, imperatorum utriusque partis haud ferme dispares spes erant; nam ne multum quidem aut numero aut genere militum hi aut illi praestabant; militibus longe dispar animus erat.

[¶86] 29.7. But the spirit of the soldiers was far from being matched. For the Romans, although fighting far from their country, had been easily persuaded by their generals that they were fighting in defence of Italy and the city of Rome. And so, as men whose return to their native land would depend upon the issue of that battle, they had made up their minds to win or die.

> Latin: 29.7. Romanis enim, quamquam procul a patria pugnarent, facile persuaserant duces pro Italia atque urbe Romana eos pugnare; itaque, uelut quibus reditus in patriam ltingt eo discrimine pugnae uerteretur, obstinauerant animis uincere aut mori.

[¶87] 29.8. The other battle-line had men less firmly resolved. For the majority were Spaniards, who preferred to be vanquished in Spain, rather than as victors to be dragged to Italy.

> Latin: 29.8. minus pertinaces uiros habebat altera acies; nam maxima pars Hispani erant, qui uinci in Hispania quam uictores in Italiam trahi malebant.

[¶88] 29.9. Therefore at the first clash, when they had barely hurled their javelins, the centre fell back, and, as the Romans advanced with a great charge, retreated. On the wrings, however, there was more spirited fighting.

> Latin: 29.9. primo igitur concursu, cum uix pila coniecta essent, rettulit pedem media acies inferentibusque se magno impetu Romanis uertit terga. nihilo segnius ltingt cornibus proelium fuit.

[¶89] 29.10. On the one hand the Carthaginians pressed them hard, on the other hand the Africans; and it was a double conflict against men presumed to have been surrounded.

> Latin: 29.10. hinc Poenus, hinc Afer urget, et uelut in circumuentos proelio ancipiti pugnant;

[¶90] 29.11. But, although the whole Roman line had by this time crowded into the centre, it had sufficient strength to force apart the wings of the enemy.

> Latin: 29.11. sed cum in medium tota iam coisset Romana acies, satis uirium ad dimouenda hostium cornua habuit.

[¶91] 29.12. Thus there were two battles in opposite directions. In both the Romans were unquestionably victorious, since, once the centre had been routed, they were superior both in the numbers and in the strength of their men.

> Latin: 29.12. ita duo diuersa proelia erant. utroque Romani, ut qui pulsis iam ante mediis et numero et robore uirorum praestarent, haud dubie superant.

[¶92] 29.13. A great number of men were slain there, and if the Spaniards had not fled in such confusion when the battle had scarcely begun, very few out of that entire line would have survived.

> Latin: 29.13. magna uis hominum ibi occisa et, nisi Hispani uixdum conserto proelio tam effuse fugissent, perpauci ex tota superfuissent acie.

[¶93] 29.14. The cavalry were not engaged at all, since, as soon as the Mauri and the Numidians saw the centre giving way, they at once abandoned the wings, exposed by their wild flight as they drove the elephants also before them.

> Latin: 29.14. equestris pugna nulla admodum fuit, quia, simul inclinatam mediam aciem Mauri Numidaeque uidere, extemplo fuga effusa nuda cornua elephantis quoque prae se actis deseruere.

[¶94] 29.15. Hasdrubal, after waiting for the final outcome of the battle, escaped with a few men out of the midst of the slaughter. His camp the Romans captured and plundered.

> Latin: 29.15. et Hasdrubal usque ad ultimum euentum pugnae moratus e media caede cum paucis effugit. castra Romani cepere atque diripuere.

[¶95] 29.16. That battle brought to the Roman side all that still wavered in Spain, and Hasdrubal had left to him no hope, not only of leading his army over into Italy, but not even of remaining with any safety in Spain.

> Latin: 29.16. ea pugna si qua dubia ltingt Hispania erant Romanis adiunxit, Hasdrubalique non modo in Italiam traducendi exercitus sed ne manendi quidem satis tuto in Hispania spes reliqua erat.

[¶96] 29.17. When these facts were generally known at Rome through the letter of the Scipios, people rejoiced, not so much over the victory, as that Hasdrubal's crossing into Italy had been prevented.

> Latin: 29.17. quae posteaquam litteris Scipionum Romae uolgata sunt, non tam uictoria quam prohibito Hasdrubalis in Italiam transitu laetabantur.

[¶97] 30.1. While these things were going on in Spain, Petelia, in the land of the Bruttii, was taken by Himilco, Hannibal's prefect, some months after the siege began.

> Latin: 30.1. dum haec in Hispania geruntur, Petelia in Bruttiis aliquot post mensibus quam coepta oppugnari erat ab Himilcone praefecto Hannibalis expugnata est.

[¶98] 30.2. That victory cost the Carthaginians much blood and many wounds, and starvation more than any assault overpowered the besieged.

> Latin: 30.2. multo sanguine ac uolneribus ea Poenis uictoria stetit nec ulla magis uis obsessos quam fames expugnauit.

[¶99] 30.3. For after they had consumed their food-supply in cereals and flesh, the familiar and the unfamiliar, of four-footed beasts of every kind, they finally lived on hides and grasses and roots and tender bark and leaves stripped off. And they were not overpowered until they had no strength left to stand on the walls and bear arms.

> Latin: 30.3. absumptis enim frugum alimentis carnisque omnis generis quadrupedum suetae ltinsuetaegtque postremo coriis herbisque et radicibus et corticibus teneris strictisque foliis uixere nec ante quam uires ad standum in muris ferendaque arma deerant expugnati sunt.

[¶100] 30.5. Having taken Petelia, the Carthaginian led his troops across to Consentia, and as it was less obstinately defended, he received its surrender within a few days.

> Latin: 30.5. recepta Petelia Poenus ad Consentiam copias traducit, quam minus pertinaciter defensam intra paucos dies in deditionem accepit.

[¶101] 30.6. About the same time an army of the Bruttians also besieged Croton, a Greek city formerly rich in arms and men, but even then so crushed by many great disasters that, including all ages, less than two thousand citizens remained.

> Latin: 30.6. iisdem ferme diebus et Bruttiorum exercitus Crotonem, Graecam urbem, circumsedit, opulentam quondam armis uirisque, tum iam adeo multis magnisque cladibus adflictam ut omnis aetatis minus duo milia ciuium superessent.

[¶102] 30.7. And so the enemy easily gained possession of the city bereft of its defenders. Only the citadel was still held, and to it some, in the uproar of a captured city, made their escape out of the midst of slaughter.

> Latin: 30.7. itaque urbe a defensoribus uasta facile potiti hostes sunt: arx tantum retenta, in quam inter tumultum captae urbis e media caede quidam effugere.

[¶103] 30.8. And Locri went over to the Bruttians and Carthaginians, the populace having been betrayed by the leading men.

> Latin: 30.8. et Locrenses desciuere ad Bruttios Poenosque prodita multitudine a principibus.

[¶104] 30.9. Regium alone in that region remained loyal to the Romans and to the very last independent. The same trend of feeling reached Sicily also, and even the house of Hiero did not hold aloof entirely from the revolt.

> Latin: 30.9. Regini tantummodo regionis eius et in fide erga Romanos et potestatis suae ad ultimum manserunt.

## 15. Book XXIII · chapters 30–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/15/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/15/#p-N

[¶0] 30.10. For Gelo, the eldest son, scorning both the old age of his father and the Roman alliance since the disaster at Cannae, went over to the Carthaginians. And he would have caused an uprising in Sicily, had not death, so timely as to besmirch even his father with suspicion, carried him off as he was arming the populace and trying to gain allies.

> Latin: 30.10. in Siciliam quoque eadem inclinatio animorum peruenit et ne domus quidem Hieronis tota ab defectione abstinuit. namque Gelo, maximus stirpis, contempta simul senectute patris simul post Cannensem cladem Romana societate ad Poenos defecit, mouissetque in Sicilia res, nisi mors, adeo opportuna ut patrem quoque suspicione aspergeret, armantem eum multitudinem sollicitantemque socios absumpsisset.

[¶1] 30.13. Such were the checkered events of that year in Italy, in Africa, in Sicily, in Spain. At the end of the year Quintus Fabius Maximus requested of the senate that he be permitted to dedicate the Temple of Venus of Eryx which he had vowed in his dictatorship.

> Latin: 30.13. haec eo anno in Italia, in Africa, in Sicilia, in Hispania uario euentu acta. exitu anni Q. Fabius Maximus a senatu postulauit ut aedem Ueneris Erycinae, quam dictator uouisset, dedicare liceret.

[¶2] 30.14. The senate decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, consul designate, as soon as he entered upon his office should propose to the people that they order that Quintus Fabius should be a duumvir for the purpose of dedicating the temple.

> Latin: 30.14. senatus decreuit ut Ti. Sempronius, consul designatus, cum ltprimum magistratumgt inisset, ad populum ferret ut Q. Fabium duumuirum esse iuberent aedis dedicandae causa.

[¶3] 30.15. And in honour of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, who had been consul twice and augur, his three sons, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, gave funeral games for three days and showed twenty-two pairs of gladiators in the Forum.

> Latin: 30.15. et M. Aemilio Lepido, qui bis consul augurque fuerat, filii tres, Lucius, Marcus, Quintus, ludos funebres per triduum et gladiatorum paria duo et uiginti [per triduum] in foro dederunt.

[¶4] 30.16. The curule aediles, Gaius Laetorius and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, consul designate, who in his aedileship had been master of the horse, celebrated the Roman Games, and on three of the days they were repeated. The Plebeian Games of the aediles, Marcus Aurelius Cotta and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, were repeated three times.

> Latin: 30.16. aediles curules C. Laetorius et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, consul designatus, qui in aedilitate magister equitum fuerat, ludos Romanos fecerunt, qui per triduum instaurati sunt.

[¶5] 30.17. The third year of the Punic War being at an end, Tiberius Sempronius entered upon office as consul on the Ides of March.

> Latin: 30.17. plebeii ludi aedilium M. Aurelii Cottae et M. Claudii Marcelli ter instaurati.

[¶6] 30.18. Of the praetors Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, who had previously been consul and censor, had by lot his assignment as judge between citizens, Marcus Valerius Laevinus had his as judge in the cases of strangers, while to Appius Claudius Pulcher Sicily was allotted, and Sardinia to Quintus Mucius Scaevola.

> Latin: 30.18. circumacto tertio anno Punici belli, Ti. Sempronius consul idibus Martiis magistratum init. praetores Q. Fuluius Flaccus, qui antea consul censorque fuerat, urbanam, M. Ualerius Laeuinus peregrinam sortem in iurisdictione habuit; Ap. Claudius Pulcher Siciliam, Q. Mucius Scaeuola Sardiniam sortiti sunt.

[¶7] 30.19. That Marcus Marcellus should have full military authority as proconsul was ordered by the people, because he alone of the Roman commanders since the disaster at Cannae had met with success in Italy.

> Latin: 30.19. M. Marcello pro consule imperium esse populus iussit, quod post Cannensem cladem unus Romanorum imperatorum in Italia prospere rem gessisset.

[¶8] 31.1. The senate on the first day on which it was in session on the Capitol, decreed that a double tax should be imposed that year and the normal tax collected at once; that from it pay should be given in cash to all the soldiers except those who had been soldiers at Cannae.

> Latin: 31.1. senatus quo die primum est in Capitolio consultus decreuit ut quod eo anno duplex tributum imperaretur simplex confestim exigeretur, ex quo stipendium praesens omnibus militibus daretur praeterquam qui milites ad Cannas fuissent.

[¶9] 31.3. As for the armies, they decreed that Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, should set for the two city legions a date for mobilization at Cales; that these legions should be led thence to the Claudian Camp above Suessula; that the legions already there —it was chiefly the army of Cannae —should be taken over into Sicily by Appius Claudius Pulcher, the praetor, and that those which were in Sicily should be brought to Rome.

> Latin: 31.3. de exercitibus ita decreuerunt ut duabus legionibus urbanis Ti. Sempronius consul Cales ad conueniendum diem ediceret; inde eae legiones in castra Claudiana supra Suessulam deducerentur. quae ibi legiones essent—erant autem Cannensis maxime exercitus—eas Ap. Claudius Pulcher praetor in Siciliam traiceret quaeque in Sicilia essent Romam deportarentur.

[¶10] 31.5. Marcus Claudius Marcellus was sent to the army for which a date of mobilization at Cales had been set; and he was ordered to conduct the city legions to the Claudian Camp.

> Latin: 31.5. ad exercitum cui ad conueniendum Cales edicta dies erat M. Claudius Marcellus missus, isque iussus in castra Claudiana deducere urbanas legiones.

[¶11] 31.6. To take over the old army and conduct it thence to Sicily, Appius Claudius sent his lieutenant, Tiberius Maecilius Croto. At first men had been waiting in silence for the consul to preside over an election for the naming of his colleague.

> Latin: 31.6. ad ueterem exercitum accipiendum deducendumque inde in Siciliam Ti. Maecilius Croto legatus ab Ap. Claudio est missus.

[¶12] 31.7. Then, when they saw that Marcus Marcellus, whom they particularly desired to have elected consul for that year, on account of remarkable successes in his praetorship, had been sent away, apparently on purpose, murmurs began to be heard in the Senate House.

> Latin: 31.7. taciti primo exspectauerant homines uti consul comitia collegae creando haberet; deinde ubi ablegatum uelut de industria M. Marcellum uiderunt, quem maxime consulem in eum annum ob egregie in praetura res gestas creari uolebant, fremitus in curia ortus.

[¶13] 31.8. Noting this the consul said: “Both acts were to the advantage of the state, fellow-senators, that Marcus Claudius should be sent to Campania to make the change of armies, and that the coming election should not be proclaimed until he, after accomplishing the task which was assigned him, should return thence, so that you might have the consul whom the critical situation in the state requires and whom you particularly desire.” So until Marcellus returned, nothing was said about an election.

> Latin: 31.8. quod ubi sensit, consul 'utrumque' inquit 'e re publica fuit, patres conscripti, et M. Claudium ad permutandos exercitus in Campaniam proficisci et comitia non prius edici quam is inde confecto quod mandatum est negotio reuertisset, ut uos consulem, quem tempus rei publicae postularet, quem maxime uoltis, haberetis.'

[¶14] 31.9. Meanwhile Quintus Fabius Maximus and Titus Otacilius Crassus were made duumvirs for the dedication of temples, Otacilius for that of Mens, Fabius for that of Venus of Eryx. Both are on the Capitol, separated by a single water-channel.

> Latin: 31.9. ita de comitiis donec rediit Marcellus silentium fuit. interea duumuiri creati sunt Q. Fabius Maximus et T. Otacilius Crassus aedibus dedicandis, Menti Otacilius, Fabius Ueneri Erycinae; utraque in Capitolio est, canali uno discretae.

[¶15] 31.10. And in regard to the three hundred Campanian knights 2 who, after loyally serving their terms in Sicily, had come to Rome, a bill was brought before the people that they should be Roman citizens; further, that they should be townsmen of Cumae from the day before that on which the Campanian people had revolted from the Roman people.

> Latin: 31.10. et de trecentis equitibus Campanis qui in Sicilia cum fide stipendiis emeritis Romam uenerant latum ad populum ut ciues Romani essent; item uti municipes Cumani essent pridie quam populus Campanus a populo Romano defecisset.

[¶16] 31.11. What had chiefly prompted the making of this proposal was that they said they did not themselves know with whom they belonged, having given up their old home-city, and not being enrolled as yet in the city to which they had returned. After Marcellus returned from the army, an election to name one consul in place of Lucius Postumius was ordered by edict.

> Latin: 31.11. maxime ut hoc ferretur mouerat quod quorum hominum essent scire se ipsi negabant uetere patria relicta, in eam in quam redierant nondum adsciti.

[¶17] 31.12. With great unanimity Marcellus was elected, to assume office at once.

> Latin: 31.12. postquam Marcellus ab exercitu rediit, comitia consuli uni rogando in locum L. Postumi edicuntur.

[¶18] 31.13. Just as he was entering upon his consulship it thundered, and thereupon the augurs, being summoned, declared that there seemed to be a defect in his election. And the fathers widely circulated the statement that it did not meet the approval of the gods that two plebeians had then for the first time been elected consuls.

> Latin: 31.13. creatur ingenti consensu Marcellus qui extemplo magistratum occiperet. cui ineunti consulatum cum tonuisset, uocati augures uitio creatum uideri pronuntiauerunt; uolgoque patres ita fama ferebant, quod tum primum duo plebeii consules facti essent, id deis cordi non esse.

[¶19] 31.14. In place of Marcellus, after he had abdicated, Quintus Fabius Maximus was substituted as consul for the third time. The sea was aflame in the course of that year.

> Latin: 31.14. in locum Marcelli, ubi is se magistratu abdicauit, suffectus Q. Fabius Maximus tertium. mare arsit eo anno;

[¶20] 31.15. At Sinuessa a cow gave birth to a colt. At the Temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium images of the gods dripped blood, and it rained stones around the temple —a shower on account of which there were ceremonies, as usual, for nine days. And the rest of the portents were duly expiated.

> Latin: 31.15. ad Sinuessam bos eculeum peperit; signa Lanuui ad Iunonis Sospitae cruore manauere lapidibusque circa id templum pluit, ob quem imbrem nouendiale, ut adsolet, sacrum fuit; ceteraque prodigia cum cura expiata.

[¶21] 32.1. The consuls divided the armies between them. To Fabius fell the army at Teanum, formerly commanded by Marcus Junius, the dictator; to Sempronius the slave volunteers who were at that place and twenty-five thousand of the allies.

> Latin: 32.1. consules exercitus inter sese diuiserunt. Fabio exercitus Teani, cui M. Iunius dictator praefuerat, euenit; Sempronio uolones qui ibi erant et sociorum uiginti quinque milia, M.

[¶22] 32.2. To Marcus Valerius, the praetor, were assigned the legions which had returned from Sicily. Marcus Claudius was sent as proconsul to the army which was above Suessula, in order to guard Nola. The praetors set out for Sicily and Sardinia.

> Latin: 32.2. Ualerio praetori legiones quae ex Sicilia redissent decretae; M. Claudius pro consule ad eum exercitum qui supra Suessulam Nolae praesideret missus; praetores in Siciliam ac Sardiniam profecti.

[¶23] 32.3. The consuls issued an edict that, whenever they might call a meeting of the senate, the senators and any who had the right to give an opinion in the senate should assemble at the Porta Capena.

> Latin: 32.3. consules edixerunt, quotiens in senatum uocassent, uti senatores quibusque in senatu dicere sententiam liceret ad portam Capenam conuenirent.

[¶24] 32.4. The praetors who had judicial duties set up their tribunals at the Piscina Publica. That place should be named —so they ordered —in recognizances, and there justice was rendered that year.

> Latin: 32.4. praetores quorum iuris dictio erat tribunalia ad Piscinam publicam posuerunt; eo uadimonia fieri iusserunt ibique eo anno ius dictum est.

[¶25] 32.5. Meanwhile Carthage, from which Mago, Hannibal's brother, was on the point of transporting into Italy twelve thousand infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry, twenty elephants and a thousand talents of silver, with a convoy of sixty warships, received the news that in Spain operations had failed and nearly all the tribes in that province had revolted to the

> Latin: 32.5. interim Carthaginem, unde Mago, frater Hannibalis, duodecim milia peditum et mille quingentos equites, uiginti elephantos, mille argenti talenta in Italiam transmissurus erat cum praesidio sexaginta nauium longarum, nuntius adfertur in Hispania rem male gestam omnesque ferme eius prouinciae populos ad Romanos defecisse.

[¶26] 32.7. Romans. There were some who, neglecting Italy, were ready to divert Mago to Spain with that fleet and those forces, when there suddenly appeared a ray of hope of recovering Sardinia.

> Latin: 32.7. erant qui Magonem cum classe ea copiisque omissa Italia in Hispaniam auerterent, cum Sardiniae recipiendae repentina spes adfulsit:

[¶27] 32.8. It was reported that the Roman army there was small; that the old praetor, Aulus Cornelius, who was well acquainted with the province, was retiring, and a new praetor expected; further, that the Sardinians were now weary of the long continuance of Roman rule, and in the previous year had been ruled with harshness and greed; that they were burdened by a heavy tribute and an unfair requisition of grain; that nothing was lacking but a leader to whom they might go

> Latin: 32.8. paruum ibi exercitum Romanum esse; ueterem praetorem inde A. Cornelium prouinciae peritum decedere, nouum exspectari; ad hoc fessos iam animos Sardorum esse diuturnitate imperii Romani, et proximo iis anno acerbe atque auare imperatum; graui tributo et conlatione iniqua frumenti pressos; nihil deesse aliud quam auctorem ad quem deficerent.

[¶28] 32.10. over. Such was the report of a secret embassy sent by the leading men at the special instigation of Hampsicora, who at that time was far above the rest in prestige and wealth.

> Latin: 32.10. haec clandestina legatio per principes missa erat, maxime eam rem moliente Hampsicora, qui tum auctoritate atque opibus longe primus erat.

[¶29] 32.11. By such news they were almost at the same moment dejected and encouraged, and sent Mago with his fleet and his forces to Spain. For Sardinia they chose Hasdrubal as general, and voted him about the same number of troops as to Mago.

> Latin: 32.11. his nuntiis prope uno tempore turbati erectique Magonem cum classe sua copiisque in Hispaniam mittunt, in Sardiniam Hasdrubalem deligunt ducem et tantum ferme copiarum quantum Magoni decernunt.

[¶30] 32.13. And at Rome the consuls did what had to be done in the city, and were now bestirring themselves for the war.

> Latin: 32.13. et Romae consules transactis rebus quae in urbe agendae erant mouebant iam sese ad bellum.

[¶31] 32.14. Tiberius Sempronius set his soldiers a date for mobilization at Sinuessa, and Quintus Fabius, after first consulting the senate, gave orders that all should bring their grain crops from the farms into fortified cities before the next Kalends of June; that if any man should fail to do so, he would lay waste his farm, sell his slaves at auction and burn the farm buildings.

> Latin: 32.14. Ti. Sempronius militibus Sinuessam diem ad conueniendum edixit, et Q. Fabius consulto prius senatu ut frumenta omnes ex agris ante kalendas Iunias primas in urbes munitas conueherent;

[¶32] 32.15. Not even those praetors who had been appointed to administer justice were granted exemption from the conduct of the war.

> Latin: 32.15. qui non inuexisset eius se agrum populaturum, seruos sub hasta uenditurum, uillas incensurum. ne praetoribus quidem qui ad ius dicendum creati erant uacatio a belli administratione data est.

[¶33] 32.16. It was decided that Valerius, the praetor, should go to Apulia, to take over the army from Terentius; that when the legions should arrive from Sicily, he should chiefly use these troops for the defence of that region; that Terentius' army should be sent to Tarentum under some one of the lieutenants.

> Latin: 32.16. Ualerium praetorem in Apuliam ire placuit ad exercitum a Terentio accipiendum; cum ex Sicilia legiones uenissent, iis potissimum uti ad regionis eius praesidium, Terentianum ltexercitum Tarentumgt mitti cum aliquo legatorum;

[¶34] 32.17. And twenty-five ships were given him, that with them he might be able to defend the coast between Brundisium and Tarentum.

> Latin: 32.17. et uiginti quinque naues datae quibus oram maritimam inter Brundisium ac Tarentum tutari posset.

[¶35] 32.18. An equal number of ships was assigned by decree to Quintus Fulvius, the city praetor, for the defence of the shore near the city.

> Latin: 32.18. par nauium numerus Q. Fuluio praetori urbano decretus ad suburbana litora tutanda.

[¶36] 32.19. Gaius Terentius as proconsul was given the task of conducting a levy of troops in the Picene territory and defending that region.

> Latin: 32.19. C. Terentio proconsuli negotium datum ut in Piceno agro conquisitionem militum haberet locisque iis praesidio esset.

[¶37] 32.20. And Titus Otacilius Crassus, after dedicating the Temple of Mens on the Capitol, was sent with full authority to Sicily, where he was to command the fleet.

> Latin: 32.20. et T. Otacilius Crassus, postquam aedem Mentis in Capitolio dedicauit, in Siciliam cum imperio qui classi praeesset missus.

[¶38] 33.1. To this conflict of the two richest peoples in the world all kings and nations had turned their attention, among them Philip, king of the Macedonians, all the more since he was nearer to Italy and separated from it only by the Ionian Sea.

> Latin: 33.1. in hanc dimicationem duorum opulentissimorum in terris populorum omnes reges gentesque animos intenderant, inter quos Philippus Macedonum rex eo magis quod propior Italiae ac mari tantum Ionio discretus erat.

[¶39] 33.3. On first learning by report that Hannibal had crossed the Alps, although he had rejoiced at the outbreak of war between the Romans and the Carthaginians, still, as their resources were not yet known, he had wavered, uncertain which of the two peoples he wished to have the victory.

> Latin: 33.3. is ubi primum fama accepit Hannibalem Alpes transgressum, ut bello inter Romanum Poenumque orto laetatus erat, ita utrius populi mallet uictoriam esse incertis adhuc uiribus fluctuatus animo fuerat.

[¶40] 33.4. Now that a third battle, a third victory, favoured the Carthaginians, he inclined to the side of success and sent ambassadors to Hannibal. These avoided the ports of Brundisium and Tarentum, because they were kept guarded by Roman ships, and landed at the Temple of Lacinian Juno.

> Latin: 33.4. postquam tertia iam pugna, tertia uictoria cum Poenis erat, ad fortunam inclinauit legatosque ad Hannibalem misit; qui uitantes portus Brundisinum Tarentinumque, quia custodiis nauium Romanarum tenebantur, ad Laciniae Iunonis templum in terram egressi sunt.

[¶41] 33.5. Making their way thence toward Capua by way of Apulia, they encountered the centre of the Roman forces and were brought before Valerius Laevinus, the praetor, whose camp was near Luceria.

> Latin: 33.5. inde per Apuliam petentes Capuam media in praesidia Romana inlati sunt deductique ad Ualerium Laeuinum praetorem, circa Luceriam castra habentem.

[¶42] 33.6. There Xenophanes, the leader of the embassy, boldly said that he had been sent by King Philip to negotiate a friendly alliance with the Roman people; that he had communications for the consuls and for the senate and the Roman people.

> Latin: 33.6. ibi intrepide Xenophanes, legationis princeps, a Philippo rege se missum ait ad amicitiam societatemque iungendam cum populo Romano; mandata habere ad consules ac senatum populumque Romanum.

[¶43] 33.7. The praetor, who in the midst of the revolts of old allies was greatly delighted by a new alliance with so famous a king, hospitably received enemies as guests.

> Latin: 33.7. praetor inter defectiones ueterum sociorum noua societate tam clari regis laetus admodum hostes pro hospitibus comiter accepit. dat qui prosequantur;

[¶44] 33.8. He furnished men to escort them, to indicate the roads carefully, and what positions and what passes were held either by the Romans or by the enemy.

> Latin: 33.8. itinera cum cura demonstrat ltetgt quae loca quosque saltus aut Romanus aut hostes teneant.

[¶45] 33.9. Xenophanes made his way through the Roman forces into Campania and thence by the shortest road to the camp of Hannibal, and arranged a treaty of friendship with him on the following terms: that King Philip with the largest possible fleet —and it was thought that he would make it two hundred ships —should cross to Italy and ravage the coast, and should carry on the war on land and sea with all his might;

> Latin: 33.9. Xenophanes per praesidia Romana in Campaniam, inde qua proximum fuit in castra Hannibalis peruenit foedusque cum eo atque amicitiam iungit legibus his: ut Philippus rex quam maxima classe—ducentas autem naues uidebatur effecturus— in Italiam traiceret et uastaret maritimam oram, bellum pro parte sua terra marique gereret;

[¶46] 33.11. that after the war was over all Italy with the city of Rome itself should belong to the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and all the booty fall to Hannibal;

> Latin: 33.11. ubi debellatum esset, Italia omnis cum ipsa urbe Roma Carthaginiensium atque Hannibalis esset praedaque omnis Hannibali cederet;

[¶47] 33.12. that after the complete subjugation of Italy they should sail to Greece and wage war with such enemies as the king might choose; and that such states on the mainland and such islands as face Macedonia should belong to Philip and be a part of his kingdom.

> Latin: 33.12. perdomita Italia nauigarent in Graeciam bellumque cum quibus regi placeret gererent; quae ciuitates continentis quaeque insulae ad Macedoniam uergunt, eae Philippi regnique eius essent.

[¶48] 34.1. On terms such as these a treaty was made between the Carthaginian general and the ambassadors of the Macedonians.

> Latin: 34.1. in has ferme leges inter Poenum ducem legatosque Macedonum ictum foedus;

[¶49] 34.2. And Gisgo and Bostar and Mago, who were sent with them as ambassadors, to reassure the king himself, reached the same place, the Temple of Juno Lacinia, where a ship lay in a hidden anchorage.

> Latin: 34.2. missique cum iis ad regis ipsius firmandam fidem legati, Gisgo et Bostar et Mago, eodem ad Iunonis Laciniae, ubi nauis occulta in statione erat, perueniunt.

[¶50] 34.3. Setting out thence and making for the open sea, they were sighted by the Roman fleet which was defending the coasts of Calabria.

> Latin: 34.3. inde profecti cum altum tenerent, conspecti a classe Romana sunt quae praesidio erat Calabriae litoribus;

[¶51] 34.4. And Valerius Flaccus sent light craft to pursue the ship and bring her back; whereupon the king's ambassadors at first attempted to flee. Then, when they saw that they were being outstripped in speed, they surrendered to the Romans and were brought before the admiral of the fleet.

> Latin: 34.4. Ualeriusque Flaccus cercuros ad persequendam retrahendamque nauem cum misisset, primo fugere regii conati, deinde, ubi celeritate uinci senserunt, tradunt se Romanis et ad praefectum classis adducti, cum quaereret qui et unde et quo tenderent cursum, Xenophanes primo satis iam semel felix mendacium struere, a Philippo se ad Romanos missum ad M.

[¶52] 34.5. When he asked who they were and whence, and whither they were bound, Xenophanes at first set up the false pretence which had been quite successful once before: that, being sent by Philip to the Romans, he had made his way to Marcus Valerius, the one man to whom there was a safe road; that he had been unable to get across Campania, which was blocked by the enemy's forces. Then, when Carthaginian dress and appearance cast suspicion on Hannibal's ambassadors, upon being questioned they were betrayed by their speech. Thereupon their attendants were led aside and frightened by threats; and a letter also from Hannibal to Philip was found, along with agreements between the king of the Macedonians and the Carthaginian general.

> Latin: 34.5. Ualerium, ad quem unum iter tutum fuerit, peruenisse, Campaniam superare nequisse, saeptam hostium praesidiis. deinde ut Punicus cultus habitusque suspectos legatos fecit Hannibalis interrogatosque sermo prodidit, tum comitibus eorum seductis ac metu territis, litterae quoque ab Hannibale ad Philippum inuentae et pacta inter regem Macedonum Poenumque ducem.

[¶53] 34.8. So much being established, it seemed best to send the captured men and their attendants as soon as possible to the senate at Rome, or else to the consuls, wherever they might be.

> Latin: 34.8. quibus satis cognitis optimum uisum est captiuos comitesque eorum Romam ad senatum aut ltadgt consules ubicunque essent, quam primum deportare.

[¶54] 34.9. For that purpose five very swift ships were selected and Lucius Valerius Antias was sent to command them. And instructions were given him to distribute the ambassadors among all his ships, to be separately guarded; and he was to see to it that there should be no conversation among them or any interchange of plans.

> Latin: 34.9. ad id celerrimae quinque naues delectae ac L. Ualerius Antias, qui praeesset, missus, eique mandatum ut in omnes naues legatos separatim custodiendos diuideret daretque operam ne quod iis conloquium inter se neue quae communicatio consilii esset.

[¶55] 34.10. About the same time at Rome Aulus Cornelius Mammula, on retiring from his province of Sardinia, reported what was the condition of affairs in the island:

> Latin: 34.10. per idem tempus Romae cum A. Cornelius Mammula, ex Sardinia prouincia decedens, rettulisset qui status rerum in insula esset:

[¶56] 34.11. that all were aiming at war and rebellion; that Quintus Mucius, his successor, upon arriving was affected by the unwholesome climate and bad water, and having contracted an illness not so dangerous as protracted, would for a long time be useless for the performance of war duties; also that the army there, while strong enough to garrison a peaceful province, was not so for the war which seemed on the point of breaking out.

> Latin: 34.11. bellum ac defectionem omnes spectare; Q. Mucium qui successisset sibi, grauitate caeli aquarumque aduenientem exceptum, non tam in periculosum quam longum morbum implicitum, diu ad belli munia sustinenda inutilem fore, exercitumque ibi ut satis firmum pacatae prouinciae praesidem esse, ita parum bello quod motum iri uideretur,

[¶57] 34.13. The senate thereupon decreed that Quintus Fulvius Flaccus should enlist five thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, and should see to it that that legion should be transported to Sardinia at the first opportunity; also that he should send whomever he thought best with full authority, to carry on the war until Mucius should recover.

> Latin: 34.13. decreuerunt patres ut Q. Fuluius Flaccus quinque milia peditum, quadringentos equites scriberet eamque legionem primo quoque tempore in Sardiniam traiciendam curaret, mitteretque cum imperio quem ipsi uideretur, qui rem gereret quoad Mucius conualuisset.

[¶58] 34.15. For that duty Titus Manlius Torquatus was sent, a man who had been consul twice and censor, and in his consulship had conquered the Sardinians.

> Latin: 34.15. ad eam rem missus est T. Manlius Torquatus, qui bis consul et censor fuerat subegeratque in consulatu Sardos.

[¶59] 34.16. About the same time a fleet which had been sent from Carthage also to Sardinia, under command of the Hasdrubal who was surnamed Calvus, was damaged by a terrible storm and driven to the Balearic Islands. And there the ships were beached, to such an extent had not only the rigging but also the hulls been injured; and while undergoing repairs they caused a considerable loss of time.

> Latin: 34.16. sub idem fere tempus et a Carthagine in Sardiniam classis missa duce Hasdrubale, cui Caluo cognomen erat, foeda tempestate uexata ad Baliares insulas deicitur, ibique—adeo non armamenta modo sed etiam aluei nauium quassati erant—subductae naues dum reficiuntur aliquantum temporis triuerunt.

[¶60] 35.1. In Italy, while the war was less active after the battle of Cannae, since the resources of one side had been broken and the spirit of the other sapped, the Campanians attempted without assistance to reduce the state of Cumae to subjection, at first tempting them to revolt from the Romans.

> Latin: 35.1. in Italia cum post Cannensem pugnam fractis partis alterius uiribus, alterius mollitis animis, segnius bellum esset, Campani per se adorti sunt rem Cumanam suae dicionis facere, primo sollicitantes ut ab Romanis deficerent;

[¶61] 35.2. When that failed, they contrived a ruse to entrap them.

> Latin: 35.2. ubi id parum processit, dolum ad capiendos eos comparant.

[¶62] 35.3. All the Campanians had a regular sacrifice at Hamae. To it they informed the men of Cumae that the Campanian senate would come, and requested that the senate of Cumae should come thither to deliberate together, so that both peoples might have the same allies and enemies. They said they would have an armed guard there, lest there be any danger from the Roman or the Carthaginian.

> Latin: 35.3. lteratgt Campanis omnibus statum sacrificium ad Hamas. eo senatum Campanum uenturum certiores Cumanos fecerunt petieruntque ut et Cumanus eo senatus ueniret ad consultandum communiter ut eosdem uterque populus socios hostesque haberet;

[¶63] 35.4. The Cumaeans, though they had suspected guile, made no objections, thinking that a ruse of their own to outwit them could thus be concealed.

> Latin: 35.4. praesidium ibi armatum se habituros ne quid ab Romano Poenoue periculi esset. Cumani, quamquam suspecta fraus erat, nihil abnuere, ita tegi fallax consilium posse rati.

[¶64] 35.5. Meanwhile Tiberius Sempronius, the Roman consul, after reviewing his army at Sinuessa, at which place he had announced a date for mobilization, crossed the river Volturnus and pitched camp near Liternum. There, since the permanent camp lacked occupation, he required the soldiers to manœuvre frequently, that the recruits —they were most of the slave-volunteers —might learn to follow the standards and to recognize their own ranks in the battle-line.

> Latin: 35.5. interim Ti. Sempronius consul Romanus Sinuessae, quo ad conueniendum diem edixerat, exercitu lustrato transgressus Uolturnum flumen circa Liternum posuit castra. ibi quia otiosa statiua erant, crebro decurrere milites cogebat ut tirones—ea maxima pars uolonum erant—adsuescerent signa sequi et in acie agnoscere ordines suos.

[¶65] 35.7. In this it was the commander's greatest care, and he had instructed the lieutenants and tribunes to the same effect, that no reproach of any man's previous lot should sow strife between the different classes of soldiers; that the old soldier should allow himself to be rated with the recruit, the freeman with the slave-volunteer; that they should consider all to whom the Roman people had entrusted its arms and standards as sufficiently honoured and well-born.

> Latin: 35.7. inter quae maxima erat cura duci—itaque legatis tribunisque praeceperat—ne qua exprobratio cuiquam ueteris fortunae discordiam inter ordines sereret; uetus miles tironi, liber uoloni sese exaequare sineret;

[¶66] 35.8. He said that the same fortune which had compelled them to do so now compelled them to defend what had been done.

> Latin: 35.8. omnes satis honestos generososque ducerent quibus arma sua signaque populus Romanus commisisset; quae fortuna coegisset ita fieri, eandem cogere tueri factum.

[¶67] 35.9. These injunctions were not given with greater care by the commanders than that with which they were followed by the soldiers. And soon they were all united in a harmony so great that it was almost forgotten from what status each man had been made a soldier.

> Latin: 35.9. ea non maiore cura praecepta ab ducibus sunt quam a militibus obseruata breuique tanta concordia coaluerant omnium animi ut prope in obliuionem ueniret qua ex condicione quisque esset miles factus.

[¶68] 35.10. While Gracchus was thus employed, legates from Cumae reported to him on what mission an embassy had come a few days before from the Campanians, and what answer they had themselves given them;

> Latin: 35.10. haec agenti Graccho legati Cumani nuntiarunt quae a Campanis legatio paucos ante dies uenisset et quid iis ipsi respondissent:

[¶69] 35.11. that the festival was to be three days later, and not only would the whole senate be there, but a camp also and a Campanian army.

> Latin: 35.11. triduo post eum diem festum esse; non senatum solum omnem ibi futurum sed castra etiam et exercitum Campanum.

[¶70] 35.12. Gracchus, having ordered the Cumaeans to bring everything from the farms into the city and to remain inside the walls, moved his own camp to Cumae the day before the Campanians had their regular sacrifice. Hamae is three miles distant. Already the Campanians in large numbers had gathered there according to agreement.

> Latin: 35.12. Gracchus iussis Cumanis omnia ex agris in urbem conuehere et manere intra muros, ipse pridie quam statum sacrificium Campanis esset Cumas mouet castra. Hamae inde tria milia passuum absunt.

[¶71] 35.13. And in concealment, not far from there, Marius Alfius, the medix tuticus, that is, the chief magistrate of the Campanians, had his camp, with fourteen thousand armed men, he being decidedly more intent upon preparing the sacrifice and contriving treachery during the same than upon fortifying his camp or upon any task of the soldier.

> Latin: 35.13. iam Campani eo frequentes ex composito conuenerant, nec procul inde in occulto Marius Alfius medix tuticus—ltisgt summus magistratus erat Campanis—cum quattuordecim milibus armatorum habebat castra, sacrificio adparando et inter id instruendae fraudi aliquanto intentior quam muniendis castris aut ulli militari operi.

[¶72] 35.14. The sacrifice took place at night, but it was to be finished before midnight.

> Latin: 35.14. [triduum sacrificatum ad Hamas.

[¶73] 35.15. Gracchus, thinking he must be in waiting for that moment, placed guards at the gates, that no one might be able to carry away news of his undertaking.

> Latin: 35.15. ] nocturnum erat sacrum, ita ut ante mediam noctem compleretur.

[¶74] 35.16. And having assembled his soldiers as early as the tenth hour of the day, he ordered them to get themselves in condition and take care to sleep, so that, as soon as it was dark, they might come together at the signal; and at about the first watch he ordered that the standards be taken up. And setting out with a silent column, he reached Hamae at midnight and entered the Campanian camp by all its gates at once; for, as was to be expected in view of the vigil, it was carelessly guarded.

> Latin: 35.16. huic Gracchus insidiandum tempori ratus, custodibus ad portas positis, ne quis enuntiare posset coepta, et ab decima diei hora coactis militibus corpora curare somnoque operam dare, ut primis tenebris conuenire ad signum possent, uigilia ferme prima tolli iussit signa, silentique profectus agmine cum ad Hamas media nocte peruenisset, castra Campana ut in peruigilio neglecta simul omnibus portis inuadit;

[¶75] 35.18. Some they slew as they lay asleep, others as they were returning unarmed after the rite had been completed.

> Latin: 35.18. alios somno stratos, alios perpetrato sacro inermes redeuntes obtruncat.

[¶76] 35.19. More than two thousand men were slain in that affray by night, including Marius Alfius, the commander himself. Captured were... thousand men and thirty-four military standards.

> Latin: 35.19. hominum eo tumultu nocturno caesa plus duo milia cum ipso duce Mario Alfio; capta sunt signa militaria quattuor et triginta.

[¶77] 36.1. Gracchus, having captured the camp of the enemy with the loss of less than a hundred soldiers, hastily withdrew to Cumae in fear of Hannibal, who had his camp on Mount Tifata above Capua. And he was not mistaken in his forecast.

> Latin: 36.1. Gracchus minus centum militum iactura castris hostium potitus Cumas se propere recepit, ab Hannibale metuens, qui super Capuam in Tifatis habebat castra.

[¶78] 36.2. For as soon as the defeat was reported at Capua, Hannibal, thinking he would find the army of recruits, largely slaves, at Hamae gloating for once over a success, spoiling the defeated and driving off the booty, rushed his column with all speed past Capua, and ordered that those of the fleeing Campanians whom he met should be furnished with an escort and led to Capua, and the wounded carried on wagons.

> Latin: 36.2. nec eum prouida futuri fefellit opinio. nam simul Capuam ea clades est nuntiata, ratus Hannibal ab re bene gesta insolenter laetum exercitum tironum, magna ex parte seruorum, spoliantem uictos praedasque agentem ad Hamas se inuenturum, citatum agmen praeter Capuam rapit obuiosque ex fuga Campanorum dato praesidio Capuam duci, saucios uehiculis portari iubet.

[¶79] 36.4. As for himself, he found at Hamae a camp deserted by the enemy, and nothing except the traces of recent slaughter and corpses of his allies scattered everywhere. Some advised him to lead his troops away forthwith to Cumae and to attack the city.

> Latin: 36.4. ipse Hamis uacua ab hostibus castra nec quicquam praeter recentis uestigia caedis strataque passim corpora sociorum inuenit.

[¶80] 36.5. Although Hannibal was very eager to do so, in order that he might have Cumae at least as a seaport, since he had been unable to gain one at Neapolis, nevertheless, as his soldiers in their rapidly moving column had brought out nothing but their arms with them, he withdrew again to his campon Tifata.

> Latin: 36.5. auctores erant quidam ut protinus inde Cumas duceret urbemque oppugnaret. id quamquam haud modice Hannibal cupiebat, ut, quia Neapolim non potuerat, Cumas saltem maritimam urbem haberet, tamen, quia praeter arma nihil secum miles raptim acto agmine extulerat, retro in castra super Tifata se recepit.

[¶81] 36.7. Moved by the importunities of the Campanians, he returned thence on the following day to Cumae with all the equipment for besieging the city, and after ravaging the territory of Cumae, pitched his camp a mile from the city. Meanwhile Gracchus, ashamed to desert allies in such straits and begging for his help and that of the Roman people, rather than because he had full confidence in his army, had remained there.

> Latin: 36.7. inde fatigatus Campanorum precibus sequenti die cum omni apparatu oppugnandae urbis Cumas redit perpopulatoque agro Cumano mille passus ab urbe castra locat, cum Gracchus magis uerecundia in tali necessitate deserendi socios implorantes fidem suam populique Romani substitisset quam satis fidens exercitui.

[¶82] 36.9. Nor did the other consul, Fabius, who had his camp at Cales, venture to lead his army across the river Volturnus, being employed at first in taking new auspices and then with the portents which were being reported one after another.

> Latin: 36.9. nec alter consul Fabius, qui ad Cales castra habebat, Uolturnum flumen traducere audebat exercitum, occupatus primo auspiciis repetendis, dein prodigiis quae alia super alia nuntiabantur;

[¶83] 36.10. And as he was making expiation, the soothsayers kept repeating their opinion that it was not easy to obtain favourable omens.

> Latin: 36.10. expiantique ea haud facile litari haruspices respondebant.

[¶84] 37.1. While these reasons detained Fabius, Sempronius was blockaded and already beset by siege-works.

> Latin: 37.1. eae causae cum Fabium tenerent, Sempronius in obsidione erat et iam operibus oppugnabatur.

[¶85] 37.2. As a defence against a great wooden tower which was moved up to the city, the Roman consul reared from the wall itself another tower considerably higher. For he had used the wall, which in itself was quite high, as a base, shoring it up with stout timbers.

> Latin: 37.2. aduersus ligneam ingentem admotam urbi aliam turrem ex ipso muro excitauit consul Romanus, aliquanto altiorem, quia muro satis per se alto subiectis ualidis sublicis pro solo usus erat.

[¶86] 37.3. From that tower the defenders first held the wall and the city by hurling stones and stakes and every other missile.

> Latin: 37.3. inde primum saxis sudibusque et ceteris missilibus propugnatores moenia atque urbem tuebantur;

[¶87] 37.4. Finally, seeing that the enemy's tower had been pushed close against the wall, they hurled a vast amount of fire all at once from their blazing torches.

> Latin: 37.4. postremo, ubi promouendo adiunctam muro uiderunt turrem, facibus ardentibus plurimum simul ignem coniecerunt.

[¶88] 37.5. While great numbers of armed men, alarmed by the fire, were leaping down from the tower, a sally out of two gates of the town at the same time routed the enemy's guards and sent them in flight to the camp, so that on that day the Carthaginian resembled a besieged army more than a besieger.

> Latin: 37.5. quo incendio trepida armatorum multitudo cum de turre sese praecipitaret, eruptio ex oppido simul duabus portis stationes hostium fudit fugauitque in castra ut eo die obsesso quam obsidenti similior esset Poenus.

[¶89] 37.6. About one thousand and three hundred were slain and fifty-nine captured alive of the Carthaginians, who were relaxing and idling along the walls and at guard-posts, and, having feared anything rather than a sally, had unexpectedly been overpowered.

> Latin: 37.6. ad mille trecenti Carthaginiensium caesi et undesexaginta uiui capti, qui circa muros et in stationibus solute ac neglegenter agentes, cum nihil minus quam eruptionem timuissent, ex improuiso oppressi fuerant. Gracchus, priusquam se hostes ab repentino pauore colligerent, receptui signum dedit ac suos intra muros recepit.

[¶90] 37.8. Gracchus, before the enemy could recover from their sudden fright, gave the signal for the recall and withdrew his men inside the walls. On the next day Hannibal, supposing that the consul, elated by success, would engage in a regular battle, drew up his line between the camp and the city.

> Latin: 37.8. postero die Hannibal, laetum secunda re consulem iusto proelio ratus certaturum, aciem inter castra atque urbem instruxit;

[¶91] 37.9. But on seeing that no one stirred from the usual defence of the city and that nothing was entrusted to a rash hope, he returned with nothing accomplished to Tifata.

> Latin: 37.9. ceterum postquam neminem moueri ab solita custodia urbis uidit nec committi quicquam temerariae spei, ad Tifata redit infecta re.

[¶92] 37.10. At the same time that the siege of Cumae was raised, Tiberius Sempronius, surnamed Longus, also fought successfully in Lucania, near Grumentum, with Hanno the Carthaginian.

> Latin: 37.10. quibus diebus Cumae liberatae sunt obsidione, iisdem diebus et in Lucanis ad Grumentum Ti. Sempronius, cui Longo cognomen erat, cum Hannone Poeno prospere pugnat.

[¶93] 37.11. He slew above two thousand men, and captured two hundred and eighty soldiers and some forty-one military standards. Driven out of Lucanian territory, Hanno withdrew into the land of the Bruttians.

> Latin: 37.11. supra duo milia hominum occidit et ducentos octoginta milites [amisit], signa militaria ad quadraginta unum cepit. pulsus finibus Lucanis Hanno retro in Bruttios sese recepit.

[¶94] 37.12. And three towns of the Hirpini, Vercellium, Vescellium and Sicilinum, which had revolted from the Roman people, were forcibly recovered by Marcus Valerius, the praetor, and those who had advised revolt were beheaded.

> Latin: 37.12. et ex Hirpinis oppida tria, quae a populo Romano defecerant ui recepta per M. Ualerium praetorem, Uercellium, Uescellium, Sicilinum, et auctores defectionis securi percussi.

[¶95] 37.13. Over five thousand captives were sold at auction; the rest of the booty was given over to the soldiers, and the army led back to Luceria.

> Latin: 37.13. supra quinque milia captiuorum sub hasta uenierunt; praeda alia militi concessa, exercitusque Luceriam reductus.

[¶96] 38.1. While these things were going on in Lucania and among the Hirpini, the five ships which were carrying to Rome the captured ambassadors of the Macedonians and the Carthaginians cruised along nearly the whole coast of Italy from the Upper Sea to the Lower. And when they were passing Cumae under sail, and it was uncertain whether they belonged to enemies or friends, Gracchus sent ships from his fleet to meet them.

> Latin: 38.1. dum haec in Lucanis atque in Hirpinis geruntur, quinque naues, quae Macedonum atque Poenorum captos legatos Romam portabant, ab supero mari ad inferum circumuectae prope omnem Italiae oram, cum praeter Cumas uelis ferrentur neque hostium an sociorum essent satis sciretur, Gracchus obuiam ex classe sua naues misit.

[¶97] 38.3. When in the course of questioning on both sides it was learned that the consul was at Cumae, the ships put in at Cumae and the prisoners were brought before the consul and the letters handed over to him.

> Latin: 38.3. cum percontando in uicem cognitum esset consulem Cumis esse, naues Cumas adpulsae captiuique ad consulem deducti et litterae datae.

[¶98] 38.4. The consul, after reading the letters of Philip and Hannibal, sent everything under seal by land to the senate, and ordered the ambassadors to be carried on the ships.

> Latin: 38.4. consul litteris Philippi atque Hannibalis perlectis consignata omnia ad senatum itinere terrestri misit, nauibus deuehi legatos iussit.

[¶99] 38.5. Letters and ambassadors arrived at Rome on about the same day, and upon enquiry their words and the texts were in agreement. Thereupon the senators were at first gravely concerned, seeing how serious a war with Macedonia threatened, at a time when they could scarcely endure that with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 38.5. cum eodem fere die litterae legatique Romam uenissent et percontatione facta dicta cum scriptis congruerent, primo grauis cura patres incessit, cernentes quanta uix tolerantibus Punicum bellum Macedonici belli moles instaret;

[¶100] 38.6. However, they were so far from giving way to that concern that they at once discussed how by actual aggressive warfare they might keep the enemy away from Italy.

> Latin: 38.6. cui tamen adeo non succubuerunt ut extemplo agitaretur quemadmodum ultro inferendo bello auerterent ab Italia hostem.

[¶101] 38.7. The prisoners were ordered put in chains, their attendants were sold at auction, and it was decreed that, in addition to the twenty-five ships which Publius Valerius Flaccus commanded as admiral, twenty-five others should be made ready.

> Latin: 38.7. captiuis in uincula condi iussis comitibusque eorum sub hasta uenditis, ad naues uiginti quinque, quibus P. Ualerius Flaccus praefectus praeerat, uiginti ltquinquegt [paratis] alias decernunt.

[¶102] 38.8. The latter being now ready and launched, with the addition of the five ships which had brought the ambassadors as captives, thirty ships sailed from Ostia for Tarentum.

> Latin: 38.8. his comparatis deductisque et additis quinque nauibus, quae aduexerant captiuos legatos, triginta naues ab Ostia Tarentum profectae, iussusque P.

[¶103] 38.9. And Publius Valerius was ordered to put on board the soldiers who had been Varro's, and at Tarentum were commanded by Lucius Apustius, the lieutenant, and then with a fleet of fifty-five ships not merely to defend the coast of Italy, but to get information in regard to the Macedonian war.

> Latin: 38.9. Ualerius militibus Uarronianis, quibus L. Apustius legatus Tarenti praeerat, in naues impositis quinquaginta quinque nauium classe non tueri modo Italiae oram sed explorare de Macedonico bello;

[¶104] 38.10. If the designs of Philip should agree with the letters and with the statements of the ambassadors, then he was to inform Marcus Valerius, the praetor, by letter;

> Latin: 38.10. si congruentia litteris legatorumque indiciis Philippi consilia essent, ut M. Ualerium praetorem litteris certiorem faceret, isque L.

[¶105] 38.11. and Valerius, after placing his lieutenant, Lucius Apustius, in command of the army, was to proceed to the fleet at Tarentum, and as soon as possible to cross into Macedonia and take steps to keep Philip within his kingdom.

> Latin: 38.11. Apustio legato exercitui praeposito Tarentum ad classem profectus primo quoque tempore in Macedoniam transmitteret daretque operam ut Philippum in regno contineret.

[¶106] 38.12. For the maintenance of the fleet and for the Macedonian war there was voted the money which had been sent to Appius Claudius in Sicily, to be repaid to king Hiero. This money was carried to Tarentum by Lucius Antistius, the lieutenant.

> Latin: 38.12. pecunia ad classem tuendam bellumque Macedonicum ea decreta est, quae Ap. Claudio in Siciliam missa erat ut redderetur Hieroni regi; ea per L. Antistium legatum Tarentum est deuecta.

[¶107] 38.13. At the same time two hundred thousand pecks of wheat and a hundred thousand of barley were sent by Hiero.

> Latin: 38.13. simul ab Hierone missa ducenta milia modium tritici et hordei centum.

[¶108] 39.1. While the Romans were engaged in these preparations and activities, the one captured ship escaped while under weigh from those which had been sent to Rome, and returned to Philip.

> Latin: 39.1. dum haec Romani parant aguntque, ad Philippum captiua nauis una ex iis quae Romam missae erant, ex cursu refugit;

[¶109] 39.2. Thus it became known that the ambassadors had been captured with the letter. And so the king, not knowing what had been agreed upon between his ambassadors and Hannibal, and what message the latter's ambassadors were to have brought to him, sent another embassy with the same instructions.

> Latin: 39.2. inde scitum legatos cum litteris captos. itaque ignarus rex quae cum Hannibale legatis suis conuenissent quaeque legati eius ad se allaturi fuissent, legationem aliam cum eisdem mandatis mittit.

[¶110] 39.3. As ambassadors to Hannibal there were sent Heraclitus, surnamed Scotinus, and Crito, the Boeotian, and Sositheus, of Magnesia.

> Latin: 39.3. legati ad Hannibalem missi Heraclitus [cui Scotino cognomen erat] et Crito Boeotus et Sositheus Magnes.

[¶111] 39.4. These succeeded in carrying and in bringing back instructions; but the summer was over before the king could make any active preparations. So effectual was the capture of a single ship and ambassadors in postponing a war which threatened the Romans.

> Latin: 39.4. hi prospere tulerunt ac rettulerunt mandata; sed prius se aestas circumegit quam mouere ac moliri quicquam rex posset.—tantum nauis una capta cum legatis momenti fecit ad dilationem imminentis Romanis belli.

[¶112] 39.5. Also in the vicinity of Capua both consuls were carrying on the war, now that Fabius, after finally making atonement for the prodigies, had crossed the Volturnus.

> Latin: 39.5. et circa Capuam transgresso Uolturnum Fabio post expiata tandem prodigia ambo consules rem gerebant.

## 16. Book XXIII · chapters 39–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/16/#p-N

[¶0] 39.6. The cities of Combulteria and Trebula and Austicula, which had revolted to the Carthaginian, were forcibly taken by Fabius, and in them Hannibal's garrisons and very many Campanians were captured.

> Latin: 39.6. Combulteriam et Trebulam et Austiculam urbes, quae ad Poenum defecerant Fabius ui cepit, praesidiaque in his Hannibalis Campanique permulti capti.

[¶1] 39.7. And at Nola, just as in the previous year, the senate sided with the Romans, the common people with Hannibal, and secret plans were being formed for the murder of the leading men and the betrayal of the city.

> Latin: 39.7. [et] Nolae, sicut priore anno, senatus Romanorum, plebs Hannibalis erat, consiliaque occulta de caede principum et proditione urbis inibantur.

[¶2] 39.8. That their undertaking should go no farther, Fabius led his army between Capua and the camp of Hannibal, which was on Tifata, and established himself above Suessula in the Claudian Camp. From there he sent Marcus Marcellus, the propraetor, with the forces which he had to Nola, to serve as a garrison.

> Latin: 39.8. quibus ne incepta procederent, inter Capuam castraque Hannibalis, quae in Tifatis erant, traducto exercitu Fabius super Suessulam in castris Claudianis consedit; inde M. Marcellum propraetorem cum iis copiis quas habebat Nolam in praesidium misit.

[¶3] 40.1. And in Sardinia under the direction of Titus Manlius, the praetor the operations which had been neglected ever since Quintus Mucius, the praetor, was attacked by a serious malady, were resumed.

> Latin: 40.1. et in Sardinia res per T. Manlium praetorem administrari coeptae, quae omissae erant postquam Q. Mucius praetor graui morbo est implicitus.

[¶4] 40.2. Manlius, after beaching his warships at Carales and arming their crews, in order to wage war on land, and receiving an army from the praetor, made up a total of twenty-two thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 40.2. Manlius nauibus longis ad Carales subductis naualibusque sociis armatis ut terra rem gereret et a praetore exercitu accepto, duo et uiginti milia peditum, mille ducentos equites confecit.

[¶5] 40.3. With these cavalry and infantry forces he set out for the enemy's territory and pitched camp not far from the camp of Hampsicora. At that time Hampsicora, as it happened, had gone to the region of the Skin-clad Sardinians, to arm their young men, in order to enlarge his forces. His son named Hostus was in command of the camp.

> Latin: 40.3. cum his equitum peditumque copiis profectus in agrum hostium haud procul ab Hampsicorae castris castra posuit. Hampsicora tum forte profectus erat in Pellitos Sardos ad iuuentutem armandam qua copias augeret;

[¶6] 40.4. He with the overconfidence of youth rashly went into battle, was routed and put to flight. About three thousand Sardinians were slain in that battle, some eight hundred taken alive.

> Latin: 40.4. filius nomine Hostus castris praeerat. is adulescentia ferox temere proelio inito fusus fugatusque. ad tria milia Sardorum eo proelio caesa, octingenti ferme uiui capti;

[¶7] 40.5. The rest of the army, at first wandering in flight through the farms and woods, then fled to the place to which it was reported that the commander had fled, a city named Cornus, the capital of that region.

> Latin: 40.5. alius exercitus primo per agros siluasque fuga palatus, dein, quo ducem fugisse fama erat, ad urbem nomine Cornum, caput eius regionis, confugit;

[¶8] 40.6. And the war in Sardinia would have been ended by that battle, had not the Carthaginian fleet commanded by Hasdrubal, which had been carried by a storm to the Balearic Islands, arrived at the right moment to revive hopes for the rebellion.

> Latin: 40.6. debellatumque eo proelio in Sardinia esset, ni classis Punica cum duce Hasdrubale, quae tempestate deiecta ad Baliares erat, in tempore ad spem rebellandi aduenisset.

[¶9] 40.7. Manlius, when the arrival of the Punic fleet was reported, withdrew to Carales. By so doing he gave Hampsicora the opportunity to unite with the Carthaginian.

> Latin: 40.7. Manlius post famam adpulsae Punicae classis Carales se recepit; ea occasio Hampsicorae data est Poeno se iungendi.

[¶10] 40.8. Hasdrubal, after landing his forces and sending the fleet back to Carthage, set out with Hampsicora as his guide to lay waste the lands of allies of the Roman people. And he would have reached Carales, had not Manlius by confronting him with an army restrained him from his widespread devastation. At first camp faced camp at no great distance.

> Latin: 40.8. Hasdrubal copiis in terram expositis et classe remissa Carthaginem duce Hampsicora ad sociorum populi Romani agrum populandum profectus, Carales peruenturus erat, ni Manlius obuio exercitu ab effusa eum populatione continuisset. primo castra castris modico interuallo sunt obiecta;

[¶11] 40.9. Then charges led to skirmishes with varying results. Finally they went into line of battle. With standards against standards they fought a regular engagement for four hours.

> Latin: 40.9. deinde per procursationes leuia certamina uario euentu inita; postremo descensum in aciem. signis conlatis iusto proelio per quattuor horas pugnatum.

[¶12] 40.10. For a long time the Carthaginians made the issue uncertain, while the Sardinians were used to being easily defeated. Finally, when the slain and the fleeing Sardinians had covered the whole field, the Carthaginians also were routed.

> Latin: 40.10. diu pugnam ancipitem Poeni, Sardis facile uinci adsuetis, fecerunt; postremo et ipsi, cum omnia circa strage ac fuga Sardorum repleta essent, fusi;

[¶13] 40.11. But when they tried to flee, the Roman general hemmed them in by a flank movement of the wing with which he had beaten back the Sardinians.

> Latin: 40.11. ceterum terga dantes circumducto cornu quo pepulerat Sardos inclusit Romanus. caedes inde magis quam pugna fuit.

[¶14] 40.12. It was a slaughter after that, rather than a battle. Twelve thousand of the enemy were slain, Sardinians and Carthaginians reckoned together. About three thousand seven hundred were captured, and twenty-seven military standards.

> Latin: 40.12. duodecim milia hostium caesa, Sardorum simul Poenorumque, ferme tria milia et septingenti capti et signa militaria septem et uiginti.

[¶15] 41.1. What more than all made it a famous and memorable battle was the capture of Hasdrubal, the commander, and Hanno and Mago, Carthaginian nobles, Mago being of the Barca family and nearly related to Hannibal, while Hanno had advised the Sardinians to rebel and had undoubtedly fomented that war. And the Sardinians' generals made the battle no less notable by their deaths.

> Latin: 41.1. ante omnia claram et memorabilem pugnam fecit Hasdrubal imperator captus et Hanno et Mago, nobiles Carthaginienses, Mago ex gente Barcina, propinqua cognatione Hannibali iunctus, Hanno auctor rebellionis Sardis bellique eius haud dubie concitor.

[¶16] 41.3. For Hostus, the son of Hampsicora, fell in battle, and also Hampsicora as he fled with a few horsemen, on hearing, not of the defeat only, but also of the death of his son, took his own life, doing this at night, that no one might come upon him and interfere with his attempt.

> Latin: 41.3. nec Sardorum duces minus nobilem eam pugnam cladibus suis fecerunt; nam et filius Hampsicorae Hostus in acie cecidit, et Hampsicora cum paucis equitibus fugiens, ut super adflictas res necem quoque filii audiuit, nocte, ne cuius interuentus coepta impediret, mortem sibi consciuit.

[¶17] 41.5. For all the rest the same city of Cornus was a place of refuge, as before. Manlius with his victorious army attacked it and took it within a few days.

> Latin: 41.5. ceteris urbs Cornus eadem quae ante fugae receptaculum fuit; quam Manlius uictore exercitu adgressus intra dies paucos recepit.

[¶18] 41.6. Then other cities also which had revolted to Hampsicora and the Carthaginians gave hostages and surrendered. From these cities Manlius exacted tribute and grain in proportion to the resources of each or its guilt, and led his army back to Carales.

> Latin: 41.6. deinde aliae quoque ciuitates quae ad Hampsicoram Poenosque defecerant obsidibus datis dediderunt sese; quibus stipendio frumentoque imperato pro cuiusque aut uiribus aut delicto Carales exercitum reduxit.

[¶19] 41.7. There he launched his warships, took on board the soldiers he had brought with him, sailed for Rome, and reported to the senate the complete subjugation of Sardinia. He also turned over the tribute to the quaestors, the grain to the aediles, the captives to Quintus Fulvius, the praetor.

> Latin: 41.7. ibi nauibus longis deductis impositoque quem secum aduexerat milite Romam nauigat Sardiniamque perdomitam nuntiat patribus; et stipendium quaestoribus, frumentum aedilibus, captiuos Q. Fuluio praetori tradit.

[¶20] 41.8. About the same time Titus Otacilius, the praetor, sailed with his fleet from Lilybaeum across to Africa, and after laying waste the country about Carthage, was steering thence toward Sardinia, to which it was reported that Hasdrubal had recently crossed from the Balearic Islands, when he encountered the fleet returning to Africa;

> Latin: 41.8. per idem tempus T. Otacilius praetor ab Lilybaeo classi in Africam transuectus depopulatusque agrum Carthaginiensem, cum Sardiniam inde peteret, quo fama erat Hasdrubalem a Baliaribus nuper traiecisse, classi Africam repetenti occurrit, leuique certamine in alto commisso septem inde naues cum sociis naualibus cepit.

[¶21] 41.9. and in a slight engagement fought in open water he captured seven of their ships together with their crews. The rest were widely scattered by their fear quite as much as they had been by the storm. About the same time, moreover, as it happened, Bomilcar arrived at Locri with the soldiers sent as reinforcements from Carthage and with elephants and supplies.

> Latin: 41.9. ceteras metus haud secus quam tempestas passim disiecit. per eosdem forte dies et Bomilcar cum militibus ad supplementum Carthagine missis elephantisque et commeatu Locros accessit.

[¶22] 41.11. In order to take him unawares Appius Claudius, with the pretence of making the round of his province, led his army in haste to Messana, and with wind and current in his favour crossed over to Locri.

> Latin: 41.11. quem ut incautum opprimeret Ap. Claudius, per simulationem prouinciae circumeundae Messanam raptim exercitu ducto ltuentogt aestuque suo Locros traiecit.

[¶23] 41.12. Already Bomilcar had left that place, to join Hanno among the Bruttii, and the Locrians closed their gates against the Romans. Appius, having accomplished nothing by his great effort, returned to Messana.

> Latin: 41.12. iam inde Bomilcar ad Hannonem in Bruttios profectus erat et Locrenses portas Romanis clauserunt; Appius magno conatu nulla re gesta Messanam repetit.

[¶24] 41.13. The same summer Marcellus from Nola, which he held with a garrison, made frequent raids into the country of the Hirpini and the Samnites about Caudium and laid waste the whole region with fire and sword so completely that he revived the Samnites' memory of their old disasters.

> Latin: 41.13. eadem aestate Marcellus ab Nola quam praesidio obtinebat crebras excursiones in agrum Hirpinum et Samnites Caudinos fecit adeoque omnia ferro atque igni uastauit ut antiquarum cladium Samnio memoriam renouaret.

[¶25] 42.1. Accordingly ambassadors were sent at once to Hannibal from both tribes, and they addressed the Carthaginian thus:

> Latin: 42.1. itaque extemplo legati ad Hannibalem missi simul ex utraque gente ita Poenum adlocuti sunt.

[¶26] 42.2. “We were enemies of the Roman people, Hannibal, at first by ourselves, so long as our arms and our resources were able to defend us. When we had lost confidence in these, we attached ourselves to Pyrrhus, the king.”

> Latin: 42.2. 'hostes populi Romani, Hannibal, fuimus primum per nos ipsi quoad nostra arma, nostrae uires nos tutari poterant. postquam his parum fidebamus, Pyrrho regi nos adiunximus;

[¶27] 42.3. “Abandoned by him we accepted an inevitable peace, and have remained in that peace for about fifty years, down to the time when you came to Italy.”

> Latin: 42.3. a quo relicti pacem necessariam accepimus fuimusque in ea per annos prope quinquaginta ad id tempus quo tu in Italiam uenisti.

[¶28] 42.4. “It is not more your courage and success than your singular kindness and consideration toward our citizens, whom you captured and then sent back to us, that so won us over to you that, so long as you were a friend safe and sound, we not only did not fear the Roman people, but not even the anger of the gods, if it is right to say so.”

> Latin: 42.4. tua nos non magis uirtus fortunaque quam unica comitas ac benignitas erga ciues nostros quos captos nobis remisisti ita conciliauit tibi ut te saluo atque incolumi amico non modo populum Romanum sed ne deos quidem iratos, si fas est dici, timeremus.

[¶29] 42.5. “But in fact, while you are not merely safe and victorious, but also here present, although you could almost hear the wailing of our wives and children and could see the blazing houses, we have been so ravaged several times this summer that Marcus Marcellus, not Hannibal, appears to have been the victor at Cannae, and the Romans are boasting that you, having strength for but a single stroke, are inactive, as if you had spent your sting.”

> Latin: 42.5. at hercule non solum incolumi et uictore sed praesente te, cum ploratum prope coniugum ac liberorum nostrorum exaudire et flagrantia tecta posses conspicere, ita sumus aliquotiens hac aestate deuastati ut M. Marcellus, non Hannibal, uicisse ad Cannas uideatur glorienturque Romani te, ad unum modo ictum uigentem, uelut aculeo emisso torpere.

[¶30] 42.6. “For a hundred years we waged war with the Roman people, unaided either by commander or army from abroad, except that for two years Pyrrhus did not so much defend us with his resources as enlarge these by adding our soldiers.”

> Latin: 42.6. per annos ltcentumgt cum populo Romano bellum gessimus, nullo externo adiuti nec duce nec exercitu nisi quod per biennium Pyrrhus nostro magis milite suas auxit uires quam suis uiribus nos defendit.

[¶31] 42.7. “I shall not boast of our successes, that two consuls and two consular armies were sent under the yoke by us, nor of any other events which have brought us either joy or fame. But the hardships and defeats which then befel us we can relate with less indignation than the things that are happening today.”

> Latin: 42.7. non ego secundis rebus nostris gloriabor duos consules ac duos consulares exercitus ab nobis sub iugum missos et si qua alia aut laeta aut gloriosa nobis euenerunt.

[¶32] 42.8. “Great dictators and masters of the horse, two consuls and two consular armies, used each time to enter our territory.”

> Latin: 42.8. quae aspera aduersaque tunc acciderunt, minore indignatione referre possumus quam quae hodie eueniunt.

[¶33] 42.9. “After first reconnoitring and posting reserves, and in regular array they would lead out for a raid. But now we are the prey of a single propraetor and a small garrison assigned to the defence of Nola.”

> Latin: 42.9. magni dictatores cum magistris equitum, bini consules cum binis consularibus exercitibus ingrediebantur fines nostros; ante explorato et subsidiis positis et sub signis ad populandum ducebant; nunc propraetoris unius et parui ad tuendam Nolam praesidii praeda sumus;

[¶34] 42.10. “Already they roam over our whole territory, not even in maniples, but after the manner of brigands, with less caution than if they were wandering in the country around Rome.”

> Latin: 42.10. iam ne manipulatim quidem sed latronum modo percursant totis finibus nostris neglegentius quam si in Romano uagarentur agro.

[¶35] 42.11. “The reason moreover is this: that you are not defending us, and at the same time our young men, who would be protecting us if they were at home, are all serving under your standards.”

> Latin: 42.11. causa autem haec est quod neque tu defendis et nostra iuuentus, quae si domi esset tutaretur, omnis sub signis militat tuis.

[¶36] 42.12. “I should be unacquainted both with you and your army if I were not to hold it easy for one who, I know, has routed and laid low so many Roman battle-lines to surprise our scattered plunderers, roaming without their standards wherever a man is drawn by even the vain hope of booty.”

> Latin: 42.12. nec te nec exercitum tuum norim nisi, a quo tot acies Romanas fusas stratasque esse sciam, ei facile esse dicam opprimere populatores nostros uagos sine signis palatos quo quemque trahit quamuis uana praedae spes.

[¶37] 42.13. “To a few Numidians they will in any case fall a prey, and you will have sent us troops and at the same time will have rid Nola of its garrison, if only men whom you have considered worthy to be your allies are not judged by you unworthy to be taken under your protection and defended.”

> Latin: 42.13. Numidarum paucorum illi quidem praeda erunt, praesidiumque mislteris simgtul nobis et Nolae ademeris, si modo, quos ut socios haberes dignos duxisti, haud indignos iudicas quos in fidem receptos tuearis.'

[¶38] 43.1. To this Hannibal replied that the Hirpini and Samnites were doing everything at once, reporting their losses, and asking for troops, and complaining that they were undefended and neglected.

> Latin: 43.1. ad ea Hannibal respondit omnia simul facere Hirpinos Samnitesque et indicare clades suas et petere praesidium et queri indefensos se neglectosque;

[¶39] 43.2. But they ought first to have reported, then asked for protection, finally, if this was not obtained, they should then, and not sooner, have complained that help had been besought in vain.

> Latin: 43.2. indicandum autem primum fuisse, dein petendum praesidium, postremo ni impetraretur, tum denique querendum frustra opem imploratam.

[¶40] 43.3. He would lead his army, not into the territory of the Hirpini or the Samnites, in order not to be another burden, but into the nearest lands of allies of the Roman people. By devastating these he would satisfy his own army and drive the frightened enemy to a distance from them.

> Latin: 43.3. exercitum sese non in agrum Hirpinum Samnitemue, ne et ipse oneri esset, sed in proxima loca sociorum populi Romani adducturum. iis populandis et militem suum repleturum se et metu procul ab his summoturum hostes.

[¶41] 43.4. As for the Roman war, if the battle of Lake Trasumennus was more celebrated than that of the Trebia, if Cannae than Trasumennus, he would overshadow the memory even of Cannae by a greater and more famous victory.

> Latin: 43.4. quod ad bellum Romanum attineret, si Trasumenni quam Trebiae, si Cannarum quam Trasumenni pugna nobilior esset, Cannarum se quoque memoriam obscuram maiore et clariore uictoria facturum.

[¶42] 43.5. With this answer and also with ample gifts he sent the ambassadors away. He himself set out, leaving a moderate force on Tifata, and proceeded with the rest of his army to Nola.

> Latin: 43.5. cum hoc responso muneribusque amplis legatos dimisit; ipse praesidio modico relicto in Tifatis profectus cetero exercitu ire Nolam pergit.

[¶43] 43.6. Hanno also came thither from the land of the Bruttii with reinforcements brought from Carthage and with the elephants. Having pitched his camp not far away, Hannibal found on enquiry that everything was very different from what he had heard from the legates of his allies.

> Latin: 43.6. eodem Hanno ex Bruttiis cum supplemento Carthagine aduecto atque elephantis uenit. castris haud procul positis longe alia omnia inquirenti comperta sunt quam quae a legatis sociorum audierat.

[¶44] 43.7. For Marcellus had not done anything in such a way that it could be said to have been left to fortune or rashly left to the enemy. After reconnoitring, having strong forces and a safe refuge, he had gone out to forage, and every possible precaution had been taken, as though against Hannibal in person.

> Latin: 43.7. nihil enim Marcellus ita egerat ut aut fortunae aut temere hosti commissum dici posset. explorato cum firmisque praesidiis tuto receptu praedatum ierat omniaque uelut aduersus praesentem Hannibalem cauta prouisaque fuerunt.

[¶45] 43.8. Then on learning of the approach of the enemy, he kept his troops inside the walls. He ordered the senators of Nola to walk up and down on the walls, and to observe everything that went on among the enemy all around.

> Latin: 43.8. tum, ubi sensit hostem aduentare, copias intra moenia tenuit; per muros inambulare senatores Nolanos iussit et omnia circa explorare quae apud hostes fierent.

[¶46] 43.9. Hanno, having come close to the wall, called out from their number Herennius Bassus and Herius Pettius to a conference, and when they came out with Marcellus' permission, he addressed them through an interpreter.

> Latin: 43.9. ex his Hanno, cum ad murum successisset, Herennium Bassum et Herium Pettium ad conloquium euocatos permissuque Marcelli egressos per interpretem adloquitur.

[¶47] 43.10. He lauded Hannibal's courage and success. He belittled the majesty of the Roman people, as wasting away along with their resources. And if these qualities were evenly matched, he said, as once they had been, nevertheless those who had found out how burdensome was Roman rule to the allies, how great had been Hannibal's indulgence even to all captives who called themselves Italians, these were bound to prefer Carthaginian alliance and friendship to Roman.

> Latin: 43.10. Hannibalis uirtutem fortunamque extollit: populi Romani obterit senescentem cum uiribus maiestatem; quae si paria essent ut quondam fuissent, tamen expertis quam graue Romanum imperium sociis, quanta indulgentia Hannibalis etiam in captiuos omnes Italici nominis fuisset, Punicam Romanae societatem atque amicitiam praeoptandam esse.

[¶48] 43.12. If both consuls were at Nola with their armies, still they would be no more a match for Hannibal than they had been at Cannae; much less could one praetor with a few raw soldiers defend Nola.

> Latin: 43.12. si ambo consules cum suis exercitibus ad Nolam essent, tamen non magis pares Hannibali futuros quam ad Cannas fuissent, nedum praetor unus cum paucis et nouis militibus Nolam tutari possit.

[¶49] 43.13. It was their own concern more than Hannibal's whether he took Nola by capture or by surrender. For he would take it, as he had taken Capua and Nuceria. But what a difference there was between the lot of Capua and that of Nuceria the men of Nola themselves knew, being situated about half-way between them.

> Latin: 43.13. ipsorum quam Hannibalis ltmagisgt interesse capta an tradita Nola poteretur; potiturum enim ut Capua Nuceriaque potitus esset; sed quid inter Capuae ac Nuceriae fortunam interesset ipsos prope in medio sitos Nolanos scire.

[¶50] 43.14. He did not wish to forecast what would happen to the city if captured, but assured them instead that if they surrendered Marcellus and Nola with the garrison, no one but themselves should name the terms on which they might enter alliance and friendship with Hannibal.

> Latin: 43.14. nolle ominari quae captae urbi cessura forent et potius spondere, si Marcellum cum praesidio ac Nolam tradidissent, neminem alium quam ipsos legem qua in societatem amicitiamque Hannibalis uenirent dicturum.

[¶51] 44.1. To this Herennius Bassus replied that for many years there had been friendship between the Roman people and that of Nola; that down to that time neither party regretted it, and for themselves, if with altered fortune they ought to have changed their loyalty, it was now too late to change.

> Latin: 44.1. ad ea Herennius Bassus respondit multos annos iam inter Romanum Nolanumque populum amicitiam esse, cuius neutros ad eam diem paenitere et sibi, si cum fortuna mutanda fides fuerit, sero iam esse mutare.

[¶52] 44.2. If they were going to surrender to Hannibal, had they needed to send for a Roman garrison? With the men who had come to defend them they had allied themselves in everything, and it would be so to the end.

> Latin: 44.2. an dedituris se Hannibali fuisse accersendum Romanorum praesidium? cum iis qui ad sese tuendos uenissent omnia sibi et esse consociata et ad ultimum fore.

[¶53] 44.3. This conference deprived Hannibal of the hope of getting Nola by treachery. And so he completely invested the town, in order to attack the walls from all sides at once.

> Latin: 44.3. hoc conloquium abstulit spem Hannibali per proditionem recipiendae Nolae. itaque corona oppidum circumdedit ut simul ab omni parte moenia adgrederetur.

[¶54] 44.4. Marcellus, on seeing that Hannibal had approached the walls, drew up his line inside the gate and sallied out with a great uproar. Not a few were terrified by the first attack and slain. Then, when they had charged the attacking force and brought up equal numbers, the battle began to be a fierce one, and would have been among the most memorable, if a downpour of rain in heavy squalls had not separated the combatants.

> Latin: 44.4. quem ut successisse muris Marcellus uidit, instructa intra portam acie cum magno tumultu erupit. aliquot primo impetu perculsi caesique sunt; dein concursu ad pugnantes facto aequatisque uiribus atrox esse coepit pugna, memorabilisque inter paucas fuisset ni ingentibus procellis effusus imber diremisset pugnantes.

[¶55] 44.5. That day, after beginning an engagement of no importance and merely inflaming their passions, they withdrew, the Romans into the city, the Carthaginians to the camp. For of the Carthaginians not more than thirty, who were terrified by the first sally, fell, of the Romans fifty.

> Latin: 44.5. eo die commisso modico certamine atque inritatis animis in urbem Romani, Poeni in castra receperunt sese; tamen Poenorum prima eruptione perculsi ceciderunt haud plus quam triginta, Romani quinquaginta.

[¶56] 44.6. The rain continued incessantly throughout the night to the third hour of the next day. And so, although both sides were eager for the fray, they nevertheless kept within their fortifications that day. On the third day Hannibal sent a part of his forces into the country about Nola to plunder.

> Latin: 44.6. imber continens per noctem totam usque ad horam tertiam diei insequentis tenuit. itaque, quamquam utraque pars auidi certaminis erant, eo die tenuerunt sese tamen munimentis. tertio die Hannibal partem copiarum praedatum in agrum Nolanum misit.

[¶57] 44.7. On observing this Marcellus at once drew up his troops in line. And Hannibal did not refuse battle. There was about a mile between the city and the camp. In that space —and there is only a plain around Nola —they met each other.

> Latin: 44.7. quod ubi animaduertit Marcellus, extemplo in aciem copias eduxit; neque Hannibal detrectauit. mille fere passuum inter urbem erant castraque; eo spatio—et sunt omnia campi circa Nolam—concurrerunt.

[¶58] 44.8. A shout raised on both sides recalled to a battle already begun the nearest men of the cohorts which had gone out to the farms for booty.

> Latin: 44.8. clamor ex parte utraque sublatus proximos ex cohortibus iis quae in agros praedatum exierant ad proelium iam commissum reuocauit.

[¶59] 44.9. And the men of Nola reinforced the Roman line. Marcellus praised them and ordered them to keep their place among the reserves and to carry off the wounded from the field; to refrain from fighting unless they should receive a signal from him.

> Latin: 44.9. et Nolani aciem Romanam auxerunt, quos conlaudatos Marcellus in subsidiis stare et saucios ex acie efferre iussit, pugna abstinere ni ab se signum accepissent.

[¶60] 45.1. The battle was doubtful. The generals were doing their utmost in cheering on their men, the soldiers in fighting. Marcellus bids them attack men defeated two days before, driven from Cumae in flight a few days earlier, beaten back from Nola the previous year by himself, the same commander, and other soldiers.

> Latin: 45.1. proelium erat anceps; summa ui et duces hortabantur et milites pugnabant. Marcellus uictis ante diem tertium, fugatis ante paucos dies a Cumis, pulsis priore anno ab Nola ab eodem se duce, milite alio, instare iubet:

[¶61] 45.2. Not all of the enemy, he said, were in the line of battle; the booty-hunters were roaming about the country, and those who were fighting were weakened by Campanian luxury, exhausted by wine and harlots and every kind of dissipation the whole winter through.

> Latin: 45.2. non omnes esse in acie; praedantes uagari in agro; sed qui pugnent marcere Campana luxuria, uino et scortis omnibusque lustris per totam hiemem confectos.

[¶62] 45.3. Gone was that force and energy, lost the strength of body and spirit with which they had crossed the ranges of the Pyrenees and the Alps. Remnants only of those men were fighting, scarcely able to hold up their weapons and their limbs.

> Latin: 45.3. abisse illam uim uigoremque, delapsa esse robora corporum animorumque quibus Pyrenaei Alpiumque superata sint iuga. reliquias illorum uirorum uix arma membraque sustinentes pugnare.

[¶63] 45.4. Capua had been Hannibal's Cannae. It was there that warlike courage had been extinguished, there the discipline of the soldier, there the past reputation, there the hope for the future.

> Latin: 45.4. Capuam Hannibali Cannas fuisse: ibi uirtutem bellicam, ibi militarem disciplinam, ibi praeteriti temporis famam, ibi spem futuri exstinctam.

[¶64] 45.5. While by thus reviling the enemy Marcellus was raising the spirits of his soldiers, Hannibal was uttering much more serious reproaches;

> Latin: 45.5. cum haec exprobrando hosti Marcellus suorum militum animos erigeret, Hannibal multo grauioribus probris increpabat:

[¶65] 45.6. he recognized the same arms and standards which he had seen and had at the Trebia and Trasumennus, finally at Cannae; but as for the soldier, he had certainly led one man into winter quarters at Capua, and out of them a different man.

> Latin: 45.6. arma signaque eadem se noscere quae ad Trebiam Trasumennumque, postremo ad Cannas uiderit habueritque; militem alium profecto se in hiberna Capuam duxisse, alium inde eduxisse.

[¶66] 45.7. “Are you,” he said, “hardly able with great effort to hold out against a mere Roman lieutenant, and an engagement with a single legion and its auxiliaries —you, whom two consular armies combined have never withstood?”

> Latin: 45.7. 'legatumne Romanum et legionis unius atque alae magno certamine uix toleratis pugnam, quos binae acies consulares nunquam sustinuerunt?

[¶67] 45.8. “Marcellus with recruits and with reserves from Nola is now attacking us for the second time with impunity! Where is that soldier of mine who pulled Gaius Flaminius, the consul, down from his horse and carried away his head? Where the man who slew Lucius Paulus at Cannae? Is the sword now blunted? Or are your right hands benumbed?”

> Latin: 45.8. Marcellus tirone milite ac Nolanis subsidiis inultus nos iam iterum lacessit. ubi ille miles meus est, qui derepto ex equo C. Flaminio consuli caput abstulit? ubi, qui L. Paulum ad Cannas occidit? ferrum nunc hebet?

[¶68] 45.9. “Or is it some other portent? You who, though few, were wont to defeat larger numbers, now in larger numbers with difficulty resist the few? You used to boast, brave men in speech, that if some one led you, you would take Rome by storm.”

> Latin: 45.9. an dextrae torpent? an quid prodigii est aliud? qui pauci plures uincere soliti estis, nunc paucis plures uix restatis. Romam uos expugnaturos, si quis duceret, fortes lingua iactabatis.

[¶69] 45.10. “Look you, in a less difficult situation, here and now I wish to test your might and courage. Take Nola by storm, a city of the plain, not fenced by a river nor by the sea. From this place, a city of such wealth, I will either lead you, laden with booty and spoils, or I will follow you whithersoever you shall desire.”

> Latin: 45.10. en, minor res est: hic experiri uim uirtutemque uolo. expugnate Nolam, campestrem urbem, non flumine, non mari saeptam. hinc uos ex tam opulenta urbe praeda spoliisque onustos uel ducam quo uoletis uel sequar.'

[¶70] 46.1. Neither encouragement nor reproaches had any effect in steadying their spirits.

> Latin: 46.1. nec bene nec male dicta profuerunt ad confirmandos animos.

[¶71] 46.2. Since they were everywhere beaten back, while the Romans' courage rose, as not only the general exhorted them, but the men of Nola also kindled their ardour for battle by shouting as evidence of their support, the Carthaginians retreated and were forced back into the camp.

> Latin: 46.2. cum omni parte pellerentur, Romanisque crescerent animi, non duce solum adhortante sed Nolanis etiam per clamorem fauoris indicem accendentibus ardorem pugnae, terga Poeni dederunt atque in castra compulsi sunt.

[¶72] 46.3. The Roman soldiers were eager to assault the camp, but Marcellus led them back to Nola, in the midst of great rejoicing and congratulation on the part of the common people as well, who had previously been more inclined to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 46.3. quae oppugnare cupientes milites Romanos Marcellus Nolam reduxit cum magno gaudio et gratulatione etiam plebis quae ante inclinatior ad Poenos fuerat.

[¶73] 46.4. Of the enemy more than five thousand were slain that day, six hundred captured alive, and nineteen military standards and two elephants were taken, four killed in battle. Of the Romans less than a thousand were slain.

> Latin: 46.4. hostium plus quinque milia caesa eo die, uiui capti sescenti et signa militaria undeuiginti et duo elephanti; quattuor in acie occisi; Romanorum minus mille interfecti.

[¶74] 46.5. The next day they spent under a tacit armistice, burying those slain in the battle on both sides.

> Latin: 46.5. posterum diem indutiis tacitis sepeliendo utrimque caesos in acie consumpserunt. spolia hostium Marcellus Uolcano uotum cremauit.

[¶75] 46.6. Marcellus burned the spoils of the enemy, paying a vow to Vulcan. Two days later in anger on some account, I suppose, or in the hope of a more generous service, two hundred and seventy-two horsemen, partly Numidians, partly Spaniards, deserted to Marcellus. Their brave and loyal services were repeatedly employed by the Romans in that war.

> Latin: 46.6. tertio post die ob iram, credo, aliquam aut spem liberalioris militiae ducenti septuaginta duo equites, mixti Numidae ltetgt Hispani, ad Marcellum transfugerunt. eorum forti fidelique opera in eo bello usi sunt saepe Romani.

[¶76] 46.7. As a reward for their courage farm land was given after the war to the Spaniards in Spain, to the Numidians in Africa.

> Latin: 46.7. ager Hispanis in Hispania et Numidis in Africa post bellum uirtutis causa datus est.

[¶77] 46.8. Hannibal, sending Hanno back from Nola into the country of the Bruttii with the forces with which he had come, himself sought winter quarters in Apulia and established himself near Arpi.

> Latin: 46.8. Hannibal ab Nola remisso in Bruttios Hannone cum quibus uenerat copiis ipse Apuliae hiberna petit circaque Arpos consedit.

[¶78] 46.9. Quintus Fabius, on hearing that Hannibal had gone into Apulia, brought in grain from Nola and Neapolis to the camp above Suessula, strengthened the fortifications, and left a garrison which was strong enough to hold the place through the winter season. He then moved his camp nearer to Capua and ravaged the Campanian territory with fire and sword, until the Campanians, who had no confidence at all in their own resources, were compelled to come out of the gates and fortify a camp in the open before the city. They had six thousand armed men, infantry unfit for war; but in cavalry they were more effective.

> Latin: 46.9. Q. Fabius ut profectum in Apuliam Hannibalem audiuit, frumento ab Nola Neapolique in ea castra conuecto quae super Suessulam erant, munimentisque firmatis et praesidio quod per hiberna ad tenendum locum satis esset relicto ipse Capuam propius mouit castra agrumque Campanum ferro ignique est depopulatus, donec coacti sunt Campani, nihil admodum uiribus suis fidentes, egredi portis et castra ante urbem in aperto communire.

[¶79] 46.11. Accordingly they kept harassing the enemy by cavalry battles. Among the many distinguished Campanian horsemen was Cerrinus Vibellius, surnamed Taurea.

> Latin: 46.11. sex milia armatorum habebant, peditem imbellem, equitatu plus poterant; itaque equestribus proeliis lacessebant hostem.

[¶80] 46.12. A citizen of that state, he was far the bravest horseman of all the Campanians, so much so that while he served with the Romans only one Roman, Claudius Asellus, rivalled him in reputation as a cavalryman.

> Latin: 46.12. inter multos nobiles equites Campanos Cerrinus Uibellius erat, cognomine Taurea. ciuis indidem erat, longe omnium Campanorum fortissimus eques adeo ut, cum apud Romanos militaret, unus eum Romanus Claudius Asellus gloria equestri aequaret.

[¶81] 46.13. At this time Taurea, looking all around again and again, rode up to the squadrons of the enemy's cavalry and, when silence was at last obtained, asked where Claudius Asellus was, and why, since he had been in the habit of disputing with him about their courage, did he not settle the matter with the sword and, if vanquished, give, or if victorious, take, the splendid spoils.

> Latin: 46.13. tunc Taurea cum diu perlustrans oculis obequitasset hostium turmis, tandem silentio facto ubi esset Claudius Asellus quaesiuit et, quoniam uerbis secum de uirtute ambigere solitus esset, cur non ferro decerneret daretque opima spolia uictus aut uictor caperet.

[¶82] 47.1. When this was reported to Asellus in the camp, he waited only to ask the consul whether he might fight out of the ranks against an enemy who challenged him. With the consul's permission he at once took up his arms, and riding out in front of the guard-posts he addressed Taurea by name and bade him engage wherever he pleased.

> Latin: 47.1. haec ubi Asello sunt nuntiata in castra, id modo moratus ut consulem percontaretur liceretne extra ordinem in prouocantem hostem pugnare, permissu eius arma extemplo cepit, prouectusque ante stationes equo Tauream nomine compellauit congredique ubi uellet iussit.

[¶83] 47.3. Already the Romans had gone out in crowds to that spectacle of a combat, and the Campanians who looked on had filled not only the earthwork of the camp but also the walls of the city. First calling attention to the affair by high-spirited words, they levelled spears and spurred their horses.

> Latin: 47.3. hinc Romani ad spectaculum pugnae eius frequentes exierant, et Campani non uallum modo castrorum sed moenia etiam urbis prospectantes repleuerunt. cum iam ante ferocibus dictis rem nobilitassent, infestis hastis concitarunt equos;

[¶84] 47.4. Then, dodging each other in the open space, they prolonged the bloodless fray.

> Latin: 47.4. dein libero spatio inter se ludificantes sine uolnere pugnam extrahere.

[¶85] 47.5. Then the Campanian said to the Roman: “This will be a contest of horses, not of horsemen, unless we let our horses go down from the open field into this deep-cut road. There, with no room to avoid each other, we shall fight hand to hand.” Almost sooner than said Claudius put his horse into the road.

> Latin: 47.5. tum Campanus Romano 'equorum' inquit 'hoc non equitum erit certamen, nisi e campo in cauam hanc uiam demittimus equos. ibi nullo ad euagandum spatio comminus conserentur manus'. dicto prope citius equum in uiam Claudius egit.

[¶86] 47.6. Taurea, more spirited in words than in action, said: “Never a nag, please, into a ditch!” —words which have come down from that time as a farmer's parable.

> Latin: 47.6. Taurea, uerbis ferocior quam re, 'minime, sis,' inquit 'cantherium in fossam'; quae uox in rusticum inde prouerbium prodita est.

[¶87] 47.7. Claudius rode a long way on that road, and then riding back to the field without meeting any enemy, returned as victor to the camp, reviling the cowardice of his enemy in the midst of great rejoicing and congratulations.

> Latin: 47.7. Claudius cum ea uia longe perequitasset [quia] nullo obuio hoste in campum rursus euectus, increpans ignauiam hostis, cum magno gaudio et gratulatione uictor in castra redit.

[¶88] 47.8. To this combat of horsemen some annals add what is certainly marvellous —how true, it is for everyone to judge —that, as Claudius was pursuing Taurea fleeing to the city, he rode in through the enemy's open gate and, while they were spellbound in amazement, escaped unharmed by the opposite gate.

> Latin: 47.8. huic pugnae equestri rem—quam uera sit communis existimatio est—mirabilem certe adiciunt quidam annales: cum refugientem ad urbem Tauream Claudius sequeretur, patenti hostium portae inuectum per alteram, stupentibus miraculo hostibus, intactum euasisse.

[¶89] 48.1. Thereafter the winter quarters were undisturbed, and the consul moved his camp back again, that the Campanians might do their sowing. And he did not ravage the Campanian country until the growing grain in the fields was tall enough to furnish fodder.

> Latin: 48.1. quieta inde statiua fuere ac retro etiam consul mouit castra ut sementem Campani facerent, nec ante uiolauit agrum Campanum quam iam altae in segetibus herbae pabulum praebere poterant.

[¶90] 48.2. This he transported to the Claudian Camp above Suessula and there built winter barracks. He ordered Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, to keep at Nola only the garrison needed to defend the city, and to send away the rest of the soldiers to Rome, lest they be a burden to the allies and an expense to the state.

> Latin: 48.2. id conuexit in Claudiana castra super Suessulam ibique hiberna aedificauit. M. Claudio proconsuli imperauit, ut retento Nolae necessario ad tuendam urbem praesidio ceteros milites dimitteret Romam ne oneri sociis et sumptui rei publicae essent.

[¶91] 48.3. And Tiberius Gracchus, after leading his legions from Cumae to Luceria in Apulia, sent thence Marcus Valerius, the praetor, to Brundisium with the army which he had had at Luceria, and ordered him to defend the coast of the Sallentine region and to take measures concerning Philip and the Macedonian war.

> Latin: 48.3. et Ti. Gracchus a Cumis Luceriam in Apuliam legiones cum duxisset, M. Ualerium inde praetorem Brundisium cum eo quem Luceriae habuerat exercitu misit tuerique oram agri Sallentini et prouidere quod ad Philippum bellumque Macedonicum attineret iussit.

[¶92] 48.4. At the end of the summer in which occurred the events I have described, there came a letter from Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, reporting how great and how successful had been their operations in Spain; but that money for pay, also clothing and grain, were lacking for the army, and for the crews everything. So far as pay was concerned, if the treasury was empty, they would find some method of getting it from the Spaniards.

> Latin: 48.4. exitu aestatis eius qua haec gesta perscripsimus litterae a P. et Cn. Scipionibus uenerunt quantas quamque prosperas in Hispania res gessissent; sed pecuniam in stipendium uestimentaque et frumentum exercitui et sociis naualibus omnia deesse.

[¶93] 48.5. Everything else, they said, must in any case be sent from Rome, and in no other way could either the army or the province be kept. After the reading of the letter, there was no one among them all who did not admit that the statements were true and the demands fair.

> Latin: 48.5. quod ad stipendium attineat, si aerarium inops sit, se aliquam rationem inituros quomodo ab Hispanis sumatur; cetera utique ab Roma mittenda esse, nec aliter aut exercitum aut prouinciam teneri posse.

[¶94] 48.6. But they reflected what great forces on land and sea they were maintaining, and how large a new fleet must soon be made ready if a Macedonian war should begin; that Sicily and Sardinia, which before the war had paid taxes in kind, were hardly feeding the armies that garrisoned those provinces;

> Latin: 48.6. litteris recitatis nemo omnium erat quin et uera scribi et postulari aequa fateretur; sed occurrebat animis quantos exercitus terrestres naualesque tuerentur quantaque noua classis mox paranda esset si bellum Macedonicum moueretur:

[¶95] 48.7. that necessary expenses were met only by the property tax; that the number of those who paid that particular tax had been diminished by such great losses of troops at Lake Trasumennus and also at Cannae; that if the few who survived should be burdened by a much greater levy, they would perish by another malady.

> Latin: 48.7. Siciliam ac Sardiniam, quae ante bellum uectigales fuissent, uix praesides prouinciarum exercitus alere; tributo sumptus suppeditari; [eum] ipsum tributum conferentium numerum tantis exercituum stragibus et ad Trasumennum lacum et ad Cannas imminutum;

[¶96] 48.8. And so they thought that, unless support should be found in credit, the state would not be sustained by its assets;

> Latin: 48.8. qui superessent pauci, si multiplici grauarentur stipendio, alia perituros peste. itaque nisi fide staretur, rem publicam opibus non staturam.

[¶97] 48.10. that Fulvius, the praetor, must go before the assembly, inform the people of the public needs and exhort those who by contracts had increased their property to allow the state, the source of their wealth, time for payment, and to contract for furnishing what was needed for the army in Spain, on the condition that they should be the first to be paid, as soon as there was money in the treasury.

> Latin: 48.10. prodeundum in contionem Fuluio praetori esse, indicandas populo publicas necessitates cohortandosque qui redempturis auxissent patrimonia, ut rei publicae, ex qua creuissent, tempus commodarent, conducerentque ea lege praebenda quae ad exercitum Hispaniensem opus essent, ut, cum pecunia in aerario esset, iis primis solueretur.

[¶98] 48.12. To this effect the praetor addressed the people, and named a date on which he would let the contracts for furnishing clothing and grain to the army in Spain and whatever else was needed for the crews.

> Latin: 48.12. haec praetor in contione; ltdiemquegt edixit quo uestimenta frumentum Hispaniensi exercitui praebenda quaeque alia opus essent naualibus sociis esset locaturus.

[¶99] 49.1. When that day came, three companies of nineteen members presented themselves to take the contracts. And their demands were two: one, that they should be exempt from military duty so long as they were in that public service, the other, that the cargoes which they shipped should be at the risk of the state, so far as concerned the violence of enemies and of storms.

> Latin: 49.1. ubi ea dies uenit, ad conducendum tres societates aderant hominum undeuiginti, quorum duo postulata fuere, unum ut militia uacarent dum in eo publico essent, alterum ut quae in naues imposuissent ab hostium tempestatisque ui publico periculo essent.

[¶100] 49.3. Both demands being obtained, they contracted, and the state was carried on by private funds. Such character and such love of country pervaded all the classes virtually without exception.

> Latin: 49.3. utroque impetrato conduxerunt priuataque pecunia res publica administrata est. ii mores eaque caritas patriae per omnes ordines uelut tenore uno pertinebat.

[¶101] 49.4. As all the supplies were magnanimously contracted for, so they were delivered with great fidelity, and nothing was furnished to the soldiers less generously than if they were being maintained, as formerly, out of an ample treasury.

> Latin: 49.4. quemadmodum conducta omnia magno animo sunt, sic summa fide praebita, nec quicquam ltparcius milites quamgt si ex opulento aerario, ut quondam, alerentur.

[¶102] 49.5. When these supplies arrived, the town of Iliturgi, because of its revolt to the Romans, was being besieged by Hasdrubal and Mago and Hannibal, the son of Bomilcar.

> Latin: 49.5. cum hi commeatus uenerunt, Iliturgi oppidum ab Hasdrubale ac Magone et Hannibale Bomilcaris filio ob defectionem ad Romanos oppugnabatur.

[¶103] 49.6. Between these three camps of the enemy the Scipios made their way into a city of their allies with great effort and great loss to those that opposed them. And they brought grain, of which it had no supply, and encouraged the townspeople to defend their walls with the same spirit with which they had seen the Roman army fighting for them.

> Latin: 49.6. inter haec trina castra hostium Scipiones cum in urbem sociorum magno certamine ac strage obsistentium peruenissent, frumentum, cuius inopia erat, aduexerunt, cohortatique oppidanos, ut eodem animo moenia tutarentur quo pro se pugnantem Romanum exercitum uidissent, ad castra maxima oppugnanda, quibus Hasdrubal praeerat, ducunt.

[¶104] 49.8. Then they led their troops to an attack upon the largest camp, which Hasdrubal commanded. To it also came the other two generals and two armies of the Carthaginians, seeing that the whole issue was at stake there.

> Latin: 49.8. eodem et duo duces et duo exercitus Carthaginiensium, ibi rem summam agi cernentes, conuenerunt. itaque eruptione e castris pugnatum est.

[¶105] 49.9. Accordingly a sally from the camp opened the battle. Sixty thousand of the enemy were in the battle that day, about sixteen thousand on the Roman side. Yet so far was the victory from being uncertain that the Romans slew more than their own number, captured more than three thousand men, a little less than a thousand horses, fifty-nine military standards, seven elephants, five having been slain in battle.

> Latin: 49.9. sexaginta hostium milia eo die in pugna fuerunt, sedecim circa ltabgt Romanis; tamen adeo haud dubia uictoria fuit, ut plures numero quam ipsi erant Romani hostium occiderint,

[¶106] 49.11. And they took the three camps that day. The siege of Iliturgi having been raised, the Carthaginian armies were led over to attack Intibili, while their forces were recruited from a province which, more than any other, was eager for war, if only there was booty or pay, and at that time was well supplied with young men.

> Latin: 49.11. ceperint amplius tria milia hominum, paulo minus mille equorum, undesexaginta militaria signa, septem elephantos, quinque in proelio occisis, trinisque eo die castris potiti sint. Iliturgi obsidione liberato ad Intibili oppugnandum Punici exercitus traducti suppletis copiis ex prouincia, ut quae maxime omnium belli auida, modo praeda aut merces esset, et tum iuuentute abundante.

[¶107] 49.13. A second time there was a battle in regular line, with the same result for each side. Over thirteen thousand of the enemy were slain, over two thousand captured, with forty-two standards and nine elephants.

> Latin: 49.13. iterum signis conlatis eadem fortuna utriusque partis pugnatum. supra tredecim milia hostium caesa, supra duo milia capta cum signis duobus et quadraginta et nouem elephantis.

[¶108] 49.14. Then indeed nearly all the peoples of Spain revolted to the Romans, and there were much greater achievements that summer in Spain than in Italy.

> Latin: 49.14. tum uero omnes prope Hispaniae populi ad Romanos defecerunt, multoque maiores ea aestate in Hispania quam in Italia res gestae.

## 17. Book XXIV · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. HAVING returned from Campania to the land of the Bruttii, Hanno, with the Bruttii as supporters and guides, attacked the Greek cities, which were all the more ready to remain in alliance with Rome because they saw that the Bruttii, whom they both hated and feared, had gone over to the side of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 1.1. ut ex Campania in Bruttios reditum est, Hanno adiutoribus et ducibus Bruttiis Graecas urbes temptauit, eo facilius in societate manentes Romana quod Bruttios, quos et oderant et metuebant, Carthaginiensium partis factos cernebant.

[¶1] 1.2. Regium was the first city to be attacked, and some days were spent there to no purpose. Meantime the Locrians hastily brought grain and wood and the other things needed to supply their wants from the farms into the city, also that no booty might be left for the enemy.

> Latin: 1.2. Regium primum temptatum est diesque aliquot ibi nequiquam absumpti. interim Locrenses frumentum lignaque et cetera necessaria usibus ex agris in urbem rapere, etiam ne quid relictum praedae hostibus esset, et in dies maior omnibus portis multitudo effundi;

[¶2] 1.3. And every day a larger crowd poured out of all the gates. Finally there were left in the city only six hundred men, who were made to repair walls and gates and to carry arms to the battlements.

> Latin: 1.3. postremo sescenti modo relicti in urbe erant qui reficere muros portas telaque in propugnacula congerere cogebantur.

[¶3] 1.4. Against the multitude made up of all ages and classes, wandering about the country, many of the unarmed, Hamilcar the Carthaginian sent out his cavalry. Forbidden to injure anyone, they interposed their squadrons merely to shut off from the city those who had scattered in flight.

> Latin: 1.4. in permixtam omnium aetatium ordinumque multitudinem et uagantem in agris magna ex parte inermem Hamilcar Poenos equites emisit, qui uiolare quemquam uetiti, tantum ut ab urbe excluderent fuga dissipatos, turmas obiecere.

[¶4] 1.5. The commander himself, after capturing higher ground from which he could see the country and the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttii to go up to the walls and call out the chief men of the Locrians to a conference, and with a promise of Hannibal's friendship to encourage them to surrender the city. In the conference the Bruttians at first were not believed at all.

> Latin: 1.5. dux ipse loco superiore capto unde agros urbemque posset conspicere, Bruttiorum cohortem adire muros atque euocare principes Locrensium ad conloquium iussit et pollicentes amicitiam Hannibalis adhortari ad urbem tradendam. Bruttiis in conloquio nullius rei primo fides est;

[¶5] 1.6. Then, when the Carthaginians were seen on the hills, and a few returning fugitives repeatedly asserted that all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy, overcome by fear, they answered that they would consult the people.

> Latin: 1.6. deinde ut Poenus apparuit in collibus et refugientes pauci aliam omnem multitudinem in potestate hostium esse adferebant, tum metu uicti consulturos se populum responderunt;

[¶6] 1.7. An assembly being at once called, all the fickle preferred political change and a new alliance; also those whose relations had been shut off outside the city by the enemy had mortgaged their affections, having virtually given hostages. And the few silently approved of steadfast loyalty, rather than dared to declare and defend it. Hence surrender to the Carthaginians was voted with apparently unquestioned unanimity.

> Latin: 1.7. aduocataque extemplo contione, cum et leuissimus quisque nouas res nouamque societatem mallent et, quorum propinqui extra urbem interclusi ab hostibus erant, uelut obsidibus datis pigneratos haberent animos, pauci magis taciti probarent constantem fidem quam propalam tueri auderent, haud dubio in speciem consensu fit ad Poenos deditio.

[¶7] 1.9. After Lucius Atilius, commander of the garrison, and the Roman soldiers who were with him had been secretly led down to the harbour and put on ships to be carried to Regium, they admitted Hamilcar and the Carthaginians into the city on condition that a treaty be made at once on fair terms.

> Latin: 1.9. L. Atilio, praefecto praesidii, quique cum eo milites Romani erant clam in portum deductis atque impositis in naues ut Regium deueherentur Hamilcarem Poenosque ea condicione ut foedus extemplo aequis legibus fieret in urbem acceperunt;

[¶8] 1.10. The promise of such a treaty was almost broken after they surrendered, when the Carthaginian charged that the Roman had been allowed by trickery to go away, while the Locrians pleaded that he had escaped unaided.

> Latin: 1.10. cuius rei prope non seruata fides deditis est, cum Poenus dolo dimissum Romanum incusaret, Locrenses profugisse ipsum causarentur.

[¶9] 1.11. Also the cavalry pursued him in the hope that possibly the current in the strait might delay the ships or bring them to shore. They did not indeed overtake the men they were pursuing, but they sighted other ships crossing the strait from Messana to Regium. It was the Roman soldiers sent by Claudius, the praetor, to garrison and hold the city.

> Latin: 1.11. insecuti etiam equites sunt, si quo casu in freto aestus morari aut deferre naues in terram posset. et eos quidem quos sequebantur non sunt adepti: alias a Messana traicientes freto Regium naues conspexerunt.

[¶10] 1.12. And so the siege of Regium was at once raised. Peace was granted the Locrians by Hannibal's order: they were, namely, to live in freedom under their own laws, the city to be open to the Carthaginians, the harbour in the power of the Locrians, the alliance to rest upon this basis: that the Carthaginian should help the Locrian, the Locrian the Carthaginian, in peace and in war.

> Latin: 1.12. milites erant Romani a Claudio praetore missi ad obtinendam urbem praesidio. itaque Regio extemplo abscessum est. Locrensibus iussu Hannibalis data pax ut liberi suis legibus uiuerent, urbs pateret Poenis, portus in potestate Locrensium esset, societas eo iure staret ut Poenus Locrensem Locrensisque Poenum pace ac bello iuuaret.

[¶11] 2.1. Thus the Carthaginians were withdrawn from the strait, though the Bruttians were indignant because they had left Regium and Locri untouched, the cities which they had counted upon plundering.

> Latin: 2.1. sic a freto Poeni reducti frementibus Bruttiis quod Regium ac Locros, quas urbes direpturos se destinauerant, intactas reliquissent.

[¶12] 2.2. And so without aid they enlisted and armed 15,000 of their young men and set out to besiege Croton, another Greek city and on the sea, believing that it would be a great addition to their resources if they should hold a fortified city and harbour on the seacoast.

> Latin: 2.2. itaque per se ipsi conscriptis armatisque iuuentutis suae quindecim milibus ad Crotonem oppugnandum pergunt ire, Graecam et ipsam urbem et maritimam, plurimum accessurum opibus, si in ora maris urbem portu ac moenibus ualidam tenuissent, credentes.

[¶13] 2.4. It troubled them that they did not quite dare not to call the Carthaginians to their aid, for fear they might seem to have failed to act as became allies. At the same time they feared that, if the Carthaginian should again be rather an arbiter of peace than a helper in war, fighting to secure freedom for Croton might be profitless, as previously for Locri.

> Latin: 2.4. ea cura angebat quod neque non accersere ad auxilium Poenos satis audebant, ne quid non pro sociis egisse uiderentur et, si Poenus rursus magis arbiter pacis quam adiutor belli fuisset, ne in libertatem Crotonis, sicut ante Locrorum, frustra pugnaretur.

[¶14] 2.5. And thus it seemed best to send legates to Hannibal and gain assurance from him that Croton when captured should belong to the Bruttians. Hannibal having replied that decision in the matter lay with those on the ground, thus referring them to Hanno, they obtained no definite answer from Hanno.

> Latin: 2.5. itaque optimum uisum est ad Hannibalem mitti legatos cauerique ab eo ut receptus Croto Bruttiorum esset.

[¶15] 2.6. He did not wish a city well-known and rich to be plundered, and he was hoping that, while the Bruttian was besieging them and the Carthaginians obviously neither approving nor helping the siege, they would all the more promptly come over to his side.

> Latin: 2.6. Hannibal cum praesentium eam consultationem esse respondisset et ad Hannonem eos reiecisset, ab Hannone nihil certi ablatum;

[¶16] 2.7. At Croton there was among the citizens no one policy or common preference. One malady, so to speak, had attacked all the city-states of Italy, that the common people were at odds with the upper class, the senate inclining to the Romans, the common people drawing the state to the side of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 2.7. nec enim diripi uolebat nobilem atque opulentam urbem et sperabat, cum Bruttius oppugnaret, Poenos nec probare nec iuuare eam oppugnationem appareret, eo maturius ad se defecturos. Crotone nec consilium unum inter populares nec uoluntas erat. unus uelut morbus inuaserat omnes Italiae ciuitates ut plebes ab optimatibus dissentirent, senatus Romanis faueret, plebs ad Poenos rem traheret.

[¶17] 2.9. This disagreement in the city was reported to the Bruttians by a deserter: that Aristomachus was the leader of the plebeians and advised surrender of the city; also that in the sparsely inhabited city, with its walls at a great distance, there were only scattered posts and guards of the senators; that wherever plebeians were on guard there was free access to the city.

> Latin: 2.9. eam dissensionem in urbe perfuga nuntiat Bruttiis: Aristomachum esse principem plebis tradendaeque auctorem urbis, et in uasta urbe lateque moenibus disiectis raras stationes custodiasque senatorum esse;

[¶18] 2.10. With the deserter as adviser and leader the Bruttians completely encircled the city, and being admitted by the plebeians, they took the whole city by assault, with the exception of the citadel.

> Latin: 2.10. quacumque custodiant plebis homines, ea patere aditum. auctore ac duce perfuga Bruttii corona cinxerunt urbem acceptique ab plebe primo impetu omnem praeter arcem cepere.

[¶19] 2.11. The optimates held the citadel, having previously prepared a place of refuge for such an emergency. To it Aristomachus also fled, as though he had advised surrendering the city to the Carthaginians, not to the Bruttians.

> Latin: 2.11. arcem optimates tenebant praeparato iam ante ad talem casum perfugio. eodem Aristomachus perfugit, tamquam Poenis, non Bruttiis auctor urbis tradendae fuisset.

[¶20] 3.1. The city of Croton had a wall with a circuit of twelve miles before the coming of Pyrrhus to Italy.

> Latin: 3.1. urbs Croto murum in circuitu patentem duodecim milia passuum habuit ante Pyrrhi in Italiam aduentum;

[¶21] 3.2. Since the desolation caused by that war scarcely half of the city was inhabited. The river which had flowed through the middle of the city now flowed past, outside the quarters which had numerous houses, and the citadel was far from the inhabited portions.

> Latin: 3.2. post uastitatem eo bello factam uix pars dimidia habitabatur; flumen, quod medio oppido fluxerat, extra frequentia tectis loca praeterfluebat, <erat> et arx procul eis quae habitabantur.

[¶22] 3.3. Six miles from the famous city was a temple more famous than the city itself, that of Lacinian Juno, revered by all the surrounding peoples.

> Latin: 3.3. sex milia aberat in<de> [urbe nobili] templum, ipsa urbe [erat] nobilius, Laciniae Iunonis, sanctum omnibus circa populis;

[¶23] 3.4. There a sacred grove, which was enclosed by dense woods and tall fir-trees, had in its centre luxuriant pastures, where cattle of all kinds, being sacred to the goddess, used to pasture without any shepherd. And at night the flocks of each kind would return separately to their stalls, being never harmed by wild beasts lying in wait, nor by the dishonesty of men.

> Latin: 3.4. lucus ibi frequenti silua et proceris abietis arboribus saeptus laeta in medio pascua habuit, ubi omnis generis sacrum deae pecus pascebatur sine ullo pastore, separatimque greges sui cuiusque generis nocte remeabant ad stabula, nunquam insidiis ferarum, non fraude uiolati hominum.

[¶24] 3.6. Therefore great profits were made from the cattle, and out of the profits a massive golden column was wrought and consecrated. And the temple was famous for its wealth also, not merely for its sanctity.

> Latin: 3.6. magni igitur fructus ex eo pecore capti columnaque inde aurea solida facta et sacrata est; inclitumque templum diuitiis etiam, non tantum sanctitate fuit.

[¶25] 3.7. They give it some pretended marvels also, as generally in places so noted. It is reported that in the space in front of the temple there is an altar whose ashes are never stirred by any wind.

> Latin: 3.7. ac miracula aliqua adfinguntur ut plerumque tam insignibus locis: fama est aram esse in uestibulo templi cuius cinerem nullo unquam moueri uento.

[¶26] 3.8. But the citadel of Croton, on one side overhanging the sea, while the other slopes down toward the country, was once protected merely by its natural situation, but later encircled with a wall also, where, along the cliffs on the farther side, it had been taken by ruse of Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily.

> Latin: 3.8. sed arx Crotonis, una parte imminens mari, altera uergente in agrum, situ tantum naturali quondam munita, postea et muro cincta est qua per auersas rupes ab Dionysio Siciliae tyranno per dolum fuerat capta.

[¶27] 3.9. In that citadel, sufficiently safe, as it seemed, the optimates of Croton were at the time maintaining themselves, besieged even by their own plebs as well as by the Bruttians.

> Latin: 3.9. ea tum arce satis ut uidebatur tuta Crotoniatum optimates tenebant se circumsedente cum Bruttiis eos etiam plebe sua.

[¶28] 3.10. Finally the Bruttians, seeing that the citadel was for their resources impregnable, were of necessity constrained to beg aid of Hanno.

> Latin: 3.10. postremo Bruttii, cum suis uiribus inexpugnabilem uiderent arcem, coacti necessitate Hannonis auxilium implorant.

[¶29] 3.11. He attempted to compel the Crotonians to surrender on condition that they permit a colony of Bruttians to be established there, and allow the city, desolate and depopulated by wars, to recover its old-time numbers.

> Latin: 3.11. is condicionibus ad deditionem compellere Crotoniates conatus ut coloniam Bruttiorum eo deduci antiquamque frequentiam recipere uastam ac desertam bellis urbem paterentur, omnium neminem praeter Aristomachum mouit.

[¶30] 3.12. But among them all he prevailed upon no one except Aristomachus. They claimed that they would sooner die than mingle with the Bruttians and change to the rites, customs and laws, and presently even the language, of another people.

> Latin: 3.12. morituros se adfirmabant citius quam immixti Bruttiis in alienos ritus mores legesque ac mox linguam etiam uerterentur.

[¶31] 3.13. Aristomachus, since he was unable by persuasion to bring them to surrender and could find no opportunity to betray the citadel, as he had betrayed the city, alone went over to Hanno.

> Latin: 3.13. Aristomachus unus, quando nec suadendo ad deditionem satis ualebat nec, sicut urbem prodiderat, locum prodendae arcis inueniebat, transfugit ad Hannonem.

[¶32] 3.14. Soon after that the Locrian legates entered the citadel with Hanno's consent and persuaded them to allow themselves to be transferred to Locri, and not to risk desperate measures.

> Latin: 3.14. Locrenses breui post legati, cum permissu Hannonis arcem intrassent, persuadent ut traduci se in Locros paterentur nec ultima experiri uellent;

[¶33] 3.15. Permission to that effect they had already obtained from Hannibal, having sent legates for that very purpose. So Croton was evacuated, and the Crotonians were led down to the sea and went on shipboard.

> Latin: 3.15. iam hoc ut sibi liceret impetrauerant et ab Hannibale missis ad is ipsum legatis. ita Crotone excessum est deductique Crotoniatae ad mare naues conscendunt; Locros omnis multitudo abeunt.

[¶34] 3.16. They went, the whole number of them, to Locri. In Apulia even the winter was not without conflict between the Romans and Hannibal. Sempronius, the consul, was wintering at Luceria, Hannibal not far from Arpi.

> Latin: 3.16. in Apulia ne hiemps quidem quieta inter Romanos atque Hannibalem erat. Luceriae Sempronius consul, Hannibal haud procul Arpis hibernabat.

[¶35] 3.17. Skirmishes between them kept occurring as opportunity offered, or the favourable moment for one side or the other. And in consequence the Romans were better soldiers, daily more cautious and safer from surprise attacks.

> Latin: 3.17. inter eos leuia proelia ex occasione aut opportunitate huius aut illius partis oriebantur meliorque eis Romanus et in dies cautior tutiorque ab insidiis fiebat.

[¶36] 4.1. In Sicily everything had been changed for the Romans by the death of Hiero and the transfer of the kingdom to his grandson Hieronymus, a boy hardly able to keep his independence under control, much less absolute power.

> Latin: 4.1. in Sicilia Romanis omnia mutauerat mors Hieronis regnumque ad Hieronymum nepotem eius translatum, puerum uixdum libertatem, nedum dominationem modice laturum.

[¶37] 4.2. Such was the age, such the disposition which guardians and friends took in hand, to throw him into all the vices. Hiero, seeing that this would happen, is said in his extreme old age to have wished to leave Syracuse free, that kingly power gained and confirmed by good qualities might not come to an end in disgrace under the tyranny of a boy.

> Latin: 4.2. eam aetatem, id ingenium tutores atque amici ad praecipitandum in omnia uitia acceperunt. quae ita futura cernens Hiero ultima senecta uoluisse dicitur liberas Syracusas relinquere, ne sub dominatu puerili per ludibrium bonis artibus partum firmatumque interiret regnum.

[¶38] 4.3. This his plan was opposed might and main by his daughters, who thought the boy would have the kingly title, but that complete control would be in their hands and those of their husbands, Adranodorus and Zoippus, who were being left as the principal guardians.

> Latin: 4.3. huic consilio eius summa ope obstitere filiae, nomen regium penes puerum futurum ratae, regimen rerum omnium penes se uirosque suos Adran<odorum et Zoippum, qui tut>orum primi relinquebantur.

[¶39] 4.4. It was not easy for a man now in his ninetieth year, surrounded day and night by the blandishments of women, to be independent and turn his attention from the personal to the public interest.

> Latin: 4.4. non facile erat nonagesimum iam agenti annum, circumsesso dies noctesque muliebribus blanditiis, liberare animum et conuertere ad publicam <a> priuata curam.

[¶40] 4.5. Accordingly he merely left fifteen guardians for the boy, and dying entreated them to keep inviolate that loyalty to the Roman people which he had maintained for fifty years and to choose above all to have the young man tread in his footsteps and continue the training in which he had been brought up. Such were his instructions.

> Latin: 4.5. itaque tutores modo quindecim puero relinquit, quos precatus est moriens ut fidem erga populum Romanum quinquaginta annos ab se cultam inuiolatam seruarent iuuenemque suis potissimum uestigiis insistere uellent et disciplinae, in qua eductus esset. haec mandata.

[¶41] 4.6. After he had breathed his last the guardians produced the will and brought the boy, at that time about fifteen years old, before an assembly of the people. While a few men, who had been posted in all parts of the assembly to start applause, showed approval of the will, while the rest, as if deprived of a father and in an orphaned city, had only fears, the guardians <took charge>.

> Latin: 4.6. cum exspirasset, tutores testamento prolato pueroque in contionem producto—erat autem quindecim tum ferme annorum—paucis, qui per contionem ad excitandos clamores dispositi erant, adprobantibus testamentum, ceteris uelut patre amisso in orba ciuitate omnia timentibus††.

[¶42] 4.8. Then came the king's funeral, honoured rather by the love and regard of the citizens than by the grief of his family.

> Latin: 4.8. funus fit regium magis amore ciuium et caritate quam cura suorum celebre.

[¶43] 4.9. Soon afterwards Adranodorus removed the rest of the guardians, saying that Hieronymus was now a young man and capable of ruling. And laying down his own guardianship, which was shared with a number of others, he took to himself alone the powers of them all.

> Latin: 4.9. breui deinde ceteros tutores summouet Adranodorus, iuuenem iam esse dictitans Hieronymum ac regni potentem; deponendoque tutelam ipse, quae cum pluribus communis erat, in se unum omnium uires conuertit.

[¶44] 5.1. It would have been difficult for any king, even a good one and self-controlled, to find favour with the Syracusans as successor to Hiero, so beloved.

> Latin: 5.1. uix quidem uel bono moderatoque regi facilis erat fauor apud Syracusanos, succedenti tantae caritati Hieronis;

[¶45] 5.2. But certainly Hieronymus at his very first appearance showed how different everything was, just as if he wished by his vices to make them regret his grandfather.

> Latin: 5.2. uerum enimuero Hieronymus, uelut suis uitiis desiderabilem efficere uellet auum, primo statim conspectu omnia quam disparia essent ostendit.

[¶46] 5.3. For, though through so many years they had seen Hiero and his son Gelo not differing from the rest of the citizens in garb or in any other distinction, they beheld purple and a diadem and armed attendants and a man who came forth from the palace sometimes even in a chariot with four white horses after the manner of Dionysius the tyrant.

> Latin: 5.3. nam qui per tot annos Hieronem filiumque eius Gelonem nec uestis habitu nec alio ullo insigni differentes a ceteris ciuibus uidissent, ei conspexere purpuram ac diadema ac satellites armatos, quadrigisque etiam alborum equorum interdum ex regia procedentem more Dionysi tyranni.

[¶47] 5.5. This haughty state and costume were suitably attended by contempt shown towards everyone, by haughty ears, insulting words, infrequent access, not only for outsiders but even for his guardians, by unheard of lusts, by inhuman cruelty.

> Latin: 5.5. hunc tam superbum adparatum habitumque conuenientes sequebantur contemptus omnium hominum, superbae aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus non alienis modo sed tutoribus etiam, libidines nouae, inhumana crudelitas.

[¶48] 5.6. Consequently such alarm had laid hold of all that some of the guardians anticipated the dreaded punishments either by suicide or by flight.

> Latin: 5.6. itaque tantus omnes terror inuaserat ut quidam ex tutoribus aut morte uoluntaria aut fuga praeuerterent metum suppliciorum.

[¶49] 5.7. Three of them, who alone had more intimate access to the palace, Adranodorus and Zoippus, the sons-in-law of Hiero, and a certain Thraso, were not indeed much listened to on other matters;

> Latin: 5.7. tres ex iis quibus solis aditus in domum familiarior erat, Adranodorus et Zoippus, generi Hieronis, et Thraso quidam, de aliis quidem rebus haud magno opere audiebantur;

[¶50] 5.8. but as two of them were inclining to the Carthaginians, Thraso to alliance with Rome, by their partisan rivalry they were occasionally attracting the young man's attention, when a conspiracy formed against the life of the tyrant was revealed by one Callo, of the same age as Hieronymus and from boyhood accustomed to all the rights of intimacy. The informer was able to name but one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he had himself been approached.

> Latin: 5.8. tendendo autem duo ad Carthaginienses, Thraso ad societatem Romanam, certamine ac studiis interdum in se conuertebant animum adulescentis, cum coniuratio in tyranni caput facta indicatur per Callonem quendam, aequalem Hieronymi et iam inde a puero in omnia familiaria iura adsuetum.

[¶51] 5.10. And Theodotus, at once seized and handed over for torture to Adranodorus, confessed without hesitation in regard to himself, but did not reveal his accomplices.

> Latin: 5.10. index unum ex coniuratis Theodotum, a quo ipse appellatus erat, nominare potuit. qui comprensus extemplo traditusque Adranodoro torquendus, de se ipse haud cunctanter fassus conscios celabat;

[¶52] 5.11. Finally, racked by all the tortures which pass human endurance, pretending to be mastered by his sufferings, he turned informer against the innocent instead of against his accomplices, and falsely stated that Thraso was responsible for the plan: that they would not have ventured upon such an undertaking if they had not relied upon so powerful a leader. He also named attendants of the tyrant as associates, men whose lives, it occurred to him, as he was fabricating between pains and groans, were of the least account.

> Latin: 5.11. postremo cum omnibus intolerandis patientiae humanae cruciatibus laceraretur, uictum malis se simulans auertit ab consciis in insontes indicium, Thrasonem esse auctorem consilii mentitus, nec nisi tam potenti duce confisos rem tantam ausuros <fuisse;

[¶53] 5.13. His mentioning Thraso made the information particularly credible to the mind of the tyrant. Accordingly Thraso was forthwith handed over for execution, and the rest, equally innocent, shared his punishment.

> Latin: 5.13. addit socios> ab latere tyranni quorum capita uilissima fingenti inter dolores gemitusque occurrere. maxime animo tyranni credibile indicium Thraso nominatus fecit; itaque extemplo traditur ad supplicium adiectique poenae ceteri iuxta insontes.

[¶54] 5.14. Not one of the accomplices either hid himself or fled, though their partner in the plot was long under torture. Such confidence was theirs in the courage and loyalty of Theodotus, and such will-power to keep secrets did Theodotus himself possess.

> Latin: 5.14. consciorum nemo, cum diu socius consilii torqueretur, aut latuit aut fugit; tantum illis in uirtute ac fide Theodoti fiduciae fuit tantumque ipsi Theodoto uirium ad arcana occultanda.

[¶55] 6.1. Thus as soon as Thraso, who was the sole link to an alliance with the Romans, had been removed from their midst, matters at once tended unquestionably toward defection. And ambassadors were sent to Hannibal, and he sent back with a young noble named Hannibal also Hippocrates and Epicydes, who were born at Carthage but Syracusans by origin (their grandfather being an exile), Carthaginians themselves on the mother's side. Through these men an alliance was made between Hannibal and the tyrant of Syracuse, and with Hannibal's consent they remained with the tyrant. Appius Claudius, the praetor, whose province was Sicily, on learning of this, forthwith sent legates to Hieronymus. While they were saying that they had come to renew the alliance which they had had with his grandfather, they were heard with derision and dismissed by Hieronymus, who in jest asked what success they had had in the battle at Cannae; for Hannibal's envoys reported what was scarcely to be believed. He wished to know, he said, what the truth was, that he might accordingly determine from which side he had the more to hope. The Romans departed, saying that they would return to him when he began to give a sober hearing to embassies, and warning rather than asking him not to be rash in changing his loyalty. Hieronymus sent ambassadors to Carthage to make a treaty in accordance with the alliance arranged with Hannibal. The agreement was that, after they had driven the Romans out of Sicily (and this would be shortly done if they would send ships and an army), the river Himera, which nearly divides the island in halves, should be the boundary of the kingdom of Syracuse and the Carthaginian empire.

> Latin: 6.1. ita, quod unum uinculum cum Romanis societatis erat, Thrasone sublato e medio extemplo haud dubie ad defectionem res spectabat, legatique ad Hannibalem missi ac remissi ab eo cum Hannibale, nobili adulescente, Hippocrates et Epicydes, nati Carthagine sed oriundi ab Syracusis exsule auo, Poeni ipsi materno genere. per hos iuncta societas Hannibali ac Syracusano tyranno nec inuito Hannibale apud tyrannum manserunt. Ap. Claudius praetor, cuius Sicilia prouincia erat, ubi ea accepit, extemplo legatos ad Hieronymum misit. qui cum sese ad renouandam societatem quae cum auo fuisset uenisse dicerent, per ludibrium auditi dimissique sunt ab quaerente per iocum Hieronymo quae fortuna eis pugnae ad Cannas fuisset; uix credibilia enim legatos Hannibalis narrare; uelle quid ueri sit scire, ut ex eo utram spem sequatur consilium capiat. Romani, cum serio legationes audire coepisset redituros se ad eum dicentes esse, monito magis eo quam rogato ne fidem temere mutaret proficiscuntur. Hieronymus legatos Carthaginem misit ad foedus ex societate cum Hannibale pacta faciendum. conuenit ut, cum Romanos Sicilia expulissent—id autem breui fore, si naues atque exercitum misissent—, Himera amnis, qui ferme <mediam> diuidit, finis regni Syracusani ac Punici imperii esset. aliam deinde, inflatus adsentationibus eorum qui eum non Hieronis tantum sed Pyrrhi etiam regis, materni aui, iubebant meminisse, legationem misit, qua aequum censebat Sicilia sibi omni cedi, Italiae imperium proprium quaeri Carthaginiensi populo. hanc leuitatem ac iactationem animi neque mirabantur in iuuene furioso neque arguebant, dummodo auerterent eum ab Romanis. sed omnia in eo praecipitia ad exitium fuerunt. nam cum praemissis Hippocrate atque Epicyde cum binis milibus armatorum ad temptandas urbes quae praesidiis tenebantur Romanis, et ipse in Leontinos cum cetero omni exercitu —erant autem ad quindecim milia peditum equitumque— profectus esset, liberas aedes coniurati—et omnes forte militabant—imminentes uiae angustae qua descendere ad forum rex solebat sumpserunt. ibi cum instructi armatique ceteri transitum exspectantes starent, uni ex eis—Dinomeni fuit nomen—, quia custos corporis erat, partes datae sunt ut, cum adpropinquaret ianuae rex, per causam aliquam in angustiis sustineret ab tergo agmen. ita ut conuenerat factum est.

[¶56] 7.5. Thereupon, puffed up by the flatteries of those who bade him remember not Hiero only but also King Pyrrhus, his maternal grandfather, Hieronymus sent another embassy, through which he declared it was fair for them to yield all Sicily to him, and for the Carthaginian people to seek their own dominion over Italy. At this trifling and boastful spirit in a madcap youth they did not wonder, nor find fault either, provided they made him break with the Romans. VII. But in everything he was on the verge of ruin.

> Latin: 7.5. tamquam laxaret elatum pedem ab stricto nodo, moratus turbam Dinomenes tantum interualli fecit ut, cum in praetereuntem sine armatis regem impetus fieret, confoderetur aliquot prius uolneribus quam succurri posset.

[¶57] 7.6. For after sending Hippocrates and Epicydes in advance, each with two thousand armed men, to attack the cities which were held by Roman garrisons, he too setting out with all the rest of the army —and they were about fifteen thousand infantry and cavalry —had gone to Leontini. The conspirators all of whom, as it happened, were in the army, took possession of an empty house looking down upon the narrow street by which the king used to go down to the market-place. There, while the rest, drawn up under arms, were to stand waiting for him to pass, one of them —his name was Dinomenes —, as being a body-guard, was assigned the rôle of halting, on some pretext, the column following the king in the narrow street, when he approached the door of the house. This was carried out as had been arranged.

> Latin: 7.6. clamore et tumultu audito in Dinomenem iam haud dubie obstantem tela coniciuntur, inter quae tamen duobus acceptis uolneribus euasit. fuga satellitum, ut iacentem uidere regem, facta est; interfectores pars in forum ad multitudinem laetam libertate, pars Syracusas pergunt ad praeoccupanda Adranodori regiorumque aliorum consilia.

[¶58] 7.8. Dinomenes, raising one foot and pretending to loosen a knot drawn too tight, delayed the crowd and caused such a gap that, when the attack on the king was made as he passed without guards, he was stabbed with several thrusts before help could reach him. On hearing the shouting and uproar they hurled their weapons at Dinomenes, who was now obviously blocking the way. In the midst of these, however, he escaped with only two wounds. The guards fled as soon as they saw the king lying there.

> Latin: 7.8. incerto rerum statu Ap. Claudius bellum oriens ex propinquo cum cerneret, senatum litteris certiorem fecit Siciliam Carthaginiensi populo et Hannibali conciliari, ipse aduersus Syracusana consilia <ad> prouinciae regnique fines omnia conuertit praesidia.

[¶59] 7.10. Of the assassins some proceeded to the market-place and into a crowd which rejoiced in its freedom, some to Syracuse to forestall the designs of Adranodorus and the other supporters of the king. In the unsettled state of affairs Appius Claudius, seeing a war beginning near at hand, informed the senate by letter that Sicily was being won over to the Carthaginian people and Hannibal.

> Latin: 7.10. exitu anni eius Q. Fabius ex auctoritate senatus Puteolos, per bellum coeptum frequentari emporium, communiit praesidiumque imposuit.

[¶60] 7.11. For his own part, to meet the schemes of the Syracusans, he concentrated all his garrisons on the frontier between the province and the kingdom. At the end of that year Quintus Fabius by the authority of the senate fortified and garrisoned Puteoli, which as a commercial centre had grown in population during the war.

> Latin: 7.11. inde Romam comitiorum causa ueniens in eum quem primum diem comitialem habuit comitia edixit atque ex itinere praeter urbem in campum descendit.

[¶61] 7.12. Then, while on his way to Rome to hold the elections, he proclaimed them for the first date available for an election, and without stopping passed the city and came down to the Campus. On the day set the right to vote first fell to the century of the younger men of the Aniensis tribe, and it named Titus Otacilius and Marcus Aemilius Regillus as consuls. Thereupon Quintus Fabius, after silence had been made, spoke somewhat as follows:

> Latin: 7.12. eo die cum sors praerogatiuae Aniensi iuniorum exisset eaque T. Otacilium M. Aemilium Regillum consules diceret, tum Q. Fabius silentio facto tali oratione est usus:

[¶62] 8.1. “If we had either peace in Italy or such a war and such an enemy that there was ample room for carelessness, should someone interpose any delay to the enthusiasm which you bring to the Campus in order to entrust magistracies to the men of your choice, such a man would seem to me forgetful of your freedom.”

> Latin: 8.1. 'si aut pacem in Italia aut <id> bellum eumque hostem haberemus in quo neglegentiae laxior locus esset, qui uestris studiis, quae in campum ad mandandos quibus uelitis honores adfertis, moram ullam offerret, is mihi parum meminisse uideretur uestrae libertatis;

[¶63] 8.2. “But since in this war, in dealing with this enemy, never has a mistake been made by any commander without huge losses to us, you ought in electing consuls to enter the polls with the same seriousness with which you go into battle-line under arms, and each man should say to himself: 'I name as consul a man who is a match for Hannibal the general.' ” “This year at Capua, when Vibellius Taurea, a distinguished Campanian knight, challenged, Asellus Claudius, a distinguished Roman knight, was matched against him.”

> Latin: 8.2. sed cum in hoc bello, in hoc hoste nunquam ab ullo duce sine ingenti nostra clade erratum sit, eadem uos cura qua in aciem armati descenditis inire suffragium ad creandos consules decet et sibi quemque dicere: "Hannibali imperatori parem consulem nomino. " hoc anno ad Capuam Uibellio Taureae, Campano summo equiti, prouocanti summus Romanus eques Asellus Claudius est oppositus.

[¶64] 8.4. “Against the Gaul who once challenged at the bridge over the Anio our ancestors sent Titus Manlius, who relied upon his courage and his strength.”

> Latin: 8.4. aduersus Gallum quondam prouocantem in ponte Anienis T. Manlium fidentem et animo et uiribus misere maiores nostri.

[¶65] 8.5. “There was the same reason, I am inclined to admit, why not many years later Marcus Valerius found no lack of confidence in him when he took up arms for the fray against a Gaul who made a like challenge.”

> Latin: 8.5. eandem causam haud multis annis post fuisse non negauerim cur M. Ualerio non diffideretur aduersus similiter prouocantem ad certamen arma capienti Gallum.

[¶66] 8.6. “Just as we desire to have foot and horse stronger than those of the enemy, if not, then a match for him, so let us seek a general who is a match for the commander of the enemy.”

> Latin: 8.6. quemadmodum pedites equitesque optamus ut ualidiores, si minus, ut pares hosti habeamus, ita duci hostium parem imperatorem quaeramus.

[¶67] 8.7. “When we shall have chosen the man who is the greatest commander in the state, nevertheless, although suddenly chosen, elected for a single year, he will be pitted against an experienced permanent general, hampered by no restrictions of time or authority to prevent him from doing and directing everything as the phases of the war shall require.”

> Latin: 8.7. cum qui est summus in ciuitate dux eum legerimus, tamen repente lectus, in annum creatus aduersus ueterem ac perpetuum imperatorem comparabitur, nullis neque temporis nec iuris inclusum angustiis quo minus ita omnia gerat administretque ut tempora postulabunt belli;

[¶68] 8.8. “But with us the year rolls round in mere preparation and while we are just beginning.”

> Latin: 8.8. nobis autem in adparatu ipso ac tantum incohantibus res annus circumagitur.

[¶69] 8.9. “Having sufficiently stated what kind of men you ought to elect as consuls, it remains for me to say a few words in regard to those to whom the favour of the first century to vote has inclined.”

> Latin: 8.9. quoniam quales uiros creare uos consules deceat satis est dictum, restat ut pauca de eis in quos praerogatiuae fauor inclinauit dicam.

[¶70] 8.10. “Marcus Aemilius Regillus is the flamen of Quirinus, and we can neither send him away from the sacred rites nor keep him at home without abandoning our responsibility for the gods or else for the war.”

> Latin: 8.10. M. Aemilius Regillus flamen est Quirinalis, quem neque mittere a sacris neque retinere possumus ut non deum aut belli deseramus curam.

[¶71] 8.11. “Titus Otacilius has my sister's daughter as his wife and children by her. But not so slight are your favours to my ancestors and myself that I can fail to hold the state of more account than personal ties.”

> Latin: 8.11. <T.> Otacilius sororis meae filiam uxorem atque ex ea liberos habet; ceterum non ea uestra in me maioresque meos merita sunt ut non potiorem priuatis necessitudinibus rem publicam habeam.

[¶72] 8.12. “Any one of the sailors and passengers can steer when the sea is calm. When a savage storm comes and the ship is swept over a rough sea by the wind, then there is need of a man and a pilot.”

> Latin: 8.12. quilibet nautarum uectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest; ubi saeua orta tempestas est ac turbato mari rapitur uento nauis, tum uiro et gubernatore opus est.

[¶73] 8.13. “We are not sailing a calm sea, but have been almost sunk already by a number of squalls. And so who is to sit at the helm is for you to decide with the greatest seriousness and foresight. In a lesser affair we have tested you, Titus Otacilius. Certainly you have not shown any reason why we should trust you for greater things.”

> Latin: 8.13. non tranquillo nauigamus sed iam aliquot procellis summersi paene sumus; itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat summa cura prouidendum ac praecauendum uobis est. in minore te experti, T. Otacili, re sumus; haud sane cur ad maiora tibi fidamus documenti quicquam dedisti.

[¶74] 8.14. “This year we equipped the fleet which you commanded for three purposes: to ravage the coast of Africa, to make our Italian shores safe, but above all to prevent reinforcements with pay and supplies from being brought over from Carthage for Hannibal.”

> Latin: 8.14. classem hoc anno, cui tu praefuisti, trium rerum causa parauimus, ut Africae oram popularetur, ut tuta nobis Italiae litora essent, ante omnia ne supplementum cum stipendio commeatuque ab Carthagine Hannibali transportaretur.

[¶75] 8.15. “Citizens, elect Titus Otacilius consul, if he has performed, I do not say all of these things, but some part of them, for the state. But if, while you, Titus Otacilius, commanded the fleet, even the things he did not need came to Hannibal from home safe and intact, as though he had conquered the sea, if the coast of Italy has been more unsafe this ” “year than that of Africa, what reason can you give why we are to match you by preference as commander against such an enemy as Hannibal?”

> Latin: 8.15. create consulem T. Otacilium, non dico si omnia haec, sed si aliquid eorum rei publicae praestitit. sin autem te classem obtinente, ea etiam uelut pacato mari quibus <non erat opus> Hannibali tuta atque integra ab domo uenerunt, si ora Italiae infestior hoc anno quam Africae fuit, quid dicere potes cur te potis-

[¶76] 8.17. “If you were consul we should propose the appointment of a dictator, following the precedent of our ancestors, and you could not be incensed that some one in the Roman state was considered a better man in war than you. It is to no one's interest more than yours, Titus Otacilius, that no such burden be placed on your shoulders that you may fall beneath it.”

> Latin: 8.17. simum ducem Hannibali hosti <hi> opponant? si consul esses, dictatorem dicendum exemplo maiorum nostrorum censeremus, nec tu id indignari posses aliquem in ciuitate Romana meliorem bello haberi quam te. magis nullius interest quam tua, T. Otacili, non imponi ceruicibus tuis onus sub quo concidas.

[¶77] 8.18. “I earnestly entreat and urge you, citizens, that the same spirit which you would show if, while standing armed in battle-line, you had suddenly to choose two generals under whose command and auspices you should fight, be yours today also in electing ” “consuls to whom your sons shall repeat the oath, in response to whose edict they shall assemble, under whose guardian care they shall serve.”

> Latin: 8.18. ego magno opere suadeo, Quirites, eodem animo quo si stantibus uobis in acie armatis repente deligendi duo imperatores essent quorum ductu atque auspicio dimicaretis, hodie quoque consules creetis quibus sacramento liberi uestri dicant, ad quorum edictum conueniant, sub quorum tutela atque cura militent.

[¶78] 8.20. “The Lake of Trasumennus and Cannae are sad examples to recall, but to guard against like disasters they are a warning. Herald, summon the Aniensis century of the younger men to vote again!”

> Latin: 8.20. lacus Trasumennus et Cannae tristia ad recordationem exempla sed ad praecauenda similia [utiles] documento sunt. praeco, Aniensem iuniorum in suffragium reuoca.'

[¶79] 9.1. While Titus Otacilius was fiercely and noisily shouting that Fabius wanted to have his consulship prolonged, the consul ordered the lictors to go up to him, and, as he had not entered the city, having gone without

> Latin: 9.1. cum T. Otacilius ferociter eum continuare consulatum uelle uociferaretur atque obstreperet, lictores ad eum accedere consul iussit et, quia urbem non inierat protinus in campum ex itinere profectus, admonuit cum securibus sibi fasces praeferri.

[¶80] 9.3. a halt directly to the Campus, he warned Otacilius that the fasces carried before the consul had their axes.

> Latin: 9.3. interim praerogatiua suffragium init creatique in ea consules Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. Marcellus tertium. eosdem consules ceterae centuriae sine uariatione ulla dixerunt;

[¶81] 9.4. Meanwhile the leading century proceeded to vote, and in it were elected consuls Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time and Marcus Marcellus for the third time.

> Latin: 9.4. et praetor unus refectus Q. Fuluius Flaccus, noui alii creati, T. Otacilius Crassus iterum, Q. Fabius consulis filius qui tum aedilis curulis erat, P. Cornelius Lentulus.

[¶82] 9.5. The rest of the centuries without exception named the same men as consuls. And of the praetors one, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was reflected, the others newly created, Titus Otacilius Crassus for the second time, Quintus Fabius, son of the consul and at the time curule aedile, and Publius Cornelius Lentulus.

> Latin: 9.5. comitiis praetorum perfectis senatus consultum factum, ut Q. Fuluio extra ordinem urbana prouincia esset isque potissimum consulibus ad bellum profectis urbi praeesset. aquae magnae bis eo anno fuerunt Tiberisque agros inundauit cum magna strage tectorum pecorumque et hominum pernicie.

[¶83] 9.7. The election of praetors being now completed, the senate decreed that Quintus Fulvius by special designation should have the duties of city praetor, and that he, and no one else, should be in charge of the city when the consuls took the field.

> Latin: 9.7. quinto anno secundi Punici belli Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. Claudius Marcellus tertium consulatum ineuntes plus solito conuerterant in se ciuitatis animos; multis enim annis tale consulum par non fuerat. referebant senes sic Maximum Rullum cum P. Decio ad bellum Gallicum, sic postea Papirium Caruiliumque aduersus Samnites Bruttiosque et Lucanum cum Tarentino populum consules declaratos.

[¶84] 9.9. There were great floods twice that year and the Tiber overflowed the farms with great destruction of buildings and cattle and much loss of life.

> Latin: 9.9. absens Marcellus consul creatus, cum ad exercitum esset; praesenti Fabio atque ipsi comitia habenti consulatus continuatus.

[¶85] 9.10. In the fifth year of the Second Punic War, Quintus Fabius Maximus entering his fourth consulship and Marcus Claudius Marcellus his third attracted the attention of the citizens more than was usual.

> Latin: 9.10. tempus ac necessitas belli ac discrimen summae rerum faciebant ne quis aut exemplum exquireret aut suspectum cupiditatis imperii consulem haberet;

[¶86] 9.11. For many years there had been no such pair of consuls. Old men recalled that thus Maximus Rullus had been declared consul with Publius Decius for the Gallic war, thus, later on, Papirius and Carvilius against the Samnites and Bruttians and the people of Lucania and of Tarentum. Marcellus was made consul in his absence, being with the army; for Fabius, who was present and himself conducted the election, his consulship was continued.

> Latin: 9.11. quin laudabant potius magnitudinem animi quod, cum summo imperatore esse opus rei publicae sciret seque eum haud dubie esse, minoris inuidiam suam, si qua ea re oreretur, quam utilitatem rei publicae fecisset. quo die magistratum inierunt consules, senatus in Capitolio est habitus decretumque omnium primum ut consules sortirentur compararentue inter se uter censoribus creandis comitia haberet priusquam ad exercitum proficisceretur.

[¶87] 10.3. The times and the straits of war and danger to the existence of the state deterred any one from searching for a precedent for that, and from suspecting the consul of greed for power.

> Latin: 10.3. prorogatum deinde imperium omnibus qui ad exercitus erant iussique in prouinciis manere, Ti. Gracchus Luceriae, ubi cum uolonum exercitu erat, C. Terentius Uarro in agro Piceno, M.

[¶88] 10.4. On the contrary they praised his high-mindedness, in that, knowing the state had need of a great commander, and that he was himself undoubtedly that man, he counted his own unpopularity, should any be the consequence, as of less moment than the advantage of the state. X. On the day on which the consuls entered upon office the senate met on the Capitol, and it was decreed first of all that the consuls should decide by lot or by mutual arrangement which of them should hold the election for naming the censors before leaving for the army.

> Latin: 10.4. Pomponius in Gallico; et praetorum prioris anni pro praetoribus, Q. Mucius obtineret Sardiniam, M. Ualerius ad Brundisium orae maritimae, intentus aduersus omnes motus Philippi Macedonum regis, praeesset.

## 18. Book XXIV · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/#p-N

[¶0] 10.5. Then for all who were with the army their commands were continued, and they were ordered to remain in their assignments, Tiberius Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with the army of slave-volunteers, Gaius Terentius Varro in the Picene district, Marcus Pomponius in the Gallic;

> Latin: 10.5. P. Cornelio Lentulo praetori Sicilia decreta prouincia, T. Otacilio classis eadem quam aduersus Carthaginienses priore anno habuisset. prodigia eo anno multa nuntiata sunt, quae quo magis credebant simplices ac religiosi homines, eo plura nuntiabantur:

[¶1] 10.6. and that of the praetors of the previous year, now as propraetors, Quintus Mucius should govern Sardinia and Marcus Valerius should be in command of the sea-coast at Brundisium, watchful against all movements of Philip, King of the Macedonians. Sicily was assigned as his province to Publius Cornelius Lentulus, the praetor, and to Titus Otacilius the same fleet which he had had against the Carthaginians the previous year.

> Latin: 10.6. Lanuui in aede intus Sospitae Iunonis coruos nidum fecisse; in Apulia palmam uiridem arsisse; Mantuae stagnum effusum Mincio amni cruentum uisum; et Calibus creta et Romae in foro bouario sanguine pluuisse;

[¶2] 10.8. Prodigies in large numbers —and the more they were believed by men simple and devout, the more of them used to be reported —were reported that year: that at Lanuvium ravens had made a nest inside the temple of Juno Sospita; that in Apulia a green palm took fire; that at Mantua a lake, the overflow of the river Mincius, appeared bloody;

> Latin: 10.8. et in uico Insteio fontem sub terra tanta ui aquarum fluxisse ut serias doliaque quae in eo loco erant prouoluta uelut impetu torrentis tulerit;

[¶3] 10.9. and at Cales it rained chalk, and at Rome in the Cattle Market blood; and that on the Vicus Insteius an underground spring flowed with such a volume of water that the force of a torrent, as it were, overturned the jars, great and small, that were there and carried them along;

> Latin: 10.9. tacta de caelo atrium publicum in Capitolio, aedem in campo Uolcani, Uacunae in Sabinis publicamque uiam, murum ac portam Gabiis.

[¶4] 10.10. that the Atrium Publicum on the Capitol, the temple of Vulcan in the Campus, that of Vacuna and a public street in the Sabine country, the wall and a gate at Gabii were struck by lightning. Moreover other marvels were widely circulated: that the spear of Mars at Praeneste moved of itself; that an ox in Sicily spoke; that among the Marrucini an infant in its mother's womb shouted “Hail, triumph!”;

> Latin: 10.10. iam alia uolgata miracula erant: hastam Martis Praeneste sua sponte promotam; bouem in Sicilia locutum; infantem in utero matris in Marrucinis 'io triumphe' clamasse; ex muliere Spoleti uirum factum; Hadriae aram in caelo speciesque hominum circum eam cum candida ueste uisas esse.

[¶5] 10.11. that at Spoletium a woman was changed into a man; that at Hadria an altar was seen in the sky, and about it the forms of men in white garments. In fact at Rome also, actually in the city, directly after the appearance of a swarm of bees in the Forum —a wonder because it is rare —certain men, asserting that they saw armed legions on the Janiculum, aroused the city to arms, whereas those who were on the Janiculum denied that anyone had been seen there except the usual dwellers on that hill.

> Latin: 10.11. quin Romae quoque in ipsa urbe, secundum apum examen in foro uisum—quod mirabile est, quia rarum—, adfirmantes quidam legiones se armatas in Ianiculo uidere concitauerunt ciuitatem ad arma, cum qui in Ianiculo essent negarent quemquam ibi praeter adsuetos collis eius cultores apparuisse.

[¶6] 10.13. Atonement was made for these prodigies with full-grown victims on the advice of the soothsayers, and a season of prayer to all the gods who had festal couches at Rome was proclaimed.

> Latin: 10.13. haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata sunt ex haruspicum responso et supplicatio omnibus deis quorum puluinaria Romae essent indicta est.

[¶7] 11.1. The rites which concerned peace with the gods being now completed, the consuls laid before the senate the condition of the state and the conduct of the war, and what forces there were and where severally stationed.

> Latin: 11.1. perpetratis quae ad pacem deum pertinebant, de re publica belloque gerendo et quantum copiarum et ubi quaeque essent consules ad senatum rettulerunt.

[¶8] 11.2. It was voted to carry on the war with eighteen legions; that each consul should take two; that with two legions in each case Gaul and Sicily and Sardinia should be held;

> Latin: 11.2. duodeuiginti legionibus bellum geri placuit; binas consules sibi sumere, binis Galliam Siciliamque ac Sardiniam obtineri; duabus Q. Fabium praetorem Apuliae, duabus uolonum Ti. Gracchum circa Luceriam praeesse;

[¶9] 11.3. that with two legions Quintus Fabius, a praetor, should be in charge of Apulia, and that with two legions of slave-volunteers Tiberius Gracchus should be in command in the region of Luceria;

> Latin: 11.3. singulas C. Terentio proconsuli ad Picenum et M. Ualerio ad classem circa Brundisium relinqui, duas urbi praesidio esse.

[¶10] 11.4. that one legion each should be left for Gaius Terentius, the proconsul, in the Picene district and for Marcus Valerius for service with the fleet near Brundisium; that two should form the garrison of the city. To make up this number of legions six new legions had to be enrolled. The consuls were ordered to enroll them as soon as possible, and to furnish a fleet, so that, including the ships at anchor defending the coast of Calabria, the fleet should amount that year to a hundred and fifty warships.

> Latin: 11.4. hic ut numerus legionum expleretur, sex nouae legiones erant scribendae. eas primo quoque tempore consules scribere iussi et classem parare, ut cum eis nauibus quae pro Calabriae litoribus in statione essent, centum quinquaginta longarum classis nauium eo anno expleretur.

[¶11] 11.6. After conducting the levy and launching a hundred new ships, Quintus Fabius held an election for the choosing of censors. Marcus Atilius Regulus and Publius Furius Philus were elected.

> Latin: 11.6. dilectu habito et centum nauibus nouis deductis Q. Fabius comitia censoribus creandis habuit; creati M. Atilius Regulus et P. Furius Philus. cum increbresceret rumor bellum in Sicilia esse, T. Otacilius eo cum classe proficisci iussus est.

[¶12] 11.7. As the rumour that there was a war in Sicily spread more widely, Titus Otacilius was ordered to set sail thither with his fleet. Owing to the lack of sailors the consuls in accordance with a decree of the senate issued an edict that a man who in the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Flaminius had been rated —either he or his father —at from 50,000 to 100,000 asses, or if his property had since increased to that amount, should furnish one sailor provided with six months' pay;

> Latin: 11.7. cum deessent nautae, consules ex senatus consulto edixerunt ut, qui L. Aemilio C. Flaminio censoribus milibus aeris quinquaginta ipse aut pater eius census fuisset usque ad centum milia aut cui postea tanta res esset facta, nautam unum cum sex mensum stipendio daret; qui supra centum milia usque ad trecenta milia, tres nautas cum stipendio annuo;

[¶13] 11.8. that one who had more than 100,000 and up to 300,000 should furnish three sailors and a year's pay; he who had over 300,000 and up to a million asses, five sailors; he who had over a million, seven; that senators should furnish eight sailors and a year's pay.

> Latin: 11.8. qui supra trecenta milia usque ad deciens aeris, quinque nautas; qui supra deciens, septem; senatores octo nautas cum annuo stipendio darent.

[¶14] 11.9. The sailors furnished in accordance with this edict went on board armed and equipped by their masters, and with cooked rations for thirty days. It was the first time that a Roman fleet was manned with crews secured at private expense.

> Latin: 11.9. ex hoc edicto dati nautae, armati instructique ab dominis, cum triginta dierum coctis cibariis naues conscenderunt. tum primum est factum ut classis Romana sociis naualibus priuata impensa paratis compleretur.

[¶15] 12.1. This extraordinary preparation particularly alarmed the Campanians, for fear the Romans might begin that year's war with a siege of Capua. Accordingly they sent legates to Hannibal to beg him to bring his army to Capua.

> Latin: 12.1. hic maior solito apparatus praecipue conterruit Campanos ne ab obsidione Capuae bellum eius anni Romani inciperent. itaque legatos ad Hannibalem oratum miserunt ut Capuam exercitum admoueret:

[¶16] 12.2. New armies, they said, were being enrolled at Rome for besieging it, and the defection of no city had more embittered the Romans.

> Latin: 12.2. ad eam oppugnandam nouos exercitus scribi Romae nec ullius urbis defectioni magis infensos eorum animos esse.

[¶17] 12.3. Since they reported this with such excitement, Hannibal, thinking he must make haste, lest he be anticipated by the Romans, set out from Arpi and established himself by Tifata in his old camp above Capua.

> Latin: 12.3. id quia tam trepide nuntiabant, maturandum Hannibal ratus ne praeuenirent Romani, profectus Arpis ad Tifata in ueteribus castris super Capuam consedit.

[¶18] 12.4. Then leaving Numidians and Spaniards to defend the camp and Capua at the same time, he came down with the rest of his army to the Lake of Avernus, with the pretext of sacrificing, in reality to attack Puteoli and the garrison which was there.

> Latin: 12.4. inde Numidis Hispanisque ad praesidium simul castrorum simul Capuae relictis cum cetero exercitu ad lacum Auerni per speciem sacrificandi, re ipsa ut temptaret Puteolos quodque ibi praesidii erat, descendit.

[¶19] 12.5. Maximus, on being informed that Hannibal had left Arpi and was returning to Campania, without interrupting his journey by day or night returned to the army.

> Latin: 12.5. Maximus, postquam Hannibalem Arpis profectum et regredi in Campaniam allatum est, nec die nec nocte intermisso itinere ad exercitum redit, et Ti.

[¶20] 12.6. And he ordered Tiberius Gracchus to bring his troops from Luceria to Beneventum, and Quintus Fabius, the praetor —he was the consul's son —, to relieve Gracchus at Luceria.

> Latin: 12.6. Gracchum ab Luceria Beneuentum copias admouere, Q. Fabium praetorem—is filius consulis erat—<ad> Luceriam Graccho succedere iubet.

[¶21] 12.7. Two praetors set out at the same time for Sicily, Publius Cornelius to the army, and Titus Otacilius to take command of the sea-coast and of naval operations.

> Latin: 12.7. in Siciliam eodem tempore duo praetores profecti, P. Cornelius ad exercitum, T. Otacilius qui maritimae orae reique nauali praeesset;

[¶22] 12.8. And the others set out for their several assignments, and those whose commands had been prolonged held the same regions as in the previous year.

> Latin: 12.8. et ceteri in suas quisque prouincias profecti, et quibus prorogatum imperium erat easdem quas priori anno regiones obtinuerunt.

[¶23] 13.1. While Hannibal was at the Lake of Avernus five-noble young men came to him from Tarentum, some of whom had been captured at the Lake of Trasumennus, others at Cannae, and sent to their homes with that same courtesy which the Carthaginian had shown toward all allies of the Romans.

> Latin: 13.1. ad Hannibalem, cum ad lacum Auerni esset, quinque nobiles iuuenes ab Tarento uenerunt, partim ad Trasumennum lacum, partim ad Cannas capti dimissique domos cum eadem comitate qua usus aduersus omnes Romanorum socios Poenus fuerat.

[¶24] 13.2. Mindful of his favours, they reported that they had induced a large part of the young men of Tarentum to prefer the friendship and alliance of Hannibal to those of the Roman people; and that, as legates sent by their people, they asked Hannibal to bring his army nearer to Tarentum.

> Latin: 13.2. ei memores beneficiorum eius perpulisse magnam partem se iuuentutis Tarentinae referunt ut Hannibalis amicitiam ac societatem quam populi Romani mallent, legatosque ab suis missos rogare Hannibalem ut exercitum propius Tarentum admoueat:

[¶25] 13.3. If his standards, if his camp should be seen from Tarentum there would be no delay in the surrender of the city; that the common people were in the power of the younger men, the Tarentine state in the hands of the common people.

> Latin: 13.3. si signa eius, si castra conspecta a Tarento sint, haud ullam intercessuram moram quin <in deditionem ueniat> urbs; in potestate iuniorum plebem, in manu plebis rem Tarentinam esse.

[¶26] 13.4. Hannibal praised them and overwhelmed them with great promises, and bade them return home to carry out their undertaking promptly; that he would be there at the right moment.

> Latin: 13.4. Hannibal conlaudatos eos oneratosque ingentibus promissis domum ad coepta maturanda redire iubet; se in tempore adfuturum esse. hac cum spe dimissi Tarentini.

[¶27] 13.5. With this hope the Tarentines were sent away. He himself had conceived a great desire to gain possession of Tarentum. He saw that the city was not only rich and famous but also a seaport, and favourably placed in the direction of Macedonia, and that accordingly King Philip, if he should cross into Italy, would make for this port, since the Romans held Brundisium.

> Latin: 13.5. ipsum ingens cupido incesserat Tarenti potiundi. urbem esse uidebat cum opulentam nobilemque, tum maritimam et in Macedoniam opportune uersam regemque Philippum hunc portum, si transiret in Italiam, Brundisium cum Romani haberent, petiturum.

[¶28] 13.6. Then, after accomplishing the rite for which he had come, and devastating the territory of Cumae as far as the promontory of Misenum, while he lingered there, he suddenly headed his column toward Puteoli, to surprise the Roman garrison.

> Latin: 13.6. sacro inde perpetrato ad quod uenerat et, dum ibi moratur, peruastato agro Cumano usque ad Miseni promunturium Puteolos repente agmen conuertit ad opprimendum praesidium Romanum.

[¶29] 13.7. There were six thousand men and the place was defended by a wall also, not merely by nature. There the Carthaginian tarried three days, attacking the garrison from every side; and then, when he met with no success, he set out to ravage the territory of Neapolis, rather in anger than with the hope of taking the city.

> Latin: 13.7. sex milia hominum erant et locus munimento quoque, non natura modo tutus. triduum ibi moratus Poenus ab omni parte temptato praesidio, deinde, ut nihil procedebat, ad populandum agrum Neapolitanum magis ira quam potiundae urbis spe processit.

[¶30] 13.8. His coming into a neighbouring region aroused the common people of Nola, who had long been estranged from the Romans and hostile to their own senate. Consequently legates came to invite Hannibal, bringing a definitive promise to surrender the city.

> Latin: 13.8. aduentu eius in propinquum agrum mota Nolana est plebs, iam diu auersa ab Romanis et infesta senatui suo. itaque legati ad arcessendum Hannibalem cum haud dubio promisso tradendae urbis uenerunt.

[¶31] 13.9. Marcellus, the consul, was called in by the leading men and forestalled their undertaking. From Cales he had hastened in one day to Suessula, though the river Volturnus had delayed his crossing.

> Latin: 13.9. praeuenit inceptum eorum Marcellus consul a primoribus accitus. die uno Suessulam a Calibus, cum Uolturnus amnis traicientem moratus esset, contenderat;

[¶32] 13.10. Thence he sent six thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen that night into Nola, to defend the senate.

> Latin: 13.10. inde proxima nocte sex milia peditum, equites trecentos, qui praesidio senatui essent, Nolam intromisit.

[¶33] 13.11. And whereas the consul did everything with energy, in order to anticipate him in occupying Nola, Hannibal was wasting time, having twice already made the vain attempt, and being now less inclined to believe the men of Nola.

> Latin: 13.11. et uti a consule omnia impigre facta sunt ad praeoccupandam Nolam, ita Hannibal tempus terebat, bis iam ante nequiquam temptata re segnior ad credendum Nolanis factus.

[¶34] 14.1. At the same time not only did Quintus Fabius, the consul, come to Casilinum, to attack the city, held by a Carthaginian garrison, but also, as if by prearrangement, Hanno, with a large force of infantry and cavalry, from the land of the Bruttii, came to Beneventum from one side, while on the other side Tiberius Gracchus came to it from Luceria.

> Latin: 14.1. iisdem diebus et Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum temptandum, quod praesidio Punico tenebatur, uenit et ad Beneuentum uelut ex composito parte altera Hanno ex Bruttiis cum magna peditum equitumque manu, altera Ti. Gracchus ab Luceria accessit.

[¶35] 14.2. The latter at first entered the town, and then, on hearing that Hanno had pitched his camp about three miles from the city by the river Calor, and from that point was ravaging the country, he likewise left the city and pitched camp about a mile from the enemy. There he held an assembly of the soldiers.

> Latin: 14.2. qui primo oppidum intrauit, deinde, ut Hannonem tria milia ferme ab urbe ad Calorem fluuium castra posuisse et inde agrum populari audiuit, et ipse egressus moenibus mille ferme passus ab hoste castra locat. ibi contionem militum habuit.

[¶36] 14.3. The legions he had were largely made up of slave-volunteers, who now for two years had preferred silently to earn their freedom rather than openly to demand it. Yet as he came out of winter quarters he had been aware that there was murmuring in the column, as they asked whether they were ever at all to serve as free men.

> Latin: 14.3. legiones magna ex parte uolonum habebat, qui iam alterum annum libertatem tacite mereri quam postulare palam maluerant. senserat tamen hibernis egrediens murmur in agmine esse quaerentium, en unquam liberi militaturi essent, scripseratque senatui non tam quid desiderarent quam quid meruissent:

[¶37] 14.4. And he had written to the senate, not so much what they wanted as what they had deserved; that he had had good and brave service from them up to that time, and that they lacked nothing toward the standard of the real soldier except their freedom.

> Latin: 14.4. bona fortique opera eorum se ad eam diem usum neque ad exemplum iusti militis quicquam eis praeter libertatem deesse.

[¶38] 14.5. In this matter he had been given permission to do whatever he thought to be for the good of the state. And so, before engaging the enemy, he announced that the time had come for them to gain the freedom for which they so long had hoped; that the next day he would fight, standards against standards, in a clear and open field, where without any fear of ambush the battle could be fought with pure courage.

> Latin: 14.5. de eo permissum ipsi erat faceret quod e re publica duceret esse. itaque priusquam cum hoste manum consereret, pronuntiat tempus uenisse eis libertatis quam diu sperassent potiundae; postero die signis conlatis dimicaturum puro ac patenti campo, ubi sine ullo insidiarum metu uera uirtute geri res posset.

[¶39] 14.7. Whoever should bring back the head of an enemy would by his order be a free man at once.

> Latin: 14.7. qui caput hostis rettulisset, eum se extemplo liberum iussurum esse; qui loco cessisset, in eum seruili supplicio animaduersurum;

[¶40] 14.8. Whoever retreated from his post would meet the punishment of a slave. Each man's fortune was in his own hand. The giver of their freedom would be not merely himself, but the consul Marcus Marcellus, but the whole senate, for they had been consulted by him and had given him permission in the matter of their freedom.

> Latin: 14.8. suam cuique fortunam in manu esse. libertatis auctorem eis non se fore solum sed consulem M. Marcellum, sed uniuersos patres, quos consultos ab se de libertate eorum sibi permisisse.

[¶41] 14.9. He then read the letter of the consul and the decree of the senate. Upon that a shout was raised with great applause. They clamoured for battle and with high spirit insisted that he give the signal at once.

> Latin: 14.9. litteras inde consulis ac senatus consultum recitauit, ad quae clamor cum ingenti adsensu est sublatus. pugnam poscebant signumque ut daret extemplo ferociter instabant.

[¶42] 14.10. Gracchus announced a battle for the morrow and dismissed the assembly. The soldiers were happy, especially those for whom freedom was to be the reward of a single day's service, and spent the rest of the day in putting their arms in order.

> Latin: 14.10. Gracchus proelio in posterum diem pronuntiato contionem dimisit: milites laeti, praecipue quibus merces nauatae in unum diem operae libertas futura erat, armis expediendis diei reliquum consumunt.

[¶43] 15.1. On the next day, when the signals began to sound, these soldiers were the first of all to assemble at headquarters, ready and in formation. After sunrise Gracchus led his troops out into line, and the enemy did not delay the battle.

> Latin: 15.1. postero die ubi signa coeperunt canere, primi omnium parati instructique ad praetorium conueniunt. sole orto Gracchus in aciem copias educit nec hostes moram dimicandi fecerunt.

[¶44] 15.2. They had seventeen thousand infantry, mostly Bruttians and Lucanians, twelve hundred cavalry, among them very few Italians, nearly all the rest Numidians and Mauri. The battle was fierce and long; for four hours it did not incline either way.

> Latin: 15.2. septendecim milia peditum erant, maxima ex parte Bruttii ac Lucani, equites mille ducenti, inter quos pauci admodum Italici, ceteri Numidae fere omnes Maurique. pugnatum est et acriter et diu;

[¶45] 15.3. And nothing hampered the Romans more than that enemies' heads were made the price of freedom. For when a man had boldly slain an enemy, in the first place he was wasting time in cutting off the head with difficulty in the confusion and turmoil;

> Latin: 15.3. quattuor horis neutro inclinata est pugna nec alia magis Romanum impediebat res quam capita hostium pretia libertatis facta.

[¶46] 15.4. and then, as his right hand was occupied in holding the head, the bravest had ceased to be fighters, while the battle was turned over to the spiritless and the fearful.

> Latin: 15.4. nam ut quisque hostem impigre occiderat, primum capite aegre inter turbam tumultumque abscidendo terebat tempus; deinde occupata dextra tenendo caput fortissimus quisque pugnator esse desierat, segnibus ac timidis tradita pugna erat.

[¶47] 15.5. When the tribunes of the soldiers reported' this to Gracchus: that they were not wounding a single enemy standing, but butchering the fallen; and that in the soldier's right hands there were human heads instead of swords, he ordered the command at once given that they should throw away the heads and attack the enemy.

> Latin: 15.5. quod ubi tribuni militum Graccho nuntiauerunt, neminem stantem iam uolnerari hostem, carnificari iacentes et in dextris militum pro gladiis humana capita esse, signum dari propere iussit proicerent capita inuaderentque hostem:

[¶48] 15.6. Their courage, he said, was sufficiently clear and conspicuous, and for active men freedom would be beyond a doubt. Thereupon the battle Was renewed, and the cavalry also charged the enemy.

> Latin: 15.6. claram satis et insignem uirtutem esse nec dubiam libertatem futuram strenuis uiris. tum redintegrata pugna est et eques etiam in hostes emissus;

[¶49] 15.7. Since the Numidians met this charge gallantly and the cavalry battle was no less spirited than that of the infantry, the issue was for the second time made doubtful. While the commanders on both sides heaped abuse, the Roman on the Bruttians and Lucanians, so many times defeated and subdued by their ancestors, the Carthaginian on the Roman slaves and prison-house .soldiers, Gracchus finally declared that they had no reason to hope for freedom, unless on that day the enemy should-be routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 15.7. quibus cum impigre Numidae concurrissent nec segnior equitum quam peditum pugna esset, iterum in dubium adducta res. cum utrimque duces, Romanus Bruttium Lucanumque totiens a maioribus suis uictos subactosque, Poenus mancipia Romana et ex ergastulo militem uerbis obtereret, postremo pronuntiat Gracchus esse nihil quod de libertate sperarent, nisi eo die fusi fugatique hostes essent.

[¶50] 16.1. Those words at last so fired their courage that, as though they were suddenly different men, they raised a shout again and charged the enemy with such force that they could no longer be withstood.

> Latin: 16.1. ea demum uox ita animos accendit ut renouato clamore uelut alii repente facti tanta ui se in hostem intulerint, ut sustineri ultra non possent.

[¶51] 16.2. At first the front line of the Carthaginians, then the second was in confusion; finally the whole line was forced back. Then it was unmistakeable flight, and fleeing they dashed into their camp in such fright and excitement that no one halted even at the gates or on the wall. And the Romans, pursuing in almost unbroken column, fought an entirely new battle while hemmed in by the enemies' wall.

> Latin: 16.2. primo antesignani Poenorum, dein signa perturbata, postremo tota impulsa acies; inde haud dubie terga data ruuntque fugientes in castra adeo pauidi trepidique ut ne in portis quidem aut uallo quisquam restiterit ac prope continenti agmine Romani insecuti nouum de integro proelium inclusi hostium uallo ediderint.

[¶52] 16.3. There the battle was indeed more hampered in a confined space, but the slaughter was more savage. And they were aided by the captives, who, seizing weapons during the confusion and advancing in a mass, slashed the Carthaginians from the rear and also hindered their flight.

> Latin: 16.3. ibi sicut pugna impeditior in angustiis, ita caedes atrocior fuit; et adiuuere captiui, qui rapto inter tumultum ferro conglobati et ab tergo ceciderunt Poenos et fugam impedierunt.

[¶53] 16.4. And so out of that great army less than two thousand men, mainly cavalry at that, escaped along with the general himself. All the rest were slain or captured. Captured were also thirty-eight standards. Of the victors about two thousand fell.

> Latin: 16.4. itaque minus duo milia hominum ex tanto exercitu, et ea maior pars equitum, cum ipso duce effugerunt; alii omnes caesi aut capti; capta et signa duodequadraginta.

[¶54] 16.5. All the booty except the captives was given to the soldiers. Cattle also were excepted, if the owners should identify them within thirty days.

> Latin: 16.5. ex uictoribus duo milia ferme cecidere. praeda omnis, praeterquam hominum captorum, militi concessa est; et pecus exceptum est quod intra dies triginta domini cognouissent.

[¶55] 16.6. When they had returned to camp laden with booty, about four thousand of the slave-volunteers, who had fought with less spirit and had not dashed into the camp with the others, for fear of punishment occupied a hill not far from the camp. The next day they were brought down by military tribunes and arrived after an assembly of the soldiers had been called by Gracchus.

> Latin: 16.6. cum praeda onusti in castra redissent, quattuor milia ferme uolonum militum, quae pugnauerant segnius nec in castra inruperant simul, metu poenae collem haud procul castris ceperunt.

[¶56] 16.7. There the proconsul first presented military decorations to the old soldiers, to each according to his valour and his part in that battle;

> Latin: 16.7. postero die per tribunos militum inde deducti, contione militum aduocata a Graccho superueniunt.

[¶57] 16.8. and then he said that, so far as the slave-volunteers were concerned, he preferred to have all of them, the. worthy and the unworthy, praised by himself, rather than to have any one of them punished that day;

> Latin: 16.8. ubi cum proconsul ueteres milites primum, prout cuiusque uirtus atque opera in ea pugna fuerat, militaribus donis donasset, tunc quod ad uolones attineret omnes ait malle laudatos a se, dignos indignosque, quam quemquam eo die castigatum esse;

[¶58] 16.9. that, with the prayer that it might be good and happy and fortunate for the state and for the men themselves, he ordered them all to be free.

> Latin: 16.9. quod bonum faustum felixque rei publicae ipsisque esset, omnes eos liberos esse iubere.

[¶59] 16.10. At these words they raised a shout with great enthusiasm, and now embracing and congratulating each other, now raising their hands to heaven, they prayed for every blessing for the Roman people and for Gracchus himself. Thereupon Gracchus said: “Before making you all equals by the right of freedom, I wished to stamp not one man of you with the mark of a brave or of a cowardly soldier.”

> Latin: 16.10. ad quam uocem cum clamor ingenti alacritate sublatus esset ac nunc complexi inter se gratulantesque, nunc manus ad caelum tollentes bona omnia populo Romano Gracchoque ipsi precarentur, tum Gracchus 'priusquam omnes iure libertatis aequassem' inquit, 'neminem nota strenui aut ignaui militis notasse uolui;

[¶60] 16.12. “But now, the promise made in the name of the state being already fulfilled, to prevent the loss of every distinction between valour and cowardice, I shall order the names of those who, remembering their refusal to fight, left us a while ago to be reported to me;”

> Latin: 16.12. nunc exsoluta iam fide publica, ne discrimen omne uirtutis ignauiaeque pereat, nomina eorum qui detractatae pugnae memores secessionem paulo ante fecerunt referri ad me iubebo citatosque singulos iure iurando adigam, nisi quis morbus causa erit, non aliter quam stantes cibum potionemque quoad stipendia facient capturos esse.

[¶61] 16.13. “and summoning them one by one I shall make them swear that, excepting men who shall have illness as an excuse, they will take food and drink standing only, so long as they shall be in the service. This penalty you will bear with patience, if you will reflect that you could not have been marked with any slighter sign of cowardice.” He then gave the signal to pack baggage, and the soldiers carrying and driving their booty returned with sport and mirth so gaily to Beneventum that they seemed to be returning from a feast on a day of general festivity, not from a battle.

> Latin: 16.13. hanc multam ita aequo animo feretis, si reputabitis nulla ignauiae nota leuiore uos designari potuisse.' signum deinde colligendi uasa dedit; militesque praedam portantes agentesque per lasciuiam ac iocum ita ludibundi Beneuentum rediere ut ab epulis per celebrem festumque diem actis non ex acie reuerti uiderentur.

[¶62] 16.16. All the people of Beneventum, having come out en masse to the gates to meet them, embraced the soldiers, congratulated them, invited them into their houses.

> Latin: 16.16. Beneuentani omnes turba effusa cum obuiam ad portas exissent, complecti milites, gratulari, uocare in hospitium.

[¶63] 16.17. Feasts had been made ready by all in the atria of their houses. To these they invited the soldiers and implored Gracchus to allow the soldiers to feast. And Gracchus did permit them, provided they all feasted in the open, each before the door of his house.

> Latin: 16.17. apparata conuiuia omnibus in propatulo aedium fuerant; ad ea inuitabant Gracchumque orabant ut epulari permitteret militibus; et Gracchus ita permisit in publico epularentur omnes ante suas quisque fores. prolata omnia.

[¶64] 16.18. Everything was brought out. Wearing caps or white woollen headbands the volunteers feasted, some reclining, and some standing served and ate at the same time.

> Latin: 16.18. pilleati aut lana alba uelatis capitibus uolones epulati sunt, alii accubantes, alii stantes qui simul ministrabant uescebanturque.

[¶65] 16.19. This seemed to deserve the order Gracchus gave on his return to Rome for a representation of that day of festivity to be painted in the Temple of Liberty which his father, with money yielded by fines, caused to be built on the Aventine and dedicated.

> Latin: 16.19. digna res uisa ut simulacrum celebrati eius diei Gracchus, postquam Romam rediit, pingi iuberet in aede Libertatis quam pater eius in Auentino ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curauit dedicauitque.

[¶66] 17.1. While these things were going on about Beneventum, Hannibal, after ravaging the territory of Neapolis, removed his camp to Nola.

> Latin: 17.1. dum haec ad Beneuentum geruntur, Hannibal depopulatus agrum Neapolitanum ad Nolam castra mouet.

[¶67] 17.2. When the consul learned of his approach, summoning Pomponius, the propraetor, with the army which was in camp above Suessula, he prepared to advance to meet the enemy and to engage without delay.

> Latin: 17.2. quem ubi aduentare consul sensit, Pomponio propraetore cum eo exercitu qui super Suessulam in castris erat accito ire obuiam hosti parat nec moram dimicandi facere.

[¶68] 17.3. He sent Gaius Claudius Nero with the best of the cavalry out by the gate farthest from the enemy in the silence of the night, and commanded him to ride around unseen and follow the enemy's column slowly, and when he saw that the battle had begun, to throw himself upon their rear.

> Latin: 17.3. C. Claudium Neronem cum robore equitum silentio noctis per auersam maxime ab hoste portam emittit circumuectumque occulte subsequi sensim agmen hostium iubet et, cum coortum proelium uideret, ab tergo se obicere.

[¶69] 17.4. Whether it was by losing the way that Nero was unable to carry this out, or from the shortness of the time, is uncertain. After the battle had begun in his absence, the Roman indeed unquestionably had the upper hand; but since the cavalry were not there at the right moment, the prearranged plan for the battle was ruined.

> Latin: 17.4. id errore uiarum an exiguitate temporis Nero exsequi non potuerit incertum est. absente eo cum proelium commissum esset, superior quidem haud dubie Romanus erat;

[¶70] 17.5. Marcellus, not venturing to pursue the retreating, gave his men, victorious though they were, the signal to retire.

> Latin: 17.5. sed quia equites non adfuere in tempore, ratio compositae rei turbata est. non ausus insequi cedentes Marcellus uincentibus suis signum receptui dedit.

[¶71] 17.6. More than two thousand of the enemy, however, are said to have been slain that day, of the Romans less than four hundred.

> Latin: 17.6. plus tamen duo milia hostium eo die caesa traduntur, Romani minus quadringenti.

[¶72] 17.7. About sunset Nero, returning with his horses and men exhausted to no purpose by their efforts for a day and a night, without even seeing the enemy, was sternly rebuked by the consul, who went so far as to say that it was his fault that the disaster suffered at Cannae was not paid back to the enemy.

> Latin: 17.7. solis fere occasu Nero diem noctemque nequiquam fatigatis equis hominibusque, ne uiso quidem hoste rediens, adeo grauiter est ab consule increpitus ut per eum stetisse diceretur quo minus accepta ad Cannas redderetur hosti clades.

[¶73] 17.8. On the next day the Roman went into line of battle, while the Carthaginian, beaten, as he tacitly admitted also, remained in camp. The third day, giving up hope of capturing Nola, an undertaking which had never prospered, he set out in the dead of night for Tarentum, led by a surer hope of its betrayal.

> Latin: 17.8. postero die Romanus in aciem descendit, Poenus tacita etiam confessione uictus castris se tenuit. tertio die silentio noctis omissa spe Nolae potiundae, rei nunquam prospere temptatae, Tarentum ad certiorem spem proditionis proficiscitur.

[¶74] 18.1. And it was with no less spirit that the Roman state was administered at home than in the field.

> Latin: 18.1. nec minore animo res Romana domi quam militiae gerebatur.

[¶75] 18.2. The censors, freed from the charge of contracting for public works on account of the emptiness of the treasury, turned their attention to the control of morals and the punishment of vices which had sprung from that war, just as bodies suffering from long illnesses of themselves produce defects.

> Latin: 18.2. censores, uacui ab operum locandorum cura propter inopiam aerarii, ad mores hominum regendos animum aduerterunt castigandaque uitia quae, uelut diutinis morbis aegra corpora ex sese gignunt, eo enata bello erant.

[¶76] 18.3. First they summoned those who after the battle of Cannae were said to have abandoned the state. The foremost among them, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, happened at this time to be quaestor.

> Latin: 18.3. primum eos citauerunt qui post Cannensem <cladem a re publica defecisse> dicebantur. princeps eorum M. Caecilius Metellus quaestor tum forte erat.

[¶77] 18.4. Inasmuch as he and the rest of those guilty of the same offence, on being ordered to plead their cases, proved unable to clear themselves, the censors gave their verdict that in conversation and formal speeches they had attacked the state, in order to form a conspiracy to desert Italy.

> Latin: 18.4. iusso deinde eo ceterisque eiusdem noxae reis causam dicere cum purgari nequissent, pronuntiarunt uerba orationemque eos aduersus rem publicam habuisse, quo coniuratio deserendae Italiae causa fieret.

[¶78] 18.5. Next after them were summoned those who had been too crafty in interpreting the discharge of an oath, —those of the captives who, after setting out and then returning secretly to Hannibal's camp, thought the oath they had sworn, that they would return, had been discharged.

> Latin: 18.5. secundum eos citati nimis callidi exsoluendi iuris iurandi interpretes, qui captiuorum ex itinere regressi clam in castra Hannibalis solutum quod iurauerant redituros rebantur.

[¶79] 18.6. From these men and those mentioned above their horses, if they had such from the state, were taken away, and all were ejected from their tribes and made aerarii.

> Latin: 18.6. his superioribusque illis equi adempti qui publicum equum habebant, tribuque moti aerarii omnes facti.

[¶80] 18.7. And the diligence of the censors did not confine itself to regulating the senate and the order of the knights. From the lists of the younger men they culled the names of all who during four years had not served, without having had a legitimate exemption from the service or ill health as an excuse.

> Latin: 18.7. neque senatu modo aut equestri ordine regendo cura se censorum tenuit. nomina omnium ex iuniorum tabulis excerpserunt qui quadriennio non militassent, quibus neque uacatio iusta militiae neque morbus causa fuisset.

[¶81] 18.8. And of these above two thousand names were placed on the list of the aerarii, and they all were ejected from their tribes.

> Latin: 18.8. et ea supra duo milia nominum in aerarios relata tribuque omnes moti;

[¶82] 18.9. And to this relentless stigma of the censors was added a severe decree of the senate that all of those whom the censors had stigmatised should serve on foot and be sent to Sicily, to the remnant of the army of Cannae. For this class of soldiers the term of service was not at an end until the enemy should be driven out of Italy.

> Latin: 18.9. additumque tam truci censoriae notae triste senatus consultum, ut ei omnes quos censores notassent pedibus mererent mitterenturque in Siciliam ad Cannensis exercitus reliquias, cui militum generi non prius quam pulsus Italia hostis esset finitum stipendiorum tempus erat.

[¶83] 18.10. Since the censors on account of the emptiness of the treasury now refrained from letting contracts for the maintenance of temples and the furnishing of horses used in religious processions and for similar matters, those who had been in the habit of such; bidding came in large numbers to the censors, and urged them to take action and let contracts at once for everything, just as if there were money in the treasury;

> Latin: 18.10. cum censores ob inopiam aerarii se iam locationibus abstinerent aedium sacrarum tuendarum curuliumque equorum praebendorum ac similium his rerum, conuenere ad eos frequentes qui hastae huius generis adsueuerant hortarique censores ut omnia perinde agerent locarent ac si pecunia in aerario esset:

[¶84] 18.11. that no one would claim his money from the treasury until the war was over.

> Latin: 18.11. neminem nisi bello confecto pecuniam ab aerario petiturum esse.

[¶85] 18.12. Then came the owners of the slaves Tiberius Sempronius had manumitted at Beneventum, and said they had been summoned by the bank commissioners to receive the price of their slaves; but that they would not receive it until the war was over.

> Latin: 18.12. conuenere deinde domini eorum quos Ti. Sempronius ad Beneuentum manu emiserat arcessitosque se ab triumuiris mensariis esse dixerunt ut pretia seruorum acciperent; ceterum non antequam bello confecto accepturos esse.

[¶86] 18.13. Such being now the tendency of the people to relieve the poverty of the treasury, funds, first of wards, and then of widows and single women, began also to be turned in; for those who brought in the sums believed that nowhere could they deposit them with a sense of greater safety and honesty than under the guarantee of the state.

> Latin: 18.13. cum haec inclinatio animorum plebis ad sustinendam inopiam aerarii fieret, pecuniae quoque pupillares primo, deinde uiduarum coeptae conferri, nusquam eas tutius sanctiusque deponere credentibus qui deferebant quam in publica fide;

[¶87] 18.14. Thereafter when anything was purchased or provided for wards and widows and single women, it was paid for by an order of a quaestor.

> Latin: 18.14. inde si quid emptum paratumque pupillis ac uiduis foret, a quaestore perscribebatur.

[¶88] 18.15. This generosity of private citizens spread from the city also even to the camps, so that no knight, no centurion accepted pay, and the man who did accept was reproachfully called a hireling.

> Latin: 18.15. manauit ea priuatorum benignitas ex urbe etiam in castra, ut non eques, non centurio stipendium acciperet, mercennariumque increpantes uocarent qui accepisset.

[¶89] 19.1. Quintus Fabius, the consul, had his camp near Casilinum, which was held by a garrison of two thousand Campanians and seven hundred of Hannibal's soldiers.

> Latin: 19.1. Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum castra habebat, quod duum milium Campanorum et septingentorum militum Hannibalis tenebatur praesidio.

[¶90] 19.2. In command was Statius Metius, who had been sent by Gnaeus Magius, of Atella (who was the medix tuticus that year), and Metius had armed slaves and plebeians without distinction, in order to make an attack upon the Roman camp while the consul was occupied with the siege of Casilinum.

> Latin: 19.2. praeerat Statius Metius, missus ab Cn. Magio Atellano, qui eo anno medix tuticus erat seruitiaque et plebem promiscue armarat ut castra Romana inuaderet intento consule ad Casilinum oppugnandum.

[¶91] 19.3. Of all this nothing escaped Fabius. So he sends word to his colleague at Nola that he needs the other army, to face the Campanians while Casilinum was being besieged:

> Latin: 19.3. nihil eorum Fabium fefellit. itaque Nolam ad collegam mittit: altero exercitu dum Casilinum oppugnatur opus esse qui Campanis opponatur;

[¶92] 19.4. either Marcellus should leave a suitable garrison at Nola and come in person, or if Nola held him back and there was still danger from Hannibal, he would himself summon Tiberius Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum.

> Latin: 19.4. uel ipse relicto Nolae praesidio modico ueniret uel, si eum Nola teneret necdum securae res ab Hannibale essent, se Ti. Gracchum proconsulem a Beneuento acciturum.

[¶93] 19.5. On receiving this message Marcellus left two thousand soldiers as a garrison at Nola, and with the rest of his army came to Casilinum; and upon his arrival the Campanians, who were already bestirring themselves, became inactive.

> Latin: 19.5. hoc nuntio Marcellus duobus militum milibus Nolae in praesidio relictis cum cetero exercitu Casilinum uenit, aduentuque eius Campani iam mouentes sese quieuerunt.

[¶94] 19.6. So began the siege of Casilinum by the two consuls. Since in this operation the Roman soldiers rashly approaching the walls were receiving many wounds and the undertaking was not successful, Fabius thought that they should give up a small affair which was as difficult as great ventures, and that they must leave the place, since greater matters were impending.

> Latin: 19.6. ita ab duobus consulibus Casilinum oppugnari coepit. ubi cum multa succedentes temere moenibus Romani milites acciperent uolnera neque satis inceptum succederet, Fabius omittendam rem paruam ac iuxta magnis difficilem abscedendumque inde censebat, cum res maiores instarent;

[¶95] 19.7. Marcellus, saying that, while there were many places which great generals ought not to attack, yet, once the attack has begun, they should not give them up, since reputation has great influence in both directions, carried his point, not to depart while their attempt was unsuccessful.

> Latin: 19.7. Marcellus multa magnis ducibus sicut non adgredienda, ita semel adgressis non dimittenda esse dicendo, quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fierent, tenuit ne inrito incepto abiretur.

[¶96] 19.8. Then while sheds and all other kinds of siege-works and apparatus were being brought up, and the Campanians were begging Fabius for permission to go to Capua in safety, after a few had left the city, Marcellus occupied the gate by which they were leaving.

> Latin: 19.8. uineae inde omniaque alia operum machinationumque genera cum admouerentur Campanique Fabium orarent ut abire Capuam tuto liceret, paucis egressis Marcellus portam qua egrediebantur occupauit caedesque promiscue omnium circa portam primo, deinde inruptione facta etiam in urbe fieri coepta est.

[¶97] 19.9. And a general slaughter began, first around the gate, and then, as the troops burst in, even inside the city. About fifty Campanians who had left the city first sought refuge with Fabius and, escorted by his men, reached Capua.

> Latin: 19.9. quinquaginta fere primo egressi Campanorum, cum ad Fabium confugissent, praesidio eius Capuam peruenerunt:

[¶98] 19.10. Casilinum was captured, as opportunity offered during the conversations and the delay due to those who begged a promise of protection. And the captives, whether Campanians or of Hannibal's soldiers, were sent to Rome and there imprisoned.

> Latin: 19.10. Casilinum inter conloquia cunctationemque petentium fidem per occasionem captum est, captiuique Campanorum quique Hannibalis militum erant Romam missi atque ibi in carcere inclusi sunt:

[¶99] 19.11. The mass of the townspeople were distributed among the neighbouring communities to be guarded.

> Latin: 19.11. oppidanorum turba per finitimos populos in custodiam diuisa.

[¶100] 20.1. At the same time that they left Casilinum after their success, Gracchus in Lucania sent a number of cohorts which had been enlisted in that region, under the command of a prefect of the allies, into the enemy's farm lands to plunder.

> Latin: 20.1. quibus diebus a Casilino re bene gesta recessum est, eis Gracchus in Lucanis aliquot cohortes in ea regione conscriptas cum praefecto socium in agros hostium praedatum misit.

[¶101] 20.2. Hanno attacked as they were widely scattered, inflicting upon the enemy in return a defeat not much less serious than that which he had received near Beneventum, and withdrew hastily into the land of the Bruttians, that Gracchus might not overtake him.

> Latin: 20.2. eos effuse palatos Hanno adortus haud multo minorem quam ad Beneuentum acceperat reddidit hosti cladem atque in Bruttios raptim ne Gracchus adsequeretur concessit.

[¶102] 20.3. Of the consuls, Marcellus returned to Nola, whence he had come, Fabius advanced into Samnium, to lay waste their farms and to recover by force the cities which had revolted.

> Latin: 20.3. consules Marcellus retro unde uenerat Nolam rediit, Fabius in Samnites ad populandos agros recipiendasque armis quae defecerant urbes processit.

[¶103] 20.4. Samnium around the Caudine Pass was more thoroughly laid waste.

> Latin: 20.4. Caudinus Samnis grauius deuastatus: perusti late agri, praedae pecudum hominumque actae;

[¶104] 20.5. Farms were burned over far and wide, cattle and men carried off as booty. Conpulteria, Telesia and Compsa, towns of that region, were taken by storm, also Fugifulae and Orbitanium in Lucania.

> Latin: 20.5. oppida ui capta Compulteria, Telesia, Compsa inde, Fugifulae et Orbitanium ex Lucanis, Blanda et Apulorum Aecae oppugnatae.

[¶105] 20.6. Blanda and, in Apulia, Aecae were taken after a siege. In these cities twenty-five thousand of the enemy were captured or slain, and three hundred and seventy deserters recovered. These were all sent to Rome by the consul, scourged in the Comitium and hurled from the Rock.

> Latin: 20.6. milia hostium in his urbibus uiginti quinque capta aut occisa et recepti perfugae trecenti septuaginta; quos cum Romam misisset consul, uirgis in comitio caesi omnes ac de saxo deiecti.

[¶106] 20.7. Such were the acts of Fabius within a few days, while Marcellus was kept out of employment by illness at Nola.

> Latin: 20.7. haec a Q. Fabio intra paucos dies gesta; Marcellum ab gerundis rebus ualetudo aduersa Nolae tenuit.

[¶107] 20.8. And the praetor Quintus Fabius, whose field of duty was around Luceria, stormed the town of Acuca about that time and fortified a permanent camp at Ardaneae.

> Latin: 20.8. et a praetore Q. Fabio, cui circa Luceriam prouincia erat, Acuca oppidum per eos dies ui captum statiuaque ad Ardoneas communita.

[¶108] 20.9. While the Romans were thus employed elsewhere, Hannibal had now reached Tarentum, leaving the most complete devastation wherever he had passed. Not until it had entered the territory of Tarentum did his column begin to advance peaceably.

> Latin: 20.9. dum haec in aliis locis ab Romanis geruntur, iam Tarentum peruenerat Hannibal cum maxima omnium quacunque ierat clade;

[¶109] 20.10. There they did no damage, and nowhere did they leave the road. And it was plain that this was not due to the self-restraint of the soldiers, but to the commander's orders, for the purpose of winning over the Tarentines.

> Latin: 20.10. in Tarentino demum agro pacatum incedere agmen coepit. nihil ibi uiolatum neque usquam uia excessum est, apparebatque non id modestia militum aut ducis nisi ad conciliandos animos Tarentinorum fieri.

## 19. Book XXIV · chapters 20–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/#p-N

[¶0] 20.11. But when he had come quite close to the walls, and there was no movement at the first sight of his column, as he supposed there would be, he pitched camp about a mile from the city.

> Latin: 20.11. ceterum cum prope moenibus accessisset, nullo ad conspectum primum agminis, ut rebatur, motu facto castra ab urbe ferme passus mille locat.

[¶1] 20.12. In Tarentum three days before Hannibal approached the walls, Marcus Livius, who had been sent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor in command of the fleet at Brundisium, actively enlisted young men, posted guards at all the gates and along the walls, wherever required, and alert by night as well as by day, he left neither the enemy nor wavering allies any opening for an attack. After spending some days there to no purpose, Hannibal, since none of the men who had come before him at the Lake of Avernus either came in person or sent a messenger or letter, saw that he had rashly followed empty promises and moved his camp away.

> Latin: 20.12. Tarenti triduo ante quam Hannibal ad moenia accederet a M. Ualerio propraetore, qui classi ad Brundisium praeerat, missus M. Liuius impigre conscripta iuuentute dispositisque ad omnes portas circaque muros qua res postulabat stationibus, die ac nocte iuxta intentus neque hostibus neque dubiis sociis loci quicquam praebuit ad temptandum[que]. diebus aliquot frustra ibi absumptis Hannibal, cum eorum nemo qui ad lacum Auerni adissent aut ipsi uenirent aut nuntium litterasue mitterent, uana promissa se temere secutum cernens castra inde mouit,

[¶2] 20.15. Even then he left the territory of Tarentum unharmed, as he did not give up his hope of weakening their loyalty, although his pretended clemency had had no effect as yet. Arrived at Salapia, he brought in grain from the districts of Metapontum and Heraclea; for the summer was now over, and he thought well of the place for winter quarters.

> Latin: 20.15. tum quoque intacto agro Tarentino quamquam simulata lenitas nihildum profuerat, tamen spe labefactandae fidei haud absistens. Salapiam ut uenit, frumentum ex agris Metapontino atque Heracleensi—iam enim aestas exacta erat et hibernis placebat locus—comportat.

[¶3] 20.16. From it Numidians and Mauri were sent out to plunder in the Sallentine territory and the nearest forests of Apulia. From these places not many other cattle were driven off as booty, but chiefly herds of horses, about four thousand of which were distributed among the cavalry to be broken.

> Latin: 20.16. praedatum inde Numidae Maurique per Sallentinum agrum proximosque Apuliae saltus dimissi; unde ceterae praedae haud multum, equorum greges maxime abacti, e quibus ad quattuor milia domanda equitibus diuisa.

[¶4] 21.1. The Romans, inasmuch as a war that was by no means to be despised was breaking out in Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had given energetic commanders to the Syracusans, and had not changed the situation or their feelings, assigned that country to Marcus Marcellus, one of the consuls, as his province.

> Latin: 21.1. Romani, cum bellum nequaquam contemnendum in Sicilia oreretur, morsque tyranni duces magis impigros dedisset Syracusanis quam causam aut animos mutasset, M. Marcello alteri consulum eam prouinciam decernunt.

[¶5] 21.2. Directly after the assassination of Hieronymus there was at first an uproar among the soldiers at Leontini, and a fierce outcry that they must offer sacrificial vengeance to the dead king in the blood of the conspirators.

> Latin: 21.2. secundum Hieronymi caedem primo tumultuatum in Leontinis apud milites fuerat uociferatumque ferociter parentandum regi sanguine coniuratorum esse.

[¶6] 21.3. Later the frequent mention of restored freedom —a word sweet to the ears —and the hope of a largess out of the king's money, and of serving under better generals, also the enumeration of the shameful crimes and still more shameful lusts of the tyrant, so changed their feelings that they allowed the body of the king, whose loss they had just been regretting, to lie unburied.

> Latin: 21.3. deinde libertatis restitutae dulce auditu nomen crebro usurpatum, spe facta ex pecunia regia largitionis militiaeque fungendae potioribus ducibus; et relata tyranni foeda scelera foedioresque libidines adeo mutauere animos ut insepultum iacere corpus paulo ante desiderati regis paterentur. cum ceteri ex coniuratis ad exercitum obtinendum remansissent, Theodotus et Sosis regiis equis quanto maximo cursu poterant, ut ignaros omnium regios opprimerent, Syracusas contendunt.

[¶7] 21.5. Although the rest of the conspirators had remained, in order to keep their hold on the army, Theodotus and Sosis hastened to Syracuse on the king's horses at the greatest possible speed, to surprise his supporters while they were in complete ignorance.

> Latin: 21.5. ceterum praeuenerat non fama solum, qua nihil in talibus rebus est celerius, sed nuntius etiam ex regiis seruis.

[¶8] 21.6. However, not only rumour, than which nothing is swifter in such cases, but also a messenger, one of the royal slaves, had anticipated them. And so Adranodorus had garrisoned the Island and the citadel and such other places as were possible and of advantage.

> Latin: 21.6. itaque Adranodorus et Insulam et arcem et alia quae poterat quaeque opportuna erant praesidiis firmarat.

[¶9] 21.7. By the Hexapylon after sunset Theodotus and Sosis rode into the city in the twilight, showing the bloody garment of the king and his diadem. Then riding across the quarter of Tycha, and calling people to freedom and at the same time to arms, they bid them assemble in Achradina.

> Latin: 21.7. Hexapylo Theodotus ac Sosis post solis occasum iam obscura luce inuecti, cum cruentam regiam uestem atque insigne capitis ostentarent, trauecti per Tycham simul ad libertatem simul ad arma uocantes, in Achradinam conuenire iubent.

[¶10] 21.8. Of the populace some dash into the streets, some stand before the entrance to their houses, some look out from roofs and windows and keep asking what it means.

> Latin: 21.8. multitudo pars procurrit in uias, pars in uestibulis stat, pars ex tectis fenestrisque prospectant et quid rei sit rogitant.

[¶11] 21.9. Everywhere there are bright lights, every place filled with mingled noises. The armed gather in open spaces; those without arms take down from the Temple of Olympian Jupiter the spoils of Gauls and Illyrians, presented by the Roman people to Hiero and hung up there by him. And this they did with a prayer to Jupiter that he graciously consent to furnish consecrated arms to men arming themselves for their native city, for the temples of the gods, for liberty.

> Latin: 21.9. omnia luminibus conlucent strepituque uario complentur. armati locis patentibus congregantur; inermes ex Olympii Iouis templo spolia Gallorum Illyriorumque, dono data Hieroni a populo Romano fixaque ab eo, detrahunt, precantes Iouem ut uolens propitius praebeat sacra arma pro patria, pro deum delubris, pro libertate sese armantibus.

[¶12] 21.11. This crowd also was added to the guard stationed by the leading citizens of the quarters. On the Island Adranodorus had garrisoned, among other positions, the public granaries.

> Latin: 21.11. haec quoque multitudo stationibus per principes regionum urbis dispositis adiungitur. in Insula inter cetera Adranodorus praesidiis firmarat horrea publica.

[¶13] 21.12. This place, which was walled about with squared stone and made strong like a citadel, was captured by the young men who had been assigned to its defence; and they sent messengers into Achradina to say that the granaries and the grain were under the authority of the senate.

> Latin: 21.12. locus saxo quadrato saeptus atque arcis in modum emunitus capitur ab iuuentute quae praesidio eius loci attributa erat mittuntque nuntios in Achradinam horrea frumentumque in senatus potestate esse.

[¶14] 22.1. At daybreak all the people, armed and unarmed, gathered at the Senate House in Achradina. There, standing on the altar of Concord, which had been erected on that spot, one of the leading men, Polyaenus by name, delivered a speech at once outspoken and restrained.

> Latin: 22.1. luce prima populus omnis, armatus inermisque, in Achradinam ad curiam conuenit. ibi pro Concordiae ara, quae in eo sita loco erat, ex principibus unus nomine Polyaenus contionem et liberam et moderatam habuit:

[¶15] 22.2. He said that men who had experienced the terrors of slavery and its humiliations had been inflamed against an evil which they knew. As for civil strife, the Syracusans had heard from their fathers, rather than seen for themselves, what disasters it brings.

> Latin: 22.2. seruitii onus indignitatesque homines expertos aduersus notum malum inritatos esse: discordia ciuilis quas importet clades, audisse magis a patribus Syracusanos quam ipsos uidisse. arma quod impigre ceperint, laudare:

[¶16] 22.3. He praised them for having taken up arms readily, and would praise them the more willingly if they did not use them except when compelled by absolute necessity.

> Latin: 22.3. magis laudaturum, si non utantur nisi ultima necessitate coacti.

[¶17] 22.4. For the present he approved of sending representatives to Adranodorus, to instruct him to put himself under the authority of the senate and people, open the gates of the Island and surrender the citadel.

> Latin: 22.4. in praesentia legatos ad Adranodorum mitti placere qui denuntient ut in potestate senatus ac populi sit, portas Insulae aperiat, reddat praesidium.

[¶18] 22.5. At the same time, if Adranodorus should try to turn a regency into a kingship of his own, he favoured reclaiming their freedom from Adranodorus much more fiercely than from Hieronymus.

> Latin: 22.5. si tutelam alieni regni suum regnum uelit facere, eundem se censere multo acrius ab Adranodoro quam ab Hieronymo repeti libertatem.

[¶19] 22.6. After this speech representatives were sent directly. Then began a session of the senate, which in the reign of Hiero had indeed continued to be the council of state, yet since his death had not been called together nor consulted about anything until that day.

> Latin: 22.6. ab hac contione legati missi sunt. senatus inde haberi coeptus est, quod sicut regnante Hierone manserat publicum consilium, ita post mortem eius ante eam diem nulla de re neque conuocati neque consulti fuerant.

[¶20] 22.7. When the legates reached Adranodorus, he for his part was moved by the agreement of the citizens, also by the occupation of other quarters of the city, and especially by the betrayal and loss of the most strongly fortified part of the Island.

> Latin: 22.7. ut uentum ad Adranodorum est, ipsum quidem mouebat et ciuium consensus et cum aliae occupatae urbis partes, tum pars Insulae uel munitissima prodita atque alienata;

[¶21] 22.8. But his wife Damarata, daughter of Hiero and still puffed up with princely pride and a woman's boldness, called him aside from the legates and reminded him of the oft-repeated utterance of Dionysius the tyrant, that one should leave a tyranny, not on horseback, but dragged by the feet.

> Latin: 22.8. sed euocatum eum ab legatis Damarata uxor, filia Hieronis, inflata adhuc regiis animis ac muliebri spiritu, admonet saepe usurpatae Dionysi tyranni uocis, qua pedibus tractum, non insidentem equo relinquere tyrannidem dixerit debere:

[¶22] 22.9. It was easy, she said, to give up the possession of an exalted station at any moment one wished; to create and achieve it was difficult and all but impossible. He should gain time for deliberation from the legates.

> Latin: 22.9. facile esse momento quo quis uelit cedere possessione magnae fortunae; facere et parare eam difficile atque arduum esse.

[¶23] 22.10. He should use it to summon the soldiers from Leontini, and if he should promise them money from the royal treasury everything would be in his power.

> Latin: 22.10. spatium sumeret ad consultandum ab legatis; eo uteretur ad arcessendos ex Leontinis milites, quibus si pecuniam regiam pollicitus esset, omnia in potestate eius futura.

[¶24] 22.11. These feminine counsels Adranodorus neither wholly rejected nor at once adopted, thinking it a safer way to gain power if for the moment he should yield to the crisis. And so he bade the legates report that he would be under the authority of the senate and people.

> Latin: 22.11. haec muliebria consilia Adranodorus neque tota aspernatus est neque extemplo accepit, tutiorem ad opes adfectandas ratus esse uiam, si in praesentia tempori cessisset.

[¶25] 22.12. On the following day at dawn he opened the gates of the Island and came to the market-place of Achradina. There he mounted the altar of Concord, from which Polyaenus had addressed the people the day before, and began a speech in which he first begged pardon for his hesitation.

> Latin: 22.12. itaque legatos renuntiare iussit futurum se in senatus ac populi potestate. postero die luce prima patefactis Insulae portis in forum Achradinae uenit.

[¶26] 22.13. For he had kept the gates closed, he said, not that he wished to separate his cause from that of the people, but because he feared what limit there would be to slaughter, when swords should once be drawn;

> Latin: 22.13. ibi in aram Concordiae, ex qua pridie Polyaenus contionatus erat, escendit orationemque eam orsus est qua primum cunctationis suae ueniam petiuit:

[¶27] 22.14. whether they would be content with the death of the tyrant, which would be sufficient to secure freedom, or on the other hand every one who either by blood or marriage or certain duties was connected with the palace would be slain, as being chargeable with another's guilt.

> Latin: 22.14. se enim clausas habuisse portas, non separantem suas res a publicis sed strictis semel gladiis timentem qui finis caedibus esset futurus, utrum, quod satis libertati foret, contenti nece tyranni essent an quicumque aut propinquitate aut adfinitate aut aliquis ministeriis regiam contigissent alienae culpae rei trucidarentur.

[¶28] 22.15. After he observed that those who had freed their native city wished also to keep her free, and that the common good was the aim of all, he had not hesitated to surrender to the city his own person and in addition all that had been confided to his honour and protection, since the man who had given that charge had been destroyed by his own madness.

> Latin: 22.15. postquam animaduerterit eos qui liberassent patriam seruare etiam liberatam uelle atque undique consuli in medium, non dubitasse quin et corpus suum et cetera omnia, quae suae fidei tutelaeque essent, quoniam eum qui mandasset suus furor absumpsisset, patriae restitueret.

[¶29] 22.16. Turning then to the assassins of the tyrant and addressing Theodotus and Sosis by name, he said: “It is a memorable deed that you have done.”

> Latin: 22.16. conuersus deinde ad interfectores tyranni ac nomine appellans Theodotum ac Sosin, 'facinus' inquit 'memorabile fecistis;

[¶30] 22.17. “But believe me, your glory is but begun, not yet finished, and unless you provide for peace and harmony there remains a very great danger that this may be the funeral of the liberated state.”

> Latin: 22.17. sed, mihi credite, incohata uestra gloria, nondum perfecta est periculumque ingens manet, nisi paci et concordiae consulitis, ne libera efferatur res <publica>.'

[¶31] 23.1. After this speech he laid the keys of the gates and those of the royal treasure at their feet. And they, dismissed from the assembly and happy that day at least, with their wives and children gave thanks at all the temples of the gods. On the next day elections for the naming of magistrates were held.

> Latin: 23.1. post hanc orationem claues portarum pecuniaeque regiae ante pedes eorum posuit. atque illo quidem die dimissi ex contione laeti circa fana omnia deum supplicauerunt cum coniugibus ac liberis; postero die comitia praetoribus creandis habita.

[¶32] 23.2. Among the first so named was Adranodorus, the rest largely assassins of the tyrant. Two who were not even present, Sopater and Dinomenes, were elected.

> Latin: 23.2. creatus in primis Adranodorus, ceteri magna ex parte interfectores tyranni. duos etiam absentes, Sopatrum ac Dinomenen, fecerunt;

[¶33] 23.3. These, hearing what had been done at Syracuse, brought the royal treasure that was at Leontini to Syracuse and turned it over to treasurers elected for that very purpose.

> Latin: 23.3. qui, auditis iis quae Syracusis acta erant pecuniam regiam quae in Leontinis erat Syracusas deuectam quaestoribus ad id ipsum creatis tradiderunt.

[¶34] 23.4. The money that was on the Island was also transferred to Achradina. And that part of the wall which shut off the Island from the rest of the city by a needlessly strong fortification was thrown down by common consent. The other measures also were in keeping with this trend toward freedom.

> Latin: 23.4. et ea quae in Insula erat Achradinam tralata est; murique ea pars quae ab cetera urbe nimis firmo munimento intersaepiebat Insulam consensu omnium deiecta est. secutae et ceterae res hanc inclinationem animorum ad libertatem[que].

[¶35] 23.5. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the tyrant's death, which Hippocrates had wished to keep secret even by slaying the messenger, were deserted by the soldiers and returned to Syracuse, since that course seemed safest in the circumstances.

> Latin: 23.5. Hippocrates atque Epicydes audita morte tyranni, quam Hippocrates etiam nuntio interfecto celare uoluerat, deserti a militibus, quia id tutissimum ex praesentibus uidebatur, Syracusas rediere;

[¶36] 23.6. There, to avoid going about under suspicion as seeking some opportunity for a revolution, they first came before the magistrates, and then through them before the senate.

> Latin: 23.6. ubi ne suspecti obuersarentur tamquam nouandi res aliquam occasionem quaerentes, praetores primum, dein per eos senatum adeunt.

[¶37] 23.7. They stated that, having been sent by Hannibal to Hieronymus as his friend and ally, they had obeyed the orders of the man to whom their own commander wished them to be obedient.

> Latin: 23.7. ab Hannibale se missos praedicant ad Hieronymum tamquam amicum ac socium paruisse imperio eius cuius imperator suus uoluerit. uelle ad Hannibalem redire;

[¶38] 23.8. They wished to return to Hannibal; but since the way was unsafe while the Romans were at large everywhere in Sicily, they asked the senators to give them some escort to conduct them to Locri in Italy. The senate, they said, would gain great favour with Hannibal by a small service.

> Latin: 23.8. ceterum, cum iter tutum non sit uagantibus passim per totam Siciliam Romanis, petere ut praesidii dent aliquid quo Locros in Italiam perducantur; gratiam magnam eos parua opera apud Hannibalem inituros. facile res impetrata;

[¶39] 23.9. This request was readily granted; for the senate greatly desired the departure of the king's generals, as men skilled in military art, and, what was more, needy also and daring. But they took no active steps to carry out their wish with the required promptness.

> Latin: 23.9. abire enim duces regios cum peritos militiae, tum egentes eosdem atque audaces cupiebant; sed quod uolebant non quam maturato opus erat nauiter expediebant.

[¶40] 23.10. Meanwhile the generals, as young men of military training and familiar with soldiers, at one time in the presence of these, at another among the deserters, the majority of whom were from the crews of the Romans, at another even among the lowest of the people, made charges against the senate and the aristocrats:

> Latin: 23.10. interim iuuenes militares et adsueti militibus nunc apud eos ipsos, nunc apud transfugas, quorum maxima pars ex naualibus sociis Romanorum erat, nunc etiam apud infimae plebis homines crimina serebant in senatum optimatesque:

[¶41] 23.11. that they were secretly working and contriving that Syracuse under the guise of a reestablished alliance should be subject to the Romans, and that then a faction, that is, a few who supported the renewal of the treaty, should rule.

> Latin: 23.11. illud moliri clam eos atque struere ut Syracusae per speciem reconciliatae societatis in dicione Romanorum sint, dein factio ac pauci auctores foederis renouati dominentur.

[¶42] 24.1. Ready to hear and believe these charges, a daily larger multitude was flocking to Syracuse and giving not Epicydes only, but also Adranodorus, the hope of a revolution.

> Latin: 24.1. his audiendis credendisque opportuna multitudo maior in dies Syracusas confluebat nec Epicydi solum spem nouandarum rerum sed Adranodoro etiam praebebat.

[¶43] 24.2. The latter was at length wearied by admonitions of his wife: that it was now the time to seize the power, while everything was confused by the new freedom not yet organized; while the soldiers one met were fattened on the king's pay; while generals sent by Hannibal and familiar with the soldiers could aid the undertaking. Accordingly he formed a plot with Themistus, whose wife was Gelo's daughter, and after a few days rashly revealed it to one Aristo, a tragic actor, to whom he had been in the habit of confiding other secrets. This man's family and station were respectable and not tarnished by his artistic profession, since among the Greeks nothing of the sort brings discredit.

> Latin: 24.2. qui fessus tandem uxoris uocibus monentis nunc illud esse tempus occupandi res, dum turbata omnia noua atque incondita libertate essent, dum regiis stipendiis pastus obuersaretur miles, dum ab Hannibale missi duces adsueti militibus iuuare possent incepta, cum Themisto, cui Gelonis filia nupta erat, rem consociatam paucos post dies Aristoni cuidam tragico actori, cui et alia arcana committere adsuerat, incaute aperit. huic et genus et fortuna honesta erant nec ars, quia nihil tale apud Graecos pudori est, ea deformabat;

[¶44] 24.3. And so thinking that the loyalty he owed to his native city took precedence, he reports the matter to the magistrates.

> Latin: 24.3. itaque fidem potiorem ratus quam patriae debebat, indicium ad praetores defert.

[¶45] 24.4. They, finding from trustworthy information that this was not unfounded, conferred with the older men, placed a guard at the doors on their advice, and when Themistus and Adranodorus had entered the senate, slew them.

> Latin: 24.4. qui ubi rem haud uanam esse certis indiciis compererunt, consultis senioribus et <ex> auctoritate eorum praesidio ad fores posito ingressos curiam Themistum atque Adranodorum interfecerunt;

[¶46] 24.5. And after the confusion resulting from an act even more terrible in appearance than in reality, since others were unaware of the reason, they at length secured silence and brought the informer into the Senate House.

> Latin: 24.5. et cum tumultus ab re in speciem atrociore causam aliis ignorantibus ortus esset, silentio tandem facto indicem in curiam introduxerunt.

[¶47] 24.6. He first told everything in order: that the conspiracy had taken its start from the marriage of Gelo's daughter Harmonia, uniting her with Themistus;

> Latin: 24.6. qui cum ordine omnia edocuisset—principium coniurationis factum ab Harmoniae Gelonis filiae nuptiis quibus Themisto iuncta esset;

[¶48] 24.7. that African and Spanish auxiliaries had been made ready for the slaughter of the magistrates and other leading citizens, and the announcement made that their property would be spoil for the assassins; moreover that a force of mercenaries accustomed to the orders of Adranodorus had been provided, to occupy the Island again.

> Latin: 24.7. Afrorum Hispanorumque auxiliares instructos ad caedem praetorum principumque aliorum bonaque eorum praedae futura interfectoribus pronuntiatum;

[¶49] 24.8. He then set forth in detail what was to be done, and by whom, and pictured the whole conspiracy manned and armed. And to the senators indeed they appeared to have been slain with as much justice as Hieronymus.

> Latin: 24.8. iam mercennariorum manum, adsuetam imperiis Adranodori, paratam fuisse ad Insulam rursus occupandam,—singula deinde quae per quosque agerentur totamque uiris armisque instructam coniurationem ante oculos posuit. et senatui quidem tam iure caesi quam Hieronymus uidebantur:

[¶50] 24.9. But in front of the Senate House there was shouting by the mixed crowd unacquainted with the situation. Uttering wild threats, they were checked by the corpses of the conspirators before the entrance to the Senate House, in such fear that they silently followed the orderly populace to the assembly.

> Latin: 24.9. ante curiam uariae atque incertae rerum multitudinis clamor erat. quam ferociter minitantem in uestibulo curiae corpora coniuratorum eo metu compresserunt ut silentes integram plebem in contionem sequerentur.

[¶51] 24.10. Sopater was instructed by the senate and his colleagues to speak.

> Latin: 24.10. Sopatro mandatum ab senatu et a collegis ut uerba faceret.

[¶52] 25.1. Beginning with their previous life, just as if he were prosecuting them, he charged that every act of violence or impiety committed since the death of Hiero had been done by Adranodorus and Themistus.

> Latin: 25.1. is tamquam reos ageret, ab ante acta uita orsus, quaecunque post Hieronis mortem sceleste atque impie facta essent, Adranodorum ac Themistum arguit fecisse:

[¶53] 25.2. For what could Hieronymus, a boy who had hardly reached puberty, have done of his own motion? His guardians and teachers, shielded by the embitterment directed against another, had been the real kings. Accordingly they ought to have perished either before Hieronymus or at least with Hieronymus.

> Latin: 25.2. quid enim sua sponte [fecisse] Hieronymum, puerum ac uixdum pubescentem, facere potuisse? tutores ac magistros eius sub aliena inuidia regnasse. itaque aut ante Hieronymum aut certe cum Hieronymo perire eos debuisse.

[¶54] 25.3. But though doomed already and marked for death, they had contrived fresh crimes since the death of the tyrant, at first openly, when Adranodorus, closing the gates of the Island, took over the kingdom as his own inheritance and as owner entered into possession of what he had held as agent:

> Latin: 25.3. at illos debitos iam morti destinatosque, alia noua scelera post mortem tyranni molitos, palam primo cum clausis Adranodorus Insulae portis hereditatem regni creuerit et quae procurator tenuerat pro domino possederit;

[¶55] 25.4. again when, betrayed by those who were on the Island, beset by the whole body of citizens holding Achradina, he attempted secretly and craftily to win the kingdom which he had sought in vain openly and above board, and could not be won over even by the bestowal of public office. For among those who gained liberty for the state, he, a plotter against liberty himself, had been elected a magistrate.

> Latin: 25.4. proditus deinde ab eis qui in Insula erant circumsessus ab uniuersa ciuitate quae Achradinam tenuerit nequiquam palam atque aperte petitum regnum clam et dolo adfectare conatus sit, et ne beneficio quidem atque honore potuerit uinci, cum inter liberatores patriae insidiator ipse libertatis creatus esset praetor.

[¶56] 25.6. But their autocratic temper was due to their royal consorts, Hiero's daughter married to the one, Gelo's daughter to the other.

> Latin: 25.6. sed animos eis regios regias coniuges fecisse, alteri Hieronis, alteri Gelonis filias nuptas.

[¶57] 25.7. Following this statement there arose in all parts of the assembly a shout that none of those women ought to live, nor any one of the family of the tyrants to survive.

> Latin: 25.7. sub hanc uocem ex omnibus partibus contionis clamor oritur nullam earum uiuere debere nec quemquam superesse tyrannorum stirpis.

[¶58] 25.8. This is the nature of the mass: either it is a humble slave or a haughty master. As for freedom, which is the mean, they know no moderation either in assuming or in keeping it.

> Latin: 25.8. ea natura multitudinis est: aut seruit humiliter aut superbe dominatur; libertatem, quae media est, nec struere modice nec habere sciunt;

[¶59] 25.9. And angry passions usually do not lack complaisant helpers, to provoke to bloodshed those who are immoderately eager for punishment;

> Latin: 25.9. et non ferme desunt irarum indulgentes ministri, qui auidos atque intemperantes suppliciorum animos ad sanguinem et caedes inritent.

[¶60] 25.10. as in this case the magistrates forthwith proposed a bill-and it was adopted almost before it was proposed-that all members of the royal family should be put to death.

> Latin: 25.10. sicut tum extemplo praetores rogationem promulgarunt—acceptaque paene prius quam promulgata est—ut omnes regiae stirpis interficerentur;

[¶61] 25.11. And by order of the magistrates men were sent who put to death Damarata the daughter of Hiero and Harmonia the daughter of Gelo, being the wives of Adranodorus and Themistus.

> Latin: 25.11. missique a praetoribus Damaratam Hieronis et Harmoniam Gelonis filiam, coniuges Adranodori et Themisti, interfecerunt.

[¶62] 26.1. Heraclia was the daughter of Hiero and wife of Zoippus, who was sent as ambassador to King Ptolemy by Hieronymus and had accepted voluntary exile.

> Latin: 26.1. Heraclia erat filia Hieronis, uxor Zoippi, qui legatus ab Hieronymo ad regem Ptolomaeum missus uoluntarium consciuerat exsilium.

[¶63] 26.2. She, having learned in advance that they were coming to her house also, fled into the chapel of the household gods with her two maiden daughters, her hair dishevelled and her general appearance moving to pity. And in addition were her prayers, now by the gods, now by the memory of her father Hiero and her brother Gelo, that they should not allow her innocent self to perish by the fire of resentment against Hieronymus.

> Latin: 26.2. ea cum ad se quoque ueniri praescisset, in sacrarium ad penates confugit cum duabus filiabus uirginibus, resolutis crinibus miserabilique alio habitu, et ad ea addidit preces, nunc <per deos, nunc> per memoriam Hieronis patris Gelonisque fratris ne se innoxiam inuidia Hieronymi conflagrare sinerent:

[¶64] 26.4. Nothing had she gained by his reign except the exile of her husband; and while Hieronymus lived, her station had not been so high as her sister's, nor was their situation the same after his death.

> Latin: 26.4. nihil se ex regno illius praeter exsilium uiri habere; neque fortunam suam eandem uiuo Hieronymo fuisse quam sororis neque interfecto eo causam eandem esse.

[¶65] 26.5. What of it that, if Adranodorus' plans had succeeded, the sister would have reigned with her husband, while she herself and all the rest must be slaves?

> Latin: 26.5. quid quod si Adranodoro consilia processissent, illa cum uiro fuerit regnatura, sibi cum ceteris seruiendum?

[¶66] 26.6. If someone should inform Zoippus that Hieronymus had been slain and Syracuse set free, who would have any doubt that he would forthwith board ship and return to his native city?

> Latin: 26.6. si quis Zoippo nuntiet interfectum Hieronymum ac liberatas Syracusas, cui dubium esse quin extemplo conscensurus sit nauem atque in patriam rediturus?

[¶67] 26.7. How the hopes of men were disappointed! In his native city, now set free, his wife and children were fighting for their lives, offering what obstacle to freedom and laws?

> Latin: 26.7. quantum spes hominum falli. in liberata patria coniugem eius ac liberos de uita dimicare, quid obstantes libertati aut legibus?

[¶68] 26.8. What danger to anyone was there from herself, a lone woman, virtually a widow, and from maidens living as orphans? But they might say that no danger was indeed feared from her, that nevertheless the royal family was hated.

> Latin: 26.8. quod ab se cuiquam periculum, a sola ac prope uidua et puellis in orbitate degentibus esse? at enim periculi quidem nihil ab se timeri, inuisam tamen stirpem regiam esse.

[¶69] 26.9. Therefore they should send them far from Syracuse and Sicily and bid them to be carried away to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father.

> Latin: 26.9. ablegarent ergo procul ab Syracusis Siciliaque et asportari Alexandriam iuberent, ad uirum uxorem, ad patrem filias.

[¶70] 26.10. When they paid no attention whatever and shouted not to waste time, she could see some men drawing swords. Then ceasing entreaties for herself, she urgently begged them at least to spare the girls —an age on which even enraged enemies do not lay hands;

> Latin: 26.10. auersis auribus animisque †cassae, ne tempus tererent, ferrum quosdam expedientes cernebat; tum omissis pro se precibus, puellis ut saltem parcerent orare institit, a qua aetate etiam hostes iratos abstinere;

[¶71] 26.11. that in taking vengeance on the tyrants they should not themselves imitate the crimes which they hated.

> Latin: 26.11. ne tyrannos ulciscendo quae odissent scelera ipsi imitarentur.

[¶72] 26.12. While still speaking, they dragged her away from the altar and cut her throat, then turned their attack upon the girls spattered with B.C. 214 their mother's blood. Beside themselves for grief and fear, as though insane, they dashed out of the chapel with such speed that, if there had been any escape to the street, they would have caused a riot throughout the city.

> Latin: 26.12. inter haec abstractam a penetralibus iugulant. in uirgines deinde respersas matris cruore impetum faciunt, quae alienata mente simul luctu metuque uelut captae furore eo cursu se ex sacrario proripuerunt ut, si effugium patuisset in publicum, impleturae urbem tumultu fuerint.

[¶73] 26.13. Even as it was, in the limited space of the house, amidst so many armed men, they several times escaped unharmed and tore themselves away from those who tried to hold them, although they had to fight off hands so many and so strong.

> Latin: 26.13. tum quoque haud magno aedium spatio inter medios tot armatos aliquotiens integro corpore euaserunt tenentibusque, cum tot ac tam ualidae eluctandae manus essent, sese eripuerunt.

[¶74] 26.14. At last exhausted by wounds, after staining everything with their blood, they fell lifeless. The slaughter, in itself pitiful, was made still more pitiful by the coincidence that shortly after came the word that they were not to be put to death, for animosity had suddenly changed to pity.

> Latin: 26.14. tandem uolneribus confectae, cum omnia replessent sanguine, exanimes conruerunt. caedem per se miserabilem miserabiliorem casus fecit, quod paulo post nuntius uenit mutatis repente ad misericordiam animis ne interficerentur.

[¶75] 26.15. From pity then came anger, that such haste to punish had been made, and no chance left for a change of mind or a cooling of anger.

> Latin: 26.15. ira deinde ex misericordia orta, quod adeo festinatum ad supplicium neque locus paenitendi aut regressus ab ira relictus esset.

[¶76] 26.16. And so the multitude complained, and to replace Adranodorus and Themistus —for both had been magistrates —they clamoured for an election, which would not prove at all to the liking of the magistrates.

> Latin: 26.16. itaque fremere multitudo et in locum Adranodori ac Themisti—nam ambo praetores fuerant—comitia poscere quae nequaquam ex sententia praetorum futura essent.

[¶77] 27.1. A day was set for the election, and on that day, to the surprise of everybody, one man on the outskirts of the crowd nominated Epicydes, then after him another named Hippocrates, whereupon these shouts were repeated and with evident approval of the multitude.

> Latin: 27.1. statutus est comitiis dies; quo necopinantibus omnibus unus ex ultima turba Epicyden nominauit, tum inde alius Hippocratem. crebriores deinde hae uoces et cum haud dubio adsensu multitudinis esse;

[¶78] 27.2. And the assembly was disturbed by the crowd not only of citizens but also of soldiers, even deserters in large part mingling with them and eager for any change. The magistrates at first ignored them and by postponing delayed matters.

> Latin: 27.2. et erat confusa contio non populari modo sed militari quoque turba, magna ex parte etiam perfugis qui omnia nouare cupiebant permixtis. praetores dissimulare primo extrahenda re;

[¶79] 27.3. Finally, compelled by the general agreement and fearing an uprising, they declared Epicydes and Hippocrates magistrates.

> Latin: 27.3. sed postremo, uicti consensu et seditionem metuentes, pronuntiant eos praetores.

[¶80] 27.4. And at first the newly elected did not reveal their intentions, although they were indignant that legates had gone to Appius Claudius to sue for a ten days' truce, and that, this being secured, others had been sent to negotiate the renewal of the old treaty.

> Latin: 27.4. nec illi primo statim creati nudare quid uellent, quamquam aegre ferebant et de indutiis dierum decem legatos isse ad Ap. Claudium et impetratis eis alios qui de foedere antiquo renouando agerent missos.

[¶81] 27.5. At that time the Roman commander had a fleet of a hundred ships off Murgantia, waiting to see what would be the outcome of the disturbances at Syracuse due to the massacre of the tyrant's family, and to what the new and unwonted freedom would prompt them.

> Latin: 27.5. ad Murgantiam tum classem nauium centum Romanus habebat, quonam euaderent motus ex caedibus tyrannorum orti Syracusis quoue eos ageret noua atque insolita libertas operiens.

[¶82] 27.6. About the same time Marcellus was just arriving in Sicily, and the Syracusan ambassadors were sent to him by Appius. After hearing the peace terms, Marcellus thought agreement could be reached, and himself sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat in person with the magistrates for a renewal of the treaty.

> Latin: 27.6. per eosdem dies cum ad Marcellum uenientem in Siciliam legati Syracusani missi ab Appio essent, auditis condicionibus pacis Marcellus, posse rem conuenire ratus, et ipse legatos Syracusas qui coram cum praetoribus de renouando foedere agerent misit.

[¶83] 27.7. And by this time the situation there was by no means so orderly and peaceful. When word was received that a Carthaginian fleet had reached the promontory of Pachynum, Hippocrates and Epicydes, relieved of their fear, kept making the charge, now before the mercenaries, now among the deserters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Roman.

> Latin: 27.7. et iam ibi nequaquam eadem quies ac tranquillitas erat. postquam Punicam classem accessisse Pachynum allatum est, dempto timore Hippocrates et Epicydes nunc apud mercennarios milites, nunc apud transfugas prodi Romano Syracusas criminabantur.

[¶84] 27.8. But from the time Appius began to keep ships at anchor at the harbour mouth in order to encourage the men of the other party, the false charges apparently had received strong confirmation.

> Latin: 27.8. ut uero Appius naues ad ostium portus, quid† aliae partis hominibus animus accederet, in statione habere coepit, ingens in speciem criminibus uanis accesserat fides;

[¶85] 27.9. And at first the crowd had even rushed down in disorder to keep them off in case they should be landing.

> Latin: 27.9. ac primo etiam tumultuose decurrerat multitudo ad prohibendos si in terram egrederentur.

[¶86] 28.1. In this confused state of affairs it 'was decided to summon the people to an assembly. There while some inclined in one direction, some in another, and an uprising was not far away, Apollonides, one of the leading citizens, made a speech which was well-advised, considering the crisis.

> Latin: 28.1. in hac turbatione rerum in contionem uocari placuit; ubi cum alii alio tenderent nec procul seditione res esset, Apollonides, principum unus, orationem salutarem ut in tali tempore habuit:

[¶87] 28.2. He said that neither the prospect of safety nor that of destruction had ever been nearer to any state.

> Latin: 28.2. nec spem salutis nec perniciem propiorem unquam ciuitati ulli fuisse.

[¶88] 28.3. For if with one mind they should all incline, whether to the Romans or to the Carthaginians, no state would be in a more highly favoured and happier condition.

> Latin: 28.3. si enim uno animo omnes uel ad Romanos uel ad Carthaginienses inclinent, nullius ciuitatis statum fortunatiorem ac beatiorem fore;

[¶89] 28.4. If they pulled in different directions, war between Carthaginians and Romans would not be more cruel than that among the Syracusans themselves, since within the same walls each side would have its own armies, its own weapons, its own generals. Accordingly they must make the greatest effort to reach agreement.

> Latin: 28.4. si alii alio trahant res, non inter Poenos Romanosque bellum atrocius fore quam inter ipsos Syracusanos, cum intra eosdem muros pars utraque suos exercitus, sua arma, suos habitura sit duces. itaque, ut idem omnes sentiant, summa ui agendum esse.

[¶90] 28.5. Which alliance was the more advantageous was a question decidedly subordinate and of far less weight.

> Latin: 28.5. utra societas sit utilior, eam longe minorem ac leuioris momenti consultationem esse;

[¶91] 28.6. Yet Hiero's authority ought to be followed in choosing allies rather than that of Hieronymus; in other words, a friendship which had proved happy for fifty years should be preferred to one unknown at present and formerly faithless.

> Latin: 28.6. sed tamen Hieronis potius quam Hieronymi auctoritatem sequendam in sociis legendis, uel quinquaginta annis feliciter expertam amicitiam nunc incognitae, quondam infideli praeferendam.

[¶92] 28.7. For their decision it was also of considerable importance that they could decline the Carthaginians' offer of peace without necessarily waging war with them at once. With the Romans they must straightway have either peace or-war.

> Latin: 28.7. esse etiam momenti aliquid ad consilium quod Carthaginiensibus ita pax negari possit, ut non utique in praesentia bellum cum eis geratur; cum Romanis extemplo aut pacem aut bellum habendum.

[¶93] 28.8. The less of party passion the speech seemed to have, the greater was its influence. To the magistrates and picked senators they added a military council also. Commanders of units and prefects of auxiliaries as well were ordered to take part in the deliberations.

> Latin: 28.8. quo minus cupiditatis ac studii uisa est oratio habere, eo plus auctoritatis habuit. adiectum est praetoribus ac delectis senatorum militare etiam consilium; iussi et duces ordinum praefectique auxiliorum simul consulere.

[¶94] 28.9. After the question had been repeatedly debated with great contention, finally, as they evidently had no means of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was decided to make an alliance with them, and to send ambassadors for the ratification.

> Latin: 28.9. cum saepe acta res esset magnis certaminibus, postremo, quia belli cum Romanis gerendi ratio nulla apparebat, pacem fieri placuit mittique legatos ad rem cum eis confirmandam.

[¶95] 29.1. Not many days had elapsed, when ambassadors from Leontini arrived, pleading for a force to defend their territory. The request of this embassy seemed very timely for the purpose of relieving the city of a disorderly and turbulent multitude and of sending away its leaders.

> Latin: 29.1. dies haud ita multi intercesserunt, cum ex Leontinis legati praesidium finibus suis orantes uenerunt; quae legatio peropportuna uisa ad multitudinem inconditam ac tumultuosam exonerandam ducesque eius ablegandos.

[¶96] 29.2. Hippocrates as magistrate was ordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the mercenary auxiliaries followed, making four thousand armed men.

> Latin: 29.2. Hippocrates praetor ducere eo transfugas iussus; secuti multi ex mercennariis auxiliis quattuor milia armatorum effecerunt.

[¶97] 29.3. That enterprise gave joy both to the senders and the sent; for the one party were given a long-desired opportunity for revolution, and the other rejoiced also to think that the dregs of the city had been drained off. But they relieved the diseased body, so to speak, merely for the moment, only to have it relapse presently into a more serious ailment.

> Latin: 29.3. et mittentibus et missis ea laeta expeditio fuit; nam et illis, quod iam diu cupiebant, nouandi res occasio data est, et hi sentinam quandam urbis rati exhaustam laetabantur. ceterum leuauerunt modo in praesentia uelut corpus aegrum quo mox in grauiorem morbum recideret.

[¶98] 29.4. For Hippocrates began, at first with stealthy raids, to ravage lands on the border of the Roman province. Later, when Appius had sent troops to protect the farms of the allies, he made an attack with all his forces upon the unit on, guard duty facing him, and many were slain.

> Latin: 29.4. Hippocrates enim finitima prouinciae Romanae primo furtiuis excursionibus uastare coepit; deinde, cum ad tuendos sociorum agros missum ab Appio praesidium esset, omnibus copiis impetum in oppositam stationem cum caede multorum fecit.

[¶99] 29.5. Marcellus, being informed of this, at once sent legates to Syracuse, to say that the promised peace had been broken, and that a reason for war would never be wanting unless Hippocrates and Epicydes should be sent far away, not merely from Syracuse, but from all Sicily. Epicydes, to avoid being present under an accusation brought against his absent brother, or else failing to do his part in provoking war, went likewise to Leontini; and seeing that its citizens were sufficiently aroused against the Roman people, began also to estrange them from the Syracusans.

> Latin: 29.5. quae cum essent nuntiata Marcello, legatos extemplo Syracusas misit, qui pacis fidem ruptam esse dicerent nec belli defuturam unquam causam, nisi Hippocrates atque Epicydes non ab Syracusis modo sed tota procul Sicilia ablegarentur. Epicydes, ne aut reus criminis absentis fratris praesens esset aut deesset pro parte sua concitando bello, profectus et ipse in Leontinos, quia satis eos aduersus populum Romanum concitatos cernebat, auertere etiam ab Syracusanis coepit:

[¶100] 29.6. For, he explained, the Syracusans had made an alliance with the Romans with the provision that all the states which had been subject to the kings should be under their rule;

> Latin: 29.6. nam ita eos pacem pepigisse cum Romanis ut quicumque populi sub regibus fuissent ei suae dicionis essent, nec iam libertate contentos esse nisi etiam regnent ac dominentur.

[¶101] 29.7. that now they were not satisfied with freedom, without also being lords and masters. They must therefore report to them that the Lenities likewise thought it right that they should be free, either because it was on the soil of their city that the tyrant fell, or because there for the first time men shouted the summons to liberty, and deserting the king's generals flocked to Syracuse. Accordingly either that clause, he said, must be removed from the treaty, or else an alliance on such terms was not to be accepted.

> Latin: 29.7. renuntiandum igitur eis esse Leontinos quoque aequum censere liberos se esse, uel quod in solo urbis suae tyrannus ceciderit uel quod ibi primum conclamatum ad libertatem relictisque regiis ducibus ad Syracusanos concursum <sit>. itaque aut eximendum id de foedere esse aut legem eam foederis non accipiendam.

[¶102] 29.9. The multitude was easily persuaded, and when the legates of the Syracusans complained of the slaughter of the Roman guard-post and also bade Hippocrates and Epicydes go away to Locri or wherever they preferred, provided they withdrew from Sicily, the people replied with spirit that they had not instructed the Syracusans to make a treaty for them with the Romans, and that they were not bound by treaties not of their own making.

> Latin: 29.9. facile multitudini persuasum; legatisque Syracusanorum et de caede stationis Romanae querentibus et Hippocratem atque Epicydem abire seu Locros seu quo alio mallent, dummodo Sicilia cederent, iubentibus ferociter responsum est: neque mandasse sese Syracusanis ut pacem pro se cum Romanis facerent neque teneri alienis foederibus.

[¶103] 29.11. This was reported to the Romans by the Syracusans, who stated that the men of Leontini were not subject to their authority; and that consequently the Romans would make war upon them without violating the treaty made with Syracuse; also that they would themselves not refuse to give help in the war, on condition that, when reduced to subjection, the Leontini should again be under their authority, as had been settled in the treaty.

> Latin: 29.11. haec ad Romanos Syracusani detulerunt, abnuentes Leontinos in sua potestate esse: itaque integro secum foedere bellum Romanos cum iis gesturos neque sese defuturos ei bello, ita ut in potestatem redacti suae rursus dicionis essent, sicut pax conuenisset.

[¶104] 30.1. Marcellus, proceeding with his whole army to Leontini and summoning Appius also to make an attack from the other side, found such enthusiasm in his soldiers, due to anger aroused by the slaughter of men of the guard while negotiations were pending, that they took the city at the first assault.

> Latin: 30.1. Marcellus cum omni exercitu profectus in Leontinos Appio quoque accito ut altera parte adgrederetur, tanto ardore militum est usus ab ira inter condiciones pacis interfectae stationis ut primo impetu urbem expugnarent.

## 20. Book XXIV · chapters 30–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/#p-N

[¶0] 30.2. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on seeing that the walls were being taken and gates forced, sought refuge with a few men in the citadel. Thence they fled secretly by night to Herbesus.

> Latin: 30.2. Hippocrates atque Epicydes postquam capi muros refringique portas uidere, in arcem sese cum paucis recepere; inde clam nocte Herbesum perfugiunt.

[¶1] 30.3. The Syracusans, who had set out from home in a column of eight thousand men, were met at the river Mylas by a messenger, reporting that the city had been captured, but for the rest mingling the false with the true:

> Latin: 30.3. Syracusanis octo milium armatorum agmine profectis domo ad Mylan flumen nuntius occurrit captam urbem esse, cetera falsa mixta ueris ferens:

[¶2] 30.4. that a general massacre of soldiers and townspeople had occurred, and no adults, he thought, had survived; that the city had been plundered, the property of the wealthy given away.

> Latin: 30.4. caedem promiscuam militum atque oppidanorum factam nec quicquam puberum arbitrari superesse; direptam urbem, bona locupletium donata.

[¶3] 30.5. On hearing news so terrible the column halted, and in the general excitement the commanders —and they were Sosis and Dinomenes — considered what they should do.

> Latin: 30.5. ad nuntium tam atrocem constitit agmen concitatisque omnibus duces—erant autem Sosis ac Dinomenes—quid agerent consultabant.

[¶4] 30.6. The appearance of well-founded alarm had been lent to the falsehood by the scourging and beheading of deserters, about two thousand men.

> Latin: 30.6. terroris speciem haud uanam mendacio praebuerant uerberati ac securi percussi transfugae ad duo milia hominum;

[¶5] 30.7. But not one of the Leontinians or of the other soldiers had been injured after the capture of the city; and, except what had been lost in the first confusion of the capture of the city, all their property was being restored to them.

> Latin: 30.7. ceterum Leontinorum militumque aliorum nemo post captam urbem uiolatus fuerat suaque omnia eis, nisi quae primus tumultus captae urbis absumpserat, restituebantur.

[¶6] 30.8. And the soldiers, complaining that their comrades had been betrayed to their death, could neither be induced to go to Leontini nor to wait at the same spot for more trustworthy news.

> Latin: 30.8. nec ut Leontinos irent, proditos ad caedem commilitones querentes perpelli potuere, nec ut eodem loco certiorem nuntium exspectarent.

[¶7] 30.9. The generals, seeing them inclined to mutiny, but that the outbreak would not last long if the leaders in folly should be removed, led the army to Megara: and then with a few horsemen they went themselves to Herbesus, in the hope of getting possession of the city by treachery, owing to the general alarm.

> Latin: 30.9. cum ad defectionem inclinatos animos cernerent praetores sed eum motum haud diuturnum fore si duces amentiae sublati essent, exercitum ducunt Megara, ipsi cum paucis equitibus Herbesum proficiscuntur spe territis omnibus per proditionem urbis potiundae.

[¶8] 30.11. When this undertaking disappointed them, they thought they must use force, and moved their camp from Megara the next day, to attack Herbesus with all their troops.

> Latin: 30.11. quod ubi frustra eis fuit inceptum, ui agendum rati postero die Megaris castra mouent, ut Herbesum omnibus copiis oppugnarent.

[¶9] 30.12. Hippocrates and Epicydes, thinking that their plan to put themselves at the mercy of the soldiers, who were in large part used to them and also at that time inflamed by the report of the slaughter of their comrades, was not so much one which at first sight promised safety, as it was the only possible plan in a desperate situation, went out to meet the column.

> Latin: 30.12. Hippocrates et Epicydes non tam tutum prima specie quam unum spe undique abscisa consilium esse rati, ut se militibus permitterent et adsuetis magna ex parte sibi et tum fama caedis commilitonum accensis, obuiam agmini procedunt.

[¶10] 30.13. The first unit happened to be that of six hundred Cretans, who had served under them in the army of Hieronymus and were under obligations to Hannibal, as they had been captured among the Roman auxiliaries at Lake Trasumennus and allowed to go free.

> Latin: 30.13. prima forte signa sescentorum Cretensium erant, qui apud Hieronymum meruerant sub eis et Hannibalis beneficium habebant, capti ad Trasumennum inter Romanorum auxilia dimissique.

[¶11] 30.14. Recognizing them from their standards and the character of their weapons, Hippocrates and Epicydes, holding out olive branches and in addition the woollen bands of suppliants, implored them to admit them and, having done so, to protect and not betray them to the Syracusans, to be themselves presently surrendered by the same to the Roman people for brutal execution.

> Latin: 30.14. quos ubi ex signis armorumque habitu cognouere Hippocrates atque Epicydes, ramos oleae ac uelamenta alia supplicum porrigentes orare ut reciperent sese, receptos tutarentur neu proderent Syracusanis, a quibus ipsi mox trucidandi populo Romano dederentur.

[¶12] 31.1. And in fact the Cretans shouted to them to take courage, saying they would share every lot with them.

> Latin: 31.1. enimuero conclamant bonum ut animum haberent; omnem se cum illis fortunam subituros.

[¶13] 31.2. During this conversation the standards had halted and the column was being held up. And word had not yet reached the generals as to what was the cause of the delay. When the report that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there did reach them, and down the whole length of the column there was a shout of evident joy over their coming, at once the generals made their way at a gallop to the head of the column.

> Latin: 31.2. inter hoc conloquium signa constiterant tenebaturque agmen, necdum quae morae causa foret peruenerat ad duces. postquam Hippocraten atque Epicyden †peruasit rumor fremitusque toto agmine erat haud dubie approbantium aduentum eorum, extemplo praetores citatis equis ad prima signa perrexerunt.

[¶14] 31.3. Asking what a practice, what a breach of discipline, it was on the part of the Cretans to join in conversation with an enemy and to admit the men to their own column without orders from the generals, they ordered them to be arrested and Hippocrates to be put in chains.

> Latin: 31.3. qui mos ille, quae licentia Cretensium esset rogitantes, conloquia serendi cum hoste iniussuque praetorum miscendi eos agmini suo, comprehendi inicique catenas iusserunt Hippocrati. ad quam uocem tantus extemplo primum a Cretensibus clamor est ortus, deinde exceptus ab aliis, ut facile, si ultra tenderent, appareret eis timendum esse.

[¶15] 31.5. Upon that command such an outcry was first raised by the Cretans, and then caught up by others, that it was easy to see that if they took any further steps they would have to fear for themselves.

> Latin: 31.5. solliciti incertique rerum suarum Megara, unde profecti erant, referri signa iubent nuntiosque de statu praesenti Syracusas mittunt.

[¶16] 31.6. Troubled and uncertain as to their own situation, they ordered a retreat to Megara, from which they had set out, and sent messengers to Syracuse to report how matters stood. While men were inclined to suspect everything, Hippocrates also resorted to a ruse.

> Latin: 31.6. fraudem quoque Hippocrates addit inclinatis ad omnem suspicionem animis et Cretensium quibusdam ad itinera insidenda missis uelut interceptas litteras quas ipse composuerat, recitat:

[¶17] 31.7. After sending some of the Cretans to lie in wait by the roads, with the pretence that it had been intercepted, he publicly read a letter written by himself: “The magistrates of Syracuse to the Consul Marcellus.”

> Latin: 31.7. 'praetores Syracusani consuli Marcello.' secundum salutem, ut adsolet, scriptum erat recte eum atque ordine fecisse quod in Leontinis nulli pepercisset;

[¶18] 31.8. Following the customary greeting it was stated that he had been entirely right in sparing no one at Leontini;

> Latin: 31.8. sed omnium mercennariorum militum eandem esse causam nec unquam Syracusas quieturas donec quicquam externorum auxiliorum aut in urbe aut in exercitu suo esset.

[¶19] 31.9. but that the situation of all the mercenary soldiers was the same, and Syracuse would never have peace so long as there were any foreign auxiliaries in either the city or its army. Therefore he should take measures to reduce to submission the men who were encamped at Megara under the command of their own generals, and by their punishment to set Syracuse free at last.

> Latin: 31.9. itaque daret operam, ut eos qui cum suis praetoribus castra ad Megara haberent in suam potestatem redigeret ac supplicio eorum liberaret tandem Syracusas.

[¶20] 31.10. After this had been read, they rushed to arms with such shouting that during the confusion the generals rode away in alarm to Syracuse.

> Latin: 31.10. haec cum recitata essent, cum tanto clamore ad arma discursum est ut praetores inter tumultum pauidi abequitauerint Syracusas.

[¶21] 31.11. And the mutiny was not quelled even by their flight; but attacks were repeatedly made on the Syracusan soldiers. Nor would they have spared any of them, had not Epicydes and Hippocrates opposed the enraged multitude, not out of pity and a humane intent, but in order not to cut off the hope of their own return, and that they might not only keep the men themselves as loyal soldiers and at the same time hostages, but also win over their relatives and friends, first by so great a service, and then by the personal security.

> Latin: 31.11. et ne fuga quidem eorum seditio compressa est impetusque in Syracusanos milites fiebant nec ab ullo temperatum foret, ni Epicydes atque Hippocrates irae multitudinis obuiam issent, non a misericordia aut humano consilio sed ne spem reditus praeciderent sibi, et cum ipsos simul milites fidos haberent simul obsides, tum cognatos quoque eorum atque amicos tanto merito primum, dein pignore sibi conciliarent.

[¶22] 31.14. And having learned how empty or faint a breath moves the crowd, they took a soldier from among those who had been besieged at Leontini and bribed him to carry to Syracuse a message in agreement with what had been falsely reported at the Mylas, and by showing himself to vouch for it and by relating the doubtful as things that he had seen, to inflame men's anger.

> Latin: 31.14. expertique quam uana aut leui aura mobile uolgus esset, militem nancti ex eo numero qui in Leontinis circumsessi erant, subornant, ut Syracusas perferret nuntium conuenientem eis quae ad Mylas falso nuntiata erant, auctoremque se exhibendo ac uelut uisa quae dubia erant narrando concitaret iras hominum.

[¶23] 32.1. This man was not only believed by the common people, but on being admitted to the Senate House, he stirred the senate as well. Some men of consequence openly declared it was very well that the avarice and cruelty of the Romans had been revealed at Leontini; that if they had entered Syracuse they would have done the same things or even more terrible, in proportion to the greater prize for avarice there.

> Latin: 32.1. huic non apud uolgum modo fides fuit sed senatum quoque in curiam introductus mouit. haud uani quidam homines palam ferre perbene detectam in Leontinis esse auaritiam et crudelitatem Romanorum; eadem, si intrassent Syracusas, aut foediora etiam, quo maius ibi auaritiae praemium esset, facturos fuisse.

[¶24] 32.2. Accordingly, they all voted that the gates should be closed and the city guarded. But not all were afraid of the same persons or hated the same men. Among the whole military class and a large part of the common people the Roman name was hated. As for the generals and a few of the best citizens, although they had been misled by the false news, they were nevertheless more circumspect in the face of a danger more immediately impending.

> Latin: 32.2. itaque claudendas cuncti portas et custodiendam urbem censere; sed non ab iisdem omnes timere nec eosdem odisse. ad militare genus omne partemque magnam plebis inuisum esse nomen Romanum; praetores optimatiumque pauci, quamquam inflati uano nuntio erant, tamen ad propius praesentiusque malum cautiores esse.

[¶25] 32.4. And already Hippocrates and Epicydes were at the Hexapylon, and there were communications through intermediaries who were relatives of citizens in the army: that they should open the gates and allow the defence of the city, their common home, against attack by the Romans.

> Latin: 32.4. et iam ad Hexapylum erant Hippocrates atque Epicydes serebanturque conloquia per propinquos popularium qui in exercitu erant, ut portas aperirent sinerentque communem patriam defendi ab impetu Romanorum.

[¶26] 32.5. By this time one of the gates of the Hexapylon had been opened, and by it they had begun to be admitted, when the generals intervened. And at first by their military authority and by threats, then by using their personal influence to restrain them, finally, when all was without affect, disregarding dignity they prayed them not to betray their native city to former minions of the tyrant and present seducers of the army.

> Latin: 32.5. iam unis foribus Hexapyli apertis coepti erant recipi cum praetores interuenerunt. et primo imperio minisque, deinde auctoritate deterrendo, postremo, ut omnia uana erant, obliti maiestatis precibus agebant ne proderent patriam tyranni ante satellitibus et tum corruptoribus exercitus.

[¶27] 32.6. But the ears of the excited crowd were deaf to all that; and the gates were being forced with no less violence from within than from without, and when all had been forced, the column was admitted through the whole breadth of the Hexapylon.

> Latin: 32.6. sed surdae ad omnia aures concitatae multitudinis erant nec minore intus ui quam foris portae effringebantur, effractisque omnibus toto Hexapylo agmen receptum est.

[¶28] 32.7. The generals with the younger citizens flee for refuge to Achradina. The mercenary soldiers and deserters and such royal troops as were at Syracuse swell the column of the enemy.

> Latin: 32.7. praetores in Achradinam cum iuuentute popularium confugiunt. mercennarii milites perfugaeque et quidquid regiorum militum Syracusis erat agmen hostium augent.

[¶29] 32.8. Thus Achradina also is taken by assault, and all the magistrates, except those who escaped in the midst of the uproar, are slain. Night put an end to the slaughter.

> Latin: 32.8. ita Achradina quoque primo impetu capitur, praetorumque nisi qui inter tumultum effugerunt omnes interficiuntur. nox caedibus finem fecit.

[¶30] 32.9. On the next day slaves were called to wear the cap of freedom and criminals in chains released from prison; and all this assorted multitude elected Hippocrates and Epicydes generals. And Syracuse, after the light of liberty had shone upon it for a short time, had fallen back into its old-time servitude.

> Latin: 32.9. postero die serui ad pilleum uocati et carcere uincti emissi; confusaque haec omnis multitudo Hippocraten atque Epicyden creant praetores; Syracusaeque, cum breue tempus libertas adfulsisset, in antiquam seruitutem recciderant.

[¶31] 33.1. When these facts were reported to the Romans, the camp was at once removed from Leontini to Syracuse.

> Latin: 33.1. haec nuntiata cum essent Romanis, ex Leontinis mota sunt extemplo castra ad Syracusas.

[¶32] 33.2. And, as it happened, legates had been sent by Appius by way of the harbour on a five-banker. The four-banker sent in advance was captured on entering the narrows. The legates barely escaped.

> Latin: 33.2. et ab Appio legati per portum missi forte in quinqueremi erant. praemissa quadriremis cum intrasset fauces portus, capitur; legati aegre effugerunt;

[¶33] 33.3. And now there remained no longer any rights even of war, not to say of peace, when the Roman army pitched camp at the Olympium, that is, the Temple of Jupiter, a mile and a half from the city. From this place also it was decided to send legates in advance.

> Latin: 33.3. et iam non modo pacis sed ne belli quidem iura relicta erant, cum Romanus exercitus ad Olympium—Iouis id templum est—mille et quingentos passus ab urbe castra posuit.

[¶34] 33.4. To prevent their entering the city, Hippocrates and Epicydes and their retinue advanced beyond the gate to meet them.

> Latin: 33.4. inde quoque legatos praemitti placuit; quibus, ne intrarent urbem, extra portam Hippocrates atque Epicydes obuiam cum suis processerunt.

[¶35] 33.5. The speaker for the Romans said he was not bringing war, but aid and comfort to the Syracusans, both to those who, escaping from the midst of the slaughter, had sought refuge with the Romans, and to those who, subdued by their fear, were enduring a slavery more shameful, not only than exile, but even than death; and that the Romans would not leave the atrocious slaughter of their allies unavenged.

> Latin: 33.5. Romanus orator non bellum se Syracusanis sed opem auxiliumque adferre ait, et eis qui ex media caede elapsi perfugerint ad se, et eis qui metu oppressi foediorem non exsilio solum sed etiam morte seruitutem patiantur; nec caedem nefandam sociorum inultam Romanos passuros.

[¶36] 33.6. Accordingly, if a safe return to their native city should be open to those who had sought refuge with the Romans, if those responsible for the slaughter should be surrendered and their freedom and laws restored to the Syracusans, there was no need of arms. If those conditions should not be met, the Romans would wage war against every man who caused delay.

> Latin: 33.6. itaque si eis qui ad se perfugerint tutus in patriam reditus pateat et caedis auctores dedantur et libertas legesque <suae> Syracusanis restituantur, nihil armis opus esse; si ea non fiant, quicumque in mora sit bello persecuturos.

[¶37] 33.7. In reply Epicydes said that, if their message had been addressed to his colleague and himself, they would have given them an answer. When the Syracusan state should be under the control of the men to whom they came, then let them return. Should they make war, they would find from actual experience that to attack Syracuse was by no means the same as to attack Leontini.

> Latin: 33.7. ad ea Epicydes, si qua ad se mandata haberent, responsum eis ait se daturos fuisse; cum in eorum ad quos uenerint manu res Syracusana esset, tum reuerterentur.

[¶38] 33.8. So he left the ambassadors and closed the gates. Thereupon began the siege of Syracuse at the same time by land and by sea, by land from the side of the Hexapylon, by sea from that of Achradina, the wall of which is washed by the waves.

> Latin: 33.8. si bello lacesserent, ipsa re intellecturos nequaquam idem esse Syracusas ac Leontinos oppugnare. ita legatis relictis portas clausit. inde terra marique simul coeptae oppugnari Syracusae, terra ab Hexapylo, mari ab Achradina, cuius murus fluctu adluitur;

[¶39] 33.9. And because, having taken Leontini by a panic and the first assault, the Romans did not doubt that at some point they would make their way into a city immense and widely scattered, they brought all their equipment for besieging cities up to the walls.

> Latin: 33.9. et quia, sicut Leontinos terrore ac primo impetu ceperant, non diffidebant uastam disiectamque spatio urbem parte aliqua se inuasuros, omnem apparatum oppugnandarum urbium muris admouerunt.

[¶40] 34.1. And an undertaking begun with so vigorous an assault would have met with success if one man had not been at Syracuse at that time.

> Latin: 34.1. et habuisset tanto impetu coepta res fortunam, nisi unus homo Syracusis ea tempestate fuisset.

[¶41] 34.2. It was Archimedes, an unrivalled observer of the heavens and the stars, more remarkable, however, as inventor and contriver of artillery and engines of war, by which with the least pains he frustrated whatever the enemy undertook with vast efforts.

> Latin: 34.2. Archimedes is erat, unicus spectator caeli siderumque, mirabilior tamen inuentor ac machinator bellicorum tormentorum operumque quibus <si quid> hostes ingenti mole agerent ipse perleui momento ludificaretur.

[¶42] 34.3. The walls, carried along uneven hills, mainly high positions and difficult to approach, but some of them low and accessible from level ground, we reequipped by him with every kind of artillery, as seemed suited to each place.

> Latin: 34.3. murum per inaequales ductum colles, pleraque alta et difficilia aditu, summissa quaedam et quae planis uallibus adiri possent, ut cuique aptum uisum est loco, ita genere omni tormentorum instruxit.

[¶43] 34.4. The wall of Achradina, which, as has been said already, is washed by the sea, was attacked by Marcellus with sixty five-bankers.

> Latin: 34.4. Achradinae murum, qui, ut ante dictum est, mari adluitur, sexaginta quinqueremibus Marcellus oppugnabat.

[¶44] 34.5. From most of the ships archers and slingers, also light-armed troops, whose weapon is difficult for the inexpert to return, allowed hardly anyone to stand on the wall without being wounded; and these men kept their ships at a distance from the wall, since range is needed for missile weapons.

> Latin: 34.5. ex ceteris nauibus sagittarii funditoresque et uelites etiam, quorum telum ad remittendum inhabile imperitis est, uix quemquam sine uolnere consistere in muro patiebantur;

[¶45] 34.6. Other five-bankers, paired together, with the inner oars removed, so that side was brought close to side, were propelled by the outer banks of oars like a single ship, and carried towers of several stories and in addition engines for battering walls. To meet this naval equipment Archimedes disposed artillery of different sizes on the walls.

> Latin: 34.6. hi, quia spatio missilibus opus est, procul muro tenebant naues: iunctae aliae binae quinqueremes demptis interioribus remis ut latus lateri applicaretur, cum exteriore ordine remorum uelut una nauis agerentur, turres contabulatas machinamentaque alia quatiendis muris portabant.

[¶46] 34.8. Against ships at a distance he kept discharging stones of great weight; nearer vessels he would attack with lighter and all the more numerous missile weapons.

> Latin: 34.8. aduersus hunc naualem apparatum Archimedes uariae magnitudinis tormenta in muris disposuit. in eas quae procul erant naues saxa ingenti pondere emittebat; propiores leuioribus eoque magis crebris petebat telis;

[¶47] 34.9. Finally, that his own men might discharge their bolts at the enemy without exposure to wounds, he opened the wall from bottom to top with numerous loopholes about a cubit wide, and through these some, without being seen, shot at the enemy with arrows, others from small scorpions.

> Latin: 34.9. postremo, ut sui uolnere intacti tela in hostem ingererent, murum ab imo ad summum crebris cubitalibus fere cauis aperuit, per quae caua pars sagittis, pars scorpionibus modicis ex occulto petebant hostem.

[¶48] 34.10. As for the ships which came closer, in order to be inside the range of his artillery, against these an iron grapnel, fastened to a stout chain, would be thrown on to the bow by means of a swing-beam projecting over the wall. When this sprung backward to the ground owing to the shifting of a heavy leaden weight, it would set the ship on its stern, bow in air.

> Latin: 34.10. [quae] propius quaedam subibant naues quo interiores ictibus tormentorum essent; in eas tollenone super murum eminente ferrea manus firmae catenae inligata cum iniecta prorae esset grauique libramento plumbum recelleret ad solum, suspensa prora nauem in puppim statuebat;

[¶49] 34.11. Then, suddenly released, it would dash the ship, falling, as it were, from the wall, into the sea, to the great alarm of the sailors, and with the result that, even if she fell upright, she would take considerable water.

> Latin: 34.11. dein remissa subito uelut ex muro cadentem nauem cum ingenti trepidatione nautarum ita undae adfligebant ut etiamsi recta recciderat, aliquantum aquae acciperet.

[¶50] 34.12. Thus the assault from the sea was baffled, and all hope shifted to a plan to attack from the land with all their forces.

> Latin: 34.12. ita maritima oppugnatio est elusa omnisque spes eo uersa ut totis uiribus terra adgrederentur.

[¶51] 34.13. But that side also had been provided with the same complete equipment of artillery, at the expense and the pains of Hiero during many years, by the unrivalled art of Archimedes.

> Latin: 34.13. sed ea quoque pars eodem omni apparatu tormentorum instructa erat Hieronis impensis curaque per multos annos, Archimedis unica arte.

[¶52] 34.14. The nature of the place also helped, in that the rock on which the foundations of the wall were laid is generally so steep that not only missiles from a machine, but also whatever rolled down of its own weight fell heavily upon the enemy.

> Latin: 34.14. natura etiam adiuuabat loci, quod saxum, cui imposita muri fundamenta sunt, magna parte ita procliue est ut non solum missa tormento sed etiam quae pondere suo prouoluta essent, grauiter in hostem inciderent.

[¶53] 34.15. The same circumstance made approach to the wall difficult and footing unsteady.

> Latin: 34.15. eadem causa ad subeundum arduum aditum instabilemque ingressum praebebat.

[¶54] 34.16. So, after a war council, since every attempt was being balked, it was decided to give up the assault and merely by a blockade to cut off the enemy by land and sea from their supplies.

> Latin: 34.16. ita consilio habito, quando omnis conatus ludibrio esset, absistere oppugnatione atque obsidendo tantum arcere terra marique commeatibus hostem placuit.

[¶55] 35.1. Meanwhile Marcellus set out with about a third of his army to recover the cities which in the unsettled state of affairs had gone over to the Carthaginians. Helorus and Herbesus he did recover by their own surrender; Megara he took by assault, destroyed and plundered, to terrify the others and especially the Syracusans.

> Latin: 35.1. interim Marcellus cum tertia fere parte exercitus ad recipiendas urbes profectus quae in motu rerum ad Carthaginienses defecerant, Helorum atque Herbesum dedentibus ipsis recipit, Megara ui capta diruit ac diripuit ad reliquorum ac maxime Syracusanorum terrorem.

[¶56] 35.3. About the same time also Himilco, who had long kept his fleet off the promontory of Pachynum, landed at Heraclea, called Minoa, 25,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry and twelve elephants, a very much larger force than that with which he had previously kept his fleet off Pachynum.

> Latin: 35.3. per idem fere tempus et Himilco, qui ad Pachyni promunturium classem diu tenuerat, ad Heracleam, quam uocant Minoam, quinque et uiginti milia peditum, tria equitum, duodecim elephantos exposuit, nequaquam cum quantis copiis ante tenuerat ad Pachynum classem;

[¶57] 35.4. But after Syracuse had been seized by Hippocrates, Himilco went to Carthage and was aided there both by the legates of Hippocrates and by a letter from Hannibal, who said the time had come to recover Sicily in the most honourable manner.

> Latin: 35.4. sed, postquam ab Hippocrate occupatae Syracusae erant, profectus Carthaginem adiutusque ibi et ab legatis Hippocratis et litteris Hannibalis, qui uenisse tempus aiebat Siciliae per summum decus repetendae, et ipse haud uanus praesens monitor facile perpulerat ut quantae maxime possent peditum equitumque copiae in Siciliam traicerentur.

[¶58] 35.5. Himilco himself, being an influential adviser, present in person, had easily prevailed upon them to send across to Sicily the largest possible forces of infantry and cavalry. Arrived at Heraclea, he recovered Agrigentum within a few days. And the hopes of the other city-states which were on the side of the Carthaginians were so fired to drive the Romans out of Sicily that finally even those who were besieged at Syracuse took courage.

> Latin: 35.5. adueniens Heracleam, intra paucos inde dies Agrigentum recepit; aliarumque ciuitatium quae partis Carthaginiensium erant adeo accensae sunt spes ad pellendos Sicilia Romanos ut postremo etiam qui obsidebantur Syracusis animos sustulerint;

[¶59] 35.7. And thinking the city could be sufficiently defended by a part of the forces, they so divided the military duties that Epicydes should be in charge of the defence of the city, and Hippocrates, together with Himilco, should carry on the war against the Roman consul.

> Latin: 35.7. et, parte copiarum satis defendi urbem posse rati, ita inter se munera belli partiti sunt ut Epicydes praeesset custodiae urbis, Hippocrates Himilconi coniunctus bellum aduersus consulem Romanum gereret.

[¶60] 35.8. With 10,000 infantry and five hundred horse he set out by night through places unguarded and pitched camp near the city of Acrillae.

> Latin: 35.8. cum decem milibus peditum, quingentis equitibus nocte per intermissa custodiis loca profectus castra circa Acrillas urbem ponebat.

[¶61] 35.9. As they were fortifying, Marcellus arrived, returning from Agrigentum, which was already occupied, since it was in vain that he had endeavoured to anticipate the enemy by hastening thither. Nothing was farther from his thoughts than that a Syracusan army should meet him there at that time.

> Latin: 35.9. munientibus superuenit Marcellus ab Agrigento iam occupato, cum frustra eo praeuenire hostem festinans tetendisset, rediens, nihil minus ratus quam illo tempore ac loco Syracusanum sibi exercitum obuium fore;

[¶62] 35.10. Nevertheless, from fear of Himilco and the Carthaginians, being no match for them with the forces he had, he was advancing with all possible alertness and with a column so formed as to meet any emergency.

> Latin: 35.10. sed tamen metu Himilconis Poenorumque, ut quibus nequaquam eis copiis quas habebat par esset, quam poterat maxime intentus atque agmine ad omnes casus composito ibat.

[¶63] 36.1. The precaution which had been taken against Carthaginians served him, as it happened, against Sicilians. Coming upon them after they had broken ranks and were scattered in the act of pitching camp and mostly unarmed, he overwhelmed all the infantry. The cavalry, after a slight engagement, fled with Hippocrates to Acrae. Marcellus, by that battle having restrained the Sicilians inclined to revolt from the Romans, returned to Syracuse.

> Latin: 36.1. forte ea cura [q.] aduersus Poenos praeparata aduersus Siculos usui fuit. castris ponendis incompositos ac dispersos nanctus eos et plerosque inermes quod peditum fuit circumuenit; eques leui certamine inito cum Hippocrate Acras perfugit. ea pugna deficientes ab Romanis cum cohibuisset Siculos, Marcellus Syracusas redit;

[¶64] 36.2. And a few days later Himilco was joined by Hippocrates and pitched camp by the river Anapus, about eight miles away.

> Latin: 36.2. et post paucos dies Himilco adiuncto Hippocrate ad flumen Anapum octo ferme inde milia castra posuit.

[¶65] 36.3. About the same time it so happened that fifty-five warships of the Carthaginians under Bomilcar sailed from the open sea into the Great Harbour of Syracuse, and also a Roman fleet of thirty quinqueremes debarked the first legion at Panormus. And the war could be considered as now diverted from Italy, so intent were both nations upon Sicily.

> Latin: 36.3. sub idem fere tempus et naues longae quinque et quinquaginta Carthaginiensium cum Bomilcare in magnum portum Syracusas ex alto decurrere, et Romana item classis, triginta quinqueremes, legionem primam Panormi exposuere;

[¶66] 36.4. Himilco, thinking that the legion which had been landed at Panormus would certainly fall a prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was baffled by its route.

> Latin: 36.4. uersumque ab Italia bellum— adeo uterque populus in Siciliam intentus—fuisse uideri poterat.

[¶67] 36.5. For the Carthaginian led his troops along an inland road, while the legion, escorted by the fleet, made its way along the coast to Appius Claudius, who with a part of his forces had advanced as far as Pachynum to meet it.

> Latin: 36.5. legionem Romanam quae exposita Panormi erat uenientem Syracusas praedae haud dubie sibi futuram Himilco ratus uia decipitur.

[¶68] 36.6. And so the Carthaginians did not tarry longer near Syracuse. On the one hand Bomilcar, lacking confidence in his own ships, since the Romans had a fleet of fully double the number, and at the same time seeing that by useless delay the lack of supplies for the allies was only intensified by his forces, put out to sea and crossed over to Africa. On the other hand Himilco first followed Marcellus to Syracuse to no purpose, in the hope that there might be some opportunity for an engagement before should unite with larger forces. Then, when no such opportunity fell to him, and he saw the enemy safe near Syracuse thanks to his fortifications and military strength, fearing to waste time in besieging him in vain and watching the blockade of the allies, he moved his camp away.

> Latin: 36.6. mediterraneo namque Poenus itinere duxit; legio maritimis locis classe prosequente ad Ap. Claudium Pachynum cum parte copiarum obuiam progressum peruenit. nec diutius Poeni ad Syracusas morati sunt: et Bomilcar, simul parum fidens nauibus suis duplici facile numero classem habentibus Romanis simul inutili mora cernens nihil aliud ab suis quam inopiam adgrauari sociorum, uelis in altum datis in Africam transmisit, et Himilco, secutus nequiquam Marcellum Syracusas, si qua priusquam maioribus copiis iungeretur occasio pugnandi esset, postquam ea nulla contigerat tutumque ad Syracusas et munimento et uiribus hostem cernebat,

[¶69] 36.9. His purpose was to bring up his army to any point to which the hope of revolting from the Romans might call him, and by his presence to give encouragement to those who inclined to support his cause.

> Latin: 36.9. ne frustra adsidendo spectandoque obsidionem sociorum tempus tereret, castra inde mouit, ut quocumque uocasset defectionis ab Romano spes admoueret exercitum ac praesens suas res fouentibus adderet animos.

[¶70] 36.10. Murgantia was first recovered, after the inhabitants had betrayed the Roman garrison. There a great quantity of grain and supplies of every kind had been accumulated for the Romans.

> Latin: 36.10. Murgantiam primum prodito ab ipsis praesidio Romano recipit, ubi frumenti magna uis commeatusque omnis generis conuecti erant Romanis.

[¶71] 37.1. Upon this revolt, feeling was aroused in other city-states, and Roman garrisons were being either driven out of citadels or betrayed by treachery and slain.

> Latin: 37.1. ad hanc defectionem erecti sunt et aliarum ciuitatium animi praesidiaque Romana aut pellebantur arcibus aut prodita per fraudem opprimebantur.

[¶72] 37.2. Henna, perched on a lofty site with cliffs on every side, was not only impregnable from its position, but also had a strong garrison in its citadel and a garrison commander who was certainly no easy prey to plotters.

> Latin: 37.2. Henna, excelso loco ac praerupto undique sita, cum loco inexpugnabilis erat, tum praesidium in arce ualidum praefectumque praesidii haud sane opportunum insidiantibus habebat.

[¶73] 37.3. This was Lucius Pinarius, a man of high spirit and one who gave more weight to precautions against possible deception than to the honour of Sicilians. And at this time the news of so many cities betrayed and in revolt and of so many garrisons destroyed had made him more intent upon guarding against every danger.

> Latin: 37.3. L. Pinarius erat, uir acer et qui plus in eo ne posset decipi quam in fide Siculorum reponeret; et tum intenderant eum ad cauendi omnia curam tot auditae proditiones defectionesque urbium et clades praesidiorum.

[¶74] 37.4. Accordingly every position had been prepared and provided with guards and sentinels night and day; and the soldier did not leave his arms and his post.

> Latin: 37.4. itaque nocte dieque iuxta parata instructaque omnia custodiis ac uigiliis erant nec ab armis aut loco suo miles abscedebat.

[¶75] 37.5. When this was noticed by the leading men of Henna, who had already made an agreement with Himilco to betray the garrison, namely, that the Roman left no opportunity for treachery, they were forced to act openly.

> Latin: 37.5. quod ubi Hennensium principes, iam pacti cum Himilcone de proditione praesidii, animaduerterunt, nulli occasioni fraudis Romanum patere, palam erat agendum:

[¶76] 37.6. They said that city and citadel ought to be under their own control, if as free men they had entered into alliance with the Romans, and had not been consigned to custody as slaves. Consequently they said they thought it right that the keys of the gates should be restored to them.

> Latin: 37.6. urbem arcemque suae potestatis aiunt debere esse, si liberi in societatem, non serui in custodiam traditi essent Romanis.

[¶77] 37.7. For good allies their loyalty was the strongest bond, and the Roman people and senate would be grateful to them only in case they remained in their friendship willingly and not under compulsion.

> Latin: 37.7. itaque claues portarum reddi sibi aequum censent: bonis sociis fidem suam maximum uinculum esse et ita sibi populum Romanum senatumque gratias habiturum, si uolentes ac non coacti mansissent in amicitia.

[¶78] 37.8. In reply to this the Roman commandant said that he had been placed at his post by his general and had received from him both the keys to the gates and the guarding of the citadel, to keep them, not at his own discretion nor that of the people of Henna, but of the man who had confided them to him.

> Latin: 37.8. ad ea Romanus se in praesidio impositum esse dicere ab imperatore suo clauesque portarum et custodiam arcis ab eo accepisse, quae nec suo nec Hennensium arbitrio haberet sed eius qui commisisset.

[¶79] 37.9. To leave one's post was among the Romans a capital offence, and fathers had punished that crime with the death even of their own sons. The consul Marcellus was not far away; they should send legates to him who had the right to decide the matter.

> Latin: 37.9. praesidio decedere apud Romanos capital esse et nece liberorum etiam suorum eam <noxiam> parentes sanxisse. consulem Marcellum haud procul esse; ad eum mitterent legatos cuius iuris atque arbitrii esset.

[¶80] 37.10. But they said that they would not send them, and asserted that if they accomplished nothing by words, they would seek some means of recovering their freedom.

> Latin: 37.10. se uero negare illi missuros testarique, si uerbis nihil agerent, uindictam aliquam libertatis suae quaesituros.

[¶81] 37.11. Upon that Pinarius said that, if they objected to sending to the consul, very well, let them at least give him an assembly of the people, that it might be known whether their demand was that of a few men or of the whole city. They agreed to an assembly on the next day.

> Latin: 37.11. tum Pinarius: at illi si ad consulem grauarentur mittere, sibi saltem darent populi concilium, ut sciretur utrum paucorum ea denuntiatio an uniuersae ciuitatis esset. consensa in posterum diem contio.

[¶82] 38.1. Returning from that conference to the citadel, he called his men together and said: “I believe you have heard, soldiers, how in these days Roman garrisons have been beset and overwhelmed by Sicilians.”

> Latin: 38.1. postquam ab eo conloquio in arcem sese recepit, conuocatis militibus 'credo ego uos audisse, milites' inquit, 'quemadmodum praesidia Romana ab Siculis circumuenta et oppressa sint per hos dies.

[¶83] 38.2. “Such treachery you have escaped, thanks first to the favour of the gods, and then to your own courage, by standing guard day and night under arms. Would that the remaining time could be passed without either suffering or committing atrocities! In covert trickery the method of defence is that which we have so far employed.”

> Latin: 38.2. eam uos fraudem deum primo benignitate, dein uestra ipsi uirtute dies noctesque perstando ac peruigilando in armis uitastis. utinam reliquum tempus nec patiendo infanda nec faciendo traduci possit.

[¶84] 38.3. “Since the trick does not succeed, they demand back the keys of the gates openly and above board. And the moment we surrender them, Henna will be in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be more cruelly slaughtered here than was the garrison slain at Murgantia.”

> Latin: 38.3. haec occulta in fraude cautio est qua usi adhuc sumus; cui quoniam parum succedit, aperte ac propalam claues portarum reposcunt; quas simul tradiderimus, Carthaginiensium extemplo Henna erit foediusque hic trucidabimur quam Murgantiae praesidium interfectum est.

[¶85] 38.4. “With difficulty I have gained for deliberation one night in which to inform you of the impending danger. At daybreak they are to hold an assembly for the purpose of accusing me and arousing the people against you.”

> Latin: 38.4. noctem unam aegre ad consultandum sumpsi, qua uos certiores periculi instantis facerem. orta luce contionem habituri sunt ad criminandum me concitandumque in uos populum.

[¶86] 38.5. “And so tomorrow Henna will be deluged either with your blood or with that of the Hennensians. If forestalled, you will have no hope, nor any danger if you forestall them. Who first draws the sword will have the victory. Therefore, alert and armed, you will all await the signal.”

> Latin: 38.5. itaque crastino die aut uestro aut Hennensium sanguine Henna inundabitur. nec praeoccupati spem ullam nec occupantes periculi quicquam habebitis; qui prior strinxerit ferrum, eius uictoria erit.

[¶87] 38.6. “I shall be in the assembly, and I will kill time in speaking and disputing, until everything is ready.”

> Latin: 38.6. intenti ergo omnes armatique signum exspectabitis. ego in contione ero et tempus, quoad omnia instructa sint, loquendo altercandoque traham.

[¶88] 38.7. “When I give the signal with my toga, then do you from all sides raise a shout, attack the crowd, and strike down everyone with the sword; and see to it that no one survives whose violence or treachery can be feared.”

> Latin: 38.7. cum toga signum dedero, tum mihi undique clamore sublato turbam inuadite ac sternite omnia ferro; et cauete quisquam supersit cuius aut uis aut fraus timeri possit.

[¶89] 38.8. “Mother Ceres and Proserpina, and all the other gods, above and below, who inhabit this city, these hallowed lakes and groves, I pray that ye attend us with your favour and support, if so be that we are taking this step for the purpose of guarding against treachery, not of practising it.”

> Latin: 38.8. uos, Ceres mater ac Proserpina, precor, ceteri superi infernique di, qui hanc urbem, hos sacratos lacus lucosque colitis, ut ita nobis uolentes propitii adsitis, si uitandae, non inferendae fraudis causa hoc consilii capimus.

[¶90] 38.9. “I should exhort you, soldiers, at greater length if your battle were to be with armed men. Unarmed and off their guard, you will massacre them to your hearts' content. And the consul's camp is near; I tell you this that you may have no possible fear from Himilco and the Carthaginians.”

> Latin: 38.9. pluribus uos, milites, hortarer, si cum armatis dimicatio futura esset; inermes, incautos ad satietatem trucidabitis; et consulis castra in propinquo sunt, ne quid ab Himilcone et Carthaginiensibus timeri possit.'

[¶91] 39.1. Dismissed immediately after this exhortation, they took food and rest. On the following day they were posted in different places, to occupy the roads and close the ways of escape. The majority took their positions above and around the theatre, being already familiar with the sight of an assembly.

> Latin: 39.1. ab hac adhortatione dimissi corpora curant. postero die alii aliis locis ad obsidenda itinera claudendosque oppositi exitus; pars maxima super theatrum circaque, adsueti et ante spectaculo contionum, consistunt.

[¶92] 39.2. The Roman commandant, being brought before the people by the magistrates, said that right and authority in the matter belonged to the consul, not to himself, and in general the same things he had said the day before. And at first insensibly and only a few, presently a larger number, then all, now with one voice kept bidding him to deliver the keys; and when he delayed and postponed, they repeated savage threats and apparently would not further postpone violence, their last resort.

> Latin: 39.2. productus ad populum a magistratibus praefectus Romanus cum consulis de ea re ius ac potestatem esse, non suam et pleraque eadem quae pridie dixisset, et primo sensim †ac plus† reddere claues, dein iam una uoce id omnes iuberent cunctantique et differenti ferociter minitarentur nec uiderentur ultra uim ultimam dilaturi,

[¶93] 39.4. Thereupon the prefect gave the signal with his toga, as had been agreed, and the soldiers, alert and ready long before, dashed down, some of them from above, upon the rear of the assembly with a shout, while others, massed at the exits of the theatre, blocked the way.

> Latin: 39.4. tum praefectus toga signum, ut conuenerat, dedit militesque intenti dudum ac parati alii superne in auersam contionem clamore sublato decurrunt, alii ad exitus theatri conferti obsistunt.

[¶94] 39.5. The men of Henna, shut up in the cavea, were slain and piled together not only owing to the slaughter, but also by the panic, since they rushed down over each others' heads, and as the unharmed fell upon the wounded, the living upon the dead, they were lying in heaps.

> Latin: 39.5. caeduntur Hennenses cauea inclusi coaceruanturque non caede solum sed etiam fuga, cum super aliorum <alii> capita ruerent <et> integris saucii, uiui mortuis incidentes cumularentur.

[¶95] 39.6. Thence the soldiers scattered in every direction, and, just as in a captured city, flight and slaughter were in complete possession, while the wrath of the soldiers was not a whit less intense because they were slaying an unarmed crowd, than if equal danger and ardour for the fray were spurring them on.

> Latin: 39.6. inde passim discurritur, et urbis captae modo fugaque et caedes omnia tenet nihilo remissiore militum ira quod turbam inermem caedebant quam si periculum par et ardor certaminis eos inritaret.

[¶96] 39.7. So by an act, it may have been criminal, it may have been unavoidable, Henna was held. Marcellus, without reproving the act, allowed the soldiers to plunder the Hennensians, thinking the frightened Sicilians had been deterred from betraying their garrisons.

> Latin: 39.7. ita Henna aut malo aut necessario facinore retenta. Marcellus nec factum improbauit et praedam Hennensium militibus concessit, ratus timore fore deterritos proditionibus praesidiorum Siculos.

[¶97] 39.8. And as was natural in the case of a city in the heart of Sicily and famous, whether for the remarkable natural defences of its site, or as hallowed everywhere by the footprints of Proserpina, long ago carried away, news of the massacre made its way over the whole of Sicily almost in a single day. And then in truth, since they thought that the abode, not of men only but also of gods, had been desecrated by an atrocious massacre, even those who till then had wavered went over to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 39.8. atque ea clades, ut urbis in media Sicilia sitae claraeque uel ob insignem munimento naturali locum uel ob sacrata omnia uestigiis raptae quondam Proserpinae, prope uno die omnem Siciliam peruasit et, quia caede infanda rebantur non hominum tantum sed etiam deorum sedem uiolatam esse, tum uero qui etiam ante dubii fuerant defecere ad Poenos.

[¶98] 39.10. Hippocrates thereupon went back to Murgantia, Himilco to Agrigentum, after bringing up their army to Henna to no purpose at the summons of the traitors.

> Latin: 39.10. Hippocrates inde Murgantiam, Himilco Agrigentum sese recepit, cum acciti a proditoribus nequiquam ad Hennam exercitum admouissent.

[¶99] 39.11. Marcellus returned to Leontini, had grain and other supplies brought into the camp, left a suitable garrison there and came to Syracuse to carry on the siege.

> Latin: 39.11. Marcellus retro in Leontinos redit frumentoque et commeatibus aliis in castra conuectis, praesidio modico ibi relicto, ad Syracusas obsidendas uenit.

[¶100] 39.12. He then relieved Appius Claudius, to sue for the consulship at Rome, and in his place put Titus Quinctius Crispinus in command of the fleet and the old camp.

> Latin: 39.12. inde Ap. Claudio Romam ad consulatum petendum misso T. Quinctium Crispinum in eius locum classi castrisque praeficit ueteribus;

[¶101] 39.13. As for himself, he fortified and built winter quarters five miles from the Hexapylon — Leon they call the place. Such were the events in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter.

> Latin: 39.13. ipse hibernacula quinque milia passuum <ab> Hexapylo—Leonta uocant locum—communiit aedificauitque. haec in Sicilia usque ad principium hiemis gesta.

[¶102] 40.1. The same summer the war with King Philip also that for some time had been foreshadowed broke out.

> Latin: 40.1. eadem aestate et cum Philippo rege, quod iam ante suspectum fuerat, motum bellum est.

[¶103] 40.2. Legates came from Oricum to Marcus Valerius, the praetor, who with his fleet was guarding Brundisium and the neighbouring coast of Calabria. They reported that Philip had first sailed up the river with a hundred and twenty small vessels having two banks of oars and attacked Apollonia;

> Latin: 40.2. legati ab Orico ad M. Ualerium praetorem uenerunt, praesidentem classi Brundisio Calabriaeque circa litoribus, nuntiantes Philippum primum Apolloniam temptasse, lembis biremibus centum uiginti flumine aduerso subuectum;

## 21. Book XXIV · chapters 40–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/#p-N

[¶0] 40.3. and that then, when the undertaking proved slower than he anticipated, had secretly moved his army to Oricum by night; also that that city, situated in a plain and not strong either in walls or armed men, had been taken by assault.

> Latin: 40.3. deinde, ut ea res tardior spe fuerit, ad Oricum clam nocte exercitum admouisse eamque urbem, sitam in plano, neque moenibus neque uiris atque armis ualidam, primo impetu oppressam esse.

[¶1] 40.4. Making this report, they begged him to lend aid and by land and sea to keep an undoubted enemy of the Romans away from the coast cities, which were being attacked for no other reason than that they faced Italy.

> Latin: 40.4. haec nuntiantes orabant ut opem ferret hostemque haud dubium Romanis mari ac terra maritimis urbibus arceret, quae ob nullam aliam causam nisi quod imminerent Italiae, peterentur.

[¶2] 40.5. Marcus Valerius, after leaving a garrison of two thousand soldiers and placing Publius Valerius, his lieutenant, in command of them, with his fleet drawn up and in readiness, while such soldiers as the warships could not accommodate had been placed on transports, came on the second day to Oricum;

> Latin: 40.5. M. Ualerius duorum milium praesidio relicto <praeposito>que eis P. Ualerio legato cum classe instructa parataque et, quod longae naues militum capere non poterant, in onerarias impositis altero die Oricum peruenit;

[¶3] 40.6. and as only a small garrison which the king had left when he withdrew held the city, he recaptured it after slight resistance.

> Latin: 40.6. urbemque eam leui tenente praesidio quod <rex> recedens inde reliquerat haud magno certamine recepit.

[¶4] 40.7. To it came legates from Apollonia, reporting that they were being besieged because they refused to revolt from the Romans and could no longer withstand the attack of the Macedonians, unless a Roman force should be sent.

> Latin: 40.7. legati eo ab Apollonia uenerunt, nuntiantes in obsidione sese, quod deficere ab Romanis nollent, esse neque sustinere ultra uim Macedonum posse, nisi praesidium mittatur Romanum.

[¶5] 40.8. Valerius promised to do as they desired, and sent two thousand picked soldiers in warships to the mouth of the river under the command of a prefect of the allies, Quintus Naevius Crista, a man of action and an experienced soldier.

> Latin: 40.8. facturum se quae uellent pollicitus, duo milia delectorum militum nauibus longis mittit ad ostium fluminis cum praefecto socium Q. Naeuio Crista, uiro impigro et perito militiae.

[¶6] 40.9. He landed his men, sent the ships back to the rest of the fleet at Oricum, his starting-point, led his soldiers at a distance from the river along the road least beset by the king's troops and entered the city by night, so that no one of the enemy was aware of it.

> Latin: 40.9. is expositis in terram militibus nauibusque Oricum retro unde uenerat ad ceteram classem remissis milites procul a flumine per uiam minime ab regiis obsessam duxit et nocte, ita ut nemo hostium sentiret, urbem est ingressus.

[¶7] 40.10. The following day they rested, that the prefect might inspect the young men of Apollonia and the arms and resources of the city. The result of that inspection gave him sufficient encouragement, and he learned also from scouts what carelessness and indifference there was among the enemy. Thereupon in the silence of the night and without making any noise he went out of the city and entered the enemy's camp, so neglected and open that a thousand men had entered the wall before anyone was aware of it, so it was generally asserted; also, that if they had refrained from slaughter, they could have reached the king's tent.

> Latin: 40.10. diem insequentem quieuere dum praefectus iuuentutem Apolloniatium armaque et urbis uires inspiceret. ubi ea uisa inspectaque satis animorum fecere simulque ab exploratoribus comperit quanta socordia ac neglegentia apud hostes esset, silentio noctis ab urbe sine ullo tumultu egressus castra hostium adeo neglecta atque aperta intrauit, ut satis constaret prius mille hominum uallum intrasse quam quisquam sentiret ac, si caede abstinuissent, peruenire ad tabernaculum regium potuisse.

[¶8] 40.12. The slaughter of the men nearest to the gate aroused the enemy. Then such alarm and panic took possession of them all that not only did no one else seize his arms and attempt to drive the enemy out of the camp, but even the king himself, fleeing almost half-naked, just as he was when awakened, fled to the river and his ships in a garb scarcely seemly even for a common soldier, much less a king.

> Latin: 40.12. caedes proximorum portae excitauit hostes. inde tantus terror pauorque omnes occupauit ut non modo alius quisquam arma caperet aut castris pellere hostem conaretur, sed etiam ipse rex, sicut somno excitus erat, prope seminudus fugiens, militi quoque nedum regi uix decoro habitu ad flumen nauesque perfugerit.

[¶9] 40.13. Thither the rest of the disorderly crowd also poured out.

> Latin: 40.13. eodem et alia turba effusa est.

[¶10] 40.14. Little fewer than three thousand soldiers were either captured or slain in the camp; a considerably larger number of men were captured than slain.

> Latin: 40.14. paulo minus tria milia militum in castris aut capta aut occisa; plus tamen hominum aliquanto captum quam caesum est.

[¶11] 40.15. After plundering the camp the Apollonians carried away the catapults, ballistae and other engines which had been provided for a siege of the city to Apollonia, in order to defend their walls, if ever a similar situation should arise. All the remaining booty of the camp was left to the Romans.

> Latin: 40.15. castris direptis Apolloniatae catapultas ballistas tormentaque alia quae oppugnandae urbi comparata erant ad tuenda moenia, si quando similis fortuna uenisset, Apolloniam deuexere: cetera omnis praeda castrorum Romanis concessa est.

[¶12] 40.16. When this news reached Oricum, Marcus Valerius at once led his fleet to the mouth of the river, to prevent the king from escaping by ship.

> Latin: 40.16. haec cum Oricum essent nuntiata, M. Ualerius classem extemplo ad ostium fluminis duxit, ne nauibus capessere fugam rex posset.

[¶13] 40.17. And so Philip, believing he would not be quite equal to a battle either on land or sea, stranded his ships, set fire to them, and started for Macedonia with an army in large part disarmed and despoiled. The Roman fleet wintered at Oricum under the command of Marcus Valerius.

> Latin: 40.17. itaque Philippus, neque terrestri neque nauali certamini satis fore parem se fidens, subductis nauibus atque incensis terra Macedoniam petit, magna ex parte inermi exercitu spoliatoque. Romana classis cum M. Ualerio Orici hibernauit.

[¶14] 41.1. In the same year operations in Spain were chequered. For Mago and Hasdrubal, before the Romans should cross the Ebro, routed immense forces of Spaniards.

> Latin: 41.1. eodem anno in Hispania uarie res gestae. nam priusquam Romani amnem Hiberum transirent, ingentes copias Hispanorum Mago et Hasdrubal fuderunt;

[¶15] 41.2. And Farther Spain would have revolted from the Romans if Publius Cornelius had not hastily led his army across the Hiberus and arrived in the nick of time, while the allies were still wavering.

> Latin: 41.2. defecissetque ab Romanis ulterior Hispania, ni P. Cornelius raptim traducto exercitu Hiberum dubiis sociorum animis in tempore aduenisset.

[¶16] 41.3. At first the Romans had their camp at Castrum Album, noted as the place where the great Hamilcar fell.

> Latin: 41.3. primo ad Castrum Album—locus est insignis caede magni Hamilcaris—castra Romani habuere.

[¶17] 41.4. The citadel had been fortified and they had previously brought in grain. Yet the country all around was filled with the enemy, and the Roman column had been attacked with impunity by the enemy's cavalry and about two thousand men, either straggling or scattered over the farms, had been slain. The Romans therefore retired from the place to a position nearer peaceful regions and fortified a camp at Victory Mountain.

> Latin: 41.4. arx erat munita et conuexerant ante frumentum; tamen, quia omnia circa hostium plena erant agmenque Romanum impune incursatum ab equitibus hostium fuerat et ad duo milia aut moratorum aut palantium per agros interfecta, cessere inde Romani propius pacata loca et ad montem Uictoriae castra communiuere.

[¶18] 41.5. Thither came Gnaeus Scipio with all his troops, and Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, making three Carthaginian generals and a complete army; and all three established themselves across the river, opposite the Roman camp.

> Latin: 41.5. eo Cn. Scipio cum omnibus copiis et Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius, tertius Carthaginiensium dux, cum exercitu iusto aduenit contraque castra Romana trans fluuium omnes consedere.

[¶19] 41.6. Publius Scipio, who set out secretly to reconnoitre with unencumbered troops, did not escape the notice of the enemy, and they would have overwhelmed him in the open meadows if he had not captured a hill near by.

> Latin: 41.6. P. Scipio cum expeditis clam profectus ad loca circa uisenda haud fefellit hostes oppressissentque eum in patentibus campis, ni tumulum in propinquo cepisset. ibi quoque circumsessus aduentu fratris obsidione eximitur.

[¶20] 41.7. Even there he was beset, but by the arrival of his brother he escaped a siege. Castulo revolted to the Romans, a strong and famous city of Spain, so closely joined to the Carthaginians by alliance that Hannibal's wife was from that place.

> Latin: 41.7. Castulo, urbs Hispaniae ualida ac nobilis et adeo coniuncta societate Poenis ut uxor inde Hannibali esset, ad Romanos defecit.

[¶21] 41.8. The Carthaginians attempted to capture Iliturgis, because there was a Roman garrison there, and it seemed that they would take the town mainly by starvation.

> Latin: 41.8. Carthaginienses Iliturgim oppugnare adorti, quia praesidium ibi Romanum erat; uidebanturque inopia maxime eum locum expugnaturi.

[¶22] 41.9. Gnaeus Scipio, to lend aid to the allies and the garrison, set out with an unencumbered legion, passing between their two camps, and after slaying many of the enemy entered the city, and on the following day engaged them in an equally successful sally.

> Latin: 41.9. Cn. Scipio, ut sociis praesidioque ferret opem, cum legione expedita profectus inter bina castra cum magna caede hostium urbem est ingressus et postero die eruptione aeque felici pugnauit. supra duodecim milia hominum caesa duobus proeliis;

[¶23] 41.10. Over twelve thousand men were slain in the two battles, more than a thousand men captured, with thirty-six military standards. So they withdrew from Iliturgis.

> Latin: 41.10. plus mille hominum captum cum sex et triginta militaribus signis. ita ab Iliturgi recessum est.

[¶24] 41.11. Then began the siege of Bigerra —these also were allies of the Romans —by the Carthaginians. Gnaeus Scipio on his arrival raised the siege without an engagement.

> Latin: 41.11. Bigerra inde urbs—socia et haec Romanorum erat—a Carthaginiensibus oppugnari coepta est. eam obsidionem sine certamine adueniens Cn. Scipio soluit.

[¶25] 42.1. Thereupon the Carthaginian camp was removed to Munda, and the Romans promptly followed them thither.

> Latin: 42.1. ad Mundam exinde castra Punica mota et Romani eo confestim secuti sunt.

[¶26] 42.2. There they fought in pitched battle for about four hours, and though the Romans were winning a brilliant victory, the signal for recall was given, because Gnaeus Scipio's thigh had been pierced by a light javelin, and fear that the wound might prove fatal had seized the soldiers around him.

> Latin: 42.2. ibi signis conlatis pugnatum per quattuor ferme horas egregieque uincentibus Romanis signum receptui est datum, quod Cn. Scipionis femur tragula confixum erat pauorque circa eum ceperat milites ne mortiferum esset uolnus.

[¶27] 42.3. But there was no doubt that, if this delay had not occurred, the Carthaginian camp could have been captured that day. Already not only soldiers but the elephants also had been driven even up to the wall, and just as they crossed the trenches thirty-nine elephants were struck down by heavy javelins.

> Latin: 42.3. ceterum haud dubium fuit quin, nisi ea mora interuenisset, castra eo die Punica capi potuerint; nam non milites solum sed elephanti etiam usque ad uallum acti erant, superque ipsas <fossas> nouem et triginta elephanti pilis confixi.

[¶28] 42.4. In this battle also about twelve thousand men are said to have been slain, about three thousand captured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginians then retired to the city of Aurinx, and the Roman followed, to threaten men already terrified.

> Latin: 42.4. hoc quoque proelio ad duodecim milia hominum dicuntur caesa, prope tria capta cum signis militaribus septem et quinquaginta.

[¶29] 42.5. There Scipio again engaged, being carried into battle-line in a litter, and the victory was not to be questioned. Less than half as many of the enemy as before, however, were slain, because fewer men had survived to fight.

> Latin: 42.5. ad Auringem inde urbem Poeni recessere et, ut territis instaret, secutus Romanus. ibi iterum Scipio lecticula in aciem inlatus conflixit nec dubia uictoria fuit; minus tamen dimidio hostium quam antea, quia pauciores superfuerant qui pugnarent, occisum.

[¶30] 42.6. But, as Mago was sent by his brother to recruit soldiers, a race adapted by nature to renew wars and to make fresh preparations for them soon refilled the army and gave them the spirit to essay another conflict.

> Latin: 42.6. sed gens nata instaurandis reparandisque bellis Magone ad conquisitionem militum a fratre misso breui repleuit exercitum animosque ad temptandum de integro certamen fecit.

[¶31] 42.7. The soldiers were mostly Gauls, and they fought with the same spirit as their predecessors for the side which had been beaten so many times within a few days, and with the same result.

> Latin: 42.7. Galli plerique milites, iique pro parte totiens intra paucos dies uicta, iisdem animis quibus priores eodemque euentu pugnauere.

[¶32] 42.8. More than eight thousand men were slain, and not much less than a thousand captured, also fifty-eight military standards. And the spoils were largely Gallic, golden collars and armbands —a great number of them. Also two conspicuous princes of the Gauls —Moeniacoeptus and Vismarus were their names —fell in that battle. Eight elephants were captured, three slain.

> Latin: 42.8. plus octo milia hominum caesa, haud multo minus quam mille captum et signa militaria quinquaginta octo. et spolia plurima Gallica fuere, aurei torques armillaeque, magnus numerus; duo etiam insignes reguli Gallorum— Moeniacapto et Uismaro nomina erant—eo proelio ceciderunt. octo elephanti capti, tres occisi.

[¶33] 42.9. The situation in Spain being so favourable, the Romans came at last to be ashamed that the town of Saguntum, which was the cause of the war, had been by that time seven years in the power of the enemy.

> Latin: 42.9. cum tam prosperae res in Hispania essent, uerecundia Romanos tandem cepit Saguntum oppidum, quae causa belli esset, octauum iam annum sub hostium potestate esse.

[¶34] 42.10. Accordingly the Carthaginian garrison was driven out by force, and recovering the town the Romans restored it to its former inhabitants —such of them as the violence of war had spared.

> Latin: 42.10. itaque id oppidum ui pulso praesidio Punico receperunt cultoribusque antiquis quos ex iis uis reliquerat belli restituerunt;

[¶35] 42.11. And as for the Turdetani, who had brought on the war between Saguntum and the Carthaginians, they reduced them to subjection, sold them under the garland and destroyed their city.

> Latin: 42.11. et Turdetanos, qui contraxerant eis cum Carthaginiensibus bellum, in potestatem redactos sub corona uendiderunt urbemque eorum deleuerunt.

[¶36] 43.1. Such were the events in Spain in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius.

> Latin: 43.1. haec in Hispania Q. Fabio M. Claudio consulibus gesta.

[¶37] 43.2. At Rome, immediately after the newly elected tribunes of the plebs had entered upon office, a day was set by Marcus Metellus, a tribune of the plebs, for the censors Publius Furius and Marcus Atilius to appear at the bar of the people.

> Latin: 43.2. Romae cum tribuni plebis noui magistratum inissent, extemplo censoribus P. Furio et M. Atilio a <M.> Metello tribuno plebis dies dicta ad populum est— quaestorem eum proximo anno adempto equo tribu mouerant atque aerarium fecerant propter coniurationem deserendae Italiae ad Cannas factam—sed nouem tribunorum auxilio uetiti causam in magistratu dicere dimissique [fuerant].

[¶38] 43.3. In his quaestorship the year before they had taken away his horse, removed him from his tribe and made him an aerarian on account of the conspiracy formed at Cannae to desert Italy. But by the aid of nine tribunes they were forbidden to plead their cause while in office and were released. From completing the ceremony of purification they were prevented by the death of Publius Furius. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. For the consulship the election was conducted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul. Elected consuls, both in absence, were Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul's son, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, the latter for the second time.

> Latin: 43.3. ne lustrum perficerent, mors prohibuit P. Furii; M. Atilius magistratu se abdicauit. comitia consularia habita ab Q. Fabio Maximo consule. creati consules ambo absentes, Q. Fabius Maximus, consulis filius, et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus iterum.

[¶39] 43.6. Two men who were at the time curule aediles, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, were made praetors, and with them Marcus Atilius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus.

> Latin: 43.6. praetores fiunt duo qui tum aediles curules erant, P. Sempronius Tuditanus et Cn. Fuluius Centumalus, et <cum illis M. Atilius et> M. Aemilius Lepidus.

[¶40] 43.7. Tradition has it that at the festival given that year by the curule aediles four days had dramatic performances for the first time.

> Latin: 43.7. ludos scenicos per quatriduum eo anno primum factos ab curulibus aedilibus memoriae proditur.

[¶41] 43.8. The aedile Tuditanus was the man who at Cannae, when others were paralyzed by fear in such a disaster, led his men through the midst of the enemy.

> Latin: 43.8. aedilis Tuditanus hic erit, qui ad Cannas pauore aliis in tanta clade torpentibus per medios hostes duxit.

[¶42] 43.9. These elections being completed, the consuls designate were summoned to Rome, as proposed by Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon office and consulted the senate in regard to the war and the provinces, their own and those of the praetors, and as to the armies which they should respectively command;

> Latin: 43.9. his comitiis perfectis auctore Q. Fabio consule designati consules Romam accersiti magistratum inierunt, senatumque de bello ac prouinciis suis praetorumque et de exercitibus quibus quique praeessent consuluerunt; itaque prouinciae atque exercitus diuisi: bellum cum Hannibale consulibus mandatum et exercituum unus quem ipse Sempronius habuerat, alter quem Fabius consul; eae binae erant legiones.

[¶43] 44.2. and the provinces and armies were divided as follows: the war with Hannibal was assigned to the consuls, and two armies, one which Sempronius himself, and the other which Fabius had commanded as consul. These were of two legions each. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor to whom fell jurisdiction in cases involving foreigners, was to assign his judicial function to his colleague Marcus Atilius, the city praetor, and have Luceria as his province, and two legions which Quintus Fabius, who was now consul, had commanded as praetor.

> Latin: 44.2. M. Aemilius praetor, cuius peregrina sors erat, iurisdictione M. Atilio collegae, praetori urbano, mandata Luceriam prouinciam haberet legionesque duas quibus Q. Fabius, qui tum consul erat, praetor praefuerat.

[¶44] 44.3. To Publius Sempronius Ariminum fell as his assignment, to Gnaeus Fulvius, Suessula, likewise with two legions in each case, so assigned that Fulvius should take with him the legions at the city, and Tuditanus take over from Marcus Pomponius his legions.

> Latin: 44.3. P. Sempronio prouincia Ariminum, Cn. Fuluio Suessula cum binis item legionibus euenerunt ut Fuluius urbanas legiones duceret, Tuditanus a M. Pomponio acciperet.

[¶45] 44.4. Commands and assignments were continued as follows: for Marcus Claudius Sicily, with the boundaries which Hiero's kingdom had had; for Publius Lentulus, as propraetor, the old province; for Titus Otacilius the fleet; and for them new armies were not added.

> Latin: 44.4. prorogata imperia prouinciaeque, M. Claudio Sicilia finibus eis quibus regnum Hieronis fuisset, <P.> Lentulo propraetori prouincia uetus, T. Otacilio classis — exercitus nulli additi noui—;

[¶46] 44.5. So also for Marcus Valerius Greece and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he had; for Quintus Mucius Sardinia, with its old army —there were two legions; for Gaius Terentius one legion which he already commanded, and Picenum.

> Latin: 44.5. M. Ualerio Graecia Macedoniaque cum legione et classe quam haberet; Q. Mucio cum uetere exercitu—duae autem legiones erant—Sardinia; C. Terentio, <cum> legione una cui iam praeerat, Picenum.

[¶47] 44.6. It was further ordered that two city legions should be enrolled, also twenty thousand allies. With these generals, these forces, they defended the Roman empire at the same time against many wars, either already begun or foreshadowed.

> Latin: 44.6. scribi praeterea duae urbanae legiones iussae et uiginti milia sociorum. his ducibus, his copiis aduersus multa simul aut mota aut suspecta bella muniuerunt Romanum imperium.

[¶48] 44.7. The consuls, after enrolling two legions for the city and enlisting recruits to reinforce the others, before setting out from the city made expiation for the prodigies which had been reported. The wall and gates at...

> Latin: 44.7. consules duabus urbanis legionibus scriptis supplementoque in alias lecto priusquam ab urbe mouerent prodigia procurarunt quae nuntiata erant.

[¶49] 44.8. and at Aricia even the temple of Jupiter had been struck by lightning. And for eyes and ears there were other illusions, accepted as real: that in the river at Tarracina forms of warships which had no existence had been seen; and that in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of Compsa, there was a sound of clashing arms; and that the river at Amiternum ran with blood. These portents being expiated according to a decree of the pontiffs, the consuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia.

> Latin: 44.8. murus ac porta Caietae et Ariciae etiam Iouis aedes de caelo tacta fuerat. et alia ludibria oculorum auriumque credita pro ueris: nauium longarum species in flumine Tarracinae quae nullae erant uisas et in Iouis Uicilini templo, quod in Compsano agro est, arma concrepuisse et flumen Amiterni cruentum fluxisse.

[¶50] 44.9. The father came as his son's lieutenant to the camp at Suessula. While the son was advancing to meet him and the lictors out of respect for the father's dignity were silent as they preceded the consul, the old man rode past eleven fasces. And not until the consul had ordered the last lictor to take notice and the latter had called out the order to dismount, did the father leap to the ground and say: “I wished to find out, son, whether you were quite aware that you are consul.”

> Latin: 44.9. his procuratis ex decreto pontificum profecti consules Sempronius in Lucanos, in Apuliam Fabius. pater filio legatus ad Suessulam in castra uenit. cum obuiam filius progrederetur lictoresque uerecundia maiestatis eius taciti anteirent, praeter undecim fasces equo praeuectus senex, ut consul animaduertere proximum lictorem iussit et is ut descenderet ex equo inclamauit, tum demum desiliens 'experiri' inquit 'uolui, fili, satin scires consulem te esse'.

[¶51] 45.1. To that camp came Dasius Altinius of Arpi secretly by night with three slaves, promising that if rewarded he would betray Arpi.

> Latin: 45.1. in ea castra Dasius Altinius Arpinus clam nocte cum tribus seruis uenit promittens, si sibi praemio foret, se Arpos proditurum esse.

[¶52] 45.2. When Fabius brought the matter before the council, the others thought that as a deserter he should be scourged and put to death, a waverer and an enemy to both sides, who after the disaster at Cannae, as if loyalty should side with success, had gone over to Hannibal and dragged Arpi into revolt.

> Latin: 45.2. eam rem ad consilium <cum> rettulisset Fabius, aliis pro transfuga uerberandus necandusque uideri ancipitis animi communis hostis, qui post Cannensem cladem, tamquam cum fortuna fidem stare oporteret, ad Hannibalem descisset traxissetque ad defectionem Arpos;

[¶53] 45.3. But now, because, contrary to his expectation and his wishes, the Roman state seemed to be springing up again, as it were from the roots, he was promising to present the betrayed with a new betrayal, and always taking part with one side, but with the other in heart, faithless as an ally, inconstant as an enemy. To the betrayers of Falerii and of Pyrrhus he should be added as a third example to deserters.

> Latin: 45.3. tum, quia res Romana contra spem uotaque eius uelut resurgere ab stirpibus uideatur, nouam referre proditionem proditis polliceatur, aliunde ipse stet semper, aliunde sentiat, infidus socius, uanus hostis; id ad Faleriorum Pyrrhique proditorem tertium transfugis documentum esset.

[¶54] 45.4. On the contrary the consul's father Fabius said that men were forgetting the situation, when they exercised free judgment in each individual case in the midst of the heat of war, as though in peace, the result was that, although the thing to be done and to be borne in mind was rather to prevent any allies-if this was somehow possible from abandoning the Roman people, they were not bearing that in mind. On the contrary, they were saying that, if a man came to his senses and turned his eyes to the previous alliance, he ought to be made a warning example.

> Latin: 45.4. contra ea consulis pater Fabius temporum oblitos homines in medio ardore belli tamquam in pace libera de quoque arbitria agere aiebat; qui, cum illud potius agendum atque cogitandum sit si quo modo fieri possit ne qui socii a populo Romano desciscant, id non cogitent, documentum autem dicant statui oportere si quis resipiscat et antiquam societatem respiciat.

[¶55] 45.6. If then it was permissible to leave the Romans, but not to return to them, who could doubt that soon the Roman state, despaired of by the allies, would see the whole of Italy joined together by Carthaginian treaties?

> Latin: 45.6. quod si abire ab Romanis liceat, redire ad eos non liceat, cui dubium esse quin breui deserta ab sociis Romana res foederibus Punicis omnia in Italia iuncta uisura sit?

[¶56] 45.7. For himself, however, he was not the man to think that any trust should be placed in Altinius, but would follow a middle course.

> Latin: 45.7. se tamen non eum esse qui Altinio fidei quicquam censeat habendum; sed mediam secuturum consilii uiam.

[¶57] 45.8. He thought it best, namely, that Altinius should not be treated as either enemy or ally for the present, that under qualified arrest he should be guarded for the duration of the war in some loyal city-state not far from the camp. When the war was over they should then deliberate whether his previous defection deserved punishment more than his present return merited pardon. They agreed with Fabius, and the man was turned over to representatives of Cales, himself and his companions.

> Latin: 45.8. neque eum pro hoste neque pro socio in praesentia habitum libera custodia haud procul a castris placere in aliqua fida ciuitate [eum] seruari per belli tempus; perpetrato bello tum consultandum utrum prior defectio plus merita sit poenae an hic reditus ueniae.

[¶58] 45.9. And it was ordered that the gold —and the weight of it was considerable —which he had then brought with him should be kept for him.

> Latin: 45.9. Fabio adsensum est Calenisque legatis traditus et ipse et comites; et auri satis magnum pondus quod secum tum attulerat ei seruari iussum.

[¶59] 45.10. At Cales he was free to go about by day followed by guards, at night confined and watched by them. At Arpi it was in his house that he was first missed and search for him began.

> Latin: 45.10. Calibus eum interdiu solutum custodes sequebantur, nocte clausum adseruabant. Arpis domi primum desiderari quaerique est coeptus;

[¶60] 45.11. Then the report spreading through the city caused the usual commotion when a leading man is missing, and for fear of a rebellion they at once sent messengers.

> Latin: 45.11. dein fama per totam urbem uolgata tumultum, ut principe amisso, fecit, metuque rerum nouarum extemplo nuntii missi.

[¶61] 45.12. The Carthaginian was by no means displeased at this news, since he had long regarded the man himself with suspicion, as unsettled in his loyalty, and also he now had an excuse for taking possession of the property of a man of such wealth and selling it.

> Latin: 45.12. quibus nequaquam offensus Poenus, quia et ipsum ut ambiguae fidei uirum suspectum iam pridem habebat et causam nactus erat tam ditis hominis bona possidendi uendendique;

[¶62] 45.13. But that men might believe he was yielding to anger rather than greed, he added cruelty also to avarice, that is, he summoned the wife and children to the camp, and, after investigating first the flight of Altinius, then how much gold and silver had been left in his house, now fully informed, he burned them alive.

> Latin: 45.13. ceterum, ut irae magis quam auaritiae datum crederent homines, crudelitatem quoque auiditati addidit coniugemque eius ac liberos in castra accitos, quaestione prius habita primum de fuga Altini, dein quantum auri argentique domi relictum esset, satis cognitis omnibus uiuos combussit.

[¶63] 46.1. Fabius setting out from Suessula first pressed the siege of Arpi. There he pitched his camp at a distance of about five hundred paces, and after observing the situation of the city and the walls at close range, he decided to attack just at that part of the city which was best defended by walls, because he saw that that was the most carelessly guarded.

> Latin: 46.1. Fabius ab Suessula profectus Arpos primum institit oppugnare. ubi cum a quingentis fere passibus castra posuisset, contemplatus ex propinquo situm urbis moeniaque, quae pars tutissima moenibus erat, quia maxime neglectam custodia uidit, ea potissimum adgredi statuit.

[¶64] 46.2. He assembled everything useful for siege operations, selected from the entire army the pick of the centurions, and placed tribunes who were brave men in command of them. And he assigned them six hundred soldiers —all that seemed necessary —and ordered them to carry ladders to that place, when the trumpet should sound for the fourth watch.

> Latin: 46.2. comparatis omnibus quae ad urbes oppugnandas usui sunt centurionum robora ex toto exercitu delegit tribunosque uiros fortes eis praefecit et milites sescentos, quantum satis uisum est, attribuit eosque, ubi quartae uigiliae signum cecinisset, ad eum locum scalas iussit ferre.

[¶65] 46.3. There was a low, narrow gate there, as the street, leading through a deserted part of the city, was not much frequented. He ordered them first to climb over the wall by means of their ladders, and then to open that gate from the inside, or else break down the bars, and then, holding a part of the city, to give the signal on a trumpet for the rest of the troops to move up. He would have everything ready and in order.

> Latin: 46.3. porta ibi humilis et angusta erat infrequenti uia per desertam partem urbis. iam portam scalis prius transgressos [murum] aperire ex interiore parte aut claustra refringere iubet et tenentes partem urbis cornu signum dare ut ceterae copiae admouerentur: parata omnia atque instructa sese habiturum.

[¶66] 46.4. These commands were carried out with spirit, and a circumstance which seemed likely to hamper action proved of the greatest help to secrecy. Heavy rain beginning at midnight forced the guards and sentries to slip away from their posts and run to cover. And the sound, at first of a heavier shower, prevented the noise they made in forcing the gate from being heard clearly, and then, gentler and more monotonous as they listened, it lulled a great many of the men to sleep.

> Latin: 46.4. ea impigre facta; et quod impedimentum agentibus fore uidebatur, id maxime ad fallendum adiuuit. imber ab nocte media coortus custodes uigilesque dilapsos e stationibus subfugere in tecta coegit, sonituque primo largioris procellae strepitum molientium portam exaudiri prohibuit, lentior deinde aequaliorque accidens auribus magnam partem hominum sopiuit.

[¶67] 46.6. Once in possession of the gate, they ordered the trumpeters, posted at equal intervals along the road, to sound, in order to summon the consul.

> Latin: 46.6. postquam portam tenebant, cornicines in uia paribus interuallis dispositos canere iubent ut consulem excirent.

[¶68] 46.7. This done according to agreement, the consul orders the standards to be carried out of the camp, and a little before daylight enters the city through the gate they had forced.

> Latin: 46.7. id ubi factum ex composito est, signa efferri consul iubet ac paulo ante lucem per effractam portam urbem ingreditur.

[¶69] 47.1. Not until then were the enemy aroused, as the noise of the rain was now lessening and daylight approaching.

> Latin: 47.1. tum demum hostes excitati sunt iam et imbre conquiescente et propinqua luce.

[¶70] 47.2. In the city there was a garrison of Hannibal's, about five thousand armed men, and the citizens of Arpi also had armed three thousand men. These were the first troops with which the Carthaginians, to prevent any treachery in the rear, confronted the enemy.

> Latin: 47.2. praesidium in urbe erat Hannibalis, quinque milia ferme armatorum, et ipsi Arpini tria milia hominum armarant. eos primos Poeni, ne quid ab tergo fraudis esset, hosti opposuerunt.

[¶71] 47.3. They fought at first in darkness and in narrow streets. The Romans gained possession not only of the streets but also of the houses nearest to the gate, that they might not be attacked and wounded from above. Thereupon some Arpini and Romans recognized each other and then began conversations.

> Latin: 47.3. pugnatum primo in tenebris angustisque uiis est. cum Romani non uias tantum sed tecta etiam proxima portam occupassent ne peti superne ac uolnerari possent, cogniti inter se quidam Arpinique et Romani atque inde conloquia coepta fieri, percontantibus Romanis quid sibi uellent Arpini,

[¶72] 47.5. The Romans asked what the Arpini meant, for what offence on the part of the Romans, or for what service on the part of the Carthaginians they, although Italians, were waging war for foreigners and barbarians against their old allies the Romans, and making Italy a tributary and a taxpayer to Africa. The Arpini pleaded as excuse that in complete ignorance they had been sold by their leading citizens to the Carthaginian and captured and overpowered by a few men.

> Latin: 47.5. quam ob noxam Romanorum aut quod meritum Poenorum pro alienigenis ac barbaris Italici aduersus ueteres socios Romanos bellum gererent et uectigalem ac stipendiariam Italiam Africae facerent, Arpinis purgantibus ignaros omnium se uenum a principibus datos Poeno, captos oppressosque a paucis esse.

[¶73] 47.7. With that beginning larger groups conversed with larger. Finally the magistrate of Arpi was escorted by fellowcitizens to the consul, and after promises had been given in the midst of standards and battle-lines, the Arpini suddenly fought for the Romans, turning their weapons against the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 47.7. initio orto plures cum pluribus conloqui; postremo praetor Arpinus ab suis ad consulem deductus fideque data inter signa aciesque Arpini repente pro Romanis aduersus Carthaginiensem arma uerterunt.

[¶74] 47.8. The Spanish troops also, hardly fewer than a thousand men, after making no other terms with the consul than that the Punic garrison be allowed to go without injury, brought their standards over to the consul.

> Latin: 47.8. Hispani quoque, paulo minus mille homines, nihil praeterea cum consule pacti quam ut sine fraude Punicum emitteretur praesidium, ad consulem transtulerunt signa. Carthaginiensibus portae patefactae emissique cum fide incolumes ad Hannibalem Salapiam uenerunt:

[¶75] 47.10. The gates were opened for the Carthaginians, they were allowed to leave, as promised, and came unharmed to Hannibal at Salapia.

> Latin: 47.10. Arpi sine clade ullius praeterquam unius ueteris proditoris, noui perfugae, restituti ad Romanos.

[¶76] 47.11. Arpi, with the loss of no man but a single veteran traitor and recent deserter, was restored to the Romans. To the Spaniards double rations were ordered to be issued, and the state repeatedly availed itself of their brave and faithful service. While one consul was in Apulia, the other in Lucania, a hundred and twelve noble Campanian horsemen, setting out from Capua, with permission of the magistrates, under pretext of plundering the enemy's country, came to the Roman camp above Suessula.

> Latin: 47.11. Hispanis duplicia cibaria dari iussa operaque eorum forti ac fideli persaepe res publica usa est. cum consul alter in Apulia, alter in Lucanis esset, equites centum duodecim nobiles Campani, per speciem praedandi ex hostium agro permissu magistratuum ab Capua profecti, ad castra Romana, quae super Suessulam erant, uenerunt;

[¶77] 47.12. They told the guards outside who they were; that they wished to speak with the praetor.

> Latin: 47.12. stationi militum qui essent dixerunt: conloqui sese cum praetore uelle.

[¶78] 47.13. Gnaeus Fulvius was in command of the camp, and on being informed, he ordered that ten of their number be disarmed and brought to him. After he had heard their demands —and they made no other request than that upon the recovery of Capua their property should be restored to them, they were all taken under his protection.

> Latin: 47.13. Cn. Fuluius castris praeerat; cui ubi nuntiatum est, decem ex eo numero iussis inermibus deduci ad se, ubi quae postularent audiuit—nihil autem aliud petebant quam ut, Capua recepta bona sibi restituerentur—, in fidem omnes accepti.

[¶79] 47.14. And the other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took the town of Atrinum by storm. More than seven thousand men were captured and a considerable amount of coined copper and silver.

> Latin: 47.14. et ab altero praetore Sempronio Tuditano oppidum Atrinum expugnatum; amplius septem milia hominum capta et aeris argentique signati aliquantum.

[¶80] 47.15. At Rome a terrible fire lasted two nights and a day. Everything between the Salinae and Porta Carmentalis was levelled to the ground, including the Aequimaelium and Vicus Iugarius, also the Temples of Fortune and Mater Matuta.

> Latin: 47.15. Romae foedum incendium per duas noctes ac diem unum tenuit. solo aequata omnia inter Salinas ac portam Carmentalem cum Aequimaelio Iugarioque uico et templis Fortunae ac matris Matutae;

[¶81] 47.16. Outside the gate also the fire spread to a distance and destroyed many buildings sacred and profane.

> Latin: 47.16. et extra portam late uagatus ignis sacra profanaque multa absumpsit.

[¶82] 48.1. The same year Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius, in consequence of their success in Spain and their recovery of many old allies and the addition of new allies, enlarged their hopes in the direction of Africa as well.

> Latin: 48.1. eodem anno P. et Cn. Cornelii, cum in Hispania res prosperae essent multosque et ueteres reciperent socios et nouos adicerent, in Africam quoque spem extenderunt.

[¶83] 48.2. There was Syphax, king of the Numidians, who had suddenly become an enemy of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 48.2. Syphax erat rex Numidarum, subito Carthaginiensibus hostis factus;

[¶84] 48.3. To him they sent three centurions as legates, to establish friendship and alliance with him, and to promise that if he should continue to embarrass the Carthaginians by war, it would be acceptable to the senate and the Roman people, and they would endeavour to return the favour at the right moment and with generous interest.

> Latin: 48.3. ad eum centuriones tres legatos miserunt qui cum eo amicitiam societatemque facerent et pollicerentur, si perseueraret urgere bello Carthaginienses, gratam eam rem fore senatui populoque Romano et adnisuros ut in tempore et bene cumulatam gratiam referant.

[¶85] 48.4. This embassy pleased the barbarian, and he conferred with the ambassadors on the conduct of the war; and hearing what was said by experienced soldiers, he noted, from comparison with so well-ordered a system, how many things he did not know himself.

> Latin: 48.4. grata ea legatio barbaro fuit; conlocutusque cum legatis de ratione belli gerundi, ut ueterum militum uerba audiuit, quam multarum rerum ipse ignarus esset ex comparatione tam ordinatae disciplinae animum aduertit.

[¶86] 48.5. Then, as the first act befitting good and faithful allies, be begged that two of the legates might report to their generals, and one remain with him as instructor in tactics. He said the Numidian nation was inexpert in infantry warfare, of service only as horsemen.

> Latin: 48.5. tum primum ut pro bonis ac fidelibus sociis facerent, orauit ut duo legationem referrent ad imperatores suos, unus apud sese magister rei militaris restaret: rudem ad pedestria bella Numidarum gentem esse, equis tantum habilem;

[¶87] 48.6. This was the way their ancestors from their earliest history had waged war, thus they had themselves been trained from boyhood. But he had an enemy who relied upon infantry battles, and if he wished to be a match for him in military strength he too must acquire infantry.

> Latin: 48.6. ita iam inde a principiis gentis maiores suos bella gessisse, ita se a pueris insuetos; sed habere hostem pedestri fidentem Marte, cui si aequari robore uirium uelit, et sibi pedites comparandos esse.

[¶88] 48.7. And for that purpose his kingdom was supplied with men in great numbers, but they did not understand the art of arming and equipping them and placing them in battle-line. Everything was formless and unmethodical, as if a mob had been gathered by chance.

> Latin: 48.7. et ad id multitudine hominum regnum abundare sed armandi ornandique et instruendi eos artem ignorare. omnia uelut forte congregata turba uasta ac temeraria esse.

[¶89] 48.8. The legates replied that for the present they would do as he desired, after receiving his pledge to send back the man at once, if their generals should not approve of their action.

> Latin: 48.8. facturos se in praesentia quod uellet legati respondent, fide accepta ut remitteret extemplo eum, si imperatores sui non comprobassent factum.

[¶90] 48.9. Quintus Statorius was the name of the one who remained with the king. With the two Romans the king sent three legates from the Numidians to Spain, to receive confirmation from the Roman generals.

> Latin: 48.9. Q. Statorio nomen fuit, qui ad regem remansit. cum duobus Romanis rex tres a Numidis legatos in Hispaniam misit ad accipiendam fidem ab imperatoribus Romanis.

[¶91] 48.10. He further instructed them at once to persuade Numidians who were auxiliaries in the forces of the Carthaginians to desert them.

> Latin: 48.10. iisdem mandauit ut protinus Numidas qui intra praesidia Carthaginiensium auxiliares essent ad transitionem perlicerent.

[¶92] 48.11. And Statorius out of the mass of young men enrolled infantry for the king, organized them almost in the Roman manner, taught them in formation and evolution to follow standards and keep their ranks, and to such an extent accustomed them to fortifying and other regular duties of the soldier that in a short time the king had as much confidence in his infantry as in his cavalry, and in a regular engagement in formal array on level ground he defeated the Carthaginian enemy.

> Latin: 48.11. et Statorius ex multa iuuentute regi pedites conscripsit ordinatosque proxime morem Romanum instruendo et decurrendo signa sequi et seruare ordines docuit, et operi aliisque iustis militaribus ita adsuefecit ut breui rex non equiti magis fideret quam pediti conlatisque aequo campo signis iusto proelio Carthaginiensem hostem superaret.

[¶93] 48.13. The Romans also in Spain profited greatly by the coming of the king's representatives. For upon the news of their arrival desertions by the Numidians began to be frequent. Thus began the friendship of the Romans with Syphax. When the Carthaginians learned of the matter they at once sent legates to Gala, who reigned in the other part of Numidia, his people being called the Maesulians.

> Latin: 48.13. Romanis quoque in Hispania legatorum regis aduentus magno emolumento fuit; namque ad famam eorum transitiones crebrae ab Numidis coeptae fieri. ita cum Syphace Romanis coepta amicitia est. quod ubi Carthaginienses acceperunt, extemplo ad Galam in parte altera Numidiae—Maesuli ea gens uocatur—regnantem legatos mittunt.

[¶94] 49.1. Gala had a son Masinissa, seventeen years old, but a young man of such promise that even then it was evident that he would make the kingdom larger and richer than what he had received.

> Latin: 49.1. filium Gala Masinissam habebat septem decem annos natum, ceterum iuuenem ea indole ut iam tum appareret maius regnum opulentiusque quam quod accepisset facturum.

[¶95] 49.2. The legates stated that, inasmuch as Syphax had attached himself to the Romans, in order, through alliance with them, to be more powerful against the kings and peoples of Africa, it would be well for Gala too to attach himself as soon as possible to the Carthaginians, before Syphax should cross into Spain or the Romans into Africa.

> Latin: 49.2. legati, quoniam Syphax se Romanis iunxisset ut potentior societate eorum aduersus reges populosque Africae esset, docent melius fore Galae quoque Carthaginiensibus iungi quam primum antequam Syphax in Hispaniam aut Romani in Africam transeant;

[¶96] 49.3. Syphax could be surprised, they said, while he had as yet no advantage from his treaty with the Romans except the name.

> Latin: 49.3. opprimi Syphacem nihildum praeter nomen ex foedere Romano habentem posse. facile persuasum Galae filio deposcente id bellum ut mitteret exercitum;

[¶97] 49.4. They easily persuaded Gala to send an army, as his son was begging for the command; and reinforced by the Carthaginian legions, Masinissa defeated Syphax in a great battle.

> Latin: 49.4. qui Carthaginiensibus legionibus coniunctus magno proelio Syphacem deuicit. triginta milia eo proelio hominum caesa dicuntur.

[¶98] 49.5. Thirty thousand men are said to have been slain in that battle. Syphax with a few horsemen fled from the field to the Maurusian Numidians, who live far away, near the Ocean opposite Gades.

> Latin: 49.5. Syphax cum paucis equitibus in Maurusios ex acie Numidas—extremi prope Oceanum aduersus Gades colunt—refugit, adfluentibusque ad famam eius undique barbaris ingentes breui copias armauit, cum quibus in Hispaniam angusto diremptam freto traiceret.

[¶99] 49.6. And as the barbarians on hearing of him flocked together from all sides, he soon armed immense forces with which to cross into Spain, separated only by a narrow strait. But Masinissa came with his victorious army, and there by himself, without any help from the Carthaginians, he carried on war against Syphax with great distinction.

> Latin: 49.6. <eo> Masinissa cum uictore exercitu aduenit; isque ibi cum Syphace ingenti gloria per se sine ullis Carthaginiensium opibus gessit bellum.

[¶100] 49.7. In Spain nothing notable occurred except that the Roman commanders attracted to their side the young men of the Celtiberians at the same pay at which these had made an agreement with the Carthaginians, and more than three hundred Spaniards of the highest rank were sent to Italy to win over their fellow-countrymen who were among Hannibal's auxiliaries.

> Latin: 49.7. in Hispania nihil memorabile gestum praeterquam quod Celtiberum iuuentutem eadem mercede qua pacta cum Carthaginiensibus erat imperatores Romani ad se perduxerunt, et nobilissimos Hispanos supra trecentos in Italiam ad sollicitandos populares qui inter auxilia Hannibalis erant miserunt.

[¶101] 49.8. This is the only occurrence of that year in Spain that is worthy of record, since the Romans had no mercenary soldiers in their camps previous to the Celtiberians whom they had at that time.

> Latin: 49.8. id modo eius anni in Hispania ad memoriam insigne est quod mercennarium militem in castris neminem antequam tum Celtiberos Romani habuerunt.

## 22. Book XXV · chapters 1–9

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/22/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/22/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. WHILE these things were being done in Africa and Spain, Hannibal spent the summer in the Sallentine region, in the hope of getting possession of the city of Tarentum through treachery. Meantime, however, Sallentine cities of no importance went over to his side.

> Latin: 1.1. dum haec in Africa atque in Hispania geruntur, Hannibal in agro Sallentino aestatem consumpsit spe per proditionem urbis Tarentinorum potiundae. ipsorum interim Sallentinorum ignobiles urbes ad eum defecerunt.

[¶1] 1.2. At the same time among the Bruttians, out of twelve states which in the previous year had revolted to the Carthaginians, Consentia and Taurianum returned to their allegiance to the Roman people;

> Latin: 1.2. eodem tempore in Bruttiis ex duodecim populis, qui anno priore ad Poenos desciuerant, Consentini et Tauriani in fidem populi Romani redierunt et plures redissent, ni T.

[¶2] 1.3. and more would have returned if a prefect of the allies, Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who by successfully ravaging Bruttian territory a number of times gained the appearance of a regularly appointed general, had not gathered a hastily mustered army and engaged Hanno.

> Latin: 1.3. Pomponius Ueientanus, praefectus socium, prosperis aliquot populationibus in agro Bruttio iusti ducis speciem nactus, tumultuario exercitu coacto cum Hannone conflixisset.

[¶3] 1.4. A great many men were slain or captured there, an ill-organized mass, however, of rustics and slaves. It was the smallest part of the loss that, along with the rest, the prefect was captured, who was responsible at that time for a reckless battle, and had previously been a tax-farmer possessed of all the dishonest devices, faithless and ruinous both to the state and to the companies.

> Latin: 1.4. magna ibi uis hominum sed inconditae turbae agrestium seruorumque caesa aut capta est: minimum iacturae fuit quod praefectus inter ceteros est captus, et tum temerariae pugnae auctor et ante publicanus omnibus malis artibus et rei publicae et societatibus infidus damnosusque.

[¶4] 1.5. Sempronius, the consul, fought many small engagements in Lucania, not one worthy of record, and took by storm a number of unimportant Lucanian towns.

> Latin: 1.5. Sempronius consul in Lucanis multa proelia parua, haud ullum dignum memoratu fecit et ignobilia oppida Lucanorum aliquot expugnauit.

[¶5] 1.6. The longer the war dragged on and success and failure altered the situation, and quite as much so the attitude of men, superstitious fears, in large part foreign at that, invaded the state to such a degree that either men or else gods suddenly seemed changed.

> Latin: 1.6. quo diutius trahebatur bellum et uariabant secundae aduersaeque res non fortunam magis quam animos hominum, tanta religio, et ea magna ex parte externa, ciuitatem incessit ut aut homines aut dei repente alii uiderentur facti.

[¶6] 1.7. And now not only in secret and within the walls of houses were Roman rites abandoned, but in public places also and in the Forum and on the Capitol there was a crowd of women who were following the custom of the fathers neither in their sacrifices nor in prayers to the gods.

> Latin: 1.7. nec iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus, sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque mulierum turba erat nec sacrificantium nec precantium deos patrio more.

[¶7] 1.8. Petty priests and also prophets had taken hold on men's minds. And the number of these was increased by the mass of rustics forced by want and fear into the city from their farms neglected and endangered because of the long war, and by easy profit from the delusion of others-a trade which they plied as though it were sanctioned.

> Latin: 1.8. sacrificuli ac uates ceperant hominum mentes quorum numerum auxit rustica plebs, ex incultis diutino bello infestisque agris egestate et metu in urbem compulsa; et quaestus ex alieno errore facilis, quem uelut concessae artis usu exercebant.

[¶8] 1.9. At first good men's indignation was voiced in private; then the matter reached the senate and now even official complaints.

> Latin: 1.9. primo secretae bonorum indignationes exaudiebantur; deinde ad patres etiam ac publicam querimoniam excessit res.

[¶9] 1.10. The aediles and the three police magistrates were roundly censured by the senate because they did not stop it; and after they had attempted to drive that crowd out of the Forum and to scatter the properties required for the rites, they narrowly escaped violence.

> Latin: 1.10. incusati grauiter ab senatu aediles triumuirique capitales quod non prohiberent, cum emouere eam multitudinem e foro ac disicere apparatus sacrorum conati essent, haud procul afuit quin uiolarentur.

[¶10] 1.11. Now that the disorder appeared to be too strong to be quelled by the lower magistrates, the senate assigned to Marcus Aemilius, the city praetor, the task of freeing the people from such superstitions.

> Latin: 1.11. ubi potentius iam esse id malum apparuit quam ut minores per magistratus sedaretur, M. Aemilio praetori [urb.] negotium ab senatu datum est ut eis religionibus populum liberaret.

[¶11] 1.12. He read the decree of the senate in an assembly, and also issued an edict that whoever had books of prophecies or prayers or a ritual of sacrifice set down in writing should bring all such books and writings to him before the first of April, and that no one should sacrifice in a public or consecrated place according to a strange or foreign rite.

> Latin: 1.12. is et in contione senatus consultum recitauit et edixit ut quicumque libros uaticinos precationesue aut artem sacrificandi conscriptam haberet eos libros omnes litterasque ad se ante kalendas Apriles deferret neu quis in publico sacroue loco nouo aut externo ritu sacrificaret.

[¶12] 2.1. A number of priests of the state died that year: Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, pontifex maximus, and Gaius Papirius Masso, son of Gaius, a pontifex, and Publius Furius Philus, an augur, and Gaius Papirius Masso, son of Lucius, a decemvir in charge of rites.

> Latin: 2.1. aliquot publici sacerdotes mortui eo anno sunt, L. Cornelius Lentulus pontifex maximus et C. Papirius C. filius Masso pontifex et P. Furius Philus augur et C. Papirius L. filius Masso decemuir sacrorum.

[¶13] 2.2. In place of Lentulus they made Marcus Cornelius Cethegus a pontiff and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in that of Papirius; Lucius Quinctius Flamininus was named augur, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in charge of rites.

> Latin: 2.2. in Lentuli locum M. Cornelius Cethegus, in Papiri Cn. Seruilius Caepio pontifices suffecti sunt; augur creatus L. Quinctius Flamininus, decemuir sacrorum L. Cornelius Lentulus. comitiorum consularium iam appetebat tempus;

[¶14] 2.3. For the consular elections the time was now approaching, but because the consuls were occupied with the war and it was not thought advisable to call them away, Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, named Gaius Claudius Cento dictator to hold the elections. He in turn named Quintus Fulvius Flaccus master of the horse.

> Latin: 2.3. sed quia consules a bello intentos auocare non placebat, Ti. Sempronius consul comitiorum causa dictatorem dixit C. Claudium Centonem. ab eo magister equitum est dictus Q. Fuluius Flaccus.

[¶15] 2.4. On the first day available for elections the dictator announced the choice as consuls of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who as praetor had had Sicily as his province.

> Latin: 2.4. dictator primo comitiali die creauit consules Q. Fuluium Flaccum, magistrum equitum, et Ap. Claudium Pulchrum, cui Sicilia prouincia in praetura fuerat.

[¶16] 2.5. Then the following were elected praetors: Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Gaius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius Cornelius Sulla. Having finished the elections, the dictator laid down his office.

> Latin: 2.5. tum praetores creati Cn. Fuluius Flaccus <C.> Claudius Nero M. Iunius Silanus P. Cornelius Sulla. comitiis perfectis dictator magistratu abiit.

[¶17] 2.6. Curule aedile that year, together with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, was Publius Cornelius Scipio, who was later called Africanus. When he was a candidate for the aedileship, and the tribunes of the plebs tried to oppose him, saying that he ought not to be considered because he did not have the legal age for candidacy, he said, “If all the citizens want to make me aedile I have years enough.”

> Latin: 2.6. aedilis curulis fuit eo anno cum M. Cornelio Cethego P. Cornelius Scipio, cui post Africano fuit cognomen. huic petenti aedilitatem cum obsisterent tribuni plebis, negantes rationem eius habendam esse quod nondum ad petendum legitima aetas esset, 'si me' inquit 'omnes Quirites aedilem facere uolunt, satis annorum habeo.'

[¶18] 2.7. Thereupon with such enthusiasm they separated to form by tribes in order to cast their votes, that the tribunes suddenly gave up their attempt.

> Latin: 2.7. tanto inde fauore ad suffragium ferendum in tribus discursum est ut tribuni repente incepto destiterint.

[¶19] 2.8. The generosity of the aediles consisted in celebrating the Roman Games splendidly, for the resources of that time, and in repeating them for one day; also in giving... measures of oil for each precinct.

> Latin: 2.8. aedilicia largitio haec fuit, ludi Romani pro temporis illius copiis magnifice facti et diem unum instaurati, et congii olei in uicos singulos dati.

[¶20] 2.9. Lucius Villius Tappulus and Marcus Fundanius Fundulus as plebeian aediles brought before the people charges of immorality against a number of matrons. Some of these being convicted, they drove them into exile.

> Latin: 2.9. L. Uillius Tappulus et M. Fundanius Fundulus, aediles plebeii, aliquot matronas apud populum probri accusarunt; quasdam ex eis damnatas in exsilium egerunt.

[¶21] 2.10. The Plebeian Games were repeated for two days, and on account of the festival a banquet for Jupiter was held.

> Latin: 2.10. ludi plebeii per biduum instaurati et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[¶22] 3.1. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Appius Claudius entered upon their consulship, the former for the third time. And the praetors received by lot the following assignments: Publius Cornelius Sulla, the duties of praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus, previously two separate offices;

> Latin: 3.1. Q. Fuluius Flaccus tertium, Ap. Claudius consulatum ineunt; et praetores prouincias sortiti sunt, P. Cornelius Sulla urbanam et peregrinam, quae duorum ante sors fuerat, Cn.

[¶23] 3.2. Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Gaius Claudius Nero, Suessula, Marcus Junius Silanus, Etruria.

> Latin: 3.2. Fuluius Flaccus Apuliam, C. Claudius Nero Suessulam, M. Iunius Silanus Tuscos.

[¶24] 3.3. To the consuls were assigned by decree the war with Hannibal and two legions each. The one was to take over his troops from Quintus Fabius, consul in the previous year, the other from Fulvius Centumalus.

> Latin: 3.3. consulibus bellum cum Hannibale et binae legiones decretae; alter a Q. Fabio superioris anni consule, alter a Fuluio Centumalo acciperet;

[¶25] 3.4. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the legions which had been at Luceria under the praetor Aemilius, Nero Claudius the one which had been in the Picene district under Gaius Terentius. They were themselves to enlist more recruits for the same. To Marcus Junius the city legions of the previous year were given for Etruria.

> Latin: 3.4. praetorum Fului Flacci quae Luceriae sub Aemilio praetore, Neronis Claudi quae in Piceno sub C. Terentio fuissent legiones essent; supplementum in eas ipsi scriberent sibi; M. Iunio in Tuscos legiones urbanae prioris anni datae.

[¶26] 3.5. For Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus their commands and provinces, Lucania and Gaul, with their armies, were continued.

> Latin: 3.5. Ti. Sempronio Graccho et P. Sempronio Tuditano imperium prouinciaeque Lucani et Gallia cum suis exercitibus prorogatae;

[¶27] 3.6. And the same was done for Publius Lentulus, within the limits of the old province in Sicily, and for Marcellus, whose province was Syracuse and up to the former boundaries of Hiero's kingdom. The fleet was assigned to Titus Otacilius, Greece to Marcus Valerius, Sardinia to Quintus Mucius Scaevola, the Spanish provinces to Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius.

> Latin: 3.6. item P. Lentulo qua uetus prouincia in Sicilia esset, M. Marcello Syracusae et qua Hieronis regnum fuisset, T. Otacilio classis, Graecia M. Ualerio, Sardinia Q. Mucio Scaeuolae, Hispaniae P. et Cn. Corneliis.

[¶28] 3.7. In addition to the old armies two city legions were enrolled by the consuls, and the total that year amounted to twenty-three legions.

> Latin: 3.7. ad ueteres exercitus duae urbanae legiones a consulibus scriptae summaque trium et uiginti legionum eo anno effecta est.

[¶29] 3.8. The consular levy was hampered by the conduct of Marcus Postumius of Pyrgi, which almost occasioned a serious insurrection.

> Latin: 3.8. dilectum consulum M. Postumii Pyrgensis cum magno prope motu rerum factum impediit.

[¶30] 3.9. Postumius was a tax-farmer, who in many years had had no equal in dishonesty and avarice in the state, except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, whom the Carthaginians under Hanno's command had captured in the preceding year, while he was rashly ravaging the country in Lucania.

> Latin: 3.9. publicanus erat Postumius, qui multis annis parem fraude auaritiaque neminem in ciuitate habuerat praeter T. Pomponium Ueientanum, quem populantem temere agros in Lucanis ductu Hannonis priore anno ceperant Carthaginienses.

[¶31] 3.10. These men, since the state assumed the risk from violent storms in the case of shipments to the armies, had falsely reported imaginary shipwrecks, and even those which they had correctly reported had been brought about by their own trickery, not by accident.

> Latin: 3.10. hi, quia publicum periculum erat a ui tempestatis in iis quae portarentur ad exercitus et ementiti erant falsa naufragia et ea ipsa quae uera renuntiauerant fraude ipsorum facta erant, non casu.

[¶32] 3.11. They would put small cargoes of little value on old, battered vessels, sink them at sea, after taking off the crews in small boats that were in readiness, and then falsely declare that the shipments were far more valuable.

> Latin: 3.11. in ueteres quassasque naues paucis et parui pretii rebus impositis, cum mersissent eas in alto exceptis in praeparatas scaphas nautis, multiplices fuisse merces ementiebantur.

[¶33] 3.12. This dishonesty had been reported in the previous year to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, and by him brought before the senate, but it was not branded by any decree of the senate, because the senators were unwilling to offend the tax-farmers as a class at such a crisis.

> Latin: 3.12. ea fraus indicata M. Aemilio praetori priore anno fuerat ac per eum ad senatum delata nec tamen ullo senatus consulto notata, quia patres ordinem publicanorum in tali tempore offensum nolebant.

[¶34] 3.13. The people proved a more unsparing avenger of dishonesty; namely, two tribunes of the plebs, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, were at length aroused, and seeing that the affair was unpopular and notorious, imposed a fine of two hundred thousand asses upon Marcus Postumius. When the day for his protest against this fine arrived, the assembly of the commons was so large that the open space on the Capitol could scarcely contain the crowd.

> Latin: 3.13. populus seuerior uindex fraudis erat; excitatique tandem duo tribuni plebis, Sp. et L. Caruilii, cum rem inuisam infamemque cernerent, ducentum milium aeris multam M. Postumio dixerunt.

[¶35] 3.14. After the arguments were concluded, there seemed to be but one hope, namely, if Gaius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the plebs who was a blood-relative of Postumius, should interpose his veto before the tribes should be called to vote.

> Latin: 3.14. cui certandae cum dies aduenisset conciliumque tam frequens plebis adesset ut multitudinem area Capitolii uix caperet, perorata causa una spes uidebatur esse si C. Seruilius Casca tribunus plebis, qui propinquus cognatusque Postumio erat, priusquam ad suffragium tribus uocarentur, intercessisset.

[¶36] 3.16. The tribunes provided witnesses, cleared the people away, and the urn was brought, that they might determine by lot in which tribe the Latins should vote. Meantime the tax-farmers pressed Casca to adjourn that day's hearing before the assembly.

> Latin: 3.16. testibus datis tribuni populum submouerunt sitellaque lata est ut sortirentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent.

[¶37] 3.17. The people protested; and it so happened that the first seat at the end of the platform was occupied by Casca, whose mind was swayed at once by fear and shame.

> Latin: 3.17. interim publicani Cascae instare ut concilio diem eximeret; populus reclamare; et forte in cornu primus sedebat Casca, cui simul metus pudorque animum uersabat.

[¶38] 3.18. Finding in him no sufficient protection, the publicans, in order to prevent action, rushed in a wedge through the space cleared by removal of the crowd, while at the sametime they reviled the people and the tribunes.

> Latin: 3.18. cum in eo parum praesidii esset, turbandae rei causa publicani per uacuum submoto locum cuneo inruperunt iurgantes simul cum populo tribunisque.

[¶39] 3.19. And it had almost come to a battle when Fulvius, the consul, said to the tribunes, “Do you not see that you are reduced to the ranks, and that this means an insurrection if you do not promptly dismiss the popular assembly?”

> Latin: 3.19. nec procul dimicatione res erat cum Fuluius consul tribunis 'nonne uidetis' inquit 'uos in ordinem coactos esse et rem ad seditionem spectare, ni propere dimittitis plebis concilium?'

[¶40] 4.1. The assembly being dismissed, the senate was summoned and the consuls brought up the matter of the disturbance in the popular assembly owing to the violence and audacity of the publicans. Marcus Furius Camillus, it was said, a man whose exile would have been followed by the ruin of the city, had allowed himself to be condemned by the angry citizens; that before his time the decemvirs, under whose laws they were then still living, and later many leading men in the state, had submitted to the judgment of the people in their cases; that Postumius of Pyrgi had wrested the vote from the Roman people, had brought to naught an assembly of the plebs, reduced the tribunes to the ranks, drawn up a battle-line against the Roman people, had taken his position, to separate the tribunes from the people and to prevent the tribes from being summoned to vote. Nothing had restrained men from slaughter and battle but the forbearance of the magistrates in yielding for the moment to the mad audacity of a few men, and in allowing themselves and the Roman people to be worsted, also in that, as regards the voting, which the defendant would have prevented by force of arms, they had of their own accord suspended it, to avoid giving excuse to those eager for the fray. These words were interpreted by all the best citizens as deserved by an outrageous occurrence, and the senate declared that this violence had been employed against the state, setting a dangerous precedent. Thereupon the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, in place of the procedure to fix the amount of the fine, at once named a day for Postumius' appearance on a capital charge, and ordered that if he did not furnish sureties he should be seized by an attendant and taken to prison. Postumius furnished sureties, but did not appear.

> Latin: 4.1. plebe dimissa senatus uocatur et consules referunt de concilio plebis turbato ui atque audacia publicanorum: M. Furium Camillum, cuius exsilium ruina urbis secutura fuerit, damnari se ab iratis ciuibus passum esse; decemuiros ante eum, quorum legibus ad eam diem uiuerent, multos postea principes ciuitatis iudicium de se populi passos; Postumium Pyrgensem suffragium populo Romano extorsisse, concilium plebis sustulisse, tribunos in ordinem coegisse, contra populum Romanum aciem instruxisse, locum occupasse ut tribunos a plebe intercluderet, tribus in suffragium uocari prohiberet. nihil aliud a caede ac dimicatione continuisse homines nisi patientiam magistratuum, quod cesserint in praesentia furori atque audaciae paucorum uincique se ac populum Romanum passi sint et comitia, quae reus ui atque armis prohibiturus erat, ne causa quaerentibus dimicationem daretur, uoluntate ipsi sua sustulerint. haec cum ab optimo quoque pro atrocitate rei accepta essent uimque eam contra rem publicam et pernicioso exemplo factam senatus decresset, confestim Caruilii tribuni plebis omissa multae certatione rei capitalis diem Postumio dixerunt ac ni uades daret prendi a uiatore atque in carcerem duci iusserunt. Postumius uadibus datis non adfuit. tribuni plebem rogauerunt plebesque ita sciuit, si M. Postumius ante kalendas Maias non prodisset citatusque eo die non respondisset neque excusatus esset, uideri eum in exsilio esse bonaque eius uenire, ipsi aqua et igni placere interdici. singulis deinde eorum qui turbae ac tumultus concitatores fuerant, rei capitalis diem dicere ac uades poscere coeperunt. primo non dantes, deinde etiam eos qui dare possent in carcerem coniciebant; cuius rei periculum uitantes plerique in exsilium abierunt. hunc fraus publicanorum, deinde fraudem audacia protegens exitum habuit. comitia inde pontifici maximo creando sunt habita; ea comitia nouus pontifex M. Cornelius Cethegus habuit. tres ingenti certamine petierunt, Q. Fuluius Flaccus consul, qui et ante bis consul et censor fuerat, et T. Manlius Torquatus, et ipse duobus consulatibus et censura insignis, et <P.> Licinius Crassus, qui aedilitatem curulem petiturus erat. hic senes honoratosque iuuenis in eo certamine uicit. ante hunc intra centum annos et uiginti nemo praeter P. Cornelium Calussam pontifex maximus creatus fuerat qui sella curuli non sedisset.

[¶41] 5.5. The tribunes put the question to the plebs and the plebs ordained that, if Marcus Postumius should not appear before the first of May, and on being summoned on that day should not reply nor be excused, it should be understood that he was in exile, and be decided that his property should be sold and himself refused water and fire. The tribunes then began to name a day for the appearance on a capital charge of each of those who had been instigators of riot and sedition, and to demand sureties from them. At first they threw into prison those who did not give security, and then even those who were able to do so. Avoiding this danger many went into exile. V. Such was the outcome of dishonesty on the part of the publicans and of audacity seeking to cover dishonesty. Next was held an election for the choice of a pontifex maximus. This election was conducted by a new pontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.

> Latin: 5.5. consules dilectum cum aegre conficerent, quod inopia iuniorum non facile in utrumque ut et nouae urbanae legiones et supplementum ueteribus scriberetur sufficiebat, senatus absistere eos incepto uetuit et triumuiros binos creari iussit, alteros qui citra, alteros qui ultra quinquagesimum lapidem in pagis forisque et conciliabulis omnem copiam ingenuorum inspicerent et,

[¶42] 5.7. Three men canvassed with great rivalry: Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, who had been consul twice before and also censor, and Titus Manlius Torquatus, likewise distinguished by two consulships and a censorship, and Publius Licinius Crassus, who was only about to be a candidate for a curule aedileship. This young man defeated in that contest old men who had held high offices. Before him for a hundred and twenty years no one who had not occupied a curule chair had been elected pontifex maximus, except Publius Cornelius Calussa. The consuls were finding it difficult to complete the levy, since the scant supply of young men was hardly sufficient for the two purposes, enrollment of new legions for the city and replacements for the old ones.

> Latin: 5.7. si qui roboris satis ad ferenda arma habere uiderentur, etiamsi nondum militari aetate essent, milites facerent; tribuni plebis, si iis uideretur, ad populum ferrent ut, qui minores septendecim annis sacramento dixissent, iis perinde stipendia procederent ac si septendecim annorum aut maiores milites facti essent.

[¶43] 5.9. The senate accordingly forbade them to give up the attempt and ordered the appointment of two commissions of three officials each, to inspect in rural districts, market-towns and local centres all possible freeborn men within fifty miles, the other beyond that distance, and any that seemed to them strong enough to bear arms, even if not yet of military age, they were to recruit. The tribunes of the plebs, if they should see fit, were to bring before the people a bill that, in the case of those who had taken the military oath at less than seventeen years, their campaigns should run just as if they had been recruited at seventeen years or older. In accordance with this decree of the senate two commissions of three members each were appointed and they conducted the search for freeborn men in the country. At the same time a letter from Marcus Marcellus in Sicily was read in the senate concerning demands of the soldiers serving under Publius Lentulus. This army was the remnant of the disaster at Cannae, and, as has been said above, was relegated to Sicily, not to be brought back to Italy before the end of the Punic War. These men with Lentulus' permission sent their leading knights and centurions and picked men from the infantry of the legions to Marcus Marcellus at his winter quarters as their representatives, and one of them, receiving permission to speak, said:

> Latin: 5.9. ex hoc senatus consulto creati triumuiri bini conquisitionem ingenuorum per agros habuerunt. eodem tempore ex Sicilia litterae M. Marcelli de postulatis militum qui cum P. Lentulo militabant in senatu recitatae sunt. Cannensis reliquiae cladis hic exercitus erat, relegatus in Siciliam, sicut ante dictum est, ne ante Punici belli finem in Italiam reportarentur. hi permissu Lentuli primores equitum centurionumque et robora ex legionibus peditum legatos in hiberna ad M. Marcellum miserunt, e quibus unus potestate dicendi facta:

[¶44] 6.2. “In your consulship, Marcus Marcellus, and in Italy we should have come to you already, directly after the senate made in our case a decree that, if not unjust, was surely severe, had it not been our hope that we were being sent into a province thrown into confusion by the death of its kings, to carry on a serious ” “war against Sicilians and Carthaginians combined, and that by our blood and wounds we were to give satisfaction to the senate, just as in the time of our fathers the ”

> Latin: 6.2. 'consulem te, M. Marcelle, in Italia adissemus, cum primum de nobis, etsi non iniquum, certe triste senatus consultum factum est, nisi hoc sperassemus in prouinciam nos morte regum turbatam ad graue bellum aduersus Siculos simul Poenosque mitti, et sanguine nostro uolneribusque nos senatui satisfacturos esse, sicut patrum memoria qui capti a Pyrrho ad Heracleam erant aduersus Pyrrhum ipsum pugnantes satisfecerunt.

[¶45] 6.4. “men who had been captured by Pyrrhus at Heraclea had done by fighting against Pyrrhus himself.”

> Latin: 6.4. quamquam quod ob meritum nostrum suscensuistis, patres conscripti, nobis aut suscensetis?

[¶46] 6.5. “And yet for what desert of ours have you been angry at us, conscript fathers, or are now angry? It seems that I am looking at both consuls and the entire senate when I look at you, Marcus Marcellus. If we had had you as consul at Cannae the lot of the state, and of ourselves as well, would be a better one.”

> Latin: 6.5. ambo mihi consules et uniuersum senatum intueri uideor, cum te, M. Marcelle, intueor, quem si ad Cannas consulem habuissemus, melior et rei publicae et nostra fortuna esset.

[¶47] 6.6. “Before I complain of our plight, permit us, I pray, to clear ourselves of the offence of which we are charged.” “If it was not by anger of the gods nor by Fate, according to whose law the chain of human events is unalterably linked, but by a fault that we were undone at Cannae, whose fault, pray, was it? Of the soldiers or of the generals? For my part I, a soldier, will never say anything about my general, especially since I know that he was thanked by the senate because he did not lose hope for the ” “state, and that after the flight from Cannae his command was continued year after year.”

> Latin: 6.6. sine, quaeso, priusquam de condicione nostra queror, noxam cuius arguimur nos purgare. si non deum ira nec fato, cuius lege immobilis rerum humanarum ordo seritur, sed culpa periimus ad Cannas, cuius tandem ea culpa fuit? militum an imperatorum? equidem miles nihil unquam dicam de imperatore meo, cui praesertim gratias sciam ab senatu actas quod non desperauerit de re publica, cui post fugam Cannensem per omnes annos prorogatum imperium. ceteros item ex reliquiis cladis eius, quos tribunos militum habuimus, honores petere et gerere et prouincias obtinere audiuimus.

[¶48] 6.9. “The others too who survived that disaster, the men whom we had as our tribunes of the soldiers, canvass for offices, we have heard, and hold them, and govern provinces. Can it be, conscript fathers, that you readily pardon yourselves and your sons, but are cruel to these creatures of no account? And while it was no disgrace to the consul and other leading men in the state to flee, since there was no other hope, did you send your common soldiers into battle to die inevitably?”

> Latin: 6.9. an uobis uestrisque liberis ignoscitis facile, patres conscripti, in haec uilia capita saeuitis? et consuli primoribusque aliis ciuitatis fugere, cum spes alia nulla esset, turpe non fuit, milites utique morituros in aciem misistis? ad Alliam prope omnis exercitus fugit;

[¶49] 6.10. “At the Allia almost the entire army fled; at the Caudine Forks, without even attempting a battle, the army surrendered its weapons to the enemy, not to mention other shameful defeats of armies.”

> Latin: 6.10. ad Furculas Caudinas ne expertus quidem certamen arma tradidit hosti, ut alias pudendas clades exercituum taceam;

[¶50] 6.11. “But so far were men from devising any disgrace for those armies that the city of Rome was recovered by the army which ” “had fled from the Allia over to Veii, and the Caudine legions, which had returned to Rome without their arms, were sent back armed into Samnium and sent under the yoke that same enemy who had exulted in a disgrace now their own.”

> Latin: 6.11. tamen tantum afuit ab eo ut ulla ignominia iis exercitibus quaereretur ut et urbs Roma per eum exercitum qui ab Allia Ueios transfugerat reciperaretur, et Caudinae legiones quae sine armis redierant Romam armatae remissae in Samnium eundem illum hostem sub iugum miserint, qui hac sua ignominia laetatus fuerat.

[¶51] 6.13. “But at Cannae can any one accuse the army of panic and fright, where more than fifty thousand men fell, whence the consul fled with seventy horsemen, and of which no one survives except the man whom the enemy, tired of slaying, spared?”

> Latin: 6.13. Cannensem uero quisquam exercitum fugae aut pauoris insimulare potest, ubi plus quinquaginta milia hominum ceciderunt, unde consul cum equitibus septuaginta fugit, unde nemo superest nisi quem hostis caedendo fessus reliquit?

[¶52] 6.14. “At the time when ransom was refused to captives, men were everywhere praising us because we had saved ourselves for the state, had returned to the consul at Venusia and had formed the semblance of a regular army.”

> Latin: 6.14. cum captiuis redemptio negabatur, nos uolgo homines laudabant quod rei publicae nos reseruassemus quod ad consulem Uenusiam redissemus et speciem iusti exercitus fecissemus;

[¶53] 6.15. “But now we are in a worse situation than in our fathers' time were captives. For in their case only their arms and their rank and the position of their tents when in camp were changed. These, however, they recovered by a single service rendered to the state and one victory.”

> Latin: 6.15. nunc deteriore condicione sumus quam apud patres nostros fuerunt captiui. quippe illis arma tantum atque ordo militandi locusque, in quo tenderent in castris, est mutatus, quae tamen semel nauata rei publicae opera et uno felici proelio reciperarunt;

[¶54] 6.16. “Not one of them was sent into exile, not one of them was deprived of the hope of serving out his term; in fine they were given an enemy, so that in battle with him they might once for all end either life or disgrace.”

> Latin: 6.16. nemo eorum relegatus in exsilium est, nemini spes emerendi stipendia adempta; hostis denique est datus, cum quo dimicantes aut uitam semel aut ignominiam finirent;

[¶55] 6.17. “But we, against whom no charge can be brought except that we are to blame for the survival of any Roman soldier from the battle-line at Cannae, have been sent far away, not only from our native city and Italy, but also from the enemy, that there ” “we may grow old in exile, that we may have no hope, no opportunity of wiping out disgrace, none of appeasing the anger of our citizens, none even of dying bravely.”

> Latin: 6.17. nos, quibus, nisi quod commisimus ut quisquam ex Cannensi acie miles Romanus superesset, nihil obici potest, non solum a patria procul Italiaque sed ab hoste etiam relegati sumus, ubi senescamus in exsilio ne qua spes, ne qua occasio abolendae ignominiae, ne qua placandae ciuium irae, ne qua denique bene moriendi sit.

[¶56] 6.19. “It is neither an end of our disgrace nor a reward for our courage that we ask. Only let us prove our spirit and put our courage into practice. It is for hardship and danger we are asking, that we may do the duty of men and soldiers.”

> Latin: 6.19. neque ignominiae finem nec uirtutis praemium petimus; modo experiri animum et uirtutem exercere liceat. laborem et periculum petimus, ut uirorum, ut militum officio fungamur.

[¶57] 6.20. “The war in Sicily has now been carried on with intensity for two years. Some cities are being stormed by the Carthaginian, some by the Roman.”

> Latin: 6.20. bellum in Sicilia iam alterum annum ingenti dimicatione geritur; urbes alias Poenus, alias Romanus expugnat; peditum, equitum acies concurrunt;

[¶58] 6.21. “Infantry and cavalry clash in battle-line. At Syracuse the war goes on by land and by sea. The cries of men in battle and the din of arms can be heard by us, who are ourselves unemployed and listless, as if we had neither hands nor weapons. With legions of slaves Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, has engaged the enemy again and again in battle formation.”

> Latin: 6.21. ad Syracusas terra marique geritur res; clamorem pugnantium crepitumque armorum exaudimus resides ipsi ac segnes, tamquam nec manus nec arma habeamus. seruorum legionibus Ti. Sempronius consul totiens iam cum hoste signis conlatis pugnauit; operae pretium habent libertatem ciuitatemque.

[¶59] 6.22. “As a reward for their service they have freedom and citizenship. Reckon us at least slaves purchased for this war; let us engage the enemy and by fighting earn freedom. Do you wish, sir, to test our courage on sea, on land, in battle-line, in besieging cities?”

> Latin: 6.22. pro seruis saltem ad hoc bellum emptis uobis simus; congredi cum hoste liceat et pugnando quaerere libertatem. uis tu mari, uis terra, uis acie, uis urbibus oppugnandis experiri uirtutem?

[¶60] 6.23. “We demand all the worst in hardship and danger, in order that what should have been done at Cannae be done as soon as possible, since every day that we have since lived has been marked for disgrace.”

> Latin: 6.23. asperrima quaeque ad laborem periculumque deposcimus, ut quod ad Cannas faciundum fuit quam primum fiat, quoniam quidquid postea uiximus id omne destinatum ignominiae est.'

[¶61] 7.1. At the close of this speech they fell at Marcellus' knees. Marcellus said the matter was neither within his competence nor his authority; he would write to the senate and do everything, according to the opinion of the fathers.

> Latin: 7.1. sub haec dicta ad genua Marcelli procubuerunt. Marcellus id nec iuris nec potestatis suae esse dixit; senatui scripturum se omniaque de sententia patrum facturum esse.

[¶62] 7.2. The letter was delivered to the new consuls and by them read in the senate. And after discussion of the letter the senate decreed as follows:

> Latin: 7.2. eae litterae ad nouos consules allatae ac per eos in senatu recitatae sunt; consultusque de iis litteris ita decreuit senatus:

[¶63] 7.3. that to soldiers who had deserted their comrades in battle at Cannae the senate saw no reason why the welfare of the state should be entrusted.

> Latin: 7.3. militibus, qui ad Cannas commilitones suos pugnantes deseruissent, senatum nihil uidere cur res publica committenda esset.

[¶64] 7.4. If Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, should take a different view, he should do what he thought to accord with the interest of the state and his own conscience, provided that no one of them should be exempt from duties, or be decorated for valour, or be brought back to Italy, so long as the enemy should be in the land of Italy.

> Latin: 7.4. si M. Claudio proconsuli aliter uideretur, faceret quod e re publica fideque sua duceret, dum ne quis eorum munere uacaret neu dono militari uirtutis ergo donaretur neu in Italiam reportaretur donec hostis in terra Italia esset.

[¶65] 7.5. Elections were then held by the praetor urbanus in accordance with a decision of the senate and a plebiscite, and at these there were elected five commissioners for the restoration of the walls and towers, and two boards of three, one to recover sacred vessels and register temple gifts, the other to rebuild the Temple of Fortune and that of Mater Matuta inside Porta Carmentalis, and that of Hope outside the gate —temples that had been destroyed by fire the preceding year.

> Latin: 7.5. comitia deinde a praetore urbano de senatus sententia plebique scitu sunt habita, quibus creatis sunt quinqueuiri muris turribus reficiendis et triumuiri bini, uni sacris conquirendis donisque persignandis, alteri reficiendis aedibus Fortunae et matris Matutae intra portam Carmentalem et Spei extra portam, quae priore anno incendio consumptae fuerant. tempestates foedae fuere;

[¶66] 7.7. There were terrible storms; on the Alban Mount it rained stones steadily for two days. Many things were struck by lightning: two temples on the Capitol, the embankment of the camp above Suessula in many places, and two sentries were killed.

> Latin: 7.7. in Albano monte biduum continenter lapidibus pluuit; tacta de caelo multa, duae in Capitolio aedes, uallum in castris multis locis supra Suessulam, et duo uigiles exanimati;

[¶67] 7.8. At Cumae the wall and certain towers were not merely struck by the bolts but even thrown down. At Reate a huge stone seemed to fly, the sun to be redder than usual and of a bloody colour.

> Latin: 7.8. murus turresque quaedam Cumis non ictae modo fulminibus sed etiam decussae. Reate saxum ingens uisum uolitare, sol rubere solito magis sanguineoque similis.

[¶68] 7.9. On account of these prodigies there was a single day of prayer, and for several days the consuls devoted themselves to religious rites; and about the same time there was a nine days' observance.

> Latin: 7.9. horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit et per aliquot dies consules rebus diuinis operam dederunt et per eosdem dies sacrum nouendiale fuit.

[¶69] 7.10. While a revolt of the Tarentines had long been hoped for by Hannibal and suspected by the Romans, a reason for expediting the same happened to come from without.

> Latin: 7.10. cum Tarentinorum defectio iam diu et in spe Hannibali et in suspicione Romanis esset, causa forte extrinsecus maturandae eius interuenit.

[¶70] 7.11. Phileas of Tarentum, a man of restless spirit and quite unable to endure the long inactivity in which he seemed to be losing his powers, had been at Rome for a long time, nominally as an ambassador. Thus he found means of access to the hostages from Tarentum and Thurii.

> Latin: 7.11. Phileas Tarentinus diu iam per speciem legationis Romae cum esset, uir inquieti animi et minime otium, quo tum diutino senescere uidebatur, patientis, aditum sibi ad obsides Thurinos <et> Tarentinos inuenit.

[¶71] 7.12. They were kept under guard in the Atrium Libertatis, with less watchfulness because it was to the interest neither of the hostages themselves nor of their states to outwit the Romans. Phileas worked upon them by frequent conferences, and after bribing two temple-wardens brought them out of confinement at nightfall.

> Latin: 7.12. custodiebantur in atrio Libertatis minore cura, quia nec ipsis nec ciuitatibus eorum fallere Romanos expediebat.

[¶72] 7.13. Then he himself fled, sharing their secret journey. At daybreak their flight was reported everywhere in the city, and the men sent to pursue them arrested and brought them all back from Tarracina. They were led into the Comitium, scourged with rods with the approval of the people, and thrown down from the Rock.

> Latin: 7.13. hos crebris conloquiis sollicitatos corruptis aedituis duobus cum primis tenebris custodia eduxisset, ipse comes occulti itineris factus profugit. luce prima uolgata per urbem fuga est missique qui sequerentur ab Tarracina comprensos omnes retraxerunt. deducti in comitium uirgisque approbante populo caesi de saxo deiciuntur.

[¶73] 8.1. The relentlessness of this punishment outraged two of the most important Greek cities in Italy, both as states and personally as well, whenever individuals were connected either by relationship or friendship with those who were so cruelly executed.

> Latin: 8.1. huius atrocitas poenae duarum nobilissimarum in Italia Graecarum ciuitatium animos inritauit cum publice, tum etiam singulos priuatim ut quisque tam foede interemptos aut propinquitate aut amicitia contingebat.

[¶74] 8.3. Of those so connected some thirteen noble youths of Tarentum formed a conspiracy, and Nico and Philemenus were the leaders.

> Latin: 8.3. ex iis tredecim fere nobiles iuuenes Tarentini coniurauerunt, quorum principes Nico et Philemenus erant.

[¶75] 8.4. Thinking that they ought to confer with Hannibal before taking any step, these men left the city by night under pretext of hunting and set out to go to him.

> Latin: 8.4. hi priusquam aliquid mouerent conloquendum cum Hannibale rati, nocte per speciem uenandi urbe egressi ad eum proficiscuntur;

[¶76] 8.5. And when they were not far from his camp, the rest concealed themselves in the woods near the road; but Nico and Philemenus advanced to the outposts, were seized and at their own request brought before Hannibal. After explaining the reasons for their plan and what they were plotting, they were warmly commended and loaded with promises. In order to make their fellow-citizens believe they had left the city to forage, they were bidden to drive to the city cattle belonging to the Carthaginians which had been turned out to graze. Promise was given that they would do so in safety and without a conflict.

> Latin: 8.5. et cum haud procul castris abessent, ceteri silua prope uiam sese occuluerunt, Nico et Philemenus progressi ad stationes comprehensique, ultro id petentes, ad Hannibalem deducti sunt. qui cum et causas consilii sui et quid pararent exposuissent, conlaudati oneratique promissis iubentur, ut fidem popularibus facerent, praedandi causa se urbe egressos, pecora Carthaginiensium quae pastum propulsa essent ad urbem agere;

[¶77] 8.6. The young men's booty attracted attention, and less astonishment was caused by their making the same venture again and again.

> Latin: 8.6. tuto ac sine certamine id facturos promissum est.

[¶78] 8.7. On meeting Hannibal again they had his formal assurance that the Tarentines as free men should have their own laws and all their possessions, and pay no tribute to the Carthaginians nor admit a garrison against their own wish;

> Latin: 8.7. conspecta ea praeda iuuenum est minusque iterum ac saepius id eos audere miraculo fuit.

[¶79] 8.8. that houses occupied by Romans should be handed over, together with the garrison, and be assigned to the Carthaginians. So much agreed upon, Philemenus thereafter made it his more constant habit to leave the city and return to it by night. In fact he was noted for his devotion to the chase, and his hounds and other equipment would follow him. Usually he carried back something he had taken or that the enemy had brought him by agreement, and he would give it either to the commandant or to the gate-guards.

> Latin: 8.8. congressi cum Hannibale rursus fide sanxerunt liberos Tarentinos leges <suas> suaque omnia habituros neque ullum uectigal Poeno pensuros praesidiumue inuitos recepturos; prodita praesidia Carthaginiensium fore. haec ubi conuenerunt, tunc uero Philemenus consuetudinem nocte egrediundi redeundique in urbem frequentiorem facere. et erat uenandi studio insignis, canesque et alius apparatus sequebatur, captumque ferme aliquid aut ab hoste ex praeparato allatum reportans donabat aut praefecto aut custodibus portarum;

[¶80] 8.10. They believed that he came and went preferably by night for fear of the enemy.

> Latin: 8.10. nocte maxime commeare propter metum hostium credebant.

[¶81] 8.11. When the thing had become so habitual that the gate was opened at whatever hour of the night he gave the signal by a whistle, it seemed to Hannibal to be the time for action.

> Latin: 8.11. ubi iam eo consuetudinis adducta res est ut, quocumque noctis tempore sibilo dedisset signum, porta aperiretur, tempus agendae rei Hannibali uisum est.

[¶82] 8.12. He was at a distance of three days' march, and there he played the invalid, that his keeping a fixed camp so long in one and the same place might cause less wonder.

> Latin: 8.12. tridui uiam aberat; ubi, quo minus mirum esset uno eodemque loco statiua eum tam diu habere, aegrum simulabat.

[¶83] 8.13. ' The Romans also on garrison duty at Tarentum had ceased to find such prolonged inaction suspicious.

> Latin: 8.13. Romanis quoque, qui in praesidio Tarenti erant, suspecta esse iam segnis mora eius desierat.

[¶84] 9.1. Once he had determined, however, to go to Tarentum, he picked ten thousand infantry and cavalry —the men whom he thought best suited to the enterprise on account of swiftness of foot and lightness of arms —and at the fourth watch of the night got in motion. And he ordered some eighty Numidian horsemen, who were sent in advance, to scour the country near the roads and keep an eye in every direction, that no farmer in the distance might observe the column without being noticed.

> Latin: 9.1. ceterum postquam Tarentum ire constituit, decem milibus peditum atque equitum, quos in expeditionem uelocitate corporum ac leuitate armorum aptissimos esse ratus est, electis, quarta uigilia noctis signa mouit, praemissisque octoginta fere Numidis equitibus praecepit ut discurrerent circa uias perlustrarentque omnia oculis, ne quis agrestium procul spectator agminis falleret;

[¶85] 9.3. They were to hold up those ahead of them and slay those they met, so that people living near by might have- the impression of foragers rather than of an army.

> Latin: 9.3. praegressos retraherent, obuios occiderent, ut praedonum magis quam exercitus accolis species esset. ipse raptim agmine acto quindecim ferme milium spatio castra ab Tarento posuit;

[¶86] 9.4. He himself, after a forced march, pitched camp at a distance of about fifteen miles from Tarentum. And not even there did he announce whither they were going. He merely summoned the soldiers and bade them all to keep to the road and not allow anyone to turn aside or leave his place in the column; and to be especially alert to hear commands and not to do anything without orders from their officers.

> Latin: 9.4. et ne ibi quidem nuntiato quo pergerent, tantum conuocatos milites monuit uia omnes irent nec deuerti quemquam aut excedere ordine agminis paterentur et in primis intenti ad imperia accipienda essent neu quid nisi ducum iussu facerent; se in tempore editurum quae uellet agi.

[¶87] 9.5. He would in due time inform them what he wished to have done. About the same hour a rumour had preceded him to Tarentum that a- few Numidian horsemen were ravaging the farms and had inspired widespread alarm among the rustics.

> Latin: 9.5. eadem ferme hora Tarentum fama praeuenerat Numidas equites paucos populari agros terroremque late agrestibus iniecisse.

[¶88] 9.6. On receiving this news the Roman commandant was only so far aroused- as -to command part of the cavalry to go out the next day at dawn, in order to prevent depredations of the enemy.

> Latin: 9.6. ad quem nuntium nihil ultra motus praefectus Romanus quam ut partem equitum postero die luce prima iuberet exire ad arcendum populationibus hostem;

[¶89] 9.7. For the rest his attention was so little aroused that on the contrary the raid of the Numidians was to him a proof that Hannibal and the army had not stirred from their camp. Hannibal broke camp early in the night.

> Latin: 9.7. in cetera adeo nihil ab eo intenta cura est ut contra pro argumento fuerit illa procursatio Numidarum Hannibalem exercitumque <e> castris non mouisse. Hannibal concubia nocte mouit.

[¶90] 9.8. His guide was Philemenus with his usual load of game. The rest of the traitors were waiting for acts previously arranged.

> Latin: 9.8. dux Philemenus erat cum solito captae uenationis onere; ceteri proditores ea quae composita erant exspectabant.

[¶91] 9.9. It had been agreed, namely, that Philemenus, as he brought in his game by the usual postern, should lead in armed men, while on another side Hannibal should approach the Temenitis Gate.

> Latin: 9.9. conuenerat autem ut Philemenus portula adsueta uenationem inferens armatos induceret, parte alia portam Temenitida adiret Hannibal;

[¶92] 9.10. That quarter is toward the inland, facing east; tombs occupy a considerable space inside the walls. As he approached the gate the fire signal was given by Hannibal according to agreement, and in reply from Nico the same signal blazed; then on both sides the flames were extinguished. Hannibal was leading his men silently to the gate.

> Latin: 9.10. ea mediterranea regio est orientem spectans; busta aliquantum intra moenia includunt. cum portae adpropinquaret, editus ex composito ignis ab Hannibale est refulsitque idem redditum ab Nicone signum; exstinctae deinde utrimque flammae sunt. Hannibal silentio ducebat ad portam.

## 23. Book XXV · chapters 9–16

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/#p-N

[¶0] 9.11. Nico unexpectedly attacks the sleeping sentries in their beds, slays them and opens the gate. Hannibal with his infantry column enters, orders the cavalry to halt, so that they can meet the enemy in the open, in whatever direction the situation may require. And Philemenus on another side of the city was approaching the postern by which he was accustomed to come and go.

> Latin: 9.11. Nico ex improuiso adortus sopitos uigiles in cubilibus suis obtruncat portamque aperit. Hannibal cum peditum agmine ingreditur, equites subsistere iubet ut, quo res postulet occurrere libero campo possent.

[¶1] 9.13. His well-known voice and the now familiar signal having aroused a sentry, the little gate was opened for Philemenus, just as he was saying they could scarcely carry the weight of a huge beast.

> Latin: 9.13. et Philemenus portulae parte alia, qua commeare adsuerat, adpropinquabat. nota uox eius et familiare iam signum cum excitasset uigilem, dicenti uix sustineri grandis bestiae onus portula aperitur.

[¶2] 9.14. While two young men were carrying in the boar, he himself followed them with a huntsman who was unencumbered, and as the sentry, thrown off his guard by its marvellous size, faced the men who were carrying it, Philemenus ran him through with a hunting spear.

> Latin: 9.14. inferentes aprum duos iuuenes secutus ipse cum expedito uenatore uigilem, incautius miraculo magnitudinis in eos qui ferebant uersum, uenabulo traicit.

[¶3] 9.15. Then about thirty armed men entered, cut down the rest of the sentries and broke open the neighbouring gate; and the column with its standards at once rushed in. Thence they were marched in silence to the market-place and joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent two thousand Gauls, divided into three units, through the city, and to each he attached two Tarentines as guides.

> Latin: 9.15. ingressi deinde triginta fere armati ceteros uigiles obtruncant refringuntque portam proximam et agmen sub signis confestim inrupit. inde cum silentio in forum ducti Hannibali sese coniunxerunt. tum duo milia Gallorum Poenus in tres diuisa partes per urbem dimittit;

[¶4] 9.16. He ordered them to occupy the most frequented streets, and when the uproar had begun, to slay the Romans everywhere, to spare the townspeople.

> Latin: 9.16. Tarentinos <iis addit duces binos>; itinera quam maxime frequentia occupari iubet, tumultu orto Romanos passim caedi, oppidanis parci.

[¶5] 9.17. But to make this possible he instructed the young Tarentines, whenever they saw one of their own people in the distance, to bid him be quiet and say nothing and be of good cheer.

> Latin: 9.17. sed ut fieri id posset, praecipit iuuenibus Tarentinis ut, ubi quem suorum procul uidissent, quiescere ac silere ac bono animo esse iuberent.

[¶6] 10.1. Already there was such uproar and shouting as is usual in a captured city, but what it was about no one quite knew for certain.

> Latin: 10.1. iam tumultus erat clamorque qualis esse in capta urbe solet;

[¶7] 10.2. The Tarentines believed the Romans had surprised them, in order to plunder the city; the Romans thought it was some kind of uprising treacherously started by the townspeople.

> Latin: 10.2. sed quid rei esset nemo satis pro certo scire. Tarentini Romanos ad diripiendam urbem credere coortos; Romanis seditio aliqua cum fraude uideri ab oppidanis mota.

[¶8] 10.3. The commandant, aroused by the first uproar, escaped to the harbour; picked up by a skiff, he was rowed around from there to the citadel.

> Latin: 10.3. praefectus primo excitatus tumultu in portum effugit; inde acceptus scapha in arcem circumuehitur.

[¶9] 10.4. Confusion was caused also by the sound of a trumpet from the theatre. For it was a Roman trumpet, furnished by the traitors for this very purpose; and in addition, being unskillfully sounded by a Greek, it left it uncertain who was giving the signal and to whom.

> Latin: 10.4. errorem et tuba audita ex theatro faciebat; nam et Romana erat, a proditoribus ad hoc ipsum praeparata, et inscienter a Graeco inflata quis aut quibus signum daret incertum efficiebat.

[¶10] 10.5. When day broke the Punic and Gallic arms, now recognized, relieved the Romans of their uncertainty, and at the same time the Greeks, seeing slain Romans everywhere, were aware that the city had been captured by Hannibal.

> Latin: 10.5. ubi inluxit, et Romanis Punica et Gallica arma cognita [tum] dubitationem exemerunt, et Graeci Romanos passim caede stratos cernentes, ab Hannibale captam urbem senserunt.

[¶11] 10.6. When it was no longer twilight and the Romans who survived the slaughter had fled to the citadel, and the uproar was gradually being stilled, Hannibal then gave orders to summon the Tarentines without arms.

> Latin: 10.6. postquam lux certior erat et Romani qui caedibus superfuerant in arcem confugerant conticiscebatque paulatim tumultus, tum Hannibal Tarentinos sine armis conuocari iubet.

[¶12] 10.7. They all assembled, except those who had followed the Romans in their retreat to the citadel, to share with them any outcome.

> Latin: 10.7. conuenere omnes, praeterquam qui cedentes in arcem Romanos ad omnem adeundam simul fortunam persecuti fuerant.

[¶13] 10.8. Thereupon Hannibal had kind words for the Tarentines and called to mind what he had done for their fellow-citizens whom he had captured at Lake Trasumennus or at Cannae. At the same time he inveighed against the haughty rule of the Romans and ordered them to go each to his own house and to write his name on the door.

> Latin: 10.8. ibi Hannibal benigne adlocutus Tarentinos testatusque quae praestitisset ciuibus eorum quos ad Trasumennum aut ad Cannas cepisset, simul in dominationem superbam Romanorum inuectus, recipere se in domos suas quemque iussit et foribus nomen suum inscribere;

[¶14] 10.9. He would order that at a given signal such houses as were not marked should at once be plundered. If any one should write his name on the quarters of a Roman citizen —now they were occupying vacant houses —he would regard such a man as an enemy.

> Latin: 10.9. se domos eas quae inscriptae non essent signo extemplo dato diripi iussurum; si quis in hospitio ciuis Romani—uacuas autem tenebant domo— nomen inscripsisset, eum se pro hoste habiturum.

[¶15] 10.10. After the assembly had been dismissed and the marking of doors had distinguished the house of a citizen from that of an enemy, the signal was given and they scattered in all directions to plunder the Roman dwellings; and the booty was considerable.

> Latin: 10.10. contione dimissa cum titulis notatae fores discrimen pacatae ab hostili domo fecissent, signo dato ad diripienda hospitia Romana passim discursum est; et fuit praedae aliquantum.

[¶16] 11.1. On the next day he led his men to an attack upon the citadel. He saw that not only was this defended by very high cliffs on the side towards the sea, which surrounds the larger part of it as a peninsula, but on the side toward the city itself by a wall and a great fosse, and hence could not be taken by assault nor by siege-works. Accordingly, to avoid either keeping himself from larger operations in his effort to protect the Tarentines, or else letting the Romans, whenever they pleased, make an attack from the citadel upon the Tarentines if he left them without a strong garrison, he decided to wall off the city from the citadel by an earthwork.

> Latin: 11.1. postero die ad oppugnandam arcem ducit; quam cum et <a> mari, quo in paene insulae modum pars maior circumluitur, praealtis rupibus et ab ipsa urbe muro et fossa ingenti saeptam uideret eoque nec ui nec operibus expugnabilem esse, ne aut se ipsum cura tuendi Tarentinos a maioribus rebus moraretur aut in relictos sine ualido praesidio Tarentinos impetum ex arce cum uellent Romani facerent, uallo urbem ab arce intersaepire statuit,

[¶17] 11.3. He was not without the hope also that he could engage the Romans if they tried to prevent the work, and that, if they should make a furious sally, the strength of the garrison would be so reduced by serious losses that the Tarentines by themselves could easily defend the city against them.

> Latin: 11.3. non sine illa etiam spe cum prohibentibus opus Romanis manum posse conseri et, si ferocius procucurrissent, magna caede ita attenuari praesidii uires ut facile per se ipsi Tarentini urbem ab iis tueri possent.

[¶18] 11.4. After fortification began, a gate was suddenly opened and the Romans made an attack upon the men at work. And the outpost stationed in advance of the work allowed itself to be driven back, that boldness might grow with success and a larger number might pursue the repulsed and to a greater distance.

> Latin: 11.4. ubi coeptum opus est, patefacta repente porta impetum in munientes fecerunt Romani pellique se statio passa est quae pro opere erat, ut successu cresceret audacia pluresque et longius pulsos persequerentur.

[¶19] 11.5. Then at a given signal the Carthaginians, whom Hannibal had kept drawn up for this purpose, rose up on all sides. And the Romans did not withstand the attack, but limited space and ground obstructed partly by the work already begun, partly by preparations for the work, kept them from a disorderly flight.

> Latin: 11.5. tum signo dato coorti undique Poeni sunt, quos instructos ad hoc Hannibal tenuerat; nec sustinuere impetum Romani; sed ab effusa fuga loci angustiae eos impeditaque alia opere iam coepto, alia apparatu operis morabantur;

[¶20] 11.6. Very many leaped into the fosse, and more were slain in flight than in battle. Then even fortification began to proceed, with no one attempting to prevent.

> Latin: 11.6. plurimi in fossam praecipitauere occisique sunt plures in fuga quam in pugna. inde et opus nullo prohibente fieri coeptum.

[¶21] 11.7. A great fosse was carried along, and inside of it an earthwork was raised; and at a short distance he prepared to add a stone wall likewise in the same direction, so that even without a garrison they could protect themselves against the Romans.

> Latin: 11.7. fossa ingens ducta et uallum intra eam erigitur modicoque post interuallo murum etiam eadem regione addere parat, ut uel sine praesidio tueri se aduersus Romanos possent.

[¶22] 11.8. He did, however, leave a garrison of moderate size, to aid as well in the completion of the wall. He himself set out with the rest of his forces and pitched camp at the river Galaesus, which is five miles from the city.

> Latin: 11.8. reliquit tamen modicum praesidium, simul ut in perficiendo muro adiuuaret: ipse profectus cum ceteris copiis ad Galaesum flumen—quinque milia ab urbe abest—posuit castra.

[¶23] 11.9. On returning from this permanent camp to inspect, inasmuch as the work had progressed with considerably more speed than he had anticipated, he hoped that the citadel also could be taken by storm. And it is not defended by height, as other citadels are, but is on level ground and separated from the city merely by a wall and a fosse.

> Latin: 11.9. ex his statiuis regressus ad inspiciendum quod opus aliquantum opinione eius celerius creuerat, spem cepit etiam arcem expugnari posse. et est non altitudine, ut ceterae, tuta sed loco plano posita et ab urbe muro tantum ac fossa diuisa.

[¶24] 11.10. While the attack was now in progress with engines of every kind and with siege-works, a garrison sent from Metapontum encouraged the Romans to make a surprise attack by night upon the works of the enemy. Some of these they pulled apart, others they ruined by fire; and this was the end of Hannibal's attack upon the citadel from that side.

> Latin: 11.10. cum iam machinationum omni genere et operibus oppugnaretur, missum a Metaponto praesidium Romanis fecit animum ut nocte ex improuiso opera hostium inuaderent. alia disiecerunt, alia igni corruperunt, isque finis Hannibali fuit ea parte arcem oppugnandi.

[¶25] 11.11. His remaining hope was in a blockade, and that was not very effectual, because the occupants of the citadel, which is situated on a peninsula and commands the harbour mouth, had the sea at their disposal, while the city on the other hand was shut off from supplies by sea and the besiegers were nearer to starvation than the besieged.

> Latin: 11.11. reliqua erat in obsidione spes nec ea satis efficax, quia arcem tenentes, quae in paene insula posita imminet faucibus portus, mare liberum habebant, urbs contra exclusa maritimis commeatibus propiusque inopiam erant obsidentes quam obsessi.

[¶26] 11.12. Hannibal summoned the leading men of Tarentum and laid before them all the difficulties of the situation, saying that he neither saw a way to take so well fortified a citadel by storm, nor had any hope in a blockade, so long as the enemy had command of the sea.

> Latin: 11.12. Hannibal conuocatis principibus Tarentinis omnes praesentes difficultates exposuit: neque arcis tam munitae expugnandae cernere uiam neque in obsidione quicquam habere spei donec mari hostes potiantur; quod si naues sint, quibus commeatus inuehi prohibeat, extemplo aut abscessuros aut dedituros se hostes.

[¶27] 11.14. But if he should have ships with which to prevent the bringing in of supplies, the enemy would at once either withdraw from the citadel or surrender. The Tarentines assented, but thought that the giver of advice must give aid also to carry it out.

> Latin: 11.14. adsentiebantur Tarentini; ceterum ei qui consilium adferret opem quoque in eam rem adferendam censebant esse. Punicas enim naues ex Sicilia accitas id posse facere:

[¶28] 11.15. For Carthaginian ships, summoned from Sicily, they said, could do it. As for their own ships, which were shut up inside a very small bay, while the enemy held the key to the harbour, how were they to get out into the open sea?

> Latin: 11.15. suas, quae sinu exiguo intus inclusae essent, cum claustra portus hostis haberet, quem ad modum inde in apertum mare euasuras?

[¶29] 11.16. “They will get out”, said Hannibal; “many things which are naturally difficult are solved by ingenuity. You have a city situated in a plain.”

> Latin: 11.16. 'euadent' inquit Hannibal. 'multa, quae impedita natura sunt, consilio expediuntur. urbem in campo sitam habetis; planae et satis latae uiae patent in omnes partes.

[¶30] 11.17. “Level streets of ample breadth lead in all directions. Along the street that is carried across from the harbour through the centre of the city to the sea I shall transport ships on wagons with no great difficulty, and the sea, which the enemy now possess, will be ours, and we shall besiege the citadel on that side by sea, on this side by land; or rather we shall soon either take it, abandoned by the enemy, or take it enemy and all.”

> Latin: 11.17. uia, quae ex portu per mediam urbem ad mare transmissa est, plaustris transueham naues haud magna mole et mare nostrum erit, quo nunc hostes potiuntur, et illinc mari, hinc terra circumsedebimus arcem; immo breui aut relictam ab hostibus aut cum ipsis hostibus capiemus.'

[¶31] 11.18. This speech produced not merely the hope of success, but great admiration for the general as well. At once wagons were assembled from everywhere and joined together, and the tackle brought to draw up the ships, and the roadway paved, that the wagons might be easier to move, and the difficulty of transport lessened.

> Latin: 11.18. haec oratio non spem modo effectus sed ingentem etiam ducis admirationem fecit. contracta extemplo undique plaustra iunctaque inter se et machinae ad subducendas naues admotae munitumque inter quo faciliora plaustra minorque moles in transitu esset.

[¶32] 11.19. Then mules and men were brought together and the work was begun with energy. And so a few days later a fleet furnished and equipped sailed around the citadel and cast anchor at the very mouth of the harbour.

> Latin: 11.19. iumenta inde et homines contracti et opus impigre coeptum; paucosque post dies classis instructa ac parata circumuehitur arcem et ante os ipsum portus ancoras iacit.

[¶33] 11.20. Such was the state of things which Hannibal left at Tarentum when he himself returned to his winter quarters. But whether the rebellion of the Tarentines took place in the previous year or in this year, authorities differ. More of them and those nearer in time to men who remembered the events relate that it occurred in this year.

> Latin: 11.20. hunc statum rerum Hannibal Tarenti relinquit, regressus ipse in hiberna. ceterum defectio Tarentinorum utrum priore anno an hoc facta sit, in diuersum auctores trahunt; plures propioresque aetate memoriae rerum hoc anno factam tradunt.

[¶34] 12.1. At Rome the consuls and praetors were detained by the Latin festival until the 26th of April.

> Latin: 12.1. Romae consules praetoresque usque <ad> ante diem quintum kalendas Maias Latinae tenuerunt;

[¶35] 12.2. After performing the rites on that day on the Mount, each set out for his assignment. Then fresh religious scruples were aroused by the verses of Marcius.

> Latin: 12.2. eo die perpetrato sacro in monte in suas quisque prouincias proficiscuntur. religio deinde noua obiecta est ex carminibus Marcianis.

[¶36] 12.3. A noted seer had been this Marcius, and when in the preceding year search was being made by decree of the senate for such books, they had come into the hands of Marcus Aemilius, the praetor urbanus, who was in charge of the matter. He had immediately turned them over to the new praetor, Sulla.

> Latin: 12.3. uates hic Marcius inlustris fuerat, et cum conquisitio priore anno ex senatus consulto talium librorum fieret, in M. Aemili praetoris [urbem], qui eam rem agebat, manus uenerant; is protinus nouo praetori Sullae tradiderat.

[¶37] 12.4. Of the two prophecies of this Marcius the authority of one, made known after the event, was confirmed by the outcome and lent credibility to the other also, whose time had not yet come.

> Latin: 12.4. ex huius Marci duobus carminibus alterius post rem actam editi comperto auctoritas euentu alteri quoque, cuius nondum tempus uenerat, adferebat fidem.

[¶38] 12.5. In the earlier prophecy the disaster at Cannae had been predicted in such terms as these: “Flee the river Canna, thou descendant of Troy, that foreigners may not compel thee to do battle in the Plain of Diomed.”

> Latin: 12.5. priore carmine Cannensis praedicta clades in haec fere uerba erat: 'amnem, Troiugena, fuge Cannam, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis conserere manus.

[¶39] 12.6. “But thou wilt not believe me until thou hast filled the plain with blood, and many thousands of thy slain will the river bear from the fruitful land down to the great sea. To fishes and birds and beasts that dwell on the land thy flesh shall be meat. For thus hath Jupiter declared to me.”

> Latin: 12.6. sed neque credes tu mihi, donec compleris sanguine campum, multaque milia occisa tua deferet amnis in pontum magnum ex terra frugifera; piscibus atque auibus ferisque quae incolunt terras iis fuat esca caro tua; nam mihi ita Iuppiter fatus est.'

[¶40] 12.7. And those who had fought in that region recognized the plains of the Argive Diomed and the river Canna no less than the disaster itself. Then the second prophecy was read, being not only more obscure because the future is more uncertain than the past, but more difficult also in the way it was written.

> Latin: 12.7. et Diomedis Argiui campos et Cannam flumen ii qui militauerant in iis locis iuxta atque ipsam cladem agnoscebant. tum alterum carmen recitatum, non eo tantum obscurius quia incertiora futura praeteritis sunt sed perplexius etiam scripturae genere.

[¶41] 12.9. “If you wish, Romans, to drive out enemies, the sore which has come from afar, I propose that a festival be vowed to Apollo, to be observed with good cheer in honour of Apollo every year. When the people shall have given a part out of the treasury, private citizens shall contribute on their own behalf and that of their families.”

> Latin: 12.9. 'hostes, Romani, si ex agro expellere uoltis, uomicam quae gentium uenit longe, Apollini uouendos censeo ludos qui quotannis comiter Apollini fiant; cum populus dederit ex publico partem, priuati uti conferant pro se atque suis;

[¶42] 12.10. “In charge of the conduct of that festival shall be the praetor who is then chief judge for the people and the commons. The decemvirs shall offer the victims according to Greek rite. If ye will do this rightly ye shall forever rejoice, and your state will change for the better. For that god who graciously nurtures your meadows will destroy your enemies.” For the interpretation of the prophecy they took one day.

> Latin: 12.10. iis ludis faciendis praesit praetor is quis ius populo plebeique dabit summum; decemuiri Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant. hoc si recte facietis, gaudebitis semper fietque res uestra melior; nam is deum exstinguet perduelles uestros qui uestros campos pascit placide.'

[¶43] 12.11. On the next day the senate made a decree that in regard to the festival to be held and the sacrifices in honour of Apollo the decemvirs should consult the books.

> Latin: 12.11. ad id carmen expiandum diem unum sumpserunt; postero die senatus consultum factum est ut decemuiri libros de ludis Apollini reque diuina facienda inspicerent.

[¶44] 12.12. Those passages having been consulted and reported to the senate, the fathers voted that a festival should be vowed and held in honour of Apollo, and after the festival had been held the sum of twelve thousand asses should be given to the praetor for the ceremonies, and two full-grown victims.

> Latin: 12.12. ea cum inspecta relataque ad senatum essent, censuerunt patres Apollini ludos uouendos faciendosque et quando ludi facti essent, duodecim milia aeris praetori ad rem diuinam et duas hostias maiores dandas.

[¶45] 12.13. A second decree of the senate was made, that the decemvirs should offer sacrifice according to Greek rite and with these victims: to Apollo an ox with gilded horns and two white she-goats with gilded horns, to Latona a cow with gilded horns.

> Latin: 12.13. alterum senatus consultum factum est ut decemuiri sacrum Graeco ritu facerent hisce hostiis, Apollini boue aurato et capris duabus albis auratis, Latonae boue femina aurata.

[¶46] 12.14. When the praetor was about to open the festival in the Circus Maximus, he ordered by edict that during that feast the people should make their contribution to Apollo according to their means.

> Latin: 12.14. ludos praetor in circo maximo cum facturus esset, edixit ut populus per eos ludos stipem Apollini quantam commodum esset conferret.

[¶47] 12.15. Such is the origin of the festival of Apollo, vowed and kept to secure victory, not health, as most think. The people wore garlands at the spectacles, the matrons offered prayers, everybody feasted in the atrium with open doors, and the day was kept with every kind of ceremony.

> Latin: 12.15. haec est origo ludorum Apollinarium, uictoriae, non ualetudinis ergo ut plerique rentur, uotorum factorumque. populus coronatus spectauit, matronae supplicauere; uolgo apertis ianuis in propatulo epulati sunt celeberque dies omni caerimoniarum genere fuit.

[¶48] 13.1. While Hannibal was near Tarentum, and both consuls were in Samnium but seemed about to invest Capua, already the Campanians were suffering hunger (the usual hardship of a long investment), because the Roman armies had prevented them from sowing.

> Latin: 13.1. cum Hannibal circa Tarentum, consules ambo in Samnio essent sed circumsessuri Capuam uiderentur, quod malum diuturnae obsidionis esse solet, iam famem Campani sentiebant, quia sementem facere prohibuerant eos Romani exercitus.

[¶49] 13.2. And so they sent legates to Hannibal, praying that, before the consuls should lead the legions into their lands and all the roads should be blocked by forces of the enemy, he should order grain to be brought from neighbouring places to Capua.

> Latin: 13.2. itaque legatos ad Hannibalem miserunt orantes ut priusquam consules in agros suos educerent legiones uiaeque omnes hostium praesidiis insiderentur, frumentum ex propinquis locis conuehi iuberet Capuam.

[¶50] 13.3. Hannibal ordered Hanno to march with his army from the land of the Bruttii over into Campania, and to see to it that the Campanians should have a supply of grain.

> Latin: 13.3. Hannibal Hannonem ex Bruttiis cum exercitu in Campaniam transire et dare operam ut frumenti copia fieret Campanis iussit.

[¶51] 13.4. Hanno set out from the land of the Bruttii with his army, avoided camps of the enemy and the consuls, who were in Samnium, and when he was now nearing Beneventum, pitched camp on high ground three miles from the city itself.

> Latin: 13.4. Hanno ex Bruttiis profectus cum exercitu, uitabundus castra hostium consulesque qui in Samnio erant, cum Beneuento iam appropinquaret, tria milia passuum ab ipsa urbe loco edito castra posuit;

[¶52] 13.5. Then he ordered grain to be brought into camp from allied peoples of the neighbourhood, among whom it had been garnered in the summer; and he furnished troops to escort the supplies.

> Latin: 13.5. inde ex sociis circa populis quo aestate comportatum erat deuehi frumentum in castra iussit praesidiis datis quae commeatus eos prosequerentur.

[¶53] 13.6. Then he sent word to Capua, naming a day on which they should appear at the camp to get their grain, after bringing together from the farms on all sides every kind of vehicle and beast of burden.

> Latin: 13.6. Capuam inde nuntium misit qua die in castris ad accipiendum frumentum praesto essent omni undique genere uehiculorum iumentorumque ex agris contracto.

[¶54] 13.7. This order was carried out by the Campanians with their usual carelessness and indifference. Little more than four hundred vehicles were sent, and a few beasts of burden besides. For this they were censured by Hanno, that not even hunger, which, as he said, inflames even dumb brutes, could spur their diligence; and another day was assigned for getting their grain with ampler means of transport.

> Latin: 13.7. id pro cetera socordia neglegentiaque a Campanis actum; paulo plus quadringenta uehicula missa et pauca praeterea iumenta. ob id castigatis ab Hannone quod ne fames quidem, quae mutas accenderet bestias, curam eorum stimulare posset alia prodicta dies ad frumentum maiore apparatu petendum.

[¶55] 13.8. When all this was reported, just as it happened, to the Beneventans, they at once sent ten legates to the consuls, the camp of the Romans being near Bovianum.

> Latin: 13.8. ea omnia, sicut acta erant, cum enuntiata Beneuentanis essent, legatos decem extemplo ad consules—circa Bouianum castra Romanorum erant—miserunt.

[¶56] 13.9. The consuls, on hearing what was going on near Capua, mutually arranged that one of them should lead his army into Campania, and Fulvius, to whom that assignment had fallen, set out and entered the walls of Beneventum at night.

> Latin: 13.9. qui cum auditis quae ad Capuam agerentur inter se comparassent ut alter in Campaniam exercitum duceret, Fuluius, cui ea prouincia obuenerat, profectus nocte Beneuenti moenia est ingressus.

[¶57] 13.10. Being near now, he learned that Hanno had gone with a part of his army to procure grain; that through his quaestor grain had been furnished to the Campanians; that two thousand wagons and in addition a mixed and unarmed multitude had arrived; that everything was being done in confusion and excitement, and that the arrangement of the camp and military routine had been broken down by the influx of rustics, foreigners at that.

> Latin: 13.10. ex propinquo cognoscit Hannonem cum exercitus parte profectum frumentatum; per quaestorem Campanis datum frumentum; duo milia plaustrorum, inconditam inermemque aliam turbam aduenisse; per tumultum ac trepidationem omnia agi, castrorumque formam et militarem ordinem immixtis agrestibus [iis] externis sublatum. his satis compertis, consul militibus edicit, signa tantum armaque in proximam noctem expedirent;

[¶58] 13.11. These facts being sufficiently established, the consul ordered the soldiers to make ready their standards and arms, and nothing else, for the following night; they must attack the Carthaginian camp. Setting out at the fourth watch, leaving all their packs and baggage at Beneventum, they reached the camp shortly before daylight and inspired such panic that, if the camp had been placed on level ground, it could undoubtedly have been taken by the first assault.

> Latin: 13.11. castra Punica oppugnanda esse. quarta uigilia profecti sarcinis omnibus impedimentisque Beneuenti relictis, paulo ante lucem cum ad castra peruenissent, tantum pauoris iniecerunt ut, si in plano castra posita essent, haud dubie primo impetu capi potuerint.

[¶59] 13.13. The lofty situation protected it, also the fortifications, which could not be approached from any side except by a steep and difficult slope.

> Latin: 13.13. altitudo loci et munimenta defendere quae nulla ex parte adiri nisi arduo ac difficili adscensu poterant.

[¶60] 13.14. At daybreak a great battle blazed up. And the Carthaginians not only defended the earthwork but, as they had the more favourable situation, pushed down the enemy struggling up the steep slope.

> Latin: 13.14. luce prima proelium ingens accensum est. nec uallum modo tutantur Poeni sed, ut quibus locus aequior esset, deturbant nitentes per ardua hostes.

[¶61] 14.1. Nevertheless obstinate courage surmounted everything, and so the earthwork and the trenches were reached in several places at once, but with many wounds and heavy loss of men.

> Latin: 14.1. uincit tamen omnia pertinax uirtus, et aliquot simul partibus ad uallum ac fossas peruentum est sed cum multis uolneribus ac militum pernicie.

[¶62] 14.2. Accordingly the consul called together his lieutenants and tribunes of the soldiers and told them he must give up his rash undertaking; that it seemed to him safer to lead the army back that day to Beneventum, and then on the following day to pitch camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanians might not be able to leave it nor Hanno to return.

> Latin: 14.2. itaque conuocatis <legatis> tribunisque militum consul absistendum temerario incepto ait; tutius sibi uideri reduci eo die exercitum Beneuentum, dein postero <castra> castris hostium iungi, ne exire inde Campani neue Hanno regredi posset;

[¶63] 14.3. To accomplish that more readily, he would summon his colleague also and his army, and they would focus the entire war upon that point. These plans of the general were disrupted, when he was already sounding the recall, by the shouts of the soldiers rejecting an order so lacking in spirit.

> Latin: 14.3. id quo facilius obtineatur, collegam quoque et exercitum eius se acciturum totumque eo uersuros bellum. haec consilia ducis, cum iam receptui caneret, clamor militum aspernantium tam segne imperium disiecit.

[¶64] 14.4. Nearest to the enemy happened to be a Paelignian cohort, whose prefect Vibius Accaus seized the banner and threw it over the enemy's earthwork.

> Latin: 14.4. proxima forte [hostium] erat cohors Paeligna, cuius praefectus Uibius Accaus arreptum uexillum trans uallum hostium traiecit.

[¶65] 14.5. Then, with a curse upon himself and the cohort if the enemy should get possession of that banner, he was himself the first to dash over the trench and wall into the camp.

> Latin: 14.5. exsecratus inde seque et cohortem si eius uexilli hostes potiti essent, princeps ipse per fossam uallumque in castra inrupit.

[¶66] 14.6. And already the Paelignians were fighting inside the wall, when from the other side of the camp, while Valerius Flaccus, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion, was reproaching the Romans for their cowardice in yielding to allies the honour of capturing the camp, Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the principes, took a standard away from the standard-bearer and said “This standard and this centurion will in a moment be inside the enemy's wall.”

> Latin: 14.6. iamque intra uallum Paeligni pugnabant, cum altera parte, Ualerio Flacco tribuno militum tertiae legionis exprobrante Romanis ignauiam qui sociis captorum castrorum concederent decus, T. Pedanius princeps primus centurio, cum signifero signum ademisset, 'iam hoc signum et hic centurio' inquit 'intra uallum hostium erit;

[¶67] 14.7. “Let those follow who are to prevent the standard from being captured by the enemy.”

> Latin: 14.7. sequantur qui capi signum ab hoste prohibituri sunt.' manipulares sui primum transcendentem fossam, dein legio tota secuta est.

[¶68] 14.8. First the men of his own maniple followed him as he crossed the trench, then the whole legion. And now the consul at the sight of men crossing the wall changed his plan, turned from recalling his soldiers to arousing and encouraging them, and pointed out to them in what a critical and perilous situation were the bravest cohort of the allies and a legion of their fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. iam et consul ad conspectum transgredientium uallum mutato consilio ab reuocando[que] ad incitandos hortandosque uersus milites, ostendere in quanto discrimine ac periculo fortissima cohors sociorum et ciuium legio esset.

[¶69] 14.9. And so, each doing his best, over ground favourable and unfavourable, while javelins were being hurled from every side and the enemy were interposing weapons and their bodies, they made their way and burst in. Many wounded men, even those whose strength and blood were ebbing, strove to fall inside the enemy's wall.

> Latin: 14.9. itaque pro se quisque omnes per aequa atque iniqua loca, cum undique tela conicerentur armaque et corpora hostes obicerent, peruadunt inrumpuntque; multi uolnerati etiam quos uires et sanguis desereret, ut intra uallum hostium caderent nitebantur;

[¶70] 14.10. And so in a moment's time the camp was captured, just as if pitched on level ground and not strongly fortified. Then came slaughter, no longer mere battle, since everything inside the wall was in confusion. Over six thousand of the enemy were slain, over seven thousand men captured, including the Campanians who came for grain, and the entire train of wagons and mules.

> Latin: 14.10. capta itaque momento temporis uelut in plano sita nec permunita castra. caedes inde, non iam pugna erat omnibus intra uallum permixtis. supra sex milia hostium occisa, supra septem milia capitum cum frumentatoribus Campanis omnique plaustrorum et iumentorum apparatu capta;

[¶71] 14.11. In addition there was the immense booty which Hanno, having set out to plunder far and wide, had taken from farms of allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 14.11. et alia ingens praeda fuit quam Hanno, populabundus passim cum isset, ex sociorum populi Romani agris traxerat.

[¶72] 14.12. Then after destroying the enemy's camp they returned to Beneventum, and there the two consuls —for Appius Claudius came there a few days late —sold and divided the booty.

> Latin: 14.12. inde deletis hostium castris Beneuentum reditum praedamque ibi ambo consules—nam et Ap. Claudius eo post paucos dies uenit—uendiderunt diuiseruntque.

[¶73] 14.13. And the men by whose efforts the camp of the enemy had been captured, were rewarded, first of all Accaus the Paelignian and Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the third legion.

> Latin: 14.13. et donati quorum opera castra hostium capta erant, ante alios Accaus Paelignus et T. Pedanius, princeps tertiae legionis.

[¶74] 14.14. Hanno, leaving Cominium Ocritum, where he received news of the disaster at the camp, with the few men he happened to have with him to get grain, returned in what resembled a flight rather than a march to the land of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 14.14. Hanno ab Cominio Ocrito, quo nuntiata castrorum clades est, cum paucis frumentatoribus quos forte secum habuerat fugae magis quam itineris modo in Bruttios rediit.

[¶75] 15.1. And the Campanians, hearing of what was a disaster as much to themselves as to their allies, sent legates to Hannibal to report that the two consuls were at Beneventum, a day's march from Capua; that the war was all but at their gates and walls; and that, if he did not come to their aid in haste, Capua would fall into the power of the enemy more promptly than Arpi.

> Latin: 15.1. et [legati] Campani, audita sua pariter sociorumque clade legatos ad Hannibalem miserunt qui nuntiarent duos consules ad Beneuentum esse, diei iter a Capua; tantum non ad portas et muros bellum esse; ni propere subueniat, celerius Capuam quam Arpos in potestatem hostium uenturam.

[¶76] 15.2. They said that not even Tarentum, to say nothing of its citadel, ought to be of such importance that he should hand over to the Roman people the deserted and undefended Capua, which he had usually compared with Carthage.

> Latin: 15.2. ne Tarentum quidem, non modo arcem, tanti debere esse ut Capuam, quam Carthagini aequare sit solitus, desertam indefensamque populo Romano tradat.

[¶77] 15.3. Hannibal, promising that the Campanian cause would be his concern, for the present sent two thousand horsemen with his lieutenants, that with this force they might be able to protect their farms from devastation.

> Latin: 15.3. Hannibal, curae sibi fore rem Campanam pollicitus, in praesentia duo milia equitum cum legatis mittit quo praesidio agros populationibus possent prohibere.

[¶78] 15.4. The Romans meantime were concerned among other things for the citadel of Tarentum and the garrison there besieged. Gaius Servilius, who as lieutenant had been sent by Publius Cornelius, the praetor, into Etruria by authority of the senate to purchase grain, made his way through the enemy's blockade into the harbour of Tarentum with a number of shiploads.

> Latin: 15.4. Romanis interim, sicut aliarum rerum, arcis Tarentinae praesidiique quod ibi obsideretur cura est. C. Seruilius legatus, ex auctoritate patrum a P. Cornelio praetore in Etruriam ad frumentum coemendum missus, cum aliquot nauibus onustis in portum Tarentinum inter hostium custodias peruenit.

[¶79] 15.5. Thanks to his coming, the men who until then in their faint hope had often been invited by the enemy in parleys to change sides were actually inviting and urging the enemy to change sides. And the garrison was in fact strong enough, now that soldiers who were at Metapontum had been transferred to defend the citadel of Tarentum.

> Latin: 15.5. cuius aduentu qui ante in exigua spe uocati saepe ad transitionem ab hostibus per conloquia erant ultro ad transeundum hostes uocabant sollicitabantque. et erat satis ualidum praesidium traductis ad arcem Tarenti tuendam qui Metaponti erant militibus.

[¶80] 15.6. Accordingly the Metapontines were at once relieved of the fear by which they were restrained, and went over to Hannibal. The Thurians also, on the same coast, did the same.

> Latin: 15.6. itaque Metapontini extemplo metu quo tenebantur liberati ad Hannibalem defecere. hoc idem eadem ora maris et Thurini fecerunt.

[¶81] 15.7. What impelled them was not more the revolt of the Tarentines and that of the Metapontines, with whom they were linked by blood as well, being sprung from the same Achaia than anger against the Romans on account of the recent execution of the hostages.

> Latin: 15.7. mouit eos non Tarentinorum magis defectio Metapontinorumque, quibus indidem ex Achaia oriundi etiam cognatione iuncti erant, quam ira in Romanos propter obsides nuper interfectos.

[¶82] 15.8. Friends and relatives of these sent a letter and messengers to Hanno and Mago, who were not far away in the land of the Bruttii, saying that, if they should bring up an army to their walls, they would themselves deliver the city into their power.

> Latin: 15.8. eorum amici cognatique litteras ac nuntios ad Hannonem Magonemque, qui in propinquo in Bruttiis erant, miserunt, si exercitum ad moenia admouissent, se in potestatem eorum urbem tradituros esse.

[¶83] 15.9. Marcus Atinius was in command at Thurii with a garrison of moderate size, and they thought that he could easily be tempted to dash rashly into battle, from his confidence not so much in his soldiers, of whom he had very few, as in the young men of Thurii. He had purposely organized them in centuries and armed them with a view to such emergencies.

> Latin: 15.9. M. Atinius Thuriis cum modico praesidio praeerat, quem facile elici ad certamen temere ineundum rebantur posse, non militum quos perpaucos habebat fiducia quam iuuentutis Thurinae; eam ex industria centuriauerat armaueratque ad tales casus.

[¶84] 15.10. The Carthaginian generals divided their forces between them and, on entering the territory of Thurii, Hanno, with the infantry column ready to attack, proceeded to the city. Mago with the cavalry halted under cover of hills conveniently interposed to conceal an ambuscade.

> Latin: 15.10. diuisis copiis inter se duces Poeni cum agrum Thurinum ingressi essent, Hanno cum peditum agmine infestis signis ire ad urbem pergit, Mago cum equitatu tectus collibus ap<te ad> tegendas insidias oppositis subsistit.

[¶85] 15.11. Atinius, informed of the infantry column alone by scouts, led his troops out into line, he being unaware both of the conspiracy within and of the enemy's ambuscade.

> Latin: 15.11. Atinius peditum tantum agmine per exploratores comperto in aciem copias educit, et fraudis intestinae et hostium insidiarum ignarus.

[¶86] 15.12. The infantry battle was very lacking in spirit, for only a few Romans were fighting in the front line, and the men of Thurii were awaiting the outcome, rather than contributing to it. And the Carthaginian line purposely retreated, in order to draw the heedless enemy to the other side of the hill occupied by their own cavalry.

> Latin: 15.12. pedestre proelium fuit persegne paucis in prima acie pugnantibus Romanis, Thurinis exspectantibus magis quam adiuuantibus euentum; et Carthaginiensium acies de industria pedem referebat, ut ad terga collis ab equite suo insessi hostem incautum pertraheret.

[¶87] 15.13. When they reached the place, the cavalry, suddenly attacking with a shout, at once put to flight the mass of the Thurians, which was 399 almost undisciplined and not entirely loyal to the side on which they were fighting. The Romans, though surrounded and hard pressed on one side by the infantry, on the other by the cavalry, nevertheless kept on fighting for some time.

> Latin: 15.13. quo ubi est uentum, coorti cum clamore equites prope inconditam Thurinorum turbam nec satis fido animo unde pugnabat stantem extemplo in fugam auerterunt. Romani, quamquam circumuentos hinc pedes, hinc eques urgebat, tamen aliquamdiu pugnam traxere;

[¶88] 15.14. Finally they also faced about and fled to the city.

> Latin: 15.14. postremo et ipsi terga uertunt atque ad urbem fugiunt.

[¶89] 15.15. There the traitors massed together and admitted the column of their citizens through wide-open gates; but when they saw the routed Romans moving toward the city, they shouted that the Carthaginian was upon them, and unless they hastily closed the gates the enemy also, mingling with them, would make their way into the city.

> Latin: 15.15. ibi proditores conglobati cum popularium agmen patentibus portis accepissent, ubi Romanos fusos ad urbem ferri uiderunt, conclamant instare Poenum permixtosque et hostes urbem inuasuros ni propere portas claudant.

[¶90] 15.16. Thus they shut out the Romans and left them to be slain by the enemy. Atinius, however, with a few men was admitted. Then for a short time dissension continued, the other party being of the opinion that they must yield to destiny and surrender the city to the victors.

> Latin: 15.16. ita exclusos Romanos praebuere hosti ad caedem; Atinius tamen cum paucis receptus. seditio inde paulisper tenuit, cum [inde] alii cedendum fortunae et tradendam urbem uictoribus censerent.

[¶91] 15.17. But, as usual, chance and bad advice prevailed. Atinius and his men were brought down to the sea and ships, more because they wished his personal safety, on account of his mild and just rule over them, than out of regard for the Romans, and then they admitted the Carthaginians to the city.

> Latin: 15.17. ceterum, ut plerumque, fortuna et consilia mala uicerunt; Atinio cum suis ad mare ac naues deducto, magis quia ipsi ob imperium in se mite ac iustum consultum uolebant quam respectu Romanorum, Carthaginienses in urbem accipiunt.

[¶92] 15.18. The consuls led their legions from Beneventum into the Campanian territory, not merely to ruin the grain, which was by now green, but also to besiege Capua. They thought to make theirs a notable consulship by the destruction of so rich a city, and at the same time to remove a great disgrace from the empire, in that the revolt of a city so near had been unpunished for three years.

> Latin: 15.18. consules a Beneuento in Campanum agrum legiones ducunt non ad frumenta modo, quae iam in herbis erant, corrumpenda sed ad Capuam oppugnandam, nobilem se consulatum tam opulentae urbis excidio rati facturos, simul et ingens flagitium imperio dempturos, quod urbi tam propinquae tertium annum impunita defectio esset.

[¶93] 15.20. But, not to leave Beneventum without a garrison, and, with a view to emergencies, if Hannibal should come to Capua, as they had no doubt he would do, to lend aid to his allies, in order that they might be able to withstand the attack of his cavalry, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come from Lucania with his cavalry and light-armed troops to Beneventum. He was to put some one in command of the legions and permanent camps, in order to control the situation in Lucania.

> Latin: 15.20. ceterum ne Beneuentum sine praesidio esset et ut ad subita belli, si Hannibal, quod facturum haud dubitabant, ad opem ferendam sociis Capuam uenisset, equitis uim sustinere possent, Ti. Gracchum ex Lucanis cum equitatu ac leui armatura Beneuentum uenire iubent; legionibus statiuisque ad obtinendas res in Lucanis aliquem praeficeret.

[¶94] 16.1. As Gracchus was sacrificing before leaving Lucania, an unfavourable portent occurred.

> Latin: 16.1. Graccho, priusquam ex Lucanis moueret, sacrificanti triste prodigium factum est.

[¶95] 16.2. After the slaying of the victim two snakes gliding stealthily up to the entrails ate part of the liver, and on being noticed vanished suddenly from sight.

> Latin: 16.2. ad exta sacrificio perpetrato angues duo ex occulto adlapsi adedere iocur conspectique repente ex oculis abierunt.

[¶96] 16.3. When for that reason the sacrifice was repeated on the advice of the soothsayers, and while the entrails were being kept with greater care, they relate that the snakes for the second and the third time gliding up tasted the liver and went away unharmed.

> Latin: 16.3. et cum haruspicum monitu sacrificium instauraretur atque intentius exta seruarentur, iterum ac tertium tradunt libato[que] iocinere intactos angues abisse.

[¶97] 16.4. Although the soothsayers had warned in advance that that portent applied to the general, and that he must beware of men in hiding and of covert plans, still the impending fate could not be averted by any foresight.

> Latin: 16.4. cum haruspices ad imperatorem id pertinere prodigium praemonuissent et ab occultis cauendum hominibus consultisque, nulla tamen prouidentia fatum imminens moueri potuit.

[¶98] 16.5. There was a Lucanian, Flavus, head of that party of the Lucanians which remained on the Roman side, although the other party had revolted to Hannibal.

> Latin: 16.5. Flauus Lucanus fuit, caput partis eius Lucanorum, cum pars ad Hannibalem defecisset, quae cum Romanis stabat; et iam annuo in magistratu erat, ab iisdem illis creatus praetor.

[¶99] 16.6. And he was now in the second year of his office, having been elected praetor by that same party. He suddenly changed his intention and, seeking to find favour with the Carthaginian, was not satisfied to change sides himself nor to draw the Lucanians into revolt without ratifying his agreement with the enemy by the life-blood of the general, betrayed though at the same time his guest-friend.

> Latin: 16.6. is mutata repente uoluntate locum gratiae apud Poenum quaerens, neque transire ipse neque trahere ad defectionem Lucanos satis habuit, nisi imperatoris et eiusdem hospitis proditi capite ac sanguine foedus cum hostibus sanxisset.

[¶100] 16.7. He came to Mago, who was in command in the country of the Bruttii, for a secret conference, and received his promise that, if he should surrender the Roman commander into their hands, the Lucanians as free men with their own laws would be accepted as friends. He then led the Carthaginian to a place to which he said he would bring Gracchus with a few men; there Mago should conceal armed infantry and cavalry; and the hiding-place had room, he said, for a very large number.

> Latin: 16.7. ad Magonem, qui in Bruttiis praeerat, clam in conloquium uenit fideque ab eo accepta, si Romanum iis imperatorem tradidisset, liberos cum suis legibus uenturos in amicitiam Lucanos, deducit Poenum in locum <quo cum> paucis Gracchum adducturum ait: Mago ibi pedites equitesque armatos—et capere eas latebras ingentem numerum—occuleret.

[¶101] 16.9. After they had sufficiently examined the spot and reconnoitred all around, a day was settled upon for the execution of the plan.

> Latin: 16.9. loco satis inspecto atque undique explorato dies composita gerendae rei est. Flauus ad Romanum imperatorem uenit.

[¶102] 16.10. Flavus came to the Roman commander, saying that he had begun an important business for the completion of which he needed Gracchus' own help; that he had persuaded the magistrates of all the peoples which in that general commotion in Italy had gone over to the Carthaginians, to return to the friendship of the Romans, since the Roman state also, which had been nearly destroyed by the disaster at Cannae, was daily improving and increasing, while Hannibal's power was growing feebler and had been reduced almost to nothing.

> Latin: 16.10. rem se ait magnam incohasse, ad quam perficiendam ipsius Gracchi opera opus esse: omnium populorum praetoribus, qui ad Poenum in illo communi Italiae motu descissent, persuasisse ut redirent in amicitiam Romanorum, quando res quoque Romana, quae prope exitium clade Cannensi uenisset, in dies melior atque auctior fieret, Hannibalis uis senesceret ac prope ad nihilum uenisset:

[¶103] 16.12. To their old offence, he said, the Romans would not be implacable; no people had ever been more easily entreated and readier to grant forgiveness.

> Latin: 16.12. ueteri delicto haud implacabiles fore Romanos; nullam unquam gentem magis exorabilem promptioremque ueniae dandae fuisse; quotiens rebellioni etiam maiorum suorum ignotum?

## 24. Book XXV · chapters 16–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/#p-N

[¶0] 16.13. How often had a rebellion even of their own ancestors been pardoned! These things he said he had told them; but that they preferred to hear these same statements from Gracchus himself, and to take hold of his right hand there before them, and to carry with them that pledge of his honour.

> Latin: 16.13. haec ab se suis dicta; ceterum ab ipso Graccho eadem haec audire malle eos praesentisque contingere dextram <et> id pignus fidei secum ferre:

[¶1] 16.14. He had appointed for their council a place out of sight, not far from the Roman camp; there in a few words it could be settled that the whole Lucanian people should be under the protection of the Romans and in alliance with them.

> Latin: 16.14. locum se concilio iis dixisse a conspectu amotum, haud procul castris Romanis; ibi paucis uerbis transigi rem posse ut omne nomen Lucanum in fide ac societate Romana sit.

[¶2] 16.15. Gracchus, thinking that both speech and proposal were free from guile, and misled by the plausibility of it, set out from the camp with his lictors and a troop of cavalry, and with a guest-friend as his guide fell into the ambush.

> Latin: 16.15. Gracchus fraudem et sermoni et rei abesse ratus ac similitudine ueri captus, cum lictoribus ac turma equitum e castris profectus duce hospite <in> insidias praecipitat.

[¶3] 16.16. The enemy suddenly came out, and, to leave no doubt about his treachery, Flavus joined them.

> Latin: 16.16. hostes subito exorti; et, ne dubia proditio esset, Flauus iis se adiungit. tela undique in Gracchum atque equites coniciuntur.

[¶4] 16.17. Javelins assail Gracchus and his horsemen from every side. He springs from his horse, bids the rest to do the same and urges them to ennoble by courage the one thing fortune has left open to them.

> Latin: 16.17. Gracchus ex equo desilit; idem ceteros facere iubet hortaturque ut, quod unum reliquum fortuna fecerit, id cohonestent uirtute:

[¶5] 16.18. But to a few men surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hedged about by forest and mountains, what was left, he asked, but death?

> Latin: 16.18. reliquum autem quid esse paucis a multitudine in ualle silua ac montibus saepta circumuentis praeter mortem?

[¶6] 16.19. The one thing that mattered was whether they were to submit themselves like sheep to be slaughtered unavenged, or, far from calmly awaiting the outcome, were to be altogether bent on angry attack, and then, daring and doing, drenched by the blood of the enemy, among the heaps of arms and bodies of their dying foes, were to fall.

> Latin: 16.19. id referre, utrum praebentes corpora pecorum modo inulti trucidentur an toti a patiendo exspectandoque euentu in impetum atque iram uersi, agentes audentesque, perfusi hostium cruore, inter exspirantium inimicorum cumulata armaque et corpora cadant.

[¶7] 16.20. They must all attack the Lucanian traitor and deserter. The man who sent that victim before him to the lower world would find great distinction and for his own death an extraordinary consolation.

> Latin: 16.20. Lucanum proditorem ac transfugam omnes peterent; qui eam uictimam prae se ad inferos misisset, eum decus eximium, egregium solatium suae morti inuenturum.

[¶8] 16.21. While thus speaking he wound his general's cloak around his left arm —for they had not taken even shields with them —and attacked the enemy.

> Latin: 16.21. inter haec dicta paludamento circa laeuum bracchium intorto—nam ne scuta quidem secum extulerant—in hostes impetum fecit.

[¶9] 16.22. The battle was out of all proportion to the number of men engaged. The bodies of the Romans were especially unprotected against javelins, and were pierced by them, as they could be thrown from higher ground all around into the hollow valley.

> Latin: 16.22. maior quam pro numero hominum editur pugna. iaculis maxime aperta corpora Romanorum; et, cum undique ex altioribus locis in cauam uallem coniectus esset, transfiguntur.

[¶10] 16.23. Gracchus, who was by this time stripped of his defenders, the Carthaginians strove to capture alive. But catching sight of his Lucanian guest-friend among the enemy, he dashed into the dense ranks with such animosity that he could not be spared without the loss of many lives.

> Latin: 16.23. Gracchum iam nudatum praesidio uiuum capere Poeni nituntur; ceterum conspicatus Lucanum hospitem inter hostes adeo infestus confertos inuasit ut parci ei sine multorum pernicie non posset.

[¶11] 16.24. Mago at once sent the corpse to Hannibal and ordered it to be placed before the general's tribune together with the captured fasces.

> Latin: 16.24. exanimem eum Mago extemplo ad Hannibalem misit ponique cum captis simul fascibus ante tribunal imperatoris iussit.

[¶12] 16.25. If this is the true report, Gracchus perished in Lucania, on the Old Plains, as they are called.

> Latin: 16.25. haec si uera fama est, Gracchus in Lucanis ad campos qui Ueteres uocantur periit.

[¶13] 17.1. There are some who maintain that in the region of Beneventum, by the river Calor, he had gone out of the camp with his lictors and three slaves to bathe, while enemies, as it happened, were hiding among the willows growing on the banks, and was slain, naked and unarmed and defending himself with stones which the river rolls along.

> Latin: 17.1. sunt qui in agro Beneuentano prope Calorem fluuium contendant a castris cum lictoribus ac tribus seruis lauandi causa progressum, cum forte inter salicta innata ripis laterent hostes, nudum atque inermem saxisque quae uoluit amnis propugnantem interfectum.

[¶14] 17.3. There are some writers who say that on the advice of the soothsayers he had gone five hundred paces from the camp to make atonement on an uncontaminated spot for the prodigies mentioned above, and was overpowered by two troops of Numidians who chanced to be in ambush there. So far are both the place and the manner of his death from being established, in spite of his eminence and distinction.

> Latin: 17.3. sunt qui haruspicum monitu quingentos passus a castris progressum, uti loco puro ea quae ante dicta prodigia sunt procuraret, ab insidentibus forte locum duabus turmis Numidarum circumuentum scribant. adeo nec locus nec ratio mortis in uiro tam claro et insigni constat.

[¶15] 17.4. In regard to Gracchus's funeral also reports vary. Some relate that he was buried in the Roman camp by his own men, others —and this is the prevalent report —that by Hannibal's order a pyre was erected directly outside the gate of the Carthaginian camp, and that the army defiled under arms, with dances by the Spanish troops and such movements of weapons and bodies as were customary for each tribe, while Hannibal himself honoured the obsequies with every tribute in act and word.

> Latin: 17.4. funeris quoque Gracchi uaria est fama. alii in castris Romanis sepultum ab suis, alii ab Hannibale—et ea uolgatior fama est—tradunt in uestibulo Punicorum castrorum rogum exstructum esse, armatum exercitum decucurrisse cum tripudiis Hispanorum motibusque armorum et corporum suae cuique genti adsuetis, ipso Hannibale omni rerum uerborumque honore exsequias celebrante.

[¶16] 17.6. These are the statements of those who vouch for its occurrence in Lucania. If you incline to believe those who state that he was slain at the river Calor, the enemy gained possession of Gracchus' head only.

> Latin: 17.6. haec tradunt qui in Lucanis rei gestae auctores sunt. si illis qui ad Calorem fluuium interfectum memorant credere uelis, capitis tantum Gracchi hostes potiti sunt;

[¶17] 17.7. This being brought to Hannibal, Carthalo was at once sent by him to bring it to the Roman camp and Gnaeus Cornelius the quaestor. He conducted the funeral of the general in the camp, while the people of Beneventum joined with the army in doing him honour.

> Latin: 17.7. eo delato ad Hannibalem missus ab eo confestim Carthalo, qui in castra Romana ad Cn. Cornelium quaestorem deferret; is funus imperatoris in castris celebrantibus cum exercitu Beneuentanis fecit.

[¶18] 18.1. While the consuls, on entering the Campanian region, were devastating it far and wide, being alarmed and dismayed by a sally of the Capuans and of Mago with his cavalry, they recalled their widely scattered soldiers to the standards, and being routed almost before their line was formed, lost over fifteen hundred men.

> Latin: 18.1. consules agrum Campanum ingressi cum passim popularentur, eruptione oppidanorum et Magonis cum equitatu territi et trepidi ad signa milites palatos passim reuocarunt, et uixdum instructa acie fusi supra mille et quingentos milites amiserunt.

[¶19] 18.2. Upon this the great overconfidence of a people naturally proud was greatly increased, and they sought to provoke the Romans by many battles. But a single engagement incautiously and imprudently begun had made the consuls more careful to be on their guard.

> Latin: 18.2. inde ingens ferocia superbae suopte ingenio genti creuit multisque proeliis lacessebant Romanos; sed intentiores ad cauendum consules una pugna fecerat incaute atque inconsulte inita.

[¶20] 18.3. One small occurrence, however, restored the courage of one army and lessened the boldness of the other. But in war nothing is so slight as not at times to bring about a great result.

> Latin: 18.3. restituit tamen his animos et illis minuit audaciam parua una res; sed in bello nihil tam leue est quod non magnae interdum rei momentum faciat.

[¶21] 18.4. Titus Quinctius Crispinus had one Badius, a Campanian, as his guest-friend, linked to him by intimate hospitality. Friendship had grown because in an illness Badius had been generously and kindly nursed at the house of Crispinus at Rome before the rebellion of Campania.

> Latin: 18.4. T. Quinctio Crispino Badius Campanus hospes erat perfamiliari hospitio iunctus. creuerat consuetudo, quod aeger Romae apud Crispinum Badius ante defectionem Campanam liberaliter comiterque curatus fuerat.

[¶22] 18.5. This Badius at the time came up to the outposts stationed before the gate and bade them call Crispinus. When this was reported to Crispinus, he went a little beyond the others, thinking a friendly and intimate conversation was wanted, since the memory of a personal tie lingered in spite of the rupture of public treaties. When they had come in sight of each other, “I challenge you to battle, Crispinus,” said Badius.

> Latin: 18.5. is tum Badius progressus ante stationes quae pro porta stabant uocari Crispinum iussit. quod ubi est Crispino nuntiatum, ratus conloquium amicum ac familiare quaeri, manente memoria etiam in discidio publicorum foederum priuati iuris, paulum a ceteris processit.

[¶23] 18.6. “Let us mount our horses and, with others kept at a distance, decide which is the better warrior.” In reply Crispinus said that neither he nor Badius lacked enemies on whom to show his courage.

> Latin: 18.6. postquam in conspectum uenere, 'prouoco te' inquit 'ad pugnam, Crispine' Badius; 'conscendamus equos summotisque aliis uter bello melior sit decernamus.'

[¶24] 18.7. For himself, even if he should meet the other in battle-line, he would avoid him, lest he stain his right hand with the blood of a guest-friend. And he turned and was walking away.

> Latin: 18.7. ad ea Crispinus nec sibi nec illi ait hostes deesse in quibus uirtutem ostendant; se, etiamsi in acie occurrerit, declinaturum, ne hospitali caede dextram uiolet; conuersusque abibat.

[¶25] 18.8. Then in truth the Campanian more fiercely reviled the effeminacy and cowardice of Crispinus and hurled reproaches which he himself deserved against an innocent man, calling him a guest-enemy and a man who pretended to spare one to whom he knew he was not equal.

> Latin: 18.8. enimuero ferocius tum Campanus increpare mollitiam ignauiamque et se digna probra in insontem iacere, hospitalem hostem appellans simulantemque parcere cui sciat parem se non esse.

[¶26] 18.9. If he thought that with the rupture of public treaties private ties had not also been broken, then, he said, Badius the Campanian, openly in the hearing of two armies, renounced the guest-friendship of Titus Quinctius Crispinus the Roman.

> Latin: 18.9. si parum publicis foederibus ruptis dirempta simul et priuata iura esse putet, Badium Campanum T. Quinctio Crispino Romano palam duobus exercitibus audientibus renuntiare hospitium.

[¶27] 18.10. For himself, an enemy, nothing was hallowed by association, nothing by compact, with him, an enemy, since he had come to attack his native city and the Penates of the state and of the household. If he was a man, let him come on.

> Latin: 18.10. nihil sibi cum eo consociatum, nihil foederatum, hosti cum hoste, cuius patriam ac penates publicos priuatosque oppugnatum uenisset. si uir esset, congrederetur.

[¶28] 18.11. Crispinus, after long hesitation, was prevailed upon by his comrades not to allow the Campanian to revile him with impunity.

> Latin: 18.11. diu cunctantem Crispinum perpulere turmales ne impune insultare Campanum pateretur.

[¶29] 18.12. And so he delayed only long enough to consult the generals as to whether they permitted him to fight out of ranks against an enemy who challenged him. With their permission he took his arms and mounted his horse, and addressing Badius by name called him out to battle.

> Latin: 18.12. itaque tantum moratus dum imperatores consuleret permitterentne sibi extra ordinem in prouocantem hostem pugnare, permissu eorum arma cepit equumque conscendit et Badium nomine compellans ad pugnam euocauit. nulla mora a Campano facta est;

[¶30] 18.13. The Campanian made no delay; riding directly at each other they clashed. Crispinus with his spear pierced Badius' left shoulder above the shield; and after he fell wounded, leaped upon him from his horse, that, now dismounted, he might despatch the fallen.

> Latin: 18.13. infestis equis concurrerunt. Crispinus supra scutum sinistrum umerum Badio hasta transfixit, superque delapsum cum uolnere ex equo desiluit ut pedes iacentem conficeret.

[¶31] 18.14. Badius, not to be overpowered, left shield and horse and fled to his own men.

> Latin: 18.14. Badius priusquam opprimeretur parma atque equo relicto ad suos aufugit;

[¶32] 18.15. Crispinus, decked with spoils and displaying the horse and captured arms and his bloody spear, was conducted with much praise and congratulation on the part of the soldiers to the consuls, and there he was highly praised and rewarded with gifts.

> Latin: 18.15. Crispinus equum armaque capta et cruentam cuspidem insignis spoliis ostentans cum magna laude et gratulatione militum ad consules est deductus laudatusque ibi magnifice et donis donatus.

[¶33] 19.1. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the region of Beneventum to the vicinity of Capua, led his troops out into battle-line on the third day after his arrival. Since in his absence the Campanians had had a successful battle a few days before, he had no doubt whatever that the Romans would be much less able to withstand himself and his repeatedly victorious army.

> Latin: 19.1. Hannibal ex agro Beneuentano castra ad Capuam cum mouisset, tertio post die quam uenit copias in aciem eduxit, haudquaquam dubius, quod Campanis absente se paucos ante dies secunda fuisset pugna, quin multo minus se suumque totiens uictorem exercitum sustinere Romani possent.

[¶34] 19.3. But once the battle had begun, the Roman line was hard pressed, especially by the cavalry charge, being overwhelmed by their darts, until the signal was given to the cavalry to urge their horses against the enemy.

> Latin: 19.3. ceterum postquam pugnari coeptum est, equitum maxime incursu, cum iaculis obrueretur, laborabat Romana acies, donec signum equitibus datum est ut in hostem admitterent equos.

[¶35] 19.4. Thus a cavalry battle was in progress when the distant sight of the Sempronian army, commanded by Gnaeus Cornelius, the quaestor, inspired in both armies the same fear that fresh enemies were approaching.

> Latin: 19.4. ita equestre proelium erat, cum procul uisus Sempronianus exercitus, cui Cn. Cornelius quaestor praeerat, utrique parti parem metum praebuit ne hostes noui aduentarent.

[¶36] 19.5. As if by agreement the signal for recall was given on both sides, and marching back to the camp they separated on almost even terms. Yet a larger number fell on the Roman side because of the first charge of the horsemen.

> Latin: 19.5. uelut ex composito utrimque signum receptui datum reductique in castra prope aequo Marte discesserunt; plures tamen ab Romanis primo incursu equitum ceciderunt.

[¶37] 19.6. Thereupon the consuls, in order to draw Hannibal away from Capua, marched off the following night in different directions, Fulvius into the region of Cumae, Claudius into Lucania.

> Latin: 19.6. inde consules, ut auerterent Capua Hannibalem, nocte quae secuta est diuersi, Fuluius in agrum Cumanum, Claudius in Lucanos abiit.

[¶38] 19.7. The next day Hannibal, on being informed that the Roman camp was empty and that they had marched away in different directions in two columns, was at first uncertain which to follow, but pushed on in pursuit of Appius, who after leading the enemy around wherever he pleased, returned by a different road to Capua.

> Latin: 19.7. postero die cum uacua castra Romanorum esse nuntiatum Hannibali esset et duobus agminibus diuersos abiisse, incertus primo utrum sequeretur Appium institit sequi.

[¶39] 19.8. Hannibal had another opportunity for success presented to him in this region. There was one Marcus Centenius, with the cognomen Paenula, conspicuous among the centurions of the highest rank for his huge body and his courage.

> Latin: 19.8. ille circumducto hoste qua uoluit alio itinere ad Capuam rediit. Hannibali alia in his locis bene gerendae rei fortuna oblata est. M. Centenius fuit cognomine Paenula, insignis inter primi pili centuriones et magnitudine corporis et animo.

[¶40] 19.10. Having finished his military service, he was brought into the senate by Publius Cornelius Sulla, a praetor, and begged the fathers to give him five thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 19.10. is, perfunctus militia, per P. Cornelium Sullam praetorem in senatum introductus petit a patribus uti sibi quinque milia militum darentur:

[¶41] 19.11. He, being well-acquainted, he said, both with the enemy and the country, would soon accomplish something worth while, and as for the arts by which both our generals and our armies had till then been ensnared, he would use them against their inventor.

> Latin: 19.11. se peritum et hostis et regionum breui operae pretium facturum et quibus artibus ad id locorum nostri et duces et exercitus capti forent iis aduersus inuentorem usurum.

[¶42] 19.12. This was not more stupidly promised than stupidly believed, as if the qualities of soldier and general were the same.

> Latin: 19.12. id non promissum magis stolide quam stolide creditum tamquam eaedem militares et imperatoriae artes essent.

[¶43] 19.13. Instead of five thousand, eight thousand soldiers were given him, half of them citizens, half allies. And he himself on his march raised a considerable number of volunteers from the farms, and with his army nearly doubled reached Lucania, where Hannibal had halted after vainly pursuing Claudius.

> Latin: 19.13. data pro quinque octo milia militum, pars dimidia ciues, pars socii; et ipse aliquantum uoluntariorum in itinere ex agris conciuit ac prope duplicato exercitu in Lucanos peruenit, ubi Hannibal nequiquam secutus Claudium substiterat.

[¶44] 19.14. The result was never in doubt, as between Hannibal as commander and a centurion, and between armies one of which was a veteran in victory and the other altogether raw, in large part also irregular and half-armed. When the columns were in sight of each other and neither side refused battle, the lines were immediately drawn up.

> Latin: 19.14. haud dubia res erat, quippe inter Hannibalem ducem et centurionem exercitusque alterum uincendo ueteranum, alterum nouum totum, magna ex parte etiam tumultuarium ac semermem.

[¶45] 19.15. They fought, however, as was to be expected where nothing was fairly matched. For more than two hours the battle continued, since hope inspired the Roman line so long as their commander held his ground.

> Latin: 19.15. ut conspecta inter se agmina sunt et neutra pars detractauit pugnam, extemplo instructae acies. pugnatum tamen †ut in nulla pari re† duas amplius horas concitata, donec dux stetit, Romana acie.

[¶46] 19.16. Not only in keeping with his old reputation, but also for fear of future disgrace, if he should survive a disaster brought on by his own rashness, he threw himself upon the weapons of the enemy and fell, whereupon the Roman line was at once routed.

> Latin: 19.16. postquam is non pro uetere fama solum sed etiam metu futuri dedecoris, si sua temeritate contractae cladi superesset, obiectans se hostium telis cecidit, fusa extemplo est Romana acies;

[¶47] 19.17. But, as all the roads were occupied by cavalry, so far were they from having any route open even for flight that out of so great a multitude barely a thousand escaped, while the rest scattering met death in various forms.

> Latin: 19.17. sed adeo ne fugae quidem iter patuit omnibus uiis ab equite insessis, ut ex tanta multitudine uix mille euaserint, ceteri passim alii alia peste absumpti sint.

[¶48] 20.1. The siege of Capua was resumed with intensity by the consuls, and all that was needed for the purpose was being brought together and made ready.

> Latin: 20.1. Capua a consulibus iterum summa ui obsideri coepta est, quaeque in eam rem opus erant comportabantur parabanturque.

[¶49] 20.2. Casilinum was the depot for grain. At the mouth of the Volturnus, where there is now a city, a stronghold was fortified, and there and at Puteoli, which Fabius Maximus had previously fortified, a garrison was placed, that the sea in that neighbourhood and the river might be in their power.

> Latin: 20.2. Casilinum frumentum conuectum; ad Uolturni ostium, ubi nunc urbs est, castellum communitum, <ibique et Puteolis—iam> ante Fabius Maximus munierat—praesidium impositum ut mare proximum et flumen in potestate essent.

[¶50] 20.3. To these two strongholds by the sea the grain which had been sent recently from Sardinia and that which the praetor Marcus Junius had purchased in Etruria was transported from Ostia, so that the army might have a supply through the winter.

> Latin: 20.3. in ea duo maritima castella frumentum, quod ex Sardinia nuper missum erat quodque M. Iunius praetor ex Etruria coemerat, ab Ostia conuectum est ut exercitui per hiemem copia esset.

[¶51] 20.4. But in addition to the disaster incurred in Lucania, the army of slavevolunteers also, which had served with the utmost loyalty while Gracchus lived, abandoned its standards, as if discharged by the death of the general. Hannibal did not wish that Capua should be neglected nor his allies abandoned in such a crisis.

> Latin: 20.4. ceterum super eam cladem quae in Lucanis accepta erat uolonum quoque exercitus, qui uiuo Graccho summa fide stipendia fecerat, uelut exauctoratus morte ducis ab signis discessit. Hannibal non Capuam neglectam neque in tanto discrimine desertos uolebat socios;

[¶52] 20.5. But in view of a success due to the rashness of one Roman general he was eager for an opportunity to surprise a second general and army.

> Latin: 20.5. sed prospero ex temeritate unius Romani ducis successu in alterius ducis exercitusque opprimendi occasionem imminebat.

[¶53] 20.6. Apulian legates were informing him that the praetor Gnaeus Fulvius had at first been very active while besieging some Apulian cities which had revolted to Hannibal; but that later, owing to unmerited success, both he himself and his soldiers, who were loaded with booty, had gone to such lengths in licence and indifference that there was no military discipline.

> Latin: 20.6. Cn. Fuluium praetorem Apuli legati nuntiabant primo, dum urbes quasdam Apulorum quae ad Hannibalem desciuissent oppugnaret, intentius rem egisse: postea nimio successu et ipsum et milites praeda impletos in tantam licentiam socordiamque effusos ut nulla disciplina militiae esset.

[¶54] 20.7. Hannibal, who frequently at other times, and particularly within a few days, had discovered what an army is under an incompetent general, moved his camp into Apulia.

> Latin: 20.7. cum saepe alias, tum paucis diebus ante expertus qualis sub inscio duce exercitus esset in Apuliam castra mouit.

[¶55] 21.1. Near Herdonea were Roman legions and the praetor Fulvius. When the news reached them there that the enemy were approaching, they barely refrained from catching up their standards and going out into battle-line without orders from the praetor. And nothing restrained them more than the hope, now beyond question, that they would do so at their own discretion whenever they pleased.

> Latin: 21.1. circa Herdoneam Romanae legiones et praetor Fuluius erat. quo ubi allatum est hostes aduentare, prope est factum ut iniussu praetoris signis conuolsis in aciem exirent; nec res magis ulla tenuit quam spes haud dubia suo id arbitrio ubi uellent facturos.

[¶56] 21.2. The following night Hannibal, knowing that there had been an uproar in the camp and that many, calling to arms, had over-confidently pressed the commander to give the signal, had no doubt that an opportunity for a victory was offered. He accordingly posted three thousand lightly equipped soldiers in farmhouses near by and in the thickets and the woods, to come out of their hiding-places all at once, when the signal was given.

> Latin: 21.2. nocte insequenti Hannibal, cum tumultuatum in castris et plerosque ferociter, signum ut daret, institisse duci ad arma uocantes sciret, haud dubius prosperae pugnae occasionem dari, tria milia expeditorum militum in uillis circa uepribusque et siluis disponit, qui signo dato simul omnes e latebris exsisterent,

[¶57] 21.4. And he ordered Mago and about two thousand horsemen to lie in wait along all the roads in the direction which he believed the flight would take. After making these preparations at night, he led his troops out into line at daybreak.

> Latin: 21.4. et Magonem ac duo ferme milia equitum qua fugam inclinaturam credebat omnia itinera insidere iubet. his nocte praeparatis, prima luce in aciem copias educit;

[¶58] 21.5. Nor did Fulvius hesitate, dragged into it not so much by any hope of his own as by the haphazard impulse of the soldiers. And so, with the same recklessness with which they went out to form, they drew up even the line of battle according to the whim of soldiers who happened to dash forward and take their stand wherever their own fancy had carried them, and then capriciously or in fear abandoned their positions.

> Latin: 21.5. nec Fuluius est cunctatus, non tam sua ulla spe quam militum impetu fortuito tractus. itaque eadem temeritate qua processum in aciem est instruitur ipsa acies ad libidinem militum forte procurrentium consistentiumque quo loco ipsorum tulisset animus, deinde per libidinem aut metum deserentium locum.

[¶59] 21.6. The first legion and the left ala were placed in front, and the line was made very long.

> Latin: 21.6. prima legio et sinistra ala in primo instructae et in longitudinem porrecta acies.

[¶60] 21.7. Although the tribunes shouted that in depth it had no power to resist, and that wherever the enemy should make their attack they would pierce it, the men in line allowed no advice that was helpful to reach even their ears, not to say their attention.

> Latin: 21.7. clamantibus tribunis nihil introrsus roboris ac uirium esse et quacumque impetum fecissent hostes perrupturos, nihil quod salutare esset non modo ad animum sed ne ad aures quidem admittebat.

[¶61] 21.8. And there was Hannibal, surely not that sort of a general, nor with that sort of an army, drawn up in that fashion. Consequently the Romans did not withstand even their shout and the first onset.

> Latin: 21.8. et Hannibal haudquaquam similis dux neque simili exercitu neque ita instructo aderat. ergo ne clamorem quidem atque impetum primum eorum Romani sustinuere.

[¶62] 21.9. The general, a match for Centenius in folly and recklessness, but in courage by no means to be compared with him, seeing that the line was giving way and his own men in confusion, seized a horse and with about two hundred horsemen made his escape.

> Latin: 21.9. dux stultitia et temeritate Centenio par, animo haudquaquam comparandus, ubi rem inclinatam ac trepidantes suos uidet, equo arrepto cum ducentis ferme equitibus effugit;

[¶63] 21.10. The rest of the line, beaten back in front and then surrounded in the rear and on the wings, was so cut to pieces that out of eighteen thousand men not more than two thousand escaped. The camp was occupied by the enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. cetera a fronte pulsa, inde a tergo atque alis circumuenta acies eo usque est caesa ut ex duodeuiginti milibus hominum duo milia haud amplius euaserint. castris hostes potiti sunt.

[¶64] 22.1. When the news of these disasters one after another had reached Rome, great sorrow and alarm, it is true, took possession of the state. Nevertheless because the consuls, to whom fell the supreme command, were up to that time successful, they were less disturbed by these disasters.

> Latin: 22.1. hae clades, super aliam alia, Romam cum essent nuntiatae, ingens quidem et luctus et pauor ciuitatem cepit; sed tamen quia consules, ubi summa rerum esset, ad id locorum prospere rem gererent, minus his cladibus commouebantur.

[¶65] 22.2. They sent Gaius Laetorius and Marcus Metilius as legates to the consuls, to inform them that they should carefully gather up the remnants of the two armies, and see to it that in fear and despair they did not surrender to the enemy, as had happened after the disaster at Cannae; also that they should search for the deserters from the army of slave-volunteers. The same duty was given to Publius Cornelius, to whom the levy also had been assigned.

> Latin: 22.2. legatos ad consules mittunt C. Laetorium M. Metilium qui nuntiarent, ut reliquias duorum exercituum cum cura colligerent, darentque operam ne per metum ac desperationem hosti se dederent, id quod post Cannensem accidisset cladem, et ut desertores de exercitu uolonum conquirerent.

[¶66] 22.4. And he issued an edict in the market-towns and local centres, that search should be made for the slave-volunteers, and that they be brought back to their standards. All these things were done with the utmost diligence.

> Latin: 22.4. idem negotii P. Cornelio datum, cui et dilectus mandatus erat; isque per fora conciliabulaque edixit ut conquisitio uolonum fieret iique ad signa reducerentur. haec omnia intentissima cura acta.

[¶67] 22.5. Appius Claudius, the consul, placed Decimus Junius in command at the mouth of the Volturnus and Marcus Aurelius Cotta at Puteoli, in order that, as fast as ships came in from Etruria and Sardinia, they should send the grain at once to the camps.

> Latin: 22.5. Ap. Claudius consul D. Iunio ad ostium Uolturni, M. Aurelio Cotta Puteolis praeposito qui, ut quaeque naues ex Etruria ac Sardinia accessissent, extemplo in castra mitterent frumentum, ipse ad Capuam regressus Q.

[¶68] 22.6. He himself, on returning to Capua, found his colleague Quintus Fulvius transporting everything from Casilinum and making every preparation for the siege of Capua.

> Latin: 22.6. Fuluium collegam inuenit Casilino omnia deportantem molientemque ad oppugnandam Capuam.

[¶69] 22.7. Then they both invested the city and summoned the praetor, Claudius Nero, from the Claudian camp at Suessula. He, leaving there only a garrison of moderate size to hold the place, likewise came down with all the rest of his forces to Capua.

> Latin: 22.7. tum ambo circumsederunt urbem et Claudium Neronem praetorem ab Suessula ex Claudianis castris exciuerunt.

[¶70] 22.8. Thus three headquarters were set up around Capua. There were three armies too that, fell to work on different sides, made ready to encircle the city with a ditch and an earthwork, and erected redoubts at moderate intervals; and at many points at the same time they fought with such success against the Campanians who endeavoured to hinder the works that finally the Campanians remained inside the gates and the wall.

> Latin: 22.8. is quoque modico ibi praesidio ad tenendum locum relicto ceteris omnibus copiis ad Capuam descendit. ita tria praetoria circa Capuam erecta; tres exercitus diuersis partibus opus adgressi fossa ualloque circumdare urbem parant et castella excitant modicis interuallis, multisque simul locis cum prohibentibus opera Campanis eo euentu pugnant ut postremo portis muroque se contineret Campanus.

[¶71] 22.10. But before these siege-works could be made continuous, legates were sent to Hannibal, to complain that Capua had been deserted by him and almost given back to the Romans, and to implore him to bring aid, then at least, to men not only besieged but also encircled by entrenchments.

> Latin: 22.10. prius tamen quam haec continuarentur opera, legati ad Hannibalem missi qui quererentur desertam ab eo Capuam ac prope redditam Romanis obtestarenturque ut tunc saltem opem non circumsessis modo sed etiam circumuallatis ferret.

[¶72] 22.11. The consuls received a letter from Publius Cornelius, the praetor, ordering that, before enclosing Capua with their works, they should permit such of the Campanians as wished to do so to leave Capua and carry their possessions with them.

> Latin: 22.11. consulibus litterae a P. Cornelio praetore missae ut, priusquam clauderent Capuam operibus, potestatem Campanis facerent ut qui eorum uellent exirent a Capua suasque res secum ferrent:

[¶73] 22.12. Those who should leave before the fifteenth of March were to be free men and to keep all their property; those who left after that date and those who remained there were to be reckoned enemies. These terms were published to the Campanians, and were received with such contempt by them that they were actually insulting and made threats.

> Latin: 22.12. liberos fore suaque omnia habituros qui ante idus Martias exissent; post eam diem quique exissent quique ibi mansissent hostium futuros numero.

[¶74] 22.13. Hannibal had led his legions from Herdonea to Tarentum in the hope of getting possession of the citadel of Tarentum either by force or by ruse.

> Latin: 22.13. ea pronuntiata Campanis atque ita spreta ut ultro contumelias dicerent minarenturque. Hannibal ab Herdonea Tarentum duxerat legiones, spe aut ui aut dolo arcis Tarentinae potiundae;

[¶75] 22.14. When this did not succeed, he turned aside to Brundisium, thinking that town would certainly be betrayed. While there also he was wasting time, the Campanian legates came to him with complaints and at the same time entreaties. Hannibal replied to them grandly that he had previously raised a siege, and that now also the consuls would not withstand his coming.

> Latin: 22.14. quod ubi parum processit, ad Brundisium flexit iter, prodi id oppidum ratus. ibi quoque cum frustra tereret tempus, legati Campani ad eum uenerunt querentes simul orantesque;

[¶76] 22.15. With this hope the legates were sent away, and it was with difficulty that they were able to return to Capua, now surrounded by two trenches and a double earthwork.

> Latin: 22.15. quibus Hannibal magnifice respondit et antea se soluisse obsidionem et nunc aduentum suum consules non laturos. cum hac spe dimissi legati uix regredi Capuam iam duplici fossa ualloque cinctam potuerunt.

[¶77] 23.1. Just as Capua was being encircled the siege of Syracuse came to an end, expedited not only by the vigour and valour of the general and the army but also by treachery within.

> Latin: 23.1. cum maxime Capua circumuallaretur, Syracusarum oppugnatio ad finem uenit, praeterquam ui ac uirtute ducis exercitusque, intestina etiam proditione adiuta.

[¶78] 23.2. For Marcellus, who at the beginning of the spring had been uncertain whether to shift the war to Agrigentum against Himilco and Hippocrates, or to press the siege of Syracuse, saw indeed that the city, impregnable in its position both on the landward and the seaward side, could not be taken by assault, nor by starvation, inasmuch as it was sustained by almost unhampered supplies from Carthage.

> Latin: 23.2. namque Marcellus initio ueris incertus utrum Agrigentum ad Himilconem et Hippocraten uerteret bellum an obsidione Syracusas premeret, quamquam nec ui capi uidebat posse inexpugnabilem terrestri ac maritimo situ urbem nec fame, ut quam prope liberi a Carthagine commeatus alerent,

[¶79] 23.4. Nevertheless, to leave nothing untried, deserters from Syracuse —and there were in the Roman lines some men of highest rank who during the estrangement from the Romans had been driven out because they were averse to a change of policy —were ordered by him to sound men of their faction in conferences, and to give them a pledge that, if Syracuse should be surrendered, they should live as free men and under their own laws.

> Latin: 23.4. tamen, ne quid inexpertum relinqueret, transfugas Syracusanos—erant autem apud Romanos aliqui nobilissimi uiri, inter defectionem ab Romanis, quia ab nouis consiliis abhorrebant, pulsi—conloquiis suae partis temptare hominum animos iussit et fidem dare, si traditae forent Syracusae, liberos eos ac suis legibus uicturos esse.

[¶80] 23.5. For a conference there was no opportunity, because the suspicious attitude of many men had attracted the attention and the eyes of all, to prevent such an offence from passing unnoticed.

> Latin: 23.5. non erat conloquii copia, quia multorum animi suspecti omnium curam oculosque eo uerterant ne quid falleret tale admissum.

[¶81] 23.6. A single slave belonging to the exiles was admitted to the city as a deserter and by meeting a few men made a beginning of parleys on a matter of such moment. Then some men were hidden under nets on a fishing vessel, and thus sailed around to the Roman camp and talked with the deserters. And the same men did this repeatedly in the same way, also others and again others.

> Latin: 23.6. seruus unus exsulum, pro transfuga intromissus in urbem, conuentis paucis initium conloquendi de tali re fecit. deinde in piscatoria quidam naue retibus operti circumuectique ita ad castra Romana conlocutique cum transfugis et iidem saepius eodem modo et alii atque alii;

[¶82] 23.7. Finally they amounted to about eighty. And when now everything had been arranged for the betrayal, information was brought to Epicydes by one Attalus, who was outraged that the matter had not been confided to him, and they were all put to death with torture. This hope having proved false, another at once took its place.

> Latin: 23.7. postremo ad octoginta facti. et cum iam composita omnia ad proditionem essent, indicio delato ad Epicyden per Attalum quendam indignantem sibi rem creditam non esse, necati omnes cum cruciatu sunt. alia subinde spes, postquam haec uana euaserat, excepit.

[¶83] 23.8. Damippus a Lacedaemonian, who had been sent from Syracuse to King Philip, had been captured by Roman ships.

> Latin: 23.8. Damippus quidam Lacedaemonius, missus ab Syracusis ad Philippum regem, captus ab Romanis nauibus erat.

[¶84] 23.9. Epicydes was very much concerned to ransom him at any cost, and Marcellus also was not averse, since the Romans were already courting the friendship of the Aetolians, whose allies the Lacedaemonians were.

> Latin: 23.9. huius utique redimendi et Epicydae cura erat ingens, nec abnuit Marcellus iam tum Aetolorum, quibus socii Lacedaemonii erant, amicitiam adfectantibus Romanis.

[¶85] 23.10. The men sent to confer in regard to the man's ransom thought that the most convenient place for both sides, and just half-way, was at the Trogili Harbour, near the tower called Galeagra.

> Latin: 23.10. ad conloquium de redemptione eius missis medius maxime atque utrisque opportunus locus ad portum Trogilorum propter turrim, quam uocant Galeagram, est uisus.

[¶86] 23.11. As they came there repeatedly, one of the Romans, observing the wall from near at hand, by counting the courses and making his own estimate of the height of each on its face, measured the height of the wall as nearly as he could by guesswork. And thinking it considerably lower than his own previous estimate of it and that of all the rest, and that it could be scaled by ladders even of moderate length, he reported to Marcellus. It did not seem a matter to be despised.

> Latin: 23.11. quo cum saepius commearent, unus ex Romanis, ex propinquo murum contemplans, numerando lapides aestimandoque ipse secum quid in fronte paterent singuli, altitudinem muri quantum proxime coniectura poterat permensus humilioremque aliquanto pristina opinione sua et ceterorum omnium ratus esse et uel mediocribus scalis superabilem, ad Marcellum rem defert.

[¶87] 23.13. But since the place, being more closely guarded for the very reason mentioned, could not be approached, they cast about for an opportunity.

> Latin: 23.13. haud spernenda uisa; sed cum adiri locus, quia ob id ipsum intentius custodiebatur, non posset, occasio quaerebatur;

[¶88] 23.14. And this was offered by a deserter, reporting that the feast of Diana was being observed for three days, and that, since other things were lacking during the siege, it was with wine that the banquets were more lavishly provided, this being furnished to the entire populace by Epicydes and distributed among the tribes by leading citizens. On learning of this, Marcellus conferred with a few tribunes of the soldiers, and after these had chosen centurions and soldiers able to dare and do a thing of such importance, and after ladders had been secretly made ready, he ordered the signal to be given to the others to eat early and then rest. In the night, he said, they must go on a raid.

> Latin: 23.14. quam obtulit transfuga nuntians diem festum Dianae per triduum agi et, quia alia in obsidione desint, uino largius epulas celebrari et ab Epicyde praebito uniuersae plebei et per tribus a principibus diuiso. quod ubi accepit Marcellus, cum paucis tribunorum militum conlocutus, electisque per eos ad rem tantam agendam audendamque idoneis centurionibus militibusque et scalis in occulto comparatis ceteris signum dari iubet, ut mature corpora curarent quietique darent:

[¶89] 23.15. Then, when it seemed to be late enough for those who had begun their feast during the day to be sated, he thought, with their wine and now to be falling asleep, he ordered the soldiers of one maniple to carry the ladders. And about a thousand armed men were led in a thin column to the place in silence.

> Latin: 23.15. nocte in expeditionem eundum esse. inde ubi id temporis uisum quo <de> die epulatis iam uini satias principiumque somni esset, signi unius milites ferre scalas iussit; et ad mille fere armati tenui agmine per silentium eo deducti.

[¶90] 23.17. When the first men without noise and confusion had made their way to the top of the wall, the others followed one after another, since the boldness of those ahead of them gave courage even to the wavering.

> Latin: 23.17. ubi sine strepitu ac tumultu primi euaserunt in murum, secuti ordine alii, cum priorum audacia dubiis etiam animum faceret.

[¶91] 24.1. The thousand armed men had already taken a part of the wall, when the rest of the forces were brought up, and on more ladders they were making their way to the top of the wall, a signal having been given from the Hexapylon.

> Latin: 24.1. iam mille armatorum <muri> ceperant partem, cum ceterae admotae <sunt copiae> pluribusque scalis in murum euadebant, signo ab Hexapylo dato quo per ingentem solitudinem erat peruentum, quia magna pars in turribus epulati aut sopiti uino erant aut semigraues potabant;

[¶92] 24.2. To that point they had advanced without encountering a soul, since many of the enemy, after feasting in the towers, either had been put to sleep by their wine or, while half-intoxicated, were still drinking. A few of them, however, they surprised and slew in their beds. Near the Hexapylon there is a postern. This they had begun to break open with great force, and from the wall the signal had been given by a trumpet, as agreed; and now the fighting was from every side, no longer by stealth, but with open violence.

> Latin: 24.2. paucos tamen eorum oppressos in cubilibus interfecerunt. prope Hexapylon est portula; ea magna ui refringi coepta et e muro ex composito tuba datum signum erat et iam undique non furtim sed ui aperta gerebatur res.

[¶93] 24.4. For they had reached Epipolae, a well-guarded region, and the enemy had rather to be terrified than deceived, as they were in fact terrified.

> Latin: 24.4. quippe ad Epipolas, frequentem custodiis locum, peruentum erat terrendique magis hostes erant quam fallendi, sicut territi sunt.

[¶94] 24.5. For as soon as they heard the notes of the trumpet and the shouting of the men holding the walls and a part of the city, the guards, thinking the whole city was occupied, fled, some of them along the wall; others leaped from the wall or were pushed over by the panic-stricken crowd.

> Latin: 24.5. nam simulac tubarum est auditus cantus clamorque tenentium muros partemque urbis omnia teneri custodes rati alii per murum fugere, alii salire de muro praecipitarique turba pauentium.

[¶95] 24.6. A large part of the people, however, were unaware of the great danger; for all were heavy with wine and sleep, and in a city of immense size knowledge concerning its quarters failed to reach the whole.

> Latin: 24.6. magna pars tamen ignara tanti mali erat et grauatis omnibus uino somnoque et in uastae magnitudinis urbe partium sensu non satis pertinente in omnia.

[¶96] 24.7. At daybreak Marcellus burst open the Hexapylon, and entering the city with his entire force awakened everybody and set them to arming themselves and bringing aid, if possible, to a city now all but captured.

> Latin: 24.7. sub lucem Hexapylo effracto Marcellus omnibus copiis urbem ingressus excitauit conuertitque omnes ad arma capienda opemque si quam possent iam captae prope urbi ferendam.

[¶97] 24.8. Epicydes came out from the Island, which they themselves call Nasos, with a quickly moving column, not doubting that he would drive out a few men who, owing to the carelessness of the guards had got over the wall. When men met him in alarm, he would say that they were adding to the confusion and bringing exaggerated and unduly alarming news. On discovering that in and near Epipolae armed men were everywhere, he merely challenged the enemy by a few missiles and then marched his column back into Achradina.

> Latin: 24.8. Epicydes ab Insula, quam ipsi Nasson uocant, citato profectus agmine, haud dubius quin paucos, per neglegentiam custodum transgressos murum, expulsurus foret, occurrentibus pauidis tumultum augere eos dictitans et maiora ac terribiliora uero adferre, postquam conspexit omnia circa Epipolas armis completa, lacessito tantum hoste paucis missilibus retro in Achradinam agmen conuertit,

[¶98] 24.10. He feared, not so much the attack of the enemy and their great numbers, as that some treachery within the city might have opportunity to break out, and he might find the gates of Achradina and the Island closed during the disturbance.

> Latin: 24.10. non tam uim multitudinemque hostium metuens quam ne qua intestina fraus per occasionem oreretur clausasque inter tumultum Achradinae atque Insulae inueniret portas.

[¶99] 24.11. Marcellus, on entering the walls and from the higher ground viewing one of the most beautiful of all cities in that age lying before his eyes, is said to have wept, partly for joy over his great achievement, partly for the ancient glory of the city.

> Latin: 24.11. Marcellus ut moenia ingressus ex superioribus locis urbem omnium ferme illa tempestate pulcherrimam subiectam oculis uidit, inlacrimasse dicitur partim gaudio tantae perpetratae rei, partim uetusta gloria urbis.

[¶100] 24.12. The sinking of the fleets of the Athenians and the destruction of two mighty armies along with two very distinguished generals came to his mind, and so many wars waged with so great a risk against the Carthaginians; tyrants and kings, so many and so wealthy, above all Hiero, a king vividly remembered and also, above all that his own merit and success had given him, conspicuous for his favours to the Roman people.

> Latin: 24.12. Atheniensium classes demersae et duo ingentes exercitus cum duobus clarissimis ducibus deleti occurrebant et tot bella cum Carthaginiensibus tanto cum discrimine gesta, tot tam opulenti tyranni regesque, praeter ceteros Hiero, cum recentissimae memoriae rex, tum ante omnia quae uirtus ei fortunaque sua dederat beneficiis in populum Romanum insignis.

[¶101] 24.14. Since all that came to mind and the thought suggested itself that now in the course of an hour everything there would be in flames and reduced to ashes, before advancing his standards into Achradina, he sent forward the Syracusans who had been within the Roman lines, as has been said before, in order to entice the enemy by mild words to surrender the city.

> Latin: 24.14. ea cum uniuersa occurrerent animo subiretque cogitatio iam illa momento horae arsura omnia et ad cineres reditura, priusquam signa Achradinam admoueret, praemittit Syracusanos qui intra praesidia Romana, ut ante dictum est, fuerant, ut adloquio leni perlicerent hostes ad dedendam urbem.

[¶102] 25.1. Holding the gates and walls of Achradina were chiefly deserters, who had no hope of pardon if terms were made. They did not allow the men either to approach the walls or to speak to any one.

> Latin: 25.1. tenebant Achradinae portas murosque maxime transfugae, quibus nulla erat per condiciones ueniae spes; ei nec adire muros nec adloqui quemquam passi.

[¶103] 25.2. And so Marcellus, now that this attempt was fruitless, ordered the standards to be carried back to Euryalus. This is a hill in the most distant part of the city, facing away from the sea, and commanding the road which leads to the country and the interior of the island, very conveniently placed for receiving supplies.

> Latin: 25.2. itaque Marcellus, postquam id inceptum inritum fuit, ad Euryalum signa referri iussit. tumulus est in extrema parte urbis auersus a mari uiaeque imminens ferenti in agros mediterraneaque insulae, percommode situs ad commeatus excipiendos.

[¶104] 25.3. In command of this citadel was Philodemus the Argive, posted there by Epicydes. Sosis, one of the slayers of the tyrant, was sent to him by Marcellus, and after being balked and put off by the delivery of a long speech, he reported to Marcellus that Philodemus had taken time to consider.

> Latin: 25.3. praeerat huic arci Philodemus Argiuus, ab Epicyde impositus, ad quem missus a Marcello Sosis, unus ex interfectoribus tyranni, cum longo sermone habito dilatus per frustrationem esset, rettulit Marcello tempus eum ad deliberandum sumpsisse.

[¶105] 25.4. Philodemus was postponing from day to day, waiting for Hippocrates and Himilco to move up their camp and legions, and not doubting that, if he should get them into the citadel, the Roman army, shut up within the city walls, could be destroyed. Consequently Marcellus, seeing that Euryalus could neither be won by surrender nor by assault, pitched his camp between Neapolis and Tycha, these being the names of quarters of the city, virtually cities in themselves. For he feared that, if he should enter thickly settled parts, the soldiers in their eagerness for booty could not be restrained from scattering.

> Latin: 25.4. cum is diem de die differret dum Hippocrates atque Himilco admouerent castra [legiones], haud dubius, si in arcem accepisset eos, deleri Romanum exercitum inclusum muris posse, Marcellus, ut Euryalum neque tradi neque capi uidit posse, inter Neapolim et Tycham—nomina ea partium urbis et instar urbium sunt—posuit castra, timens ne, si frequentia intrasset loca, contineri ab discursu miles auidus praedae non posset.

## 25. Book XXV · chapters 25–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/25/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/25/#p-N

[¶0] 25.6. To this camp came legates from Tycha and Neapolis with fillets and woollen bands, praying that they be spared bloodshed and fires.

> Latin: 25.6. legati eo ab Tycha et Neapoli cum infulis et uelamentis uenerunt, precantes ut a caedibus et ab incendiis parceretur.

[¶1] 25.7. Marcellus held a council in regard to their prayers —such they were rather than demands —and with the approval of all gave an order to the soldiers that no one should injure a free person; everything else would be spoil.

> Latin: 25.7. de quorum precibus quam postulatis magis consilio habito Marcellus ex omnium sententia edixit militibus ne quis liberum corpus uiolaret: cetera praedae futura. castra obiectu parietum pro muro saepta;

[¶2] 25.8. The camp was enclosed by bricks from house-walls to serve as a wall of defence. At those camp gates which opened toward the streets outposts and detachments were stationed by Marcellus, that no attack upon the camp might occur while the soldiers were dispersed.

> Latin: 25.8. portis regione platearum patentibus stationes praesidiaque disposuit, ne quis in discursu militum impetus in castra fieri posset.

[¶3] 25.9. Then at a given signal the soldiers scattered. And although doors were forced and everywhere were the sounds of panic and uproar, they nevertheless refrained from bloodshed. To plundering there was no limit until they had carried away all the possessions accumulated in a long-continued prosperity.

> Latin: 25.9. inde signo dato milites discurrerunt; refractisque foribus cum omnia terrore ac tumultu streperent, a caedibus tamen temperatum est; rapinis nullus ante modus fuit quam omnia diuturna felicitate cumulata bona egesserunt.

[¶4] 25.10. Meanwhile even Philodemus, having no hope of assistance and receiving assurance that he might return unharmed to Epicydes, led his garrison out and surrendered the hill to the Romans.

> Latin: 25.10. inter haec et Philodemus, cum spes auxilii nulla esset, fide accepta ut inuiolatus ad Epicyden rediret, deducto praesidio tradidit tumulum Romanis.

[¶5] 25.11. While the attention of all was diverted in the direction of the uproar of a city in part captured, Bomilcar, favoured by such a night that on account of a violent storm the Roman fleet could not ride at anchor in open water, came out of the harbour of Syracuse with thirty-five ships, and with no enemy to prevent, put to sea, leaving fifty-five ships to Epicydes and the

> Latin: 25.11. auersis omnibus ad tumultum ex parte captae urbis Bomilcar noctem eam nactus, qua propter uim tempestatis stare ad ancoram in salo Romana classis non posset, cum triginta quinque nauibus ex portu Syracusano profectus libero mari uela in altum dedit quinque et quinquaginta nauibus Epicydae et Syracusanis relictis;

[¶6] 25.13. Syracusans. And after informing the Carthaginians how critical was the situation at Syracuse, he returned after a few days with a hundred ships. He was presented with many gifts, it is reported, by Epicydes out of the royal treasures of Hiero.

> Latin: 25.13. edoctisque Carthaginiensibus in quanto res Syracusana discrimine esset cum centum nauibus post paucos dies redit, multis, ut fama est, donis ex Hieronis gaza ab Epicyde donatus.

[¶7] 26.1. Marcellus, after getting possession of Euryalus and garrisoning it, was relieved of one fear, that some troops of the enemy in the rear might be admitted to the citadel and embarrass his men, hemmed in and hampered by the walls.

> Latin: 26.1. Marcellus Euryalo recepto praesidioque addito una cura liber erat ne qua ab tergo uis hostium in arcem accepta inclusos impeditosque moenibus suos turbaret.

[¶8] 26.2. He thereupon laid siege to Achradina with three camps placed in suitable positions, in the hope of reducing the beleaguered to absolute want.

> Latin: 26.2. Achradinam inde trinis castris per idonea dispositis loca, spe ad inopiam omnium rerum inclusos redacturum, circumsedit.

[¶9] 26.3. When the outposts on both sides had been inactive for some days, suddenly the arrival of Hippocrates and Himilco had the effect that the Romans were actually besieged on all sides.

> Latin: 26.3. cum per aliquot dies quietae stationes utrimque fuissent, repente aduentus Hippocratis et Himilconis ut ultro undique oppugnarentur Romani fecit.

[¶10] 26.4. For Hippocrates, after fortifying a camp by the Great Harbour and giving the signal to the forces occupying Achradina, attacked the old Roman camp, which was commanded by Crispinus, at the same time that Epicydes made a sally against Marcellus' outposts, and just when the Carthaginian fleet put in to the shore lying between the city and the Roman camp, to make it impossible for any force to be sent to the aid of Crispinus by Marcellus.

> Latin: 26.4. nam et Hippocrates castris ad magnum portum communitis signoque iis dato qui Achradinam tenebant castra uetera Romanorum adortus est, quibus Crispinus praeerat, et Epicydes eruptionem in stationes Marcelli fecit et classis Punica litori quod inter urbem et castra Romana erat adpulsa est, ne quid praesidii Crispino summitti a Marcello posset.

[¶11] 26.5. However, it was more of an uproar than a battle that the enemy offered. For Crispinus not only drove Hippocrates back from his fortifications, but also pursued him as he fled in disorder, and Marcellus likewise forced Epicydes into the city.

> Latin: 26.5. tumultum tamen maiorem hostes praebuerunt quam certamen; nam et Crispinus Hippocraten non reppulit tantum munimentis sed insecutus etiam est trepide fugientem, et Epicyden Marcellus in urbem compulit;

[¶12] 26.6. And now, even for the future, he seemed to have sufficiently insured that there should be no danger from their sudden raids.

> Latin: 26.6. satisque iam etiam in posterum uidebatur prouisum ne quid ab repentinis eorum excursionibus periculi foret.

[¶13] 26.7. Then in addition pestilence brought to both sides a calamity which forthwith diverted the attention of the two armies from strategy. For owing to the autumn season and places naturally unhealthy, unendurable heat affected the health of nearly all the men in both camps, but much more outside the city than within. And at first they sickened and died owing to the season and their position.

> Latin: 26.7. accessit et ad <haec> pestilentia, commune malum, quod facile utrorumque animos auerteret a belli consiliis. nam tempore autumni et locis natura grauibus, multo tamen magis extra urbem quam in urbe, intoleranda uis aestus per utraque castra omnium ferme corpora mouit.

[¶14] 26.8. Later the mere care of the ill and contagion spread the disease, so that those who had fallen ill died neglected and abandoned, or else they carried off with them those who sat by them and those who nursed, having caught the same malignant disease. And so every day funerals and death were before their eyes, and wailings were heard on all sides day and night.

> Latin: 26.8. ac primo temporis ac loci uitio et aegri erant et moriebantur; postea curatio ipsa et contactus aegrorum uolgabat morbos, ut aut neglecti desertique qui incidissent morerentur aut adsidentes curantesque eadem ui morbi repletos secum traherent, cotidianaque funera et mors ob oculos esset et undique dies noctesque ploratus audirentur.

[¶15] 26.10. Finally, from habituation to misery they had so lost their humane feelings that, so far from escorting the dead with tears and the wailing that was their due, they did not even carry them out and bury them; and dead bodies lay strewn about before the eyes of men awaiting a like death, and the dead seriously affected the ill, the ill the sound, not only through fear, but also by putrefaction and the pestilent odour of corpses.

> Latin: 26.10. postremo ita adsuetudine mali efferauerant animos, ut non modo lacrimis iustoque comploratu prosequerentur mortuos sed ne efferrent quidem aut sepelirent, iacerentque strata exanima corpora in conspectu similem mortem exspectantium, mortuique aegros, aegri ualidos cum metu, tum tabe ac pestifero odore corporum conficerent;

[¶16] 26.11. And some choosing to die by the sword, dashed into the outposts of the enemy single-handed.

> Latin: 26.11. et ut ferro potius morerentur, quidam inuadebant soli hostium stationes.

[¶17] 26.12. A much more violent epidemic, however, had attacked the Carthaginian camp than the Roman. For the Romans in their long blockade of Syracuse had grown more accustomed to the climate and the water.

> Latin: 26.12. multo tamen uis maior pestis Poenorum castra quam Romana <adfecerat; nam Romani> diu circumsedendo Syracusas caelo aquisque adsuerant magis.

[¶18] 26.13. Of the enemy's army, the Sicilians scattered, each to his own neighbouring city, as soon as they saw that the disease was spreading owing to the unwholesomeness of the place, while the Carthaginians, who had no refuge anywhere, with even their generals, Hippocrates and Himilco, perished to the last man.

> Latin: 26.13. ex hostium exercitu Siculi, ut primum uidere ex grauitate loci uolgari morbos, in suas quisque propinquas urbes dilapsi sunt; at Carthaginienses, quibus nusquam receptus erat, cum ipsis ducibus Hippocrate atque Himilcone ad internecionem omnes perierunt.

[¶19] 26.15. Marcellus, as soon as the pestilence began to be so serious, had transferred his soldiers into the city, and shelter and shade had revived the invalids. Nevertheless many in the Roman army were carried off by the same pestilence.

> Latin: 26.15. Marcellus, ut tanta uis ingruebat mali, traduxerat in urbem suos, infirmaque corpora tecta et umbrae recreauerant; multi tamen ex Romano exercitu eadem peste absumpti sunt.

[¶20] 27.1. The Carthaginian land-army having been destroyed, the Sicilians who had been Hippocrates' soldiers had occupied..., not large towns, but defended both by situation and fortifications. One of them is three miles from Syracuse, the other fifteen miles. To these they were bringing supplies from their own communities and also summoning auxiliaries.

> Latin: 27.1. deleto terrestri Punico exercitu Siculi, qui Hippocratis milites fuerant, * * haud magna oppida, ceterum et situ et munimentis tuta; tria milia alterum ab Syracusis, alterum quindecim abest; eo et commeatus e ciuitatibus suis comportabant et auxilia accersebant.

[¶21] 27.2. Meanwhile Bomilcar left for Carthage a second time with his fleet, and he set forth the situation of their allies in such terms as to inspire hope, not only that effectual aid could be lent to them, but also that the Romans could be captured in the virtually captured city.

> Latin: 27.2. interea Bomilcar iterum cum classe profectus Carthaginem, ita exposita fortuna sociorum, ut spem faceret non ipsis modo salutarem opem ferri posse sed Romanos quoque in capta quodam modo urbe capi, perpulit ut onerarias naues quam plurimas omni copia rerum onustas secum mitterent classemque suam augerent.

[¶22] 27.3. He thus prevailed upon them to send with him as many transports as possible, laden with all kinds of supplies, and to enlarge his fleet. Accordingly, setting out from Carthage with a hundred and thirty warships and seven hundred transports, he had winds quite favourable for the crossing to Sicily. But the same winds did not allow him to round Pachynum.

> Latin: 27.3. igitur centum triginta nauibus longis, septingentis onerariis profectus a Carthagine satis prosperos uentos ad traiciendum in Siciliam habuit;

[¶23] 27.4. The report at first of Bomilcar's coming, and then its unexpected delay, brought rejoicing and fear by turns to Romans and Syracusans.

> Latin: 27.4. sed iidem uenti superare eum Pachynum prohibebant.

[¶24] 27.5. Upon that Epicydes, fearing that, if the same winds which were then holding should continue to blow from the east for several days, the Carthaginian fleet would make for Africa again, turned over Achradina to the commanders of the mercenaries and sailed to meet Bomilcar, who

> Latin: 27.5. Bomilcaris aduentus fama primo, dein praeter spem mora cum gaudium et metum in uicem Romanis Syracusanisque praebuisset, Epicydes metuens ne, si pergerent iidem qui tum tenebant ab ortu solis flare per dies plures uenti,

[¶25] 27.7. was keeping his fleet in a roadstead facing Africa. He feared a naval battle, not so much because he was inferior in his forces and the number of his ships —in fact he had even more —as because the winds then blowing were more favourable to the Roman fleet than to his own. Nevertheless Epicydes gained his consent to try the fortune of a naval engagement.

> Latin: 27.7. classis Punica Africam repeteret, tradita Achradina mercennariorum militum ducibus ad Bomilcarem nauigat. classem in statione uersa in Africam habentem atque timentem nauale proelium, non tam quod impar uiribus aut numero nauium esset—quippe etiam plures habebat—quam quod uenti aptiores Romanae quam suae classi flarent, perpulit tamen ut fortunam naualis certaminis experiri uellet.

[¶26] 27.9. And Marcellus too, seeing that a Sicilian army was being brought together from the entire island and at the same time a Carthaginian fleet was approaching with unlimited supplies, and fearing that he might be hard pressed by land and sea, being shut up within the enemies' city, decided, although he was inferior in the number of his ships, to prevent Bomilcar from reaching Syracuse.

> Latin: 27.9. et Marcellus, cum et Siculum exercitum ex tota insula conciri uideret et cum ingenti commeatu classem Punicam aduentare, ne simul terra marique inclusus urbe hostium urgeretur, quamquam impar numero nauium erat, prohibere aditu Syracusarum Bomilcarem constituit.

[¶27] 27.10. The two opposing fleets lay on this side and that of the promontory of Pachynum, ready to engage as soon as calm weather should enable them to put to sea.

> Latin: 27.10. duae classes infestae circa promunturium Pachynum stabant, ubi prima tranquillitas maris in altum euexisset, concursurae.

[¶28] 27.11. And so, as the southeast wind, which had been blowing hard for some days, was now dropping, Bomilcar was the first to get under weigh. And at first his fleet appeared to be heading out to sea, the more readily to round the promontory.

> Latin: 27.11. itaque cadente iam Euro, qui per dies aliquot saeuierat, prior Bomilcar mouit; cuius primo classis petere altum uisa est, quo facilius superaret promunturium;

[¶29] 27.12. But on seeing that the Roman ships were steering towards him, Bomilcar, alarmed by something unforeseen, made sail for open water, and after sending messengers to Heraclea to command the transports to return thence to Africa, he himself sailed along the coast of Sicily and made for Tarentum.

> Latin: 27.12. ceterum postquam tendere ad se Romanas naues uidit, incertum qua subita territus re, Bomilcar uela in altum dedit missisque nuntiis Heracleam qui onerarias retro Africam repetere iuberent ipse Siciliam praeteruectus Tarentum petit.

[¶30] 27.13. Epicydes, suddenly bereft of a hope so high, in order not to return, only to share the siege of a city in large part captured, sailed to Agrigentum, intending to await the outcome, rather than to set anything in motion from there.

> Latin: 27.13. Epicydes, a tanta repente destitutus spe, ne in obsidionem magna ex parte captae urbis rediret, Agrigentum nauigat, exspectaturus magis euentum quam inde quicquam moturus.

[¶31] 28.1. When these things were reported to the camp of the Sicilians, that Epicydes had left Syracuse, that the island had been abandoned by the Carthaginians and almost handed over a second time to the Romans, after first ascertaining by conferences the wish of the besieged, they sent legates to Marcellus to make terms for the surrender of the city.

> Latin: 28.1. quae ubi in castra Siculorum sunt nuntiata Epicyden Syracusis excessisse, a Carthaginiensibus relictam insulam et prope iterum traditam Romanis, legatos de condicionibus dedendae urbis explorata prius per conloquia uoluntate eorum qui obsidebantur ad Marcellum mittunt.

[¶32] 28.3. It was virtually agreed that all that had anywhere belonged to the kings should belong to the Romans, that everything else should be secured to the Sicilians along with freedom and their own laws. Accordingly the legates summoned to a conference the men to whom power had been entrusted by Epicydes, and said that they had been sent by the army of the Sicilians at the same time to Marcellus and to them, in order that all, the besieged and those who had been outside of the operations, might share the same lot and neither party make any special terms for itself.

> Latin: 28.3. cum haud ferme discreparet, quin quae ubique regum fuissent Romanorum essent, Siculis cetera cum libertate ac legibus suis seruarentur, euocatis ad conloquium iis quibus ab Epicyde creditae res erant, missos se simul ad Marcellum, simul ad eos ab exercitu Siculorum aiunt, ut una omnium qui obsiderentur quique extra obsidionem fuissent fortuna esset neue alteri proprie sibi paciscerentur quicquam.

[¶33] 28.5. And then, being admitted by them, that they might speak with their relatives and guest-friends, they explained the terms which they had already settled with Marcellus, and by holding out assurances of safety prevailed upon them to join with themselves in an attack upon Epicydes' prefects, Polyclitus and Philistion and an Epicydes surnamed Sindon.

> Latin: 28.5. recepti deinde ab iis, ut necessarios hospitesque adloquerentur, expositis quae pacta iam cum Marcello haberent, oblata spe salutis perpulere eos ut secum praefectos Epicydis Polyclitum et Philistionem et Epicyden, cui Sindon cognomen erat, adgrederentur.

[¶34] 28.6. After slaying them and calling the populace to an assembly, they complained of privation and other things at which among themselves they had been in the habit of murmuring in secret. And they said that, although so many hardships were a burden to them, they ought not to blame fortune, because it was in their own power to say how long they would endure them.

> Latin: 28.6. interfectis iis et multitudine ad contionem uocata inopiam quaeque ipsi inter se fremere occulte soliti erant conquesti, quamquam tot mala urgerent, negarunt fortunam accusandam esse quod in ipsorum esset potestate quam diu ea paterentur;

[¶35] 28.7. The Romans, they said, had had as their ground for besieging Syracuse their love, not hatred, of the Syracusans. For on learning that the power had been seized by Hippocrates and Epicydes, minions of Hannibal and later of Hieronymus, it was then that they had made war and had begun to besiege the city, in order to capture, not the city itself, but its cruel tyrants.

> Latin: 28.7. Romanis causam oppugnandi Syracusas fuisse caritatem Syracusanorum, non odium; nam ut occupatas res ab satellitibus Hannibalis, deinde Hieronymi, Hippocrate atque Epicyde, audierint, tum bellum mouisse et obsidere urbem coepisse, ut crudeles tyrannos eius, non ut ipsam urbem expugnarent.

[¶36] 28.8. But now that Hippocrates had perished, that Epicydes had been cut off from Syracuse and his prefects slain, now that the Carthaginians had everywhere been driven by land and sea from their occupation of Sicily, what reason remained for the Romans not to wish Syracuse to be preserved, just as if Hiero himself, who was unrivalled in maintaining friendship with Rome, were still alive?

> Latin: 28.8. Hippocrate uero interempto, Epicyde intercluso ab Syracusis et praefectis eius occisis, Carthaginiensibus omni possessione Siciliae terra marique pulsis quam superesse causam Romanis cur non, perinde ac si Hiero ipse uiueret unicus Romanae amicitiae cultor, incolumes Syracusas esse uelint?

[¶37] 28.9. Accordingly both for the city and for individuals there was no other danger than from themselves, if they should let slip the opportunity of a reconciliation with the Romans. Moreover so favourable an opportunity as there was at that moment, if it should be evident that Syracuse, once it had been freed from insolent tyrants,..., would never come again.

> Latin: 28.9. itaque nec urbi nec hominibus aliud periculum quam ab semet ipsis esse, si occasionem reconciliandi se Romanis praetermisissent; eam autem, qualis illo momento horae sit, nullam deinde fore, si simul liberatas †ab impotentibus tyrannis apparuisset†.

[¶38] 29.1. The speech was heard with great and unanimous approval. It was decided, however, to elect magistrates before naming legates. Then out of the number of these magistrates' representatives were sent to Marcellus. The foremost of these said: “In the beginning it was not we Syracusans who forsook your friendship, but Hieronymus, who was by no means so conscienceless toward you as toward us.”

> Latin: 29.1. omnium ingenti adsensu audita ea oratio est. praetores tamen prius creari quam legatos nominari placuit; ex ipsorum deinde praetorum numero missi oratores ad Marcellum, quorum princeps 'neque primo' inquit 'Syracusani a uobis defecimus sed Hieronymus, nequaquam tam in uos impius quam in nos,

[¶39] 29.3. “And later the peace concluded on the assassination of the tyrant was broken, not by any Syracusan, but by the king's minions, Hippocrates and Epicydes, after they had subdued us, now by terrorizing, now by treason. Nor can any man say that there has ever been any time of freedom for us that was not a time of peace with you.”

> Latin: 29.3. nec postea pacem tyranni caede compositam Syracusanus quisquam sed satellites regii Hippocrates atque Epicydes oppressis nobis hinc metu hinc fraude turbauerunt. nec quisquam dicere potest aliquando nobis libertatis tempus fuisse quod pacis uobiscum non fuerit.

[¶40] 29.4. “Certain it is that now, when through the slaying of those who were holding Syracuse in subjection we have begun for the first time to be our own masters, we have come forthwith to give up our arms, to surrender ourselves, the city, the walls, to reject no lot which shall be imposed by you Romans. The glory of capturing the most notable and most beautiful of Greek cities the gods have given to you, Marcellus.”

> Latin: 29.4. nunc certe caede eorum qui oppressas tenebant Syracusas cum primum nostri arbitrii esse coepimus, extemplo uenimus ad tradenda arma, dedendos nos, urbem, moenia, nullam recusandam fortunam quae imposita a uobis fuerit.

[¶41] 29.5. “All that we have ever accomplished on land and sea that is worthy of record is added to the distinction of your triumph.”

> Latin: 29.5. gloriam captae nobilissimae pulcherrimaeque urbis Graecarum dei tibi dederunt, Marcelle. quidquid unquam terra marique memorandum gessimus, id tui triumphi titulo accedit.

[¶42] 29.6. “Would you wish men merely to believe tradition as to the greatness of the city you have captured, rather than that it be a sight even to posterity, a city which shall show to every man who comes by land or by sea, at one spot our trophies won from the Athenians and the Carthaginians, at another your trophies won from us, and that you hand over Syracuse intact to your house, to be kept under the clientship and tutelage of those who bear the name Marcellus?”

> Latin: 29.6. famaene credi uelis quanta urbs a te capta sit quam posteris quoque eam spectaculo esse, quo quisquis terra, quisquis mari uenerit nunc nostra de Atheniensibus Carthaginiensibusque tropaea, nunc tua de nobis ostendat incolumesque Syracusas familiae uestrae sub clientela nominis Marcellorum tutelaque habendas tradas?

[¶43] 29.7. “Let not the memory of Hieronymus have more weight with you Romans than that of Hiero. The latter was much longer your friend than the former your enemy; and you have had positive experience of the good deeds of the one, while the other's folly resulted only in his own destruction.” Everything could be obtained from the Romans and was already assured.

> Latin: 29.7. ne plus apud uos Hieronymi quam Hieronis memoria momenti faciat. diutius ille multo amicus fuit quam hic hostis, et illius benefacta etiam re sensistis, huius amentia ad perniciem tantum ipsius ualuit.' omnia et impetrabilia et tuta erant apud Romanos:

[¶44] 29.8. It was among the Sicilians themselves that war and danger chiefly lay. For the deserters, thinking that they would surely be handed over to the Romans, aroused the mercenary auxiliaries also to the same fear.

> Latin: 29.8. inter ipsos plus belli ac periculi erat. namque transfugae, tradi se Romanis rati, mercennariorum quoque militum auxilia in eundem compulere metum;

[¶45] 29.9. And seizing arms they first slew the magistrates and then dispersed to massacre the Syracusans, and in anger they slew all whom chance threw in their way and carried off everything on which they could lay hands.

> Latin: 29.9. arreptisque armis praetores primum obtruncant, inde ad caedem Syracusanorum discurrunt quosque fors obtulit irati interfecere atque omnia quae in promptu erant diripuerunt.

[¶46] 29.10. Then, not to be without commanders, they chose six prefects, three to be in charge of Achradina and three of Nasus. When the uproar was at last stilled and they were diligently enquiring what terms had been made with the Romans, the truth began to dawn upon them, that their case was different from that of the deserters.

> Latin: 29.10. tum, ne sine ducibus essent, sex praefectos creauere ut terni Achradinae ac Nasso praeessent. sedato tandem tumultu exsequentibus sciscitando quae acta cum Romanis essent, dilucere id quod erat coepit aliam suam ac perfugarum causam esse.

[¶47] 30.1. Just at the right moment the legates returned from Marcellus, stating that the mercenaries had been aroused by an unfounded suspicion, and that the Romans had no reason for demanding their punishment.

> Latin: 30.1. in tempore legati a Marcello redierunt, falsa eos suspicione incitatos memorantes nec causam expetendae poenae eorum ullam Romanis esse.

[¶48] 30.2. One of the three prefects of Achradina was a Spaniard, Moericus by name. To him, among the- retinue of the legates, one of the Spanish auxiliaries was sent on purpose. Finding Moericus alone, he first explained the condition in which he had left Spain, from which he had recently come. The whole of that country, he said, was held by Roman arms.

> Latin: 30.2. erat e tribus Achradinae praefectis Hispanus Moericus nomine. ad eum inter comites legatorum de industria unus ex Hispanorum auxiliaribus est missus, qui sine arbitris Moericum nanctus primum, quo in statu reliquisset Hispaniam—et nuper inde uenerat—exponit: omnia Romanis ibi obtineri armis.

[¶49] 30.3. If he should do something worth while, he could be a chief among his own people, whether he preferred to serve on the Roman side or to return to his native town. On the other hand, if he continued to prefer to be besieged, what hope was there for a man shut in by land and sea?

> Latin: 30.3. posse eum, si operae pretium faciat, principem popularium esse, seu militare cum Romanis seu in patriam reuerti libeat: contra, si malle obsideri pergat, quam spem esse terra marique clauso?

[¶50] 30.4. Moericus was impressed by these words, and when it was decided to send legates to Marcellus, sent his brother as one of them. He was escorted separately from the rest to Marcellus by that same Spaniard, and after receiving a promise and arranging the steps to be taken, returned to Achradina.

> Latin: 30.4. motus his Moericus, cum legatos ad Marcellum mitti placuisset, fratrem inter eos mittit, qui per eundem illum Hispanum secretus ab aliis ad Marcellum deductus, cum fidem accepisset composuissetque agendae ordinem rei, Achradinam redit.

[¶51] 30.5. Then Moericus, to divert the attention of everybody from the suspicion of treason, said he did not approve of having legates going back and forth; that none should be admitted or sent; and that, in order to keep a closer guard, suitable positions should be divided among the prefects, so that each should be responsible for the defence of his own section.

> Latin: 30.5. tum Moericus, ut ab suspicione proditionis auerteret omnium animos, negat sibi placere legatos commeare ultro citroque: neque recipiendum quemquam neque mittendum et, quo intentius custodiae seruentur, opportuna diuidenda praefectis esse, ut suae quisque partis tutandae reus sit. omnes adsensi sunt.

[¶52] 30.6. All agreed. In the assignment of sections the region extending from the Fountain of Arethusa to the entrance of the Great Harbour fell to Moericus himself.

> Latin: 30.6. partibus diuidendis ipsi regio euenit ab Arethusa fonte usque ad ostium magni portus: id ut scirent Romani fecit.

[¶53] 30.7. He saw to it that the Romans knew that. Accordingly Marcellus ordered a transport with armed men to be towed at night by a four-banker to Achradina, and the soldiers to be landed near the gate which is by the Fountain of Arethusa.

> Latin: 30.7. itaque Marcellus nocte nauem onerariam cum armatis remulco quadriremis trahi ad Achradinam iussit exponique milites regione portae quae prope fontem Arethusam est.

[¶54] 30.8. This done at the fourth watch, and the soldiers landed there having been admitted according to agreement by Moericus through the gate, Marcellus at daybreak with all his forces assailed the walls of Achradina. The result was that not only did he turn the attention of the defenders of Achradina to himself, but from Nasus also columns of armed men, leaving their posts, united in haste, to ward off the violent attack of the Romans.

> Latin: 30.8. hoc cum quarta uigilia factum esset expositosque milites porta, ut conuenerat, recepisset Moericus, luce prima Marcellus omnibus copiis moenia Achradinae adgreditur ita ut non eos solum qui Achradinam tenebant in se conuerteret, sed ab Nasso etiam agmina armatorum concurrerent relictis stationibus suis ad uim et impetum Romanorum arcendum.

[¶55] 30.10. During this confusion light vessels, previously equipped, sailed around to Nasus and landed their troops. These made an unexpected attack upon the half-manned outposts and the open doors of the gate through which the armed men had dashed out a little while before, and with no great resistance captured Nasus, deserted by the excitement and flight of the guards.

> Latin: 30.10. in hoc tumultu actuariae naues, instructae iam ante circumuectaeque ad Nassum, armatos exponunt qui improuiso adorti semiplenas stationes et adapertas fores portae, qua paulo ante excurrerant armati, haud magno certamine Nassum cepere desertam trepidatione et fuga custodum.

[¶56] 30.11. And no others showed less capacity to defend or determination to hold out than the deserters, since they did not quite trust even their own men and fled out of the midst of the conflict.

> Latin: 30.11. neque in ullis minus praesidii aut pertinaciae ad manendum quam in transfugis fuit, quia ne suis quidem satis credentes e medio certamine effugerunt.

[¶57] 30.12. Marcellus, on learning that Nasus had been captured and one section of Achradina occupied, also that Moericus with his force had joined the Romans, sounded the recall, to prevent the royal treasures, which were reported to be larger than they really were, from being plundered.

> Latin: 30.12. Marcellus ut uidit captam esse Nassum et Achradinae regionem unam teneri Moericumque cum praesidio suis adiunctum, receptui cecinit, ne regiae opes, quarum fama maior quam res erat, diriperentur.

[¶58] 31.1. The onslaught of the soldiers being checked and time and place for their flight given to the deserters who were in Achradina, the Syracusans, at last relieved of their fear, open the gates of Achradina and send representatives to Marcellus, asking nothing else than their own lives and those of their children.

> Latin: 31.1. suppresso impetu militum, ut iis qui in Achradina erant transfugis spatium locusque fugae datus est, Syracusani tandem liberi metu portis Achradinae apertis oratores ad Marcellum mittunt, nihil petentes aliud quam incolumitatem sibi liberisque suis.

[¶59] 31.3. Marcellus, calling a council and admitting also those Syracusans who, after being driven from home during the uprisings, had been inside the Roman lines, replied that the good acts of Hiero toward the Roman people during fifty years had not been more numerous than the evil deeds done in the last few years by those who held Syracuse.

> Latin: 31.3. Marcellus consilio aduocato et adhibitis etiam Syracusanis qui per seditiones pulsi ab domo intra praesidia Romana fuerant, respondit non plura per annos quinquaginta benefacta Hieronis quam paucis his annis maleficia eorum qui Syracusas tenuerint erga populum Romanum esse;

[¶60] 31.4. But most of the misdeeds, he said, had reacted just as they should, and the men had exacted from themselves much more serious penalties for the broken treaties than the Roman people wished.

> Latin: 31.4. sed pleraque eorum quo debuerint reccidisse foederumque ruptorum ipsos ab se grauiores multo quam populus Romanus uoluerit poenas exegisse.

[¶61] 31.5. For his part, he was besieging Syracuse for the third year, not that the Roman people might keep the city enslaved, but to prevent the commanders of deserters and foreigners from holding it in captivity and subjection.

> Latin: 31.5. se quidem tertium annum circumsedere Syracusas, non ut populus Romanus seruam ciuitatem haberet sed ne transfugarum duces captam et oppressam tenerent.

[¶62] 31.6. What the Syracusans could have done was shown by the example either of those Syracusans inside the Roman lines, or of the Spanish commander Moericus, who surrendered his post, or finally of the belated but courageous resolution of the Syracusans themselves.

> Latin: 31.6. quid potuerint Syracusani facere, exemplo uel eos esse Syracusanorum qui intra praesidia Romana fuerint uel Hispanum ducem Moericum qui praesidium tradiderit uel ipsorum Syracusanorum postremo serum quidem, sed forte consilium.

[¶63] 31.7. To his mind it was by no means a sufficient reward for all the hardships and dangers, so long endured on land and sea about the Syracusan walls, that he had been able to capture Syracuse.

> Latin: 31.7. sibi omnium laborum periculorumque circa moenia Syracusana terra marique tam diu exhaustorum nequaquam tantum fructum esse quod capere <sibi contigerit, quantum si seruare> Syracusas potuisset.

[¶64] 31.8. Thereupon the quaestor was sent from Nasus with a force to receive and guard the royal funds. The city was given over to the soldiers to plunder, guards being first assigned to the houses of the men who had been inside the Roman lines.

> Latin: 31.8. inde quaestor cum praesidio ad Nassum ad accipiendam pecuniam regiam custodiendamque missus. urbs diripienda militi data est custodibus diuisis per domos eorum qui intra praesidia Romana fuerant.

[¶65] 31.9. While many shameful examples of anger and many of greed were being given, the tradition is that Archimedes, in all the uproar which the alarm of a captured city could produce in the midst of plundering soldiers dashing about, was intent upon the figures which he had traced in the dust and was slain by a soldier, not knowing who he was;

> Latin: 31.9. cum multa irae, multa auaritiae foeda exempla ederentur, Archimeden memoriae proditum est in tanto tumultu, quantum captae urbis in <uiis> discursus diripientium militum ciere poterat, intentum formis quas in puluere descripserat ab ignaro milite quis esset interfectum;

[¶66] 31.10. that Marcellus was grieved at this, and his burial duly provided for; and that his name and memory were an honour and a protection to his relatives, search even being made for them.

> Latin: 31.10. aegre id Marcellum tulisse sepulturaeque curam habitam, et propinquis etiam inquisitis honori praesidioque nomen ac memoriam eius fuisse.

[¶67] 31.11. Such in the main was the capture of Syracuse, in which there was booty in such quantity as there would scarcely have been if Carthage, with which the conflict was on even terms, had at that time been captured. A few days before Syracuse was taken, Titus Otacilius with eighty five-bankers crossed over from Lilybaeum to Utica. And having entered the harbour before daylight, he captured cargo-ships laden with grain, and disembarking ravaged a considerable area around Utica and drove booty of every kind back to the ships.

> Latin: 31.11. hoc maxime modo Syracusae captae; in quibus praedae tantum fuit, quantum uix capta Carthagine tum fuisset cum qua uiribus aequis certabatur. paucis ante diebus quam Syracusae caperentur T. Otacilius cum quinqueremibus octoginta Uticam ab Lilybaeo transmisit, et cum ante lucem portum intrasset, onerarias frumento onustas cepit, egressusque in terram depopulatus est aliquantum agri circa Uticam praedamque omnis generis retro ad naues egit.

[¶68] 31.14. On the third day after he had left Lilybaeum he returned thither with a hundred and thirty cargo-ships laden with grain and booty, and sent the grain at once to Syracuse. Had it not arrived so opportunely, a famine equally destructive to victors and vanquished was impending.

> Latin: 31.14. Lilybaeum tertio die quam inde profectus erat, cum centum triginta onerariis nauibus frumento praedaque onustis rediit idque frumentum extemplo Syracusas misit, quod ni tam in tempore subuenisset, uictoribus uictisque pariter perniciosa fames instabat.

[¶69] 32.1. In Spain in the same summer, when for about two years nothing very notable had occurred and the war was being waged more by diplomacy than by arms, the Roman generals, on leaving their winter-quarters, united their forces.

> Latin: 32.1. eadem aestate in Hispania, cum biennio ferme nihil admodum memorabile factum esset consiliisque magis quam armis bellum gereretur, Romani imperatores egressi hibernis copias coniunxerunt.

[¶70] 32.2. Thereupon a council was called and all were of one mind, that, since up to that time they had accomplished nothing except to hold Hasdrubal back from pushing on into Italy, it was time that their task should now be to end the war in Spain.

> Latin: 32.2. ibi consilium aduocatum omniumque in unum congruerunt sententiae, quando ad id locorum id modo actum esset ut Hasdrubalem tendentem in Italiam retinerent, tempus esse id iam agi ut bellum in Hispania finiretur;

[¶71] 32.3. And they believed they had sufficient reinforcements for that purpose in twenty thousand Celtiberians who had been called to arms that winter.

> Latin: 32.3. et satis ad id uirium credebant accessisse uiginti milia Celtiberorum ea hieme ad arma excita.

[¶72] 32.4. The enemy had three armies. Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, and Mago with adjoining camps were about five days' march from the Romans.

> Latin: 32.4. tres exercitus erant. Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius et Mago coniunctis castris quinque ferme dierum iter ab Romanis aberant.

[¶73] 32.5. Nearer was Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, a veteran commander in Spain. He had his army near a city called Amtorgis.

> Latin: 32.5. propior erat Hamilcaris filius Hasdrubal, uetus in Hispania imperator;

[¶74] 32.6. It was he that the Roman generals wished first to overpower; and they hoped they had quite ample forces for that end. The one remaining concern was the fear that, if he was defeated, the other Hasdrubal and Mago might in alarm withdraw to pathless forests and mountains and prolong the war.

> Latin: 32.6. ad urbem nomine Amtorgim exercitum habebat. eum uolebant prius opprimi duces Romani; et spes erat satis superque ad id uirium esse; illa restabat cura, ne fuso eo perculsi alter Hasdrubal et Mago in auios saltus montesque recipientes sese bellum extraherent.

[¶75] 32.7. They thought it best therefore to divide their forces into two armies and include the whole of Spain in their plan of operations. And they divided in such manner that Publius Cornelius should lead two-thirds of the army of Romans and allies against Mago and Hasdrubal, and that Gnaeus Cornelius with one-third of the old army and the Celtiberians in addition should carry on the war with Hasdrubal Barca.

> Latin: 32.7. optimum igitur rati diuisis bifariam copiis totius simul Hispaniae amplecti bellum, ita inter se diuiserunt ut P. Cornelius duas partes exercitus Romanorum sociorumque aduersus Magonem duceret atque Hasdrubalem, Cn. Cornelius cum tertia parte ueteris exercitus Celtiberis adiunctis cum Hasdrubale Barcino bellum gereret.

[¶76] 32.9. Setting out together, with the Celtiberians in the van, both generals and armies pitched camp near the city of Amtorgis, in sight of the enemy, but separated by a river.

> Latin: 32.9. una profecti ambo duces exercitusque Celtiberis praegredientibus ad urbem Amtorgim in conspectu hostium dirimente amni ponunt castra.

[¶77] 32.10. There Gnaeus Scipio remained with the above-mentioned forces, while Publius Scipio set out for his previously appointed share of the war.

> Latin: 32.10. ibi Cn. Scipio cum quibus ante dictum est copiis substitit, P. Scipio profectus ad destinatam belli partem.

[¶78] 33.1. Hasdrubal first noted that there was only a small army of Romans in the camp and that all their hope was in the Celtiberian auxiliaries. Then, as he was well acquainted with every form of treachery practised by barbarians and particularly by those tribes among which he had been campaigning for so many years, and as oral communication was easy, since both camps were full of Spaniards, by means of secret conferences he made an agreement with the chief men of the Celtiberians at a high price that they should withdraw their troops.

> Latin: 33.1. Hasdrubal postquam animaduertit exiguum Romanum exercitum in castris et spem omnem in Celtiberorum auxiliis esse, peritus omnis barbaricae et praecipue omnium earum gentium in quibus per tot annos militabat perfidiae, facili lingua, cum utraque castra plena Hispanorum essent, per occulta conloquia paciscitur magna mercede cum Celtiberorum principibus ut copias inde abducant.

[¶79] 33.4. Nor did it seem an outrageous act —for it was not urged that they should turn their arms against the Romans —and a price which would have been ample even for engaging in the war was offered them not to wage war. Again, not only peace itself, but also a return home and the advantage of seeing their families and their property were attractions to the mass of them.

> Latin: 33.4. nec atrox uisum facinus—non enim ut in Romanos uerterent arma agebatur—, et merces quanta uel pro bello satis esset dabatur ne bellum gererent, et cum quies ipsa, tum reditus domum fructusque uidendi suos suaque grata uolgo erant.

[¶80] 33.5. Accordingly their leaders were not more easily persuaded than the rank and file. At the same time they had no fear from the Romans either, if they, being so few in number, should try to hold them by force. It will always be a necessary precaution for Roman generals, and these instances must really be accounted warnings, not so to trust their foreign auxiliaries as not to have in camp more of their own strength and of forces that are absolutely their own.

> Latin: 33.5. itaque non ducibus facilius quam multitudini persuasum est. simul ne metus quidem ab Romanis erat, quippe tam paucis, si ui retinerent. id quidem cauendum semper Romanis ducibus erit exemplaque haec uere pro documentis habenda, ne ita externis credant auxiliis ut non plus sui roboris suarumque proprie uirium in castris habeant.

[¶81] 33.7. The Celtiberians suddenly took up their standards and departed, and when Romans asked the reason and implored them to remain, they gave no other answer than that they were called away by a war at home.

> Latin: 33.7. signis repente sublatis Celtiberi abeunt, nihil aliud quaerentibus causam obtestantibusque ut manerent Romanis respondentes quam domestico se auocari bello.

[¶82] 33.8. Scipio, now that his allies could not be held either by entreaties or by force, saw that he could neither be a match for the enemy without them nor rejoin his brother, and that no other promising plan was available. Thereupon he decided to retire as far as possible, taking every care and being on the alert not to expose himself anywhere on level ground to the enemy, who crossed the river and kept almost at their heels as they withdrew.

> Latin: 33.8. Scipio, postquam socii nec precibus nec ui retineri poterant, nec se aut parem sine illis hosti esse aut fratri rursus coniungi uidit posse, nec ullum aliud salutare consilium in promptu esse, retro quantum posset cedere statuit, in id omni cura intentus necubi hosti aequo se committeret loco, qui transgressus flumen prope uestigiis abeuntium insistebat.

[¶83] 34.1. About the same time Publius Scipio was beset by a fear no less grave and a danger that was greater from a new enemy.

> Latin: 34.1. per eosdem dies P. Scipionem par terror, periculum maius ab nouo hoste urgebat.

[¶84] 34.2. There was the young Masinissa, at that time an ally of the Carthaginians, a man whom friendship with the Romans later made famous and powerful.

> Latin: 34.2. Masinissa erat iuuenis, eo tempore socius Carthaginiensium, quem deinde clarum potentemque Romana fecit amicitia.

[¶85] 34.3. With his Numidian cavalry he now encountered Publius Scipio on his advance, and also was continually at hand day and night, ready to attack, so that he not only captured soldiers who had wandered far from the camp in search of wood and fodder, but also rode up to the camp itself, and often dashing into the midst of the outposts threw everything into great confusion.

> Latin: 34.3. is tum cum equitatu Numidarum et aduenienti P. Scipioni occurrit et deinde adsidue dies noctesque infestus aderat, ut non uagos tantum procul a castris lignatum pabulatumque progressos exciperet sed ipsis obequitaret castris inuectusque in medias saepe stationes omnia ingenti tumultu turbaret.

[¶86] 34.5. By night also there was often alarm at the gates and on the earthwork owing to a sudden attack, nor was any place or time free from fear and anxiety for the Romans, and they were confined within their earthwork, unable to obtain anything.

> Latin: 34.5. noctibus quoque saepe incursu repentino in portis ualloque trepidatum est nec aut locus aut tempus ullum uacuum a metu ac sollicitudine erat Romanis, compulsique intra uallum adempto rerum omnium usu.

[¶87] 34.6. It was almost a regular blockade, and this would evidently be stricter if Indibilis, who was reported as approaching with seven thousand five hundred Suessetani, should join the Carthaginians. Consequently Scipio, though a general marked by caution and foresight, being forced by his straits, adopted the rash plan of going by night to meet Indibilis and giving battle wherever he should encounter him.

> Latin: 34.6. cum prope iusta obsidio esset futuramque artiorem eam appareret, si se Indibilis, quem cum septem milibus et quingentis Suessetanorum aduentare fama erat, Poenis coniunxisset, dux cautus et prouidens Scipio uictus necessitatibus temerarium capit consilium, ut nocte Indibili obuiam iret et quocumque occurrisset loco proelium consereret.

[¶88] 34.8. Therefore, leaving a moderate garrison at the camp and putting his lieutenant, Tiberius Fonteius, in command of it, he set out at midnight, and on meeting the enemy engaged them.

> Latin: 34.8. relicto igitur modico praesidio in castris praepositoque Ti. Fonteio legato media nocte profectus cum obuiis hostibus manus conseruit.

[¶89] 34.9. It was a battle of columns rather than lines; yet, so far as could be in an engagement without order, the Roman had the advantage. But the Numidian cavalry, whose notice the general had thought he had escaped, by outflanking them inspired great alarm, and in addition, when they had entered a fresh battle with the Numidians, a third enemy also arrived, the Carthaginian generals, who from the rear overtook them when already engaged.

> Latin: 34.9. agmina magis quam acies pugnabant; superior tamen, ut in tumultuaria pugna, Romanus erat. ceterum et equites Numidae repente, quos fefellisse se dux ratus erat, ab lateribus circumfusi magnum terrorem intulere, <et> contracto aduersus Numidas certamine nouo tertius insuper aduenit hostis, duces Poeni adsecuti ab tergo iam pugnantes;

[¶90] 34.10. And the Romans found themselves between two battles, uncertain against which enemy and in which direction they should choose to break through in a mass.

> Latin: 34.10. ancepsque proelium Romanos circumsteterat incertos in quem potissimum hostem quamue in partem conferti eruptionem facerent.

[¶91] 34.11. As the general was fighting and exhorting, and exposing himself where there was most to be done, his right side was pierced by a lance. And those of the enemy who in a wedge had made an attack upon the men pressing close about the general, on seeing the dying Scipio slipping from his horse, dashed everywhere along the line, wild with delight, shouting and announcing that the Roman commander had fallen.

> Latin: 34.11. pugnanti hortantique imperatori et offerenti se ubi plurimus labor erat latus dextrum lancea traicitur; cuneusque is hostium, qui in confertos circa ducem impetum fecerat, ut exanimem labentem ex equo Scipionem uidit, alacres gaudio cum clamore per totam aciem nuntiantes discurrunt imperatorem Romanum cecidisse.

[¶92] 34.12. The broadcasting of that announcement far and wide made the enemy as good as victors beyond a doubt and the Romans as good as vanquished. Flight directly from the battle-line began, once they had lost their general.

> Latin: 34.12. ea peruagata passim uox, ut et hostes haud dubie pro uictoribus et Romani pro uictis essent, fecit.

## 26. Book XXV · chapters 34–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/26/#p-N

[¶0] 34.13. But while, so far as bursting through the Numidians and the light-armed auxiliaries as well was concerned, flight was not difficult, yet it was hardly possible for them to escape such numbers of horsemen and infantry who by their speed kept up with the horses.

> Latin: 34.13. fuga confestim ex acie duce amisso fieri coepta est; ceterum ut ad erumpendum inter Numidas leuiumque armorum alia auxilia haud difficilis erat, ita effugere tantum equitum aequantiumque equos uelocitate peditum uix poterant caesique prope plures in fuga quam in pugna sunt;

[¶1] 34.14. And almost more were slain in flight than in battle, nor would anyone have survived but for the coming on of night, as the day was now rapidly drawing to a close.

> Latin: 34.14. nec superfuisset quisquam ni praecipiti iam ad uesperum die nox interuenisset.

[¶2] 35.1. Then the Carthaginian generals directly after the battle, making no indifferent use of their success, barely allowed their soldiers necessary rest, and rushed their column with all speed in the direction of Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, with the certain hope that, when they should unite with him, the war could be finished.

> Latin: 35.1. haud segniter inde duces Poeni fortuna usi confestim e proelio, uix necessaria quiete data militibus ad Hasdrubalem Hamilcaris citatum agmen rapiunt non dubia spe, <si> se coniunxissent, debellari posse.

[¶3] 35.2. Upon their arrival there was great congratulation between the armies and generals rejoicing in the recent victory, since so great a general and his entire army had been destroyed, and they were looking for just such another victory as beyond question.

> Latin: 35.2. quo ubi est uentum, inter exercitus ducesque uictoria recenti laetos gratulatio ingens facta, imperatore tanto cum omni exercitu deleto et alteram pro haud dubia parem uictoriam exspectantes.

[¶4] 35.3. As for the Romans, not yet indeed had a report of the great disaster reached them, but there was a gloomy silence and an unexpressed foreboding, such as is usually the forecast of impending misfortune when men already have presentiments.

> Latin: 35.3. ad Romanos nondum quidem fama tantae cladis peruenerat, sed maestum quoddam silentium erat et tacita diuinatio, qualis iam praesagientibus animis imminentis mali esse solet.

[¶5] 35.4. The general himself, in addition to the knowledge that he had been deserted by his allies and that the enemy's forces had been so greatly increased, was more inclined by logical inference to suspect that a disaster had occurred than to entertain any good hope.

> Latin: 35.4. imperator ipse, praeterquam quod ab sociis se desertum, hostium tantum auctas copias sentiebat, coniectura etiam et ratione ad suspicionem acceptae cladis quam ad ullam bonam spem pronior erat:

[¶6] 35.5. For how, he thought, could Hasdrubal and Mago, unless they had quite finished their own war, have been able to bring up their army without an engagement?

> Latin: 35.5. quonam modo enim Hasdrubalem ac Magonem, nisi defunctos suo bello, sine certamine adducere exercitus potuisse?

[¶7] 35.6. And how had his brother failed to confront them or to follow in their rear, so that, if unable to prevent the generals and armies of the enemy from uniting, he might himself at least combine his forces with those of his brother?

> Latin: 35.6. quomodo autem non obstitisse aut ab tergo secutum fratrem, ut, si prohibere quo minus in unum coirent et duces et exercitus hostium non posset, ipse certe cum fratre coniungeret copias?

[¶8] 35.7. Troubled by these anxieties, he believed that the one safe course at present was to retreat as faraway as possible. Then in one night, while the enemy were unaware of it and hence made no move, he marched a considerable distance.

> Latin: 35.7. his anxius curis id modo esse salutare in praesens credebat, cedere inde quantum posset; exinde una nocte ignaris hostibus et ob id quietis aliquantum emensus est iter.

[¶9] 35.8. In the morning the enemy, on discovering that they had gone, sent the Numidians in advance and began to follow them in a column at its utmost speed. Before night the Numidians had overtaken them, and charging now in the rear, now on the flanks, compelled them to halt and defend their column.

> Latin: 35.8. luce ut senserunt profectos, hostes praemissis Numidis quam poterant maxime citato agmine sequi coeperunt. ante noctem adsecuti Numidae, nunc ab tergo, nunc in latera incursantes, consistere coegerunt ac tutari agmen;

[¶10] 35.9. Scipio kept encouraging them to fight and advance at the same time, so far, that is, as they could do so with safety, before the infantry forces should overtake them.

> Latin: 35.9. quantum possent tamen tuto ut simul pugnarent procederentque, Scipio hortabatur, priusquam pedestres copiae adsequerentur.

[¶11] 36.1. But while he now urged his column forward, now ordered it to halt, for a long time little progress was being made and night was now at hand. Scipio therefore recalled his men from battle, concentrated them and led them up a hill that was not indeed quite safe, especially for a terrified column, but still was higher than the country around it.

> Latin: 36.1. ceterum nunc agendo, nunc sustinendo agmen cum aliquamdiu haud multum procederetur et nox iam instaret, reuocat e proelio suos Scipio et collectos in tumulum quendam non quidem satis tutum, praesertim agmini perculso, editiorem tamen quam cetera circa erant, subducit.

[¶12] 36.3. There the infantry, surrounding the baggage and cavalry placed in the centre, at first kept off the charges of the Numidians without difficulty.

> Latin: 36.3. ibi primo impedimentis et equitatu in medium receptis circumdati pedites haud difficulter impetus incursantium Numidarum arcebant;

[¶13] 36.4. Then, when three generals arrived in full force with three regular armies, and it was evident that they would be unable by arms to defend an unfortified position, the general began to cast about and consider whether he could in some way surround it with an earthwork..

> Latin: 36.4. dein, postquam toto agmine tres imperatores cum tribus iustis exercitibus aderant apparebatque, parum armis ad tuendum locum sine munimento ualituros esse, circumspectare atque agitare dux coepit si quo modo posset uallum circumicere.

[¶14] 36.5. But the hill was so bare and rocky that neither could thickets be found for the cutting of stakes nor ground such that they could get turf or carry a trench in it or any other earthwork. And yet no spot was naturally so elevated or rugged as to make approach or ascent difficult for the enemy.

> Latin: 36.5. sed erat adeo nudus tumulus et asperi soli, ut nec uirgulta uallo caedendo nec terra caespiti faciendo aut ducendae fossae aliiue ulli operi apta inueniri posset;

[¶15] 36.6. Everywhere the ground rose at a gentle slope. However, in order to interpose some semblance of an earthwork, they laid up, as it were, to the usual height all around them, pack-saddles still tied to their loads, while, wherever the pack-saddles failed to make a barricade, they piled on top lighter baggage of every kind.

> Latin: 36.6. nec natura quicquam satis arduum aut abscisum erat, quod hosti aditum adscensumue difficilem praeberet; omnia fastigio leni subuexa. ut tamen aliquam imaginem ualli obicerent, clitellas inligatas oneribus uelut struentes ad altitudinem solitam circumdabant, cumulo sarcinarum omnis generis obiecto, ubi ad moliendum clitellae defuerant. Punici exercitus postquam aduenere, in tumulum quidem perfacile agmen erexere;

[¶16] 36.8. The Carthaginian armies, on arriving, very easily marched in column up the hill; but the strange appearance of the defences at first checked them in a certain amazement, while their commanders kept shouting from all sides, asking why they stood still and did not pull apart and scatter that pretence, hardly strong enough to delay women or children. The enemy, they said, was held captive, lurking behind his baggage. Such were the scornful taunts of the commanders.

> Latin: 36.8. munitionis facies noua primo eos uelut miraculo quodam tenuit, cum duces undique uociferarentur quid starent et non ludibrium illud, uix feminis puerisue morandis satis ualidum, distraherent diriperentque?

[¶17] 36.9. But it was not easy to leap over or clear away the baggage in front of them, nor to cut apart the mass of pack-saddles, buried under the added loads.

> Latin: 36.9. captum hostem teneri, latentem post sarcinas. haec contemptim duces increpabant; ceterum neque transilire nec moliri onera obiecta nec caedere stipatas clitellas ipsisque obrutas sarcinis facile erat.

[¶18] 36.11. But after they had cleared away the baggage in front of them with hooked poles and made a way for the armed men, and the same thing was being done in different places, the camp had by this time been captured from all sides.

> Latin: 36.11. at trudibus cum amoliti obiecta onera armatis dedissent uiam pluribusque idem partibus fieret, capta iam undique castra erant.

[¶19] 36.12. Everywhere there was slaughter of the few by the many, of the panic-stricken by the victorious. A large part of the soldiers, however, after fleeing into the neighbouring forest, made their escape to Publius Scipio's camp, of which Tiberius Fonteius, his lieutenant, was commander.

> Latin: 36.12. pauci a multis perculsique a uictoribus passim caedebantur; magna pars tamen militum, cum in propinquas refugisset siluas, in castra P. Scipionis, quibus Ti. Fonteius legatus praeerat, perfugerunt.

[¶20] 36.13. As for Gnaeus Scipio, some relate that he was slain on the hill in the first onset of the enemy, others that with a few men he made his escape to a tower near the camp; that fire was lighted around this, and so, by burning the doors which they had been unable to force in any way, they captured the tower and all were slain in it along with the commander himself.

> Latin: 36.13. Cn. Scipionem alii in tumulo primo impetu hostium caesum tradunt, alii cum paucis in propinquam castris turrim perfugisse; hanc igni circumdatam atque ita exustis foribus, quas nulla moliri potuerant ui, captam omnesque intus cum ipso imperatore occisos.

[¶21] 36.14. In the eighth year after his arrival in Spain Gnaeus Scipio was killed, on the twenty-ninth day after the death of his brother.

> Latin: 36.14. anno octauo postquam in Hispaniam uenerat, Cn. Scipio undetricesimo die post fratris mortem est interfectus. luctus ex morte eorum non Romae maior quam per totam Hispaniam fuit;

[¶22] 36.15. Grief for their deaths was not greater in Rome than throughout Spain; in fact among the citizens the destruction of armies and the loss of a province and the national disaster claimed a part in their sorrow, while all Spain mourned for the generals themselves and missed them, Gnaeus more than Publius, because he had been longer in command and had earlier won their favour, and had given for the first time an example of Roman justice and self-control.

> Latin: 36.15. quin apud ciues partem doloris et exercitus amissi et alienata prouincia et publica trahebat clades; Hispaniae ipsos lugebant desiderabantque duces, Gnaeum magis, quod diutius praefuerat iis priorque et fauorem occupauerat et specimen iustitiae temperantiaeque Romanae primus dederat.

[¶23] 37.1. While it seemed that the armies had been wiped out and all Spain lost, a single man repaired their shattered fortunes.

> Latin: 37.1. cum deleti exercitus amissaeque Hispaniae uiderentur, uir unus res perditas restituit.

[¶24] 37.2. In the army was Lucius Marcius, son of Septimus, a Roman knight, an active young man of much more spirit and talent than was to be expected in the station in which he had been born.

> Latin: 37.2. erat in exercitu L. Marcius Septimi filius, eques Romanus, impiger iuuenis animique et ingenii aliquanto quam pro fortuna in qua erat natus maioris.

[¶25] 37.3. In addition to his high promise he had had the training of Gnaeus Scipio, in which during so many years he had mastered all the arts of the soldier.

> Latin: 37.3. ad summam indolem accesserat Cn. Scipionis disciplina, sub qua per tot annos omnes militiae artes edoctus fuerat.

[¶26] 37.4. This man had made an army that was not to be despised out of soldiers gathered up from the flight and in part withdrawn from garrison towns, and he had united it with that of Tiberius Fonteius, the lieutenant of Publius Scipio.

> Latin: 37.4. <is> et ex fuga collectis militibus et quibusdam de praesidiis deductis haud contemnendum exercitum fecerat iunxeratque cum Ti. Fonteio, P. Scipionis legato.

[¶27] 37.5. But so preeminent was a mere Roman knight in his personal influence with the soldiers and in the respect they paid him that, after they had fortified a camp on this side of the Hiberus and decided that a commander of the army should be chosen in an election by the soldiers, relieving each other as sentries on the wall and in outpost duty until all had cast their votes, they unanimously conferred the high command upon Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 37.5. sed tantum praestitit eques Romanus auctoritate inter milites atque honore, ut castris citra Hiberum communitis cum ducem exercitus comitiis militaribus creari placuisset, subeuntes alii aliis in custodiam ualli stationesque, donec per omnes suffragium iret, ad L. Marcium cuncti summam imperii detulerint.

[¶28] 37.7. He then spent the whole time —and it was very short —in fortifying the camp and bringing up supplies. And the soldiers carried out all his commands, not only with energy, but also in no dejected spirit.

> Latin: 37.7. omne inde tempus—exiguum id fuit—muniendis castris conuehendisque commeatibus consumpsit, et omnia imperia milites cum impigre, tum haudquaquam abiecto animo exsequebantur.

[¶29] 37.8. But when the news came that Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, on his way to wipe out the last remains of the war, had crossed the Hiberus and was approaching, and the soldiers saw the signal for battle raised by a new general, they remembered what commanders they had had a short time before, and upon what generals and forces they had usually relied as they went into battle. Suddenly they all were weeping and dashing their heads against obstacles; and some raised their hands to heaven, blaming the gods, others lying on the ground invoked their respective generals by name.

> Latin: 37.8. ceterum postquam Hasdrubalem Gisgonis uenientem ad reliquias belli delendas transisse Hiberum et adpropinquare adlatum est signumque pugnae propositum ab nouo duce milites uiderunt, recordati quos paulo ante imperatores habuissent quibusque et ducibus et copiis freti prodire in pugnam soliti essent, flere omnes repente et offensare capita et alii manus ad caelum tendere deos incusantes, alii strati humi suum quisque nominatim ducem implorare.

[¶30] 37.10. And the wailing could not be stilled, although the centurions tried to arouse the men of their maniples and Marcius himself to calm them and upbraided them for having given themselves up to womanish and useless weeping, instead of whetting their courage to defend themselves and with them the state, and begged them not to let their commanders lie unavenged, when suddenly —for the enemy were now near the earthwork —a shout and the sound of trumpets were heard.

> Latin: 37.10. neque sedari lamentatio poterat excitantibus centurionibus manipulares et ipso mulcente et increpante Marcio, quod in muliebres et inutiles se proiecissent fletus potius quam ad tutandos semet ipsos et rem publicam secum acuerent animos et ne inultos imperatores suos iacere sinerent;

[¶31] 37.11. Upon that, their grief instantly changing to anger, they scatter to arms, and as if fired by frenzy, to the different gates, and dash into the enemy coming on carelessly and in disorder.

> Latin: 37.11. cum subito clamor tubarumque sonus—iam enim prope uallum hostes erant—exauditur. inde uerso repente in iram luctu discurrunt ad arma ac uelut accensi rabie discurrunt ad portas et in hostem neglegenter atque incomposite uenientem incurrunt.

[¶32] 37.12. At once the unexpected act inspired alarm among the Carthaginians, and they wondered whence so many enemies had suddenly appeared after the army had been almost wiped out, whence came such boldness and self-confidence so great in men beaten and put to flight, what commander had arisen after the two Scipios had been slain, who was in command of the camp, who had given the signal for battle. In the face of all that —so many things so unexpected —they at first retreated, completely at a loss and dumbfounded; then beaten back by the strength of the attack they took to flight.

> Latin: 37.12. extemplo improuisa res pauorem incutit Poenis mirabundique unde tot hostes subito exorti prope deleto exercitu forent, unde tanta audacia, tanta fiducia sui uictis ac fugatis, quis imperator duobus Scipionibus caesis exstitisset, quis castris praeesset, quis signum dedisset pugnae—ad haec tot tam necopinata primo omnium incerti stupentesque referunt pedem, dein ualida impressione pulsi terga uertunt.

[¶33] 37.14. And there would have been either a terrible slaughter of the fleeing or a reckless and dangerous attack on the part of the pursuers, had not Marcius promptly given the signal for the recall and kept back his own excited line, facing his men in the front line and laying hold of some with his own hands. He then led them back to camp still thirsting for slaughter and bloodshed.

> Latin: 37.14. et aut fugientium caedes foeda fuisset aut temerarius periculosusque sequentium impetus, ni Marcius propere receptui dedisset signum obsistensque ad prima signa et quosdam ipse retinens concitatam repressisset aciem. inde in castra auidos adhuc caedisque et sanguinis reduxit.

[¶34] 37.15. The Carthaginians were at first forced away in confusion from the enemies' earthwork; then, when they saw that no one was pursuing, they thought they had halted for fear, and with fresh contempt and at a slow pace they retired to their camp.

> Latin: 37.15. Carthaginienses trepide primo ab hostium uallo acti, postquam neminem insequi uiderunt, metu substitisse rati, contemptim rursus et sedato gradu in castra abeunt. par neglegentia in castris custodiendis fuit;

[¶35] 37.16. There was just as much carelessness in guarding the camp. For, although the enemy was near, still they kept reflecting that it was only a remnant of the two armies wiped out a few days before.

> Latin: 37.16. nam etsi propinquus hostis erat, tamen reliquias eum esse duorum exercituum ante paucos dies deletorum succurrebat.

[¶36] 37.17. Since for this reason every precaution had been omitted on the enemy's side, Marcius, informed of the facts, turned his attention to a plan at first sight reckless rather than bold, actually to attack the camp of the enemy, in the belief that it was easier to storm the camp of Hasdrubal alone than to defend his own, if the three armies and three generals should again unite.

> Latin: 37.17. ob hoc cum omnia neglecta apud hostes essent, exploratis iis Marcius ad consilium prima specie temerarium magis quam audax animum adiecit ut ultro castra hostium oppugnaret, facilius esse ratus unius Hasdrubalis expugnari castra quam, si se rursus tres exercitus ac tres duces iunxissent, sua defendi;

[¶37] 37.19. At the same time he thought that, if his efforts should prove successful, he would relieve his critical situation or, even if defeated, by venturing to attack he would at least take away their contempt for himself.

> Latin: 37.19. simul aut, si successisset coeptis, erecturum se adflictas res aut, si pulsus esset, tamen ultro inferendo arma contemptum sui dempturum.

[¶38] 38.1. But for fear an unexpected action, and alarm in the night and a plan no longer in keeping with his present situation, might bring confusion, he thought he must address his soldiers and encourage them, called an assembly and spoke as follows:

> Latin: 38.1. ne tamen subita res et nocturnus terror et iam non suae fortunae consilium perturbaret, adloquendos adhortandosque sibi milites ratus, contione aduocata ita disseruit:

[¶39] 38.2. "Either my devotion to our commanders, living and dead, or the present situation of us all, soldiers, can convince any one that this high command, though a great honour as your tribute, is yet in fact a burden to me and an anxious care.

> Latin: 38.2. 'uel mea erga imperatores nostros uiuos mortuosque pietas uel praesens omnium nostrum, milites, fortuna fidem cuiuis facere potest mihi hoc imperium, ut amplum iudicio uestro, ita re ipsa graue ac sollicitum esse.

[¶40] 38.3. For at a time when, if fear did not paralyse grief, I should scarcely have such self-control as would enable me to find some comfort for distress of mind, I am compelled —a most difficult thing in sorrow —alone to plan for all of you.

> Latin: 38.3. quo enim tempore, nisi metus maerorem obstupefaceret, uix ita compos mei essem ut aliqua solacia inuenire aegro animo possem, cogor uestram omnium uicem, quod difficillimum in luctu est, unus consulere.

[¶41] 38.4. And even when I must consider how I may be able to save these remnants of two armies for our country, I may not turn my thoughts away from unremitting grief.

> Latin: 38.4. et ne tum quidem, ubi quonam modo has reliquias duorum exercituum patriae conseruare possim cogitandum est, auertere animum ab adsiduo maerore licet.

[¶42] 38.5. For a bitter memory is present with me, and both Scipios trouble me all day and all night with anxiety and loss of sleep, and often arouse me from slumber, bidding me not to allow either themselves or their soldiers, your comrades, undefeated in this land for eight years, or the state, to go unavenged. And they command me to follow their teachings and their methods, and, just as while they lived not a man was more obedient to their orders than I, so after their death to hold that to be the best course which in each case I am confident they would have done.

> Latin: 38.5. praesto est enim acerba memoria et Scipiones me ambo dies noctesque curis insomniisque agitant et excitant saepe somno, neu se neu inuictos per octo annos in his terris milites suos, commilitones uestros, neu rem publicam patiar inultam, et suam disciplinam suaque instituta sequi iubent et,

[¶43] 38.7. As for you, soldiers, I would have you also honour them, not with lamentations and tears as though dead.

> Latin: 38.7. ut imperiis uiuorum nemo oboedientior me uno fuerit, ita post mortem suam, quod quaque in re facturos illos fuisse maxime censeam, id optimum ducere.

[¶44] 38.8. They live and work by the glory of their achievements. But whenever you shall remember them, just as if you saw them encouraging you and giving the signal, —in that spirit would I have you go into battle.

> Latin: 38.8. uos quoque uelim, milites, non lamentis lacrimisque tamquam exstinctos prosequi—uiuunt uigentque fama rerum gestarum—sed, quotienscumque occurret memoria illorum, uelut si adhortantes signumque dantes uideatis eos, ita proelia inire.

[¶45] 38.9. It was surely no other image which presented itself yesterday to your eyes and minds and brought about that notable battle, by which you gave the enemy proof that the Roman name has not been extinguished with the Scipios, and that the people whose might and courage were not overwhelmed by the disaster at Cannae will surely survive any cruelty of Fortune.

> Latin: 38.9. nec alia profecto species hesterno die oblata oculis animisque uestris memorabile illud edidit proelium, quo documentum dedistis hostibus non cum Scipionibus exstinctum esse nomen Romanum et, cuius populi uis atque uirtus non obruta sit Cannensi clade, ex omni profecto saeuitia fortunae emersurum esse.

[¶46] 38.11. “At present, because you have of your own accord shown such daring, I should like to find how much you have when your general gives the command. For yesterday, when I sounded the recall, as you in disorder were pursuing the routed enemy, it was not my wish to crush your boldness, but to reserve it for higher fame and a more favourable situation, that later, being ” “well prepared and armed, you might be able, as opportunity offered, to attack the unprepared and unarmed, and even the sleeping.

> Latin: 38.11. nunc, quia tantum ausi estis sponte uestra, experiri libet quantum audeatis duce uestro auctore. non enim hesterno die, cum signum receptui dedi sequentibus effuse uobis turbatum hostem, frangere audaciam uestram sed differre in maiorem gloriam atque opportunitatem uolui, ut postmodo praeparati incautos, armati inermes atque etiam sopitos per occasionem adgredi possetis.

[¶47] 38.12. And not haphazard or at random do I cherish a hope of this opportunity, soldiers, but from the actual situation.”

> Latin: 38.12. nec huius occasionis spem, milites, forte temere sed ex re ipsa conceptam habeo.

[¶48] 38.13. “You too, if someone should ask how you, a few men, have defended your camp against many, the vanquished against the victors, would surely give no other answer than that, fearing just that, you had kept everything in a state of defence and also had been in readiness yourselves and inline.”

> Latin: 38.13. a uobis quoque profecto si quis quaerat quonam modo pauci a multis, uicti a uictoribus castra tutati sitis? nihil aliud respondeatis quam id ipsum timentes uos omnia et operibus firmata habuisse et ipsos paratos instructosque fuisse.

[¶49] 38.14. “And the fact is this: men are least protected against the thing which success leads them not to fear, since what one has made light of remains unguarded and uncovered.”

> Latin: 38.14. et ita se res habet: ad id quod ne timeatur fortuna facit minime tuti sunt homines, quia quod neglexeris incautum atque apertum habeas.

[¶50] 38.15. “There is nothing in the world which the enemy now fear less than that we, who have ourselves just been beset and attacked, may venture to attack their camp. Let us dare what it is incredible that we should dare; for the very reason that it appears most difficult it will be easier. In the third watch of the night I shall lead you in a silent column.”

> Latin: 38.15. nihil omnium nunc minus metuunt hostes quam ne, obsessi modo ipsi atque oppugnati, castra sua ultro oppugnemus. audeamus quod credi non potest ausuros nos; eo ipso quod difficillimum uidetur facilius erit. tertia uigilia noctis silenti agmine ducam uos.

[¶51] 38.16. “I am assured that there is no relieving of sentries, no regular outposts. The sound of a shout at the gate and a first assault will at once capture the camp.”

> Latin: 38.16. exploratum habeo non uigiliarum ordinem, non stationes iustas esse. clamor in portis auditus et primus impetus castra ceperit.

[¶52] 38.17. “Then, among men dazed with sleep and alarmed at the unexpected uproar and surprised unarmed in their beds, let there be the slaughter from which you were recalled yesterday under protest. I know it seems a bold plan. But in dangerous and desperate situations the bravest decisions are always the safest.”

> Latin: 38.17. tum inter torpidos somno pauentesque ad necopinatum tumultum et inermes in cubilibus suis oppressos illa caedes edatur a qua uos hesterno die reuocatos aegre ferebatis.

[¶53] 38.18. “For if at the opportune moment, whose advantage swiftly passes, one hesitates even a little, it is vain for one to look later for the neglected opportunity. One army is near, two not far away. If we attack now there is no little hope, and already you have tried your strength and theirs.”

> Latin: 38.18. scio audax uideri consilium; sed in rebus asperis et tenui spe fortissima quaeque consilia tutissima sunt, quia, si in occasionis momento cuius praeteruolat opportunitas cunctatus paulum fueris, nequiquam mox omissam quaeras.

[¶54] 38.19. “If we put off the day and owing to the report of yesterday's sally come to be no longer despised, there is danger that all the generals and all the forces may combine.”

> Latin: 38.19. unus exercitus in propinquo est, duo haud procul absunt. nunc adgredientibus spes aliqua est,—et iam temptastis uestras atque illorum uires:

[¶55] 38.20. “Shall we then withstand the enemy's three generals, three armies, which Gnaeus Scipio with his army still undiminished did not withstand? Just as through dividing their forces our generals perished, so the enemy, if divided and in different places, can be overpowered.”

> Latin: 38.20. si diem proferimus et hesternae eruptionis fama contemni desierimus, periculum est ne omnes duces, omnes copiae conueniant. tres deinde duces, tres exercitus sustinebimus hostium quos Cn. Scipio incolumi exercitu non sustinuit?

[¶56] 38.21. “There is no other way of conducting the war. Therefore let us wait for nothing beyond the favourable moment to-night.”

> Latin: 38.21. ut diuidendo copias periere duces nostri, ita separatim ac diuisi opprimi possunt hostes. alia belli gerendi uia nulla est. proinde nihil praeter noctis proximae opportunitatem exspectemus.

[¶57] 38.22. “Go with the kind aid of the gods, put yourselves in condition, that, sound and strong, you may burst into the camp of the enemy with the same spirit with which you defended yours.” With joy they heard of the new plan from their new commander, and the bolder it was the more it pleased them.

> Latin: 38.22. ite, deis bene iuuantibus, corpora curate, ut integri uigentesque eodem animo in castra hostium inrumpatis quo uestra tutati estis.'

[¶58] 38.23. The rest of the day was spent in putting their arms in order and themselves in condition; and the larger part of the night was given to rest. At the fourth watch they started.

> Latin: 38.23. laeti et audiere ab nouo duce nouum consilium et quo audacius erat magis placebat. reliquum diei expediendis armis et curatione corporum consumptum et maior pars noctis quieti data est.

[¶59] 39.1. Beyond the nearest camp and at a distance of six miles from it were other forces of the Carthaginians. Between them there was a deep valley, densely wooded. About the middle of this wood a Roman cohort and cavalry were concealed after the Punic method.

> Latin: 39.1. quarta uigilia mouere. erant ultra proxima castra sex milium interuallo distantes aliae copiae Poenorum. uallis caua intererat, condensa arboribus; in huius siluae medio ferme spatio cohors Romana arte Punica abditur et equites.

[¶60] 39.2. The road being thus cut off at the half-way, the rest of the forces were led in a silent column to the nearest enemy. And as there was no outpost before the gates nor sentinels on the earthwork, and no one anywhere opposed them, they made their way into the camp as if it were their own.

> Latin: 39.2. ita medio itinere intercepto ceterae copiae silenti agmine ad proximos hostes ductae et, cum statio nulla pro portis neque in uallo custodiae essent, uelut in sua castra nullo usquam obsistente penetrauere.

[¶61] 39.3. Then the trumpets sound and a shout is raised. Some slay the enemy half-asleep, some throw firebrands on the dry, thatched huts, some seize the gates, to block escape.

> Latin: 39.3. inde signa canunt et tollitur clamor. pars semisomnos hostes caedunt, pars ignes casis stramento arido tectis iniciunt, pars portas occupant ut fugam intercludant.

[¶62] 39.4. As for the enemy, fire, shouting and slaughter, all at once, make them virtually senseless and do not allow them to hear any orders or to look out for themselves. Unharmed they encounter bodies of armed men.

> Latin: 39.4. hostes simul ignis, clamor, caedes, uelut alienatos sensibus, nec audire nec prouidere quicquam sinunt. incidunt inermes inter cateruas armatorum.

[¶63] 39.5. Some rush to the gates, others, since the roads are blocked, leap over the earthwork. And everyone who escaped fled at once in the direction of the other camp; whereupon they were surrounded by the cohort and cavalry dashing out of their hiding place and were slain to the last man.

> Latin: 39.5. alii ruunt ad portas, alii obsaeptis itineribus super uallum saliunt et ut quisque euaserat protinus ad castra altera fugiunt, ubi ab cohorte et equitibus ex occulto procurrentibus circumuenti caesique ad unum omnes sunt;

[¶64] 39.7. Yet, even if a man had escaped from that slaughter, so swiftly did the Romans hasten from the captured nearer camp to the other camp that news of the disaster could not anticipate them.

> Latin: 39.7. quamquam, etiamsi quis ex ea caede effugisset, adeo raptim a captis propioribus castris in altera transcursum castra ab Romanis est, ut praeuenire nuntius cladis non posset.

[¶65] 39.8. But there, the farther it was from their enemy, and since some had scattered just before daylight to bring in fodder and firewood and booty, the more neglect and disorder did they find everywhere; only stacked arms at the outposts, the soldiers unarmed, either sitting and lying on the ground or strolling outside the wall and the gates. Against these men, so care-free and regardless of order, the Romans, who were still fired by their recent battle and made confident by victory, went into battle.

> Latin: 39.8. ibi uero, quo longius ab hoste aberant et quia sub lucem pabulatum lignatumque et praedatum quidam dilapsi fuerant, neglecta magis omnia ac soluta inuenere, arma tantum in stationibus posita, milites inermes aut humi sedentes accubantesque aut obambulantes ante uallum portasque.

[¶66] 39.9. And so no resistance whatever could be offered at the gates. Inside the gates there was a rush from every part of the camp at the first shouting and commotion, and a fierce battle began.

> Latin: 39.9. cum his tam securis solutisque Romani calentes adhuc ab recenti pugna ferocesque uictoria proelium ineunt. itaque nequaquam resisti in portis potuit; intra portas concursu ex totis castris ad primum clamorem et tumultum facto atrox proelium oritur;

[¶67] 39.10. It would have lasted long too, had not the sight of the Romans' bloody shields given the Carthaginians evidence of the other disaster and consequently inspired alarm. This terror made them all take to flight, and pouring out wherever a way could be found —except those overtaken by the sword —they lost possession of the camp.

> Latin: 39.10. diuque tenuisset, ni cruenta scuta Romanorum uisa indicium alterius cladis Poenis atque inde pauorem iniecissent.

[¶68] 39.11. Thus in a night and a day two camps of the enemy were taken by assault under the command of Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 39.11. hic terror in fugam auertit omnes effusique qua iter est, nisi quos caedes oppressit, exuuntur castris. ita nocte ac die bina castra hostium oppugnata ductu L. Marcii.

[¶69] 39.12. That about thirty-seven thousand of the enemy were slain is the statement of Claudius, who translated Acilius' annals out of Greek into the Latin language; that about one thousand eight hundred and thirty were captured and a vast amount of booty taken.

> Latin: 39.12. ad triginta septem milia hostium caesa auctor est Claudius, qui annales Acilianos ex Graeco in Latinum sermonem uertit;

[¶70] 39.13. And in this he says that there was a silver shield weighing a hundred and thirty-seven pounds, bearing the likeness of Hasdrubal Barca.

> Latin: 39.13. captos ad mille octingentos triginta, praedam ingentem partam; in ea fuisse clipeum argenteum pondo centum triginta septem cum imagine Barcini Hasdrubalis.

[¶71] 39.14. Valerius of Antium relates that one camp was captured, that of Mago, and seven thousand of the enemy slain; that in a second battle they sallied out and fought with Hasdrubal; that ten thousand were slain, four thousand three hundred and thirty captured.

> Latin: 39.14. Ualerius Antias una castra Magonis capta tradit, septem milia caesa hostium; altero proelio eruptione pugnatum cum Hasdrubale, decem milia occisa, quattuor milia trecentos triginta captos.

[¶72] 39.15. Piso states that five thousand men were slain from an ambush, while Mago was pursuing in disorder our retreating men.

> Latin: 39.15. Piso quinque milia hominum, cum Mago cedentes nostros effuse sequeretur, caesa ex insidiis scribit.

[¶73] 39.16. In all of them great is the name of Marcius the general. And to his real fame they add even marvels: that as he was speaking a flame burst from his head without his knowledge, causing great alarm among the soldiers who stood around him.

> Latin: 39.16. apud omnes magnum nomen Marcii ducis est; et uerae gloriae eius etiam miracula addunt flammam ei contionanti fusam e capite sine ipsius sensu cum magno pauore circumstantium militum;

[¶74] 39.17. They say that as a memorial of his victory over the Carthaginians, down to the burning of the Capitol there was in the temple a shield called the Marcian, bearing a likeness of Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 39.17. monumentumque uictoriae eius de Poenis usque ad incensum Capitolium fuisse in templo clipeum, Marcium appellatum, cum imagine Hasdrubalis.

[¶75] 39.18. —Thereafter the situation in Spain was quiet for a long time, since both sides, after receiving and inflicting such losses upon each other, hesitated to risk a decisive engagement.

> Latin: 39.18. —quietae deinde aliquamdiu in Hispania res fuere, utrisque post tantas in uicem acceptas inlatasque clades cunctantibus periculum summae rerum facere.

[¶76] 40.1. While these things were being done in Spain, it is true that Marcellus, after the capture of Syracuse, had settled matters in general in Sicily with such conscientiousness and honesty that he added not only to his own fame, but also to the dignity of the Roman people. But as regards the adornments of the city, the statues and paintings which Syracuse possessed in abundance, he carried them away to Rome.

> Latin: 40.1. dum haec in Hispania geruntur, Marcellus captis Syracusis, cum cetera in Sicilia tanta fide atque integritate composuisset ut non modo suam gloriam sed etiam maiestatem populi Romani augeret, ornamenta urbis, signa tabulasque quibus abundabant Syracusae, Romam deuexit, hostium quidem illa spolia et parta belli iure;

[¶77] 40.2. They were spoils of the enemy, to be sure, and acquired by right of war. Yet from that came the very beginning of enthusiasm for Greek works of art and consequently of this general licence to despoil all kinds of buildings, sacred and profane, a licence which finally turned against Roman gods, and first of all against the very temple which was magnificently adorned by Marcellus.

> Latin: 40.2. ceterum inde primum initium mirandi Graecarum artium opera licentiaeque hinc sacra profanaque omnia uolgo spoliandi factum est, quae postremo in Romanos deos, templum id ipsum primum quod a Marcello eximie ornatum est, uertit.

[¶78] 40.3. For temples dedicated by Marcus Marcellus near the Porta Capena used to be visited by foreigners on account of their remarkable adornments of that kind; but of these a very small part is still to be seen.

> Latin: 40.3. uisebantur enim ab externis ad portam Capenam dedicata a M. Marcello templa propter excellentia eius generis ornamenta, quorum perexigua pars comparet.

[¶79] 40.4. Embassies from nearly all the states in Sicily kept coming to him. As their pleas were different, so was their status. Those who before the capture of Syracuse either had not rebelled or had returned to friendly relations were admitted and honoured as faithful allies. Those whom fear had led to surrender after the capture of Syracuse, as vanquished received terms from the victor.

> Latin: 40.4. legationes omnium ferme ciuitatium Siciliae ad eum conueniebant. dispar ut causa earum, ita condicio erat. qui ante captas Syracusas aut non desciuerant aut redierant in amicitiam ut socii fideles accepti cultique; quos metus post captas Syracusas dediderat ut uicti a uictore leges acceperunt.

[¶80] 40.5. There was left to the Romans, however, no small remainder of the war around Agrigentum, namely, Epicydes and Hanno, the surviving commanders in the previous war, and a third new general sent by Hannibal in place of Hippocrates. He was of Libyphoenician race, from Hippacra, and called Muttines by his countrymen, a man of energy who under Hannibal's teaching had mastered all the arts of war.

> Latin: 40.5. erant tamen haud paruae reliquiae belli circa Agrigentum Romanis, Epicydes et Hanno, duces reliqui prioris belli, et tertius nouus ab Hannibale in locum Hippocratis missus, Libyphoenicum generis Hippacritanus—Muttinen populares uocabant—, uir impiger et sub Hannibale magistro omnes belli artes edoctus.

[¶81] 40.6. He was furnished by Epicydes and Hanno with Numidian auxiliaries, with which he so thoroughly scoured the enemy's lands and sought out allies, in order to retain their loyalty by lending aid to each man at the right moment, that in a short time he filled all Sicily with his name and was the highest hope of those supporting the Carthaginian cause.

> Latin: 40.6. huic ab Epicyde et Hannone Numidae dati auxiliares, cum quibus ita peruagatus est hostium agros, ita socios ad retinendos in fide animos eorum ferendo in tempore cuique auxilium adiit, ut breui tempore totam Siciliam impleret nominis sui nec spes alia maior apud fauentes rebus Carthaginiensium esset.

[¶82] 40.8. And so, after being confined until then within the walls of Agrigentum, the Carthaginian general and the Syracusan, emboldened not more by the advice of Muttines than by their confidence in him to go outside the walls, pitched their camp by the river Himera.

> Latin: 40.8. itaque inclusi ad <id> tempus moenibus Agrigenti dux Poenus Syracusanusque, non consilio Muttinis quam fiducia magis ausi egredi extra muros ad Himeram amnem posuerunt castra.

[¶83] 40.9. When news of this reached Marcellus, he at once set his troops in motion and established himself at a distance of about four miles from the enemy, to wait and see what they were doing or intending.

> Latin: 40.9. quod ubi perlatum ad Marcellum est, extemplo copias mouit et ab hoste quattuor ferme milium interuallo consedit, quid agerent pararentue exspectaturus.

[¶84] 40.10. But Muttines gave no occasion or time for hesitation, or for a plan of action; for he crossed the river and attacked the outposts of the enemy, causing great alarm and confusion.

> Latin: 40.10. sed nullum neque locum neque tempus cunctationi consilioue dedit Muttines, transgressus amnem ac stationibus hostium cum ingenti terrore ac tumultu inuectus.

[¶85] 40.11. The next day by an engagement almost in regular form he drove the enemy inside their fortifications. Then he was recalled by a mutiny of the Numidians breaking out in the camp, after about three hundred of them had retired to Heraclea Minoa. On leaving, to pacify and recall these men, he is said to have expressly warned the generals not to engage the enemy in his absence.

> Latin: 40.11. postero die prope iusto proelio compulit hostes intra munimenta. inde reuocatus seditione Numidarum in castris facta, cum trecenti ferme eorum Heracleam Minoam concessissent, ad mitigandos reuocandosque eos profectus magno opere monuisse duces dicitur ne absente se cum hoste manus consererent.

[¶86] 40.12. At that both generals were indignant, especially Hanno, already uneasy because of the man's fame. To think that Muttines, a degenerate African, should set a limit for him, a Carthaginian commander, sent by senate and people!

> Latin: 40.12. id ambo aegre passi duces, magis Hanno, iam ante anxius gloria eius: Muttinem sibi modum facere, degenerem Afrum imperatori Carthaginiensi misso ab senatu populoque?

[¶87] 40.13. He prevailed upon the hesitating Epicydes to cross the river and form their battle-line. For if they should wait for Muttines and the fortune of battle should favour, the glory, he said, would unquestionably fall to Muttines.

> Latin: 40.13. is perpulit cunctantem Epicyden ut transgressi flumen in aciem exirent: nam si Muttinem opperirentur et secunda pugnae fortuna euenisset, haud dubie Muttinis gloriam fore.

[¶88] 41.1. Marcellus, thinking it was a veritable outrage for him, a man who had driven Hannibal, backed by his victory at Cannae, from Nola, to yield to these enemies whom he had himself defeated on land and sea, ordered his soldiers to take up their arms in haste and the standard-bearers to set out.

> Latin: 41.1. enimuero indignum ratus Marcellus se, qui Hannibalem subnixum uictoria Cannensi ab Nola reppulisset, his terra marique uictis ab se hostibus cedere, arma propere capere milites et efferri signa iubet.

[¶89] 41.2. As he was drawing up his army, ten Numidians rode out of the enemy's ranks and at full speed up to him, reporting that their countrymen were aroused, first by the mutiny in which three hundred of their number had retired to Heraclea, and then by seeing their commander sent away just on the eve of battle by generals who belittled his reputation, and that in the fight they would remain inactive.

> Latin: 41.2. instruenti exercitum decem effusis equis aduolant ex hostium acie Numidae nuntiantes populares suos, primum ea seditione motos qua trecenti ex numero suo concesserint Heracleam, dein quod praefectum suum ab obtrectantibus ducibus gloriae eius sub ipsam certaminis diem ablegatum uideant, quieturos in pugna. gens fallax promissi fidem praestitit.

[¶90] 41.4. A deceitful race kept its promise faithfully. And so the Romans' spirits rose when the message was sent swiftly through the ranks that the enemy had been deserted by his cavalry, which they had particularly dreaded; at the same time the enemy were terrified not only because they were having no help from the largest part of their forces, but also by the fear thus aroused that they might themselves be attacked by their own cavalry.

> Latin: 41.4. itaque et Romanis creuit animus nuntio celeri per ordines misso destitutum ab equite hostem esse quem maxime timuerant, et territi hostes, praeterquam quod maxima parte uirium suarum non iuuabantur, timore etiam incusso ne ab suomet ipsi equite oppugnarentur.

[¶91] 41.6. Accordingly it was no great struggle; the first shout, the first onset, decided the matter. The Numidians, having remained motionless on the wings at the beginning of the battle, seeing their men retreating, shared only the flight with them for a short time. When they saw them all making for Agrigentum in a panic-stricken column, they themselves scattered in every direction to the neighbouring cities, fearing a siege. Many thousand men were slain... thousand captured, also eight elephants. This was Marcellus' last battle in Sicily; from it he returned as victor to Syracuse.

> Latin: 41.6. itaque haud magni certaminis fuit; primus clamor atque impetus rem decreuit. Numidae cum in concursu quieti stetissent in cornibus, ut terga dantes suos uiderunt, fugae tantum parumper comites facti, postquam omnes Agrigentum trepido agmine petentes uiderunt, ipsi metu obsidionis passim in ciuitates proximas dilapsi. multa milia hominum caesa; capta <sex milia> et octo elephanti. haec ultima in Sicilia Marcelli pugna fuit; uictor inde Syracusas rediit. iam ferme in exitu annus erat;

[¶92] 41.8. By this time the year was nearly at an end. Accordingly the senate at Rome decreed that Publius Cornelius, the praetor, should send a letter to the consuls at Capua, saying that, while Hannibal was far away and there was no decisive action around Capua, one of them, if they thought it best, should come to Rome for the replacement of magistrates.

> Latin: 41.8. itaque senatus Romae decreuit ut P. Cornelius praetor litteras Capuam ad consules mitteret, dum Hannibal procul abesset nec ulla magni discriminis res ad Capuam gereretur, alter eorum, si ita uideretur, ad magistratus subrogandos Romam ueniret.

[¶93] 41.10. On receiving the letter the consuls arranged between them that Claudius should conduct the elections, and Fulvius remain near Capua.

> Latin: 41.10. litteris acceptis inter se consules compararunt ut Claudius comitia perficeret, Fuluius ad Capuam maneret.

[¶94] 41.11. For the consulship Claudius announced the election of Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus and Publius Sulpicius Galba, son of Servius, although he had previously held no curule office.

> Latin: 41.11. consules Claudius creauit Cn. Fuluium Centumalum et P. Sulpicium Serui filium Galbam, qui nullum antea curulem magistratum gessisset.

[¶95] 41.12. As praetors the following were then elected: Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Gaius Sulpicius, Gaius Calpurnius Piso.

> Latin: 41.12. praetores deinde creati < L. Cornelius Lentulus M.> Cornelius Cethegus C. Sulpicius < C. Calpurnius > Piso.

[¶96] 41.13. The duties of the city praetor fell to Piso, Sicily to Sulpicius, Apulia to Cethegus, Sardinia to Lentulus. As for the consuls, their military authority was continued for one year. GNAEUS FULVIUS CENTUMALUS and Publius Sulpicius Galba, the consuls, having entered upon office on the Ides of March, summoned the senate to the Capitol and consulted the fathers in regard to the state, the conduct of the war, and the provinces and armies. military authority of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls of the previous year, was continued, and the armies which they had were assigned to them, with orders in addition that they were not to withdraw from Capua, which they were besieging, until they had taken the city. affair claimed the closest attention of the Romans at the time, not so much because of anger, which has never been more justified against any state, as because a city so important and powerful, which by its revolt had drawn with it a number of communities, in like manner, if recovered, might tum the scale to respect, so it seemed, for the old authority.

> Latin: 41.13. Pisoni iurisdictio urbana, Sulpicio Sicilia, Cethego Apulia Lentulo Sardinia euenit. consulibus prorogatum in annum imperium est. Cn. Fuluius Centumalus P. Sulpicius Galba consules cum idibus Martiis magistratum inissent, senatu in Capitolium uocato, de re publica, de administratione belli, de prouinciis exercitibusque patres consuluerunt. Q. Fuluio Ap. Claudio, prioris anni consulibus, prorogatum imperium est atque exercitus quos habebant decreti, adiectumque ne a Capua quam obsidebant abscederent priusquam expugnassent. ea tum cura maxime intentos habebat Romanos, non ab ira tantum, quae in nullam unquam ciuitatem iustior fuit, quam quod urbs tam nobilis ac potens, sicut defectione sua traxerat aliquot populos, ita recepta inclinatura rursus animos uidebatur ad ueteris imperii respectum.

## 27. Book XXVI · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/27/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/27/#p-N

[¶0] 1.5. for the praetors of the previous year, Marcus Iunius in Etruria, Publius Sempronius in Gaul, their command was continued, with the two legions which each had held;

> Latin: 1.5. et praetoribus prioris anni M. Iunio in Etruria, P. Sempronio in Gallia cum binis legionibus quas habuerant prorogatum est imperium.

[¶1] 1.6. the command of Marcus Marcellus also was continued, that as proconsul in Sicily he might finish the remainder of the war with the army which he had.

> Latin: 1.6. prorogatum et M. Marcello, ut pro consule in Sicilia reliqua belli perficeret eo exercitu quem haberet:

[¶2] 1.7. he should need reinforcements, he should provide them from the legions which Publius Cornelius, the propraetor, commanded in Sicily, provided he did not enlist any soldier from the number of those to whom the senate had refused a discharge and a return to their home towns before the end of the war.

> Latin: 1.7. si supplemento opus esset, suppleret de legionibus quibus P. Cornelius pro praetore in Sicilia praeesset, dum ne quem militem legeret ex eo numero quibus senatus missionem reditumque in patriam negasset ante belli finem.

[¶3] 1.9. Gaius Sulpicius, to whom Sicily had fallen, were assigned the two legions which Publius Cornelius had held, and reinforcements from Gnaeus Fulvius' army, which in the previous year had been dishonourably cut to pieces and put to flight in Apulia.

> Latin: 1.9. C. Sulpicio cui Sicilia euenerat duae legiones quas P. Cornelius habuisset decretae et supplementum de exercitu Cn. Fului, qui priore anno in Apulia foede caesus fugatusque erat.

[¶4] 1.10. this class of soldier the senate had established the same term of service as for the men who were at Cannae. An additional mark of disgrace for both alike was that they were not to winter in towns, nor to construct their winter quarters within ten miles of any city. Lucius Cornelius in Sardinia were given the two legions which Quintus Mucius had commanded.

> Latin: 1.10. huic generi militum senatus eundem, quem Cannensibus, finem statuerat militiae. additum etiam utrorumque ignominiae est ne in oppidis hibernarent neue hiberna propius ullam urbem decem milibus passuum aedificarent. L. Cornelio in Sardinia duae legiones datae quibus Q. Mucius praefuerat; supplementum si opus esset consules scribere iussi.

[¶5] 1.12. , if necessary, the consuls were bidden to enrol. Titus Otacilius and Marcus Valerius were assigned the coasts of Sicily and Greece, together with the legions and fleets which they commanded.'

> Latin: 1.12. T. Otacilio et M. Ualerio Siciliae Graeciaeque orae cum legionibus classibusque quibus praeerant decretae; quinquaginta Graecia cum legione una, centum Sicilia cum duabus legionibus habebat naues.

[¶6] 1.13. Greece had fifty ships and one legion, Sicily a hundred ships and two legions. -three Roman legions carried on the war that year on land and sea. the beginning of that year, when the letter of Lucius Marcius was brought before the senate, his achievement was thought magnificent; but many were offended by the official title used, since he had written “Propraetor to the Senate,” although his command had not been given him by order of the people, nor by authority of the senate. was a bad precedent, they said, for generals to be chosen by armies, and for the sanctity of elections with the required auspices to be removed instead to camps and the provinces, far from laws and magistrates, at the bidding of reckless soldiers.

> Latin: 1.13. tribus et uiginti legionibus Romanis eo anno bellum terra marique est gestum. principio eius anni cum de litteris L. Marci referretur, res gestae magnificae senatui uisae: titulus honoris, quod imperio non populi iussu, non ex auctoritate patrum dato 'propraetor senatui' scripserat, magnam partem hominum offendebat: rem mali exempli esse imperatores legi ab exercitibus et sollemne auspicandorum comitiorum in castra et prouincias procul ab legibus magistratibusque ad militarem temeritatem transferri.

[¶7] 2.3. when some moved that the matter be laid before the senate, it seemed better to postpone deliberation on that point until the knights who had brought the letter from Marcius should depart.

> Latin: 2.3. et cum quidam referendum ad senatum censerent, melius uisum differri eam consultationem donec proficiscerentur equites qui ab Marcio litteras attulerant.

[¶8] 2.4. regard to grain and clothing for the army, it was voted to reply that both matters would receive the attention of the senate, but not to address it “the Propraetor Lucius Marcius,” for fear he should get, as though already decided, the very thing which they had left to be considered.

> Latin: 2.4. rescribi de frumento et uestimentis exercitus placuit eam utramque rem curae fore senatui; adscribi autem 'propraetori L. Marcio ' non placuit, ne id ipsum quod consultationi reliquerant pro praeiudicato ferret.

[¶9] 2.5. the knights had been sent away, the consuls brought up that matter first of all, and there was complete unanimity that the tribunes of the plebs should be persuaded to bring before the plebs at the earliest possible moment the question as to whom they preferred to send with full authority to Spain and the army of which Gnaeus Scipio had been the commander —in —chief.

> Latin: 2.5. dimissis equitibus, de nulla re prius consules rettulerunt, omniumque in unum sententiae congruebant agendum cum tribunis plebis esse, primo quoque tempore ad plebem ferrent quem cum imperio mitti placeret in Hispaniam ad eum exercitum cui Cn. Scipio imperator praefuisset.

[¶10] 2.6. matter was arranged with the tribunes and due notice given; but a different dispute had claimed men's attention.

> Latin: 2.6. ea res cum tribunis acta promulgataque est; sed aliud certamen occupauerat animos.

[¶11] 2.7. Gaius Sempronius Blaesus, having named a day for the trial, was inveighing against Gnaeus Fulvius in harangues, because of the loss of his army in Apulia, insisting that many generals out of recklessness and lack of experience had led their armies into a dangerous place; but that no one except Gnaeus Fulvius had ruined his legions with every vice before he betrayed them.

> Latin: 2.7. C. Sempronius Blaesus die dicta Cn. Fuluium ob exercitum in Apulia amissum in contionibus uexabat, multos imperatores temeritate atque inscitia exercitum in locum praecipitem duxisse dictitans, neminem praeter Cn.

[¶12] 2.8. so it could be truly said that they were lost before they saw the enemy, and that they were defeated, not by Hannibal, but by their own commander.

> Latin: 2.8. Fuluium ante corrupisse omnibus uitiis legiones suas quam proderet. itaque uere dici posse prius eos perisse quam uiderent hostem, nec ab Hannibale, sed ab imperatore suo uictos esse.

[¶13] 2.9. one, in casting his vote, he said, clearly saw to what sort of man he was entrusting a command and an army. had been the difference between Tiberius Sempronius and Gnaeus Fulvius?

> Latin: 2.9. neminem cum suffragium ineat satis cernere cui imperium, cui exercitum permittat. quid interfuisse inter Ti. Sempronium <et Cn.

[¶14] 2.10. Tiberius Sempronius, though he had been given an army of slaves, by his training and authority had soon brought it about that no one of them in battle remembered his class and origin, and that they were a defence to allies, a terror to enemies. had rescued Cumae, Beneventum and other cities out of the jaws of Hannibal, as it were, and restored them to the Roman people.

> Latin: 2.10. Fuluium? Ti. Sempronium > cum ei seruorum exercitus datus esset breui effecisse disciplina atque imperio ut nemo eorum generis ac sanguinis sui memor in acie esset <sed> praesidio sociis, hostibus terrori essent; Cumas Beneuentum aliasque urbes eos uelut e faucibus Hannibalis ereptas populo Romano restituisse:

[¶15] 2.11. Gnaeus Fulvius, having an army of Roman citizens, men well born and brought up as free men, had steeped them in the vices of slaves. this was what he had accomplished: that they were overbearing and turbulent in their dealings with allies, cowardly and unwarlike towards the enemy, and unable to withstand even the battle —cry of the Carthaginians, to say nothing of their attack.

> Latin: 2.11. Cn. Fuluium Quiritium Romanorum exercitum, honeste genitos, liberaliter educatos, seruilibus uitiis imbuisse. ergo effecisse ut feroces et inquieti inter socios, ignaui et imbelles inter hostes essent, nec impetum modo Poenorum sed ne clamorem quidem sustinere possent.

[¶16] 2.12. surely it was no wonder that the soldiers had given way in battle, when their commander was the first of all to flee.

> Latin: 2.12. nec hercule mirum esse <cessisse> milites in acie cum primus omnium imperator fugeret:

[¶17] 2.13. wondered more, he said, that some had fallen where they stood, and that not all had shared the consternation and flight of Gnaeus Fulvius. Gaius Flaminius, Lucius Paulus, Lucius Postumius, Gnaeus and Publius Scipio had preferred to fall in battle —line rather than to desert their entrapped armies. Gnaeus Fulvius, almost the only man to report the destruction of his army, had returned to Rome.

> Latin: 2.13. magis mirari se aliquos stantes cecidisse et non omnes comites Cn. Fului fuisse pauoris ac fugae. C. Flaminium, L. Paulum, L. Postumium, Cn. ac P. Scipiones cadere in acie maluisse quam deserere circumuentos exercitus:

[¶18] 2.14. was a shameful thing that the army of Cannae, for having escaped from the battle —line, had been deported to Sicily, not to be relieved of service there until the enemy withdrew from Italy, and that the same action had been taken recently in the case of Gnaeus Fulvius' legions;

> Latin: 2.14. Cn. Fuluium prope unum nuntium deleti exercitus Romam redisse. facinus indignum esse Cannensem exercitum quod ex acie fugerit in Siciliam deportatum ne prius inde dimittatur quam hostis ex Italia decesserit et hoc idem in Cn. Fului legionibus nuper decretum, Cn.

[¶19] 2.15. that the flight of Gnaeus Fulvius from a battle begun by his own recklessness should have gone unpunished, and he should be expecting to spend his old age in cook —shops and brothels in which he passed his youth, whereas the soldiers, whose only fault was that they were like their commander, had been all but exiled and were enduring military service in disgrace.

> Latin: 2.15. Fuluio fugam ex proelio ipsius temeritate commisso impunitam esse et eum in ganea lustrisque ubi iuuentam egerit senectutem acturum, milites qui nihil aliud peccauerint quam quod imperatoris similes fuerint relegatos prope in exsilium ignominiosam pati militiam;

[¶20] 2.16. different was freedom at Rome for the rich and the poor, for the man who had held and the man who had not held public office! defendant shifted the blame from himself to the soldiers. had been fiercely clamouring for battle, he said, when they were led out into line, not on the day they wished, since it was too late, but on the following day, and although drawn up at a favourable time and place, they failed to withstand the reputed or the real strength of the enemy. they were all fleeing in disorder, he too was carried away by the crowd, as Varro in the battle of Cannae, as many other generals.

> Latin: 2.16. adeo imparem libertatem Romae diti ac pauperi, honorato atque inhonorato esse. reus ab se culpam in milites transferebat: eos ferociter pugnam poscentes, productos in aciem non eo quo uoluerint, quia serum diei fuerit, sed postero die, et tempore et loco aequo instructos, seu famam seu uim hostium non sustinuisse. cum effuse omnes fugerent, se quoque turba ablatum, ut Uarronem Cannensi pugna, ut multos alios imperatores.

[¶21] 3.3. , he said, could he have been of service to the state by resisting all alone, unless his death was to be a remedy for national disasters?

> Latin: 3.3. qui autem solum se restantem prodesse rei publicae, nisi si mors sua remedio publicis cladibus futura esset, potuisse?

[¶22] 3.4. was not that for lack of supplies he had been imprudently led into an unfavourable position; it was not that while advancing in column without reconnoitring he had been surprised and surrounded; it was by an open attack, by arms, by a battle —line that he had been defeated. the spirit of his own men nor that of the enemy had been under his control: every man's own temperament, he said, produces boldness or consternation.

> Latin: 3.4. non se inopia commeatus [non] in loca iniqua incaute deductum, non agmine inexplorato euntem insidiis circumuentum: ui aperta armis acie uictum. nec suorum animos nec hostium in potestate habuisse: suum cuique ingenium audaciam aut pauorem facere. bis est accusatus pecuniaque anquisitum.

[¶23] 3.5. he was accused and a fine required; at the third hearing witnesses were furnished, and he was not only loaded with every kind of reproach, but also many swore that the beginning of flight and panic was made by the praetor; that the soldiers, deserted by him, in the belief that the general's fear was not unfounded, had retreated. such anger was kindled that the assembly shouted that the magistrate must demand a capital penalty.

> Latin: 3.5. tertio testibus datis cum, praeterquam quod omnibus probris onerabatur, iurati permulti dicerent fugae pauorisque initium a praetore ortum, ab eo desertos milites cum haud uanum timorem ducis crederent terga dedisse, tanta ira accensa est ut capite anquirendum contio succlamaret.

[¶24] 3.7. that point also a fresh dispute began. when the accuser, having twice demanded a fine, said at the third hearing that he demanded capital punishment, the tribunes were appealed to. they said that they would not stand in their colleague's way, to prevent him from doing what was permitted him by ancestral custom, that is, from making his demand either according to the laws or according to custom, as he preferred, until he should condemn the defendant either to capital punishment or to pay a fine.

> Latin: 3.7. de eo quoque nouum certamen ortum; nam cum bis pecunia anquisisset, tertio capitis se anquirere diceret, tribuni plebis appellati collegae negarunt se in mora esse quo minus, quod ei more maiorum permissum esset, seu legibus seu moribus mallet, anquireret quoad uel capitis uel pecuniae iudicasset priuato.

[¶25] 3.9. that Sempronius said he judged Gnaeus Fulvius guilty of treason and asked of Gaius Calpur-. nius, the city praetor, a day for the assembly.

> Latin: 3.9. tum Sempronius perduellionis se iudicare Cn. Fuluio dixit, diemque comitiis ab C. Calpurnio praetore urbano petit.

[¶26] 3.10. the defendant had recourse to another hope, in case his brother Quintus Fulvius might be able to attend at the trial, as he was then influential both from the fame of his successes and from the hope, now almost fulfilled, of taking Capua.

> Latin: 3.10. inde alia spes ab reo temptata est, si adesse in iudicio Q. Fuluius frater posset, florens tum et fama rerum gestarum et propinqua spe Capuae potiundae.

[¶27] 3.11. Fulvius had written a pitiful letter in that sense on behalf of his brother's life, and the senators had declared that leaving Capua was not to the interest of the state, when the day for the assembly was at hand Gnaeus Fulvius went into exile at Tarquinii.

> Latin: 3.11. id cum per litteras miserabiliter pro fratris capite scriptas petisset Fuluius negassentque patres e re publica esse abscedi a Capua, postquam dies comitiorum aderat, Cn.

[¶28] 3.12. plebs voted that his exile was legal. the whole effort of the war had been directed against Capua. it was rather an intensive blockade than a series of assaults, and the slaves and commoners were unable either to endure hunger or to send messengers to Hannibal through guards so near to each other. Numidian was discovered who took a letter, declared that he would make his way out, and kept his promise. out right through the Roman camp at night he inspired in the Capuans the hope that, while they still had some strength left, they might attempt a sally in all directions.

> Latin: 3.12. Fuluius exsulatum Tarquinios abiit. id ei iustum exsilium esse sciuit plebs. inter haec uis omnis belli uersa in Capuam erat; obsidebatur tamen acrius quam oppugnabatur, nec aut famem tolerare seruitia ac plebs poterant aut mittere nuntios ad Hannibalem per custodias tam artas. inuentus est Numida qui acceptis litteris euasurum se professus praestaret promissum. per media Romana castra nocte egressus spem accendit Campanis dum aliquid uirium superesset ab omni parte eruptionem temptandi.

[¶29] 4.3. in the many engagements they were as a rule successful in cavalry battles, while in infantry they were worsted. be victorious, however, was by no means so cheering as it was depressing to be vanquished at any point by a beleaguered and almost captured enemy. length a method was devised, so that what was lacking to their strength might be compensated by skilful tactics.

> Latin: 4.3. ceterum in multis certaminibus equestria proelia ferme prospera faciebant, pedites superabantur; sed nequaquam tam laetum uincere quam triste uinci ulla parte erat ab obsesso et prope expugnato hoste. inita tandem ratio est ut quod uiribus deerat arte aequaretur.

[¶30] 4.4. of all the legions were picked young men who by reason of strength and lightness of build were the swiftest. were furnished with round shields of smaller size than those used by cavalry, and seven javelins apiece four feet long and having iron heads such as are on the spears of the light —armed troops.

> Latin: 4.4. ex omnibus legionibus electi sunt iuuenes maxime uigore ac leuitate corporum ueloces; eis parmae breuiores quam equestres et septena iacula quaternos longa pedes data, praefixa ferro quale hastis uelitaribus inest.

[¶31] 4.5. horsemen would each of them take one of these men on to their own horses, and they trained them both to ride behind and to leap down nimbly when the signal was given.

> Latin: 4.5. eos singulos in equos suos accipientes equites adsuefecerunt et uehi post sese et desilire perniciter ubi datum signum esset.

[¶32] 4.6. thanks to daily practice they seemed to do this with sufficient daring, they advanced into the plain which was situated between the camp and the city wall in the face of the Capuan cavalry in battle —line.

> Latin: 4.6. postquam adsuetudine cotidiana satis intrepide fieri uisum est, in campum qui medius inter castra murumque erat aduersus instructos Campanorum equites processerunt, et ubi ad coniectum teli uentum est signo dato uelites desiliunt.

[¶33] 4.7. when they had come within range, at a given signal the light —armed leaped to the ground. an infantry line suddenly dashes out from the cavalry at the enemy's horsemen, and while attacking they hurl one javelin after another.

> Latin: 4.7. pedestris inde acies ex equitatu repente in hostium equites incurrit iaculaque cum impetu alia super alia emittunt;

[¶34] 4.8. throwing a great number of these against horses and men in all directions, they wounded very many. more consternation was created by the strange and the unexpected, and the cavalry charging into the frightened enemy caused them to flee with slaughter all the way to the gates.

> Latin: 4.8. quibus plurimis in equos uirosque passim coniectis permultos uolnerauerunt; pauoris tamen plus ex re noua atque inopinata iniectum est, et in perculsum hostem equites inuecti fugam stragemque eorum usque ad portas fecerunt.

[¶35] 4.9. the Roman side was superior in cavalry also; it was made the practice to have light —armed in the legions.

> Latin: 4.9. inde equitatu quoque superior Romana res fuit;

[¶36] 4.10. originator of combining infantry with cavalry they say was Quintus Navius, a centurion, and that for so doing honour was paid him by the general. matters stood thus at Capua, Hannibal was drawn in opposite directions by the desire to take the citadel of Tarentum and to hold Capua., regard for Capua prevailed, a city on which he saw that the attention of all his allies and enemies was concentrated, and one destined to be a striking example, whatever might be the result of its revolt from the Romans.

> Latin: 4.10. institutum ut uelites in legionibus essent. auctorem peditum equiti immiscendorum centurionem Q. Nauium ferunt honorique id ei apud imperatorem fuisse. cum in hoc statu ad Capuam res essent, Hannibalem diuersum Tarentinae arcis potiundae Capuaeque retinendae trahebant curae. uicit tamen respectus Capuae in quam omnium sociorum hostiumque conuersos uidebat animos, documento futurae qualemcunque euentum defectio ab Romanis habuisset.

[¶37] 5.3. , leaving in the land of the Bruttii a large part of his baggage and all the heavy —armed, with picked infantry and cavalry he hastened into Campania in the best possible condition for a rapid march. spite of his swift movement thirty —three elephants managed to follow him.

> Latin: 5.3. igitur magna parte impedimentorum relicta in Bruttiis et omni grauiore armatu, cum delectis peditum equitumque quam poterat aptissimus ad maturandum iter in Campaniam contendit; secuti tamen tam raptim euntem tres et triginta elephanti.

[¶38] 5.4. encamped in a closed valley behind Tifata, a mountain commanding Capua. he approached, he first captured the stronghold of Galatia, overpowering its garrison, and then directed his march against the besiegers of Capua. sending word in advance to Capua, stating at what time he proposed to attack the Roman camp, so that they also, making ready for a sally, might at the same time burst out of all the gates, he inspired great alarm.

> Latin: 5.4. in ualle occulta post Tifata, montem imminentem Capuae, consedit. adueniens cum castellum Calatiam praesidio ui pulso cepisset, in circumsedentes Capuam se uertit, praemissisque nuntiis Capuam quo tempore castra Romana adgressurus esset ut eodem et illi ad eruptionem parati portis omnibus se effunderent, ingentem praebuit terrorem;

[¶39] 5.6. on one side he himself attacked, on the other all the Capuans, cavalry and infantry, sallied out, and with them the Carthaginian garrison, commanded by Bostar and Hanno.

> Latin: 5.6. nam alia parte ipse adortus est, alia Campani omnes, equites peditesque, et cum iis Punicum praesidium cui Bostar et Hanno praeerant erupit.

[¶40] 5.7. Romans in their alarm, so as not to leave one point undefended by rushing in the same direction, divided their forces among them as follows: Appius Claudius was placed facing the Capuans, Fulvius facing Hannibal:

> Latin: 5.7. Romani ut in re trepida, ne ad unam concurrendo partem aliquid indefensi relinquerent, ita inter sese copias partiti sunt:

[¶41] 5.8. Gaius Nero, the propraetor, with the cavalry of six legions took his place along the road leading to Suessula, Gaius Fulvius Flaccus, the lieutenant, with the cavalry of the allies in the direction of the river Volturnus.

> Latin: 5.8. Ap. Claudius Campanis, Fuluius Hannibali est oppositus; C. Nero propraetor cum equitibus sex legionum uia quae Suessulam fert, C. Fuluius Flaccus legatus cum sociali equitatu constitit e regione Uolturni amnis.

[¶42] 5.9. battle began not only with the usual shouting and uproar, but, in addition to the noise of men and horses and arms, the non —combatant populace of Capua disposed along the walls produced so much shouting, together with the clashing of bronze, such as is usually kept up in the still night of a lunar eclipse, as to divert the attention even of the combatants.

> Latin: 5.9. proelium non solito modo clamore ac tumultu est coeptum; sed ad alium uirorum equorum armorumque sonum disposita in muris Campanorum imbellis multitudo tantum cum aeris crepitu qualis in defectu lunae silenti nocte cieri solet edidit clamorem ut auerteret etiam pugnantium animos.

[¶43] 5.10. Appius was easily keeping the Capuans away from the earthwork of the camp; on the other side a larger force, Hannibal and the Carthaginians, were pressing Fulvius. the sixth legion gave way, and after it had been forced back, a cohort of Spaniards with three elephants managed even to reach the earthwork, and had broken through the Roman centre, and wavered between the hope of breaking through into the camp and the danger of being cut off from their own troops.

> Latin: 5.10. Campanos facile a uallo Appius arcebat: maior uis ab altera parte Fuluium Hannibal et Poeni urgebant. legio ibi sexta loco cessit; qua pulsa, cohors Hispanorum cum tribus elephantis usque ad uallum peruasit; ruperatque mediam aciem Romanorum et in ancipiti spe ac periculo erat utrum in castra perrumperet an intercluderetur a suis.

[¶44] 5.12. Fulvius, on seeing the alarm of the legion and the danger to the camp, bade Quintus Navius and other first centurions to attack the cohort of the enemy fighting beneath the earthwork. said that it was a very critical moment; that either they must be allowed to pass —and it would be less of an effort for them to burst into the camp than it had been to break through the solid line —or else they must be disposed of beneath the earthwork.

> Latin: 5.12. quem pauorem legionis periculumque castrorum Fuluius ubi uidit, Q. Nauium primoresque alios centurionum hortatur ut cohortem hostium sub uallo pugnantem inuadant: in summo discrimine rem uerti; aut uiam dandam iis esse—et minore conatu quam condensam aciem rupissent in castra inrupturos—aut conficiendos sub uallo esse;

[¶45] 5.14. that it would not involve much fighting; they were few and cut off from their own men; and if the battle —line, which in the panic of the Romans seemed to have been broken through, should face against the enemy from both sides, it would enclose them between two fronts.

> Latin: 5.14. nec magni certaminis rem fore; paucos esse et ab suis interclusos; et quae dum paueat Romanus interrupta acies uideatur, eam si se utrimque in hostem uertat ancipiti pugna medios circumuenturam.

[¶46] 5.15. Navius, on hearing these words of the commander, snatched a standard of the second maniple of the hastati from the standard —bearer and carried it towards the enemy, threatening that he would throw it into their midst if the soldiers did not quickly follow him and take a hand in the battle.

> Latin: 5.15. Nauius ubi haec imperatoris dicta accepit, secundi hastati signum ademptum signifero in hostes infert, iacturum in medios eos minitans ni se propere sequantur milites et partem capessant pugnae. ingens corpus erat et arma honestabant;

[¶47] 5.16. huge frame he had, and his arms added distinction; and the standard held aloft had attracted citizens and enemies to the sight.

> Latin: 5.16. et sublatum alte signum conuerterat ad spectaculum ciues hostesque.

[¶48] 5.17. when he had pushed through to the standards of the Spaniards, spears were then hurled at him from every side, and almost the entire line turned against him alone. neither the numbers of the enemy nor the mass of weapons could beat off the attack of such a man. Marcus Atilius, the lieutenant, started to carry the standard of the first maniple of the prin- cipes of the same legion towards the cohort of Spaniards, and at the same time Lucius Porcius Licinus and Titus Popilius, the lieutenants in command of the camp, fought with spirit on the earthwork and slew the elephants directly on the wall, as they were trying to cross. the trench was filled with their bodies, it furnished the enemy with a passage, just as if an embankment or a bridge had been thrown over it.

> Latin: 5.17. ceterum postquam iam ad signa peruenerat Hispanorum, tum undique in eum tragulae coniectae et prope tota in unum acies uersa; sed neque multitudo hostium neque telorum uis arcere impetum eius uiri potuerunt. et M. Atilius legatus primi principis ex eadem legione signum inferre in cohortem Hispanorum coepit; et qui castris praeerant, L. Porcius Licinus et T. Popillius legati, pro uallo acriter propugnant elephantosque transgredientes in ipso uallo conficiunt. quorum corporibus cum oppleta fossa esset, uelut aggere aut ponte iniecto transitum hostibus dedit; ibi per stragem iacentium elephantorum atrox edita caedes.

[¶49] 6.3. , all over the heap of fallen elephants, a terrible slaughter ensued. the other side of the camp the Capuans and the Carthaginian garrison had already been repulsed, and fighting was going on just outside the gate of Capua leading toward Volturnum.

> Latin: 6.3. altera in parte castrorum iam impulsi erant Campani Punicumque praesidium et sub ipsa porta Capuae quae Uolturnum fert pugnabatur;

[¶50] 6.4. it was not so much the armed men that were resisting the Romans trying to burst in, as that the gate, armed with larger and smaller artillery, kept the enemy back by missiles hurled from a distance.

> Latin: 6.4. neque tam armati inrumpentibus Romanis resistebant quam porta ballistis scorpionibusque instructa missilibus procul hostes arcebat.

[¶51] 6.5. attack of the Romans was further checked by the wounding of Appius Claudius, the general encouraging his men at the front, when the upper part of his chest was struck by a javelin below the left shoulder.

> Latin: 6.5. et suppressit impetum Romanorum uolnus imperatoris Ap. Claudi, cui suos ante prima signa adhortanti sub laeuo umero summum pectus gaeso ictum est. magna uis tamen hostium ante portam est caesa, ceteri trepidi in urbem compulsi.

[¶52] 6.6. a great number of the enemy were slain before the gate, and the rest driven in disorder into the city. Hannibal likewise, seeing the slaughter of the Spanish cohort, and that the enemy's camp was being defended with the utmost vigour, gave up the attack upon it and began to recall his standards and to make his advancing infantry retreat, while interposing his cavalry in the rear, to prevent the enemy from pursuing.

> Latin: 6.6. et Hannibal postquam cohortis Hispanorum stragem uidit summaque ui castra hostium defendi, omissa oppugnatione recipere signa et conuertere agmen peditum obiecto ab tergo equitatu ne hostis instaret coepit.

[¶53] 6.7. legions showed great eagerness to pursue the enemy; but Flaccus ordered the recall to be sounded thinking that enough had been accomplished for both purposes —that the Campanians should appreciate how little defence they had in Hannibal, and that Hannibal himself should be aware of it.

> Latin: 6.7. legionum ardor ingens ad hostem insequendum fuit: Flaccus receptui cani iussit, satis ad utrumque profectum ratus ut et Campani quam haud multum in Hannibale praesidii esset, et ipse Hannibal sentiret.

[¶54] 6.8. of the authorities on this battle relate that eight thousand men were slain in Hannibal's army, three thousand in the Campanian, and that fifteen standards were taken from the Carthaginians and eighteen from the Campanians.

> Latin: 6.8. caesa eo die, qui huius pugnae auctores sunt, octo milia hominum de Hannibalis exercitu, tria ex Campanis tradunt, signaque Carthaginiensibus quindecim adempta, duodeuiginti Campanis.

[¶55] 6.9. other writers I have found that the battle was by no means on such a scale, but that there was more panic than fighting, when Numidians and Spaniards with elephants had burst into the Roman camp unexpectedly, and while the elephants, on their way straight through the camp, were causing wreckage of tents in the midst of a terrible din, and making the beasts of burden break their halters and flee;

> Latin: 6.9. apud alios nequaquam tantam molem pugnae inueni plusque pauoris quam certaminis fuisse, cum inopinato in castra Romana Numidae Hispanique cum elephantis inrupissent, elephanti per media castra uadentes stragem tabernaculorum ingenti sonitu ac fugam abrumpentium uincula iumentorum facerent;

[¶56] 6.11. that, in addition to the uproar, there was also a ruse; for Hannibal sent in men in Italian dress and acquainted with the Latin language, to bid the soldiers, in the name of the consuls, each for himself to flee to the neighbouring mountains, since the camp had been taken; but that the ruse was quickly recognized and frustrated with great loss to the enemy; that the elephants were driven out of the camp by the use of fire.

> Latin: 6.11. fraudem quoque super tumultum adiectam, immissis ab Hannibale qui habitu Italico gnari Latinae linguae iuberent consulum uerbis quoniam amissa castra essent pro se quemque militum in proximos montes fugere; sed eam celeriter cognitam fraudem oppressamque magna caede hostium; elephantos igni e castris exactos.

[¶57] 6.13. whatever way it began and ended, this was the last battle before the surrender of Capua. medix tuticus, which is the highest office among the Campanians, Seppius Loesius was serving that year, though born in a humble station and having slender means. say that his mother on his behalf as a minor was once expiating a household portent, and when the soothsayer had given his answer that the very highest authority at Capua would come to that boy, she, finding nothing to justify that hope, said “you mean the ruin of the Campanians, when the highest office shall come to my son.”

> Latin: 6.13. hoc ultimum, utcumque initum finitumque est, ante deditionem Capuae proelium fuit. medix tuticus, qui summus magistratus apud Campanos est, eo anno Seppius Loesius erat, loco obscuro tenuique fortuna ortus. matrem eius quondam pro pupillo eo procurantem familiare ostentum cum respondisset haruspex summum quod esset imperium Capuae peruenturum ad eum puerum, nihil ad eam spem adgnoscentem dixisse ferunt:

[¶58] 6.15. mockery of a true prediction also came true. when they were hard pressed by starvation and the sword, and there remained no hope that they could hold out, while those who were born to the expectation of public offices were refusing them, Loesius, who complained that Capua had been abandoned and betrayed by its leading men, was the last of all the Campanians to receive their highest magistracy. Hannibal, seeing that it was impossible either to tempt the enemy into battle again, or to break a way through their camp to Capua, for fear the new consuls should cut off his supplies also, resolved to retire without accomplishing his undertaking and to move his camp away from Capua.

> Latin: 6.15. 'ne tu perditas res Campanorum narras, ubi summus honos ad filium meum perueniet.' ea ludificatio ueri et ipsa in uerum uertit; nam cum fame ferroque urgerentur nec spes ulla superesset sisti <posse iis qui nati> in spem honorum erant honores detractantibus, Loesius querendo desertam ac proditam a primoribus Capuam, summum magistratum ultimus omnium Campanorum cepit. ceterum Hannibal, ut nec hostes elici amplius ad pugnam uidit neque per castra eorum perrumpi ad Capuam posse, ne suos quoque commeatus intercluderent noui consules, abscedere inrito incepto et mouere a Capua statuit castra.

[¶59] 7.3. carefully considering whither he should remove, the impulse came to him to proceed to Rome, the very centre of the war. was something which he had always desired to do, but after the battle of Cannae he had let the opportunity pass, as others commonly complained, and as he himself frequently admitted.

> Latin: 7.3. multa secum quonam inde ire pergeret uoluenti subiit animum impetus caput ipsum belli Romam petendi, cuius rei semper cupitae praetermissam occasionem post Cannensem pugnam et alii fremebant et ipse non dissimulabat:

[¶60] 7.4. unexpected alarm and confusion it need not be beyond his hopes that some part of the city could be seized. if Rome should be in danger, he thought that either both of the Roman commanders or one of them would at once abandon Capua; and that if they should divide their forces, each being weakened would give either himself or the Capuans the chance of success.

> Latin: 7.4. necopinato pauore ac tumultu non esse desperandum aliquam partem urbis occupari posse, et si Roma in discrimine esset, Capuam extemplo omissuros aut ambo imperatores Romanos aut alterum ex iis;

[¶61] 7.5. one concern tormented him, the fear that as soon as he had withdrawn, the Capuans might at once be surrendered.

> Latin: 7.5. et si diuisissent copias, utrumque infirmiorem factum aut sibi aut Campanis bene gerendae rei fortunam daturos esse.

[¶62] 7.6. Numidian who was ready to dare and do anything was induced by Hannibal's gifts to take a letter, enter the Roman camp under the guise of a deserter, and then from the other side of the camp make his way in secret to Capua.

> Latin: 7.6. una ea cura angebat ne ubi abscessisset extemplo dederentur Campani. Numidam promptum ad omnia audenda donis pellicit ut litteris acceptis specie transfugae castra Romana ingressus, altera parte clam Capuam peruadat.

[¶63] 7.7. the letter was filled with encouragements. departure, Hannibal said, which would be of advantage to them, would draw off the Roman generals and armies from the siege of Capua to the defence of Rome.

> Latin: 7.7. litterae autem erant adhortatione plenae: profectionem suam quae salutaris illis foret abstracturam ad defendendam Romam ab oppugnanda Capua duces atque exercitus Romanos;

[¶64] 7.8. should not be downcast; by holding out for a few days they would cause the entire blockade to be raised.

> Latin: 7.8. ne desponderent animos; tolerando paucos dies totam soluturos obsidionem.

[¶65] 7.9. then ordered that boats on the Volturnus should be seized and rowed up to the fort which he had previously built for a defence.

> Latin: 7.9. inde naues in flumine Uolturno comprehensas subigi ad id quod iam ante praesidii causa fecerat castellum iussit.

[¶66] 7.10. when word came that the number of these was such that his army could be ferried across in a single night, he had food prepared for ten days, led his legions down to the river by night, and transported them across before daylight.

> Latin: 7.10. quarum ubi tantam copiam esse ut una nocte traici posset exercitus allatum est, cibariis decem dierum praeparatis deductas nocte ad fluuium legiones ante lucem traiecit. id priusquam fieret ita futurum compertum ex transfugis Fuluius Flaccus senatui Romam cum scripsisset, uarie animi hominum pro cuiusque ingenio adfecti sunt.

[¶67] 8.2. this happened Fulvius Flaccus had learned from deserters that it was to be done, and had so written to the senate at Rome; whereupon men's feelings were differently stirred according to their several natures. was natural in so alarming a situation, the senate was at once summoned, and Publius Cornelius, surnamed Asina, with no thought of Capua or of anything else, was for recalling all the generals and armies from the whole of Italy for the defence of the city.

> Latin: 8.2. ut in re tam trepida senatu extemplo uocato, P. Cornelius cui Asinae cognomen erat omnes duces exercitusque ex tota Italia, neque Capuae neque ullius alterius rei memor, ad urbis praesidium reuocabat.

[¶68] 8.3. Fabius Maximus thought it a shameful thing to withdraw from Capua, to be frightened and led about at the beck of Hannibal and in response to his threats.

> Latin: 8.3. Fabius Maximus abscedi a Capua terrerique et circumagi ad nutus comminationesque Hannibalis flagitiosum ducebat:

[¶69] 8.4. think, he said, that the man who, though victor at Cannae, had not ventured to go to the city, on being beaten back from Capua should have conceived the hope of capturing the city of Rome!

> Latin: 8.4. qui ad Cannas uictor ire tamen ad urbem ausus non esset, eum a Capua repulsum spem potiundae urbis Romae cepisse.

[¶70] 8.5. was not to besiege Rome that he was on the march, but to raise the siege of Capua. for Rome, Jupiter, witness of the treaties broken by Hannibal, and the other gods would defend her with the aid of the army stationed at the city.

> Latin: 8.5. non ad Romam obsidendam, sed ad Capuae liberandam obsidionem ire. Romam cum eo exercitu qui ad urbem esset Iouem foederum ruptorum ab Hannibale testem deosque alios defensuros esse.

[¶71] 8.6. conflicting motions were defeated by the compromise of Publius Valerius Flaccus, who, mindful of both situations, proposed that they write to the generals at Capua, informing them what forces there were to defend the city; on the other hand, what forces Hannibal was taking with him or how large an army was needed for the siege of Capua they themselves knew.

> Latin: 8.6. has diuersas sententias media sententia P. Ualeri Flacci uicit, qui utriusque rei memor imperatoribus qui ad Capuam essent scribendum censuit quid ad urbem praesidii esset; quantas autem Hannibal copias duceret aut quanto exercitu ad Capuam obsidendam opus esset, ipsos scire.

[¶72] 8.7. one of the two generals and a part of the army could be sent to Rome, provided Capua should be duly besieged by the general and army remaining, then let Claudius and Fulvius arrange between them which of the two must besiege Capua, and which must come to Rome to prevent a siege of their native city.

> Latin: 8.7. si ita Romam e ducibus alter et exercitus pars mitti posset, ut ab reliquo et duce et exercitu Capua recte obsideretur, inter se compararent Claudius Fuluiusque utri obsidenda Capua, utri ad prohibendam obsidione patriam Romam ueniundum esset.

[¶73] 8.9. this decree of the senate was brought to Capua, Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, who, since his colleague was disabled by a wound, was obliged to return to Rome, after picking soldiers from three armies, led about fifteen thousand infantry and a thousand horsemen across the Volturnus.

> Latin: 8.9. hoc senatus consulto Capuam perlato Q. Fuluius proconsul, cui collega ex uolnere aegro redeundum Romam erat, e tribus exercitibus milite electo ad quindecim milia peditum mille equites Uolturnum traducit.

[¶74] 8.10. , on learning definitely that Hannibal would march along the Latin Way, he himself sent word in advance to the towns along the Appian Way and such as are near that road, Setia, Cora, Lavinium, that they should have supplies on hand in the cities and also bring them down from farms at a distance to the road, and draw in garrisons for the cities, so that each might have the defence of its public interests in hand.

> Latin: 8.10. inde cum Hannibalem Latina uia iturum satis comperisset, ipse per Appiae municipia quaeque propter eam uiam sunt, Setiam, Coram, Lauinium praemisit ut commeatus paratos et in urbibus haberent et ex agris deuiis in uiam proferrent, praesidiaque in urbes contraherent ut sua cuique res publica in manu esset. Hannibal quo die Uolturnum est transgressus, haud procul a flumine castra posuit:

[¶75] 9.2. Hannibal on the day that he crossed the Volturnus pitched camp not far from the river; on the next day he made his way past Cales into the region of the Sidicini. he lingered one day devastating the country, and then led along the Latin Way through the territory of Suessa, Allifae and Casinum. Casinum he remained encamped two days, and ravaged the country in all directions.

> Latin: 9.2. postero die praeter Cales in agrum Sidicinum peruenit. ibi diem unum populando moratus per Suessanum Allifanumque et Casinatem agrum uia Latina ducit. sub Casino biduo statiua habita et passim populationes factae.

[¶76] 9.3. passing Interamna and Aquinum he came into the region of Fregellae as far as the river Liris, where he found the bridge broken down by the men of Fregellae, to delay his march.

> Latin: 9.3. inde praeter Interamnam Aquinumque in Fregellanum agrum ad Lirim fluuium uentum, ubi intercisum pontem a Fregellanis morandi itineris causa inuenit.

[¶77] 9.4. Fulvius too had been detained by the river Volturnus, as the boats had been burned by Hannibal, and he had difficulty in getting together rafts for the transporting of his army, owing to the great scarcity of timber.

> Latin: 9.4. et Fuluium Uolturnus tenuerat amnis, nauibus ab Hannibale incensis, rates ad traiciendum exercitum in magna inopia materiae aegre comparantem.

[¶78] 9.5. the army had been carried across on rafts, the rest of Fulvius' march was unhampered, as supplies had been generously set out for them not only in the cities, but also by the roadside. the eager soldiers kept encouraging one another to quicken their pace, remembering that they were marching to defend their native city.

> Latin: 9.5. traiecto ratibus exercitu, reliquum Fuluio expeditum iter, non per urbes modo sed circa uiam expositis benigne commeatibus, erat; alacresque milites alius alium ut adderet gradum memor ad defendendam iri patriam hortabantur.

[¶79] 9.6. Rome a messenger from Fregellae, riding on for a day and a night, brought great alarm. greater confusion than at its first reception was occasioned by news of the danger spread by men who ran about, adding unfounded reports to what they had heard, and it stirred the entire city. wailings of women were heard not only from private houses, but from every direction matrons pouring into the streets ran about among the shrines of the gods, sweeping the altars with their dishevelled hair, kneeling, holding up their palms to heaven and the gods, and praying them to rescue the city of Rome from the hands of the enemy and to keep Roman mothers and little children unharmed.

> Latin: 9.6. Romam Fregellanus nuntius diem noctemque itinere continuato ingentem attulit terrorem. tumultuosius quam allatam erat <uolgatum periculum dis>- cursu hominum adfingentium uana auditis totam urbem concitat. ploratus mulierum non ex priuatis solum domibus exaudiebatur, sed undique matronae in publicum effusae circa deum delubra discurrunt crinibus passis aras uerrentes, nixae genibus, supinas manus ad caelum ac deos tendentes orantesque ut urbem Romanam e manibus hostium eriperent matresque Romanas et liberos paruos inuiolatos seruarent.

[¶80] 9.9. senate awaited the magistrates in the Forum, in case they wished its advice about anything. received commands and departed each to the duty assigned him; others volunteered, in case of any need of their services. were posted on the Citadel, on the Capitol, on the walls, around the city, even on the Alban Mount and on the citadel of Aefula. the midst of this turmoil word came that Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, had set out from Capua with an army.

> Latin: 9.9. senatus magistratibus in foro praesto est si quid consulere uelint. alii accipiunt imperia disceduntque ad suas quisque officiorum partes: alii offerunt se si quo usus operae sit. praesidia in arce, in Capitolio, in muris, circa urbem, in monte etiam Albano atque arce Aefulana ponuntur.

[¶81] 9.10. that his military power might not be annulled if he came into the city, the senate decreed that Quintus Fulvius should have equal authority with the consuls.

> Latin: 9.10. inter hunc tumultum Q. Fuluium proconsulem profectum cum exercitu Capua adfertur; cui ne minueretur imperium si in urbem uenisset, decernit senatus ut Q. Fuluio par cum consulibus imperium esset.

[¶82] 9.11. Hannibal, after laying waste the territory of Fregellae more ruthlessly on account of the breaking down of the bridges, came through the districts of Frusino and Ferentinum and Anagnia into that of Labici.

> Latin: 9.11. Hannibal, infestius perpopulato agro Fregellano propter intercisos pontes, per Frusinatem Ferentinatemque et Anagninum agrum in Labicanum uenit, inde Algido Tusculum petiit, nec receptus moenibus infra Tusculum dextrorsus Gabios descendit.

[¶83] 9.12. over Mount Algidus he went to Tusculum, and not being admitted to the city, he descended toward the right below Tusculum to Gabii. he led his army down into the Pupinian district and pitched camp eight miles distant from Rome. nearer the enemy approached the greater was the slaughter of fugitives, as the Numidians were in the lead, and the greater was the number of the captured of every class and age.

> Latin: 9.12. inde in Pupiniam exercitu demisso octo milia passuum ab Roma posuit castra. quo propius hostis accedebat, eo maior caedes fiebat fugientium praecedentibus Numidis, pluresque omnium generum atque aetatium capiebantur. in hoc tumultu Fuluius Flaccus porta Capena cum exercitu Romam ingressus, media urbe per Carinas Esquilias contendit; inde egressus inter Esquilinam Collinamque portam posuit castra.

[¶84] 10.2. this confusion Fulvius Flaccus entered Rome with his army by the Porta Capena, and hastened through the centre of the city by way of the Carinae to the Esquiline. going out he pitched his camp between Porta Esquilina and Porta Collina. plebeian aediles brought supplies thither; the consuls and the senate came to the camp; there they deliberated on the most important matters of state. was decided that the consuls should pitch their camps near the gates, Collina and Esquilina; that Gaius Calpurnius, the city praetor, should be in command of the Capitol and the Citadel, and that the senate in full numbers should be kept in the Forum, in case there might be need of deliberation in such an emergency.

> Latin: 10.2. aediles plebis commeatum eo comportarunt; consules senatusque in castra uenerunt; ibi de summa republica consultatum. placuit consules circa portas Collinam Esquilinamque ponere castra; C. Calpurnium praetorem urbanum Capitolio atque arci praeesse, et senatum frequentem in foro contineri si quid in tam subitis rebus consulto opus esset.

[¶85] 10.3. Hannibal moved his camp to the river Anio, three miles from the city. he established a permanent camp and himself with two thousand horsemen advanced toward Porta Collina as far as the Temple of Hercules, and riding up surveyed the walls and situation of the city from the nearest possible point.

> Latin: 10.3. inter haec Hannibal ad Anienem fluuium tria milia passuum ab urbe castra admouit. ibi statiuis positis ipse cum duobus milibus equitum ad portam Collinam usque ad Herculis templum est progressus atque unde proxime poterat moenia situmque urbis obequitans contemplabatur.

[¶86] 10.4. he should do so with such freedom and so at his leisure seemed to Flaccus a shame. he sent his horsemen against him and ordered that the cavalry of the enemy be driven away and back into their own camp.

> Latin: 10.4. id eum tam licenter atque otiose facere Flacco indignum uisum est; itaque immisit equites summouerique atque in castra redigi hostium equitatum iussit.

[¶87] 10.5. the engagement had begun, the consuls ordered the Numidian deserters, of whom there were at that time on the Aventine about twelve hundred, to pass through the centre of the city across the Esquiline, thinking that none were better suited to do battle in the valleys and around buildings in gardens, among tombs and along roads hemmed in on every side.

> Latin: 10.5. cum commissum proelium esset, consules transfugas Numidarum, qui tum in Auentino ad mille et ducenti erant, media urbe transire Esquilias iusserunt, nullos aptiores inter conualles tectaque hortorum et sepulcra et cauas undique uias ad pugnandum futuros rati.

[¶88] 10.6. some men on the Citadel and the Capitol saw them riding down the Clivus Publicius, they shouted that the Aventine had been captured.

> Latin: 10.6. quos cum ex arce Capitolioque cliuo Publicio in equis decurrentes quidam uidissent, captum Auentinum conclamauerunt.

[¶89] 10.7. caused so much confusion and flight that, if there had not been a Carthaginian camp outside the city, the whole panic —stricken multitude would have poured out. it was they fled to their homes and into buildings, and as their own people roamed the streets, they would hurl stones and javelins at them, as though they were enemies.

> Latin: 10.7. ea res tantum tumultum ac fugam praebuit ut nisi castra Punica extra urbem fuissent, effusura se omnis pauida multitudo fuerit: tunc in domos atque in tecta refugiebant, uagosque in uiis suos pro hostibus lapidibus telisque incessebant.

[¶90] 10.8. could the uproar be checked and their mistake revealed, since the roads were clogged by the crowd of rustics and the cattle that sudden alarm had driven into the city. cavalry battle was successful and the enemy driven away.

> Latin: 10.8. nec comprimi tumultus aperirique error poterat refertis itineribus agrestium turba pecorumque quae repentinus pauor in urbem compulerat. equestre proelium secundum fuit summotique hostes sunt.

[¶91] 10.9. because in many places disturbances which arose without reason had to be checked, it was decreed that all who had been dictators, consuls or censors should have full military power until the enemy should have retired from the walls.

> Latin: 10.9. et quia multis locis comprimendi tumultus erant qui temere oriebantur, placuit omnes qui dictatores consules censoresue fuissent cum imperio esse, donec recessisset a muris hostis.

[¶92] 10.10. in fact during the rest of the day and the following night many disturbances were provoked without reason and were checked. the next day Hannibal crossed the Anio and led all his forces out into line, and Flaccus and the consuls did not refuse battle. the armies had been drawn up on both sides for the issue of a battle in which the city of Rome was to be the prize for the victor, a great downpour mingled with hail so confused both battle —lines that, holding on to their arms with difficulty, they returned to camp, fearing everything more than the enemy.

> Latin: 10.10. et diei quod reliquum fuit et nocte insequenti multi temere excitati tumultus sunt compressique. postero die transgressus Anienem Hannibal in aciem omnes copias eduxit; nec Flaccus consulesque certamen detractauere. instructis utrimque exercitibus in eius pugnae casum in qua urbs Roma uictori praemium esset, imber ingens grandine mixtus ita utramque aciem turbauit ut uix armis retentis in castra sese receperint, nullius rei minore quam hostium metu.

[¶93] 11.3. the following day, when the lines were drawn up on the same spot, the same bad weather parted them. both days, when they had retired to their camps, to their astonishment there came a clear sky with a calm.

> Latin: 11.3. et postero die eodem loco acies instructas eadem tempestas diremit; ubi recepissent se in castra, mira serenitas cum tranquillitate oriebatur.

[¶94] 11.4. the Carthaginians it became a solemn warning, and it is reported that Hannibal was heard to say that at one time the purpose to take Rome, at another the chance, was denied him.

> Latin: 11.4. in religionem ea res apud Poenos uersa est, auditaque uox Hannibalis fertur potiundae sibi urbis Romae modo mentem non dari, modo fortunam.

[¶95] 11.5. other things, small and great, further diminished his hope. important thing was that he heard that, although he was sitting armed before the walls of the city of Rome, detachments had set out under their colours to reinforce Spain; and the unimportant circumstance was that he learned from a prisoner that about this time the land on which he had his camp chanced to have been sold, with no reduction in price on that

> Latin: 11.5. minuere etiam spem eius duae aliae, parua magnaque, res, magna illa quod cum ipse ad moenia urbis Romae armatus sederet milites sub uexillis in supplementum Hispaniae profectos audiit, parua autem quod per eos dies eum forte agrum in quo ipse castra haberet uenisse nihil ob id deminuto pretio cognitum ex quodam captiuo est.

[¶96] 11.7. account. it seemed to him so arrogant and such an indignity that a purchaser should have been found at Rome for the ground which he had seized in war and was himself its occupier and owner, that he forthwith summoned a herald and ordered the bankers' shops which were round the Roman Forum to be sold.

> Latin: 11.7. id uero adeo superbum atque indignum uisum eius soli quod ipse bello captum possideret haberetque inuentum Romae emptorem ut extemplo uocato praecone tabernas argentarias quae circa forum Romanum essent iusserit uenire.

[¶97] 11.8. by these circumstances he moved his camp back to the river Tutia, six miles from the city. he proceeded to the grove of Feronia, a shrine which at that time was noted for its wealth.

> Latin: 11.8. his motus ad Tutiam fluuium castra rettulit sex milia passuum ab urbe. inde ad lucum Feroniae pergit ire, templum ea tempestate inclutum diuitiis.

[¶98] 11.9. people of Capena and others who lived near it used to carry thither first —fruits and gifts in addition according to their means, and had kept it richly adorned with gold and silver. all those gifts the temple was at that time despoiled. Great heaps of bronze were found after the departure of Hannibal, since the soldiers inspired by religious fear deposited crude lumps.

> Latin: 11.9. Capenates aliique qui accolae eius erant primitias frugum eo donaque alia pro copia portantes multo auro argentoque id exornatum habebant. iis omnibus donis tum spoliatum templum; aeris acerui cum rudera milites religione inducti iacerent post profectionem Hannibalis magni inuenti.

[¶99] 11.10. to the spoiling of this temple there is no uncertainty among the historians. relates that on his way to Rome Hannibal turned aside to it from Eretum, and traces his march from Reate and Cutiliae and Amiternum.

> Latin: 11.10. —huius populatio templi haud dubia inter scriptores est. Coelius Romam euntem ab Ereto deuertisse eo Hannibalem tradit, iterque eius ab Reate Cutiliisque et ab Amiterno orditur:

[¶100] 11.11. says that from Campania he came into Samnium, thence into the land of the Paelignians, and passing the town of Sulmo, over into the country of the Marrucini; thence through the territory of Alba into that of the Marsians, and then to Amiternum and the village of Foruli.

> Latin: 11.11. ex Campania in Samnium, inde in Paelignos peruenisse, praeterque oppidum Sulmonem in Marrucinos transisse; inde Albensi agro in Marsos, hinc Amiternum Forulosque uicum uenisse.

[¶101] 11.12. the uncertainty is not because the traces of so great a commander and so large an army could within the memory of so short a period have become confused, for it is agreed that he passed that way.

> Latin: 11.12. neque ibi error est quod tanti <ducis tanti>que exercitus uestigia intra tam breuis aeui memoriam potuerint confundi — isse enim ea constat—: tantum id interest ueneritne eo itinere ad urbem an ab urbe in Campaniam redierit.

## 28. Book XXVI · chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/28/#p-N

[¶0] 11.13. only difference is whether he came to the city by that route, or returned by it from the city into Campania.

> Latin: 11.13. ceterum non quantum Romanis pertinaciae ad premendam obsidione Capuam fuit, tantum ad defendendam Hannibali.

[¶1] 12.2. the Romans' persistence in pressing the siege of Capua was not matched by that of Hannibal in defending it. through Samnium and Apulia and Lucania he hastened into the Bruttian region, to the strait and Regium, at such a pace as almost to overwhelm them unawares by arriving suddenly.

> Latin: 12.2. namque <per Samnium Apuliamque> et Lucanos in Bruttium agrum ad fretum ac Regium eo cursu contendit ut prope repentino aduentu incautos oppresserit.

[¶2] 12.3. Capua, although during that time it had been besieged with no less spirit, nevertheless was aware of the coming of Flaccus, and began to wonder that Hannibal had not returned at the same time.

> Latin: 12.3. Capua etsi nihilo segnius obsessa per eos dies fuerat, tamen aduentum Flacci sensit, et admiratio orta est non simul regressum Hannibalem.

[¶3] 12.4. by conversing with the enemy they learned that they had been deserted and abandoned, and that the hope of retaining Capua had been given up by the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 12.4. inde per conloquia intellexerunt relictos se desertosque et spem Capuae retinendae deploratam apud Poenos esse.

[¶4] 12.5. was also an edict of the proconsuls, posted and published among the enemy in accordance with a decree of the senate, that any Capuan citizen who changed sides before a certain date should suffer no penalty.

> Latin: 12.5. accessit edictum proconsulum ex senatus consulto propositum uolgatumque apud hostes ut qui ciuis Campanus ante certam diem transisset sine fraude esset.

[¶5] 12.6. yet there was no changing of sides, for fear restrained them more than honour, because in their revolt they had committed offences too serious to be pardoned. just as no one of his own motion went over to the enemy, so they made no promising plans for the common interest.

> Latin: 12.6. nec ulla facta est transitio, metu magis eos quam fide continente quia maiora in defectione deliquerant quam quibus ignosci posset.

[¶6] 12.7. nobility had deserted the state and could not be brought together in the senate.

> Latin: 12.7. ceterum quemadmodum nemo priuato consilio ad hostem transibat, ita nihil salutare in medium consulebatur.

[¶7] 12.8. the office of magistrate was a man who had not gained additional honour for himself, but by his own unworthiness had taken away power and authority from the office which he was holding. longer did any one of the foremost citizens show himself even in the forum or any public place.

> Latin: 12.8. nobilitas rem publicam deseruerat, neque in senatum cogi poterant; in magistratu erat qui non sibi honorem adiecisset, sed indignitate sua uim ac ius magistratui quem gerebat dempsisset.

[¶8] 12.9. up in their houses they were awaiting from day to day the fall of their native city and their own destruction.

> Latin: 12.9. iam ne in foro quidem aut publico loco principum quisquam apparebat; domibus inclusi patriae occasum cum suo exitio in dies expectabant.

[¶9] 12.10. chief responsibility had fallen wholly to Bostar and Hanno, commanders of the Carthaginian garrison, and they were concerned only for their own danger, not that of their allies.

> Latin: 12.10. summa curae omnis in Bostarem Hannonemque, praefectos praesidii Punici, uersa erat, suo non sociorum periculo sollicitos.

[¶10] 12.11. wrote a letter to Hannibal in terms not only outspoken, but also bitter, in which they charged that it was not Capua alone that had been delivered into the hands of the enemy, but that they themselves also and the garrison had been abandoned to every kind of torture; that he had gone away to the land of the Bruttii, as though turning his back so that Capua should not be captured before his eyes.

> Latin: 12.11. ii conscriptis ad Hannibalem litteris non libere modo, sed etiam aspere, quibus non Capuam solam traditam in manum hostibus, sed se quoque et praesidium in omnes cruciatus proditos incusabant:

[¶11] 12.12. assuredly, they said, the Romans could not be drawn away from besieging Capua even by an assault upon the city of Rome; so much more steadfast was the Roman as an enemy than the Carthaginian as a friend.

> Latin: 12.12. abisse eum in Bruttios uelut auertentem sese ne Capua in oculis eius caperetur. at hercule Romanos ne oppugnatione quidem urbis Romanae abstrahi a Capua obsidenda potuisse;

[¶12] 12.13. he should return to Capua and there concentrate the whole war, they and the Capuans likewise would be ready for a sally.

> Latin: 12.13. tanto constantiorem inimicum Romanum quam amicum Poenum esse. si redeat Capuam bellumque omne eo uertat, et se et Campanos paratos eruptioni fore.

[¶13] 12.14. was not to wage war with the people of Regium and Tarentum that they had crossed the Alps. the Roman legions were, there ought the Carthaginian armies also to be. Thus at Cannae, thus at Trasumennus, by coming to grips and pitching camp near the enemy, by trying their luck they had met with success.

> Latin: 12.14. non cum Reginis neque Tarentinis bellum gesturos transisse Alpes: ubi Romanae legiones sint, ibi et Carthaginiensium exercitus debere esse. sic ad Cannas, sic ad Trasumennum rem bene gestam, coeundo conferundoque cum hoste castra, fortunam temptando.

[¶14] 12.15. letter to this effect was given to Numidians who with a reward set before them promised to perform that service. as deserters they had come before Flaccus in his camp, with the intention of choosing the right moment and then departing —and the famine which had lasted so long at Capua gave every man a plausible reason for deserting —when suddenly a Campanian woman, mistress of one of the deserters, came into the camp and informed the Roman general that the Numidians by agreement had pretended to change sides and were bearing a letter to Hannibal: that she was prepared to prove that charge against one of their number who had revealed the matter to her.

> Latin: 12.15. in hanc sententiam litterae conscriptae Numidis, proposita mercede eam professis operam, dantur. ii specie transfugarum cum ad Flaccum in castra uenissent ut inde tempore capto abirent, famesque quae tam diu Capuae erat nulli non probabilem causam transitionis faceret, mulier repente Campana in castra uenit, scortum transfugarum unius, indicatque imperatori Romano Numidas fraude composita transisse litterasque ad Hannibalem ferre:

[¶15] 12.17. being produced, he at first quite firmly pretended that he did not know the woman. by degrees he was overpowered by the facts, and seeing that they were demanding and preparing torture, he admitted that it was true, and the letter was produced.

> Latin: 12.17. id unum ex iis qui sibi rem aperuisset arguere sese paratam esse. productus primo satis constanter ignorare se mulierem simulabat: paulatim dein conuictus ueris cum tormenta posci et parari uideret, fassus id ita esse litteraeque prolatae.

[¶16] 12.18. added to her information what they were trying to conceal, namely, that other Numidians also were abroad in the Roman camp playing the part of deserters.

> Latin: 12.18. additum etiam indicio quod celabatur et alios specie transfugarum Numidas uagari in castris Romanis.

[¶17] 12.19. seventy of them were arrested, and together with the new deserters they were scourged with rods, and after their hands had been cut off they were sent back to Capua. sight of so merciless a punishment broke the spirit of the Capuans. gathering of the people before the Senate House compelled Loesius to summon the senate. they openly threatened the leading citizens, who for a long time had been absent from public deliberations, that if they did not come into the senate, they would make the rounds of their homes and forcibly bring them all out into the streets. fear of that gave the magistrate a full session of the senate., while all the rest were speaking of sending legates to the Roman generals, Vibius Virrius, who had proposed rebellion from Rome, on being asked for his opinion, said that the men who were speaking of embassies and of peace and surrender did not recall either what they would have done, if they had had the Romans in their power, or what they themselves must suffer.

> Latin: 12.19. ii supra septuaginta comprensi et cum transfugis nouis mulcati uirgis manibusque praecisis Capuam rediguntur. conspectum tam triste supplicium fregit animos Campanorum. concursus ad curiam populi factus coegit Loesium senatum uocare; et primoribus qui iam diu publicis consiliis aberant propalam minabantur nisi uenirent in senatum circa domos eorum ituros se et in publicum omnes ui extracturos esse. is timor frequentem senatum magistratui praebuit. ibi cum ceteri de legatis mittendis ad imperatores Romanos agerent, Uibius Uirrius, qui defectionis auctor ab Romanis fuerat, interrogatus sententiam, negat eos qui de legatis et de pace ac deditione loquantur meminisse nec quid facturi fuerint si Romanos in potestate habuissent nec quid ipsis patiendum sit.

[¶18] 13.4. “me,” he said, “do you suppose it will be the same kind of surrender as that under which we once gave up ourselves and all our possessions to the Romans, that we might obtain their aid against the Samnites?”

> Latin: 13.4. 'quid? uos' inquit 'eam deditionem fore censetis qua quondam, ut aduersus Samnites auxilium impetraremus, nos nostraque omnia Romanis dedidimus?

[¶19] 13.5. “you already forgotten in what a critical moment and in what a situation for the Roman people we have revolted from them? you already forgotten how at the time of our revolt we with torture and as an insult put to death a garrison which we might have let go?”

> Latin: 13.5. iam e memoria excessit, quo tempore et in qua fortuna a populo Romano defecerimus? iam, quemadmodum in defectione praesidium, quod poterat emitti, per cruciatum et ad contumeliam necarimus?

[¶20] 13.6. “or how often and with what bitterness we have made a sally against the besiegers, have beset their camps, have called in Hannibal to overpower them?”

> Latin: 13.6. quotiens in obsidentes, quam inimice eruperimus, castra oppugnarimus, Hannibalem uocauerimus ad opprimendos eos? hoc quod recentissimum est, ad oppugnandam Romam hinc eum miserimus?

[¶21] 13.7. “or how —this the most recent occurrence —we have sent him away to lay siege to Rome? now for the other side, recall what have been their acts of hostility towards us, that by so doing you may know what you have to expect. a foreign enemy —was in Italy, and that enemy Hannibal, and when everywhere were the flames of war, neglecting everything, neglecting even Hannibal, they sent both consuls and two consular armies to besiege Capua.”

> Latin: 13.7. age contra, quae illi infeste in nos fecerint repetite, ut ex eo quid speretis habeatis. cum hostis alienigena in Italia esset et Hannibal hostis et cuncta bello arderent, omissis omnibus, omisso ipso Hannibale, ambo consules et duo consulares exercitus ad Capuam oppugnandam miserunt.

[¶22] 13.8. “for the second year they are wasting us away by starvation, shut up inside their contravallation, while they too like ourselves have endured the utmost dangers and most serious hardships, have been slain, many of them, about their earthworks and trenches, and have at last had their camp almost taken.”

> Latin: 13.8. alterum annum circumuallatos inclusosque nos fame macerant, et ipsi nobiscum ultima pericula et grauissimos labores perpessi, circa uallum ac fossas saepe trucidati ac prope ad extremum castris exuti.

[¶23] 13.9. “I pass over these things; to suffer hardships and dangers in besieging a city of the enemy is an old and familiar story. proceed to proof of anger and hatred that are unspeakable.”

> Latin: 13.9. sed omitto haec—uetus atque usitata res est in oppugnanda hostium urbe labores ac pericula pati—: illud irae atque odii <inexpiabilis> exsecrabilisque indicium est. Hannibal ingentibus copiis peditum equitumque castra oppugnauit et ex parte cepit:

[¶24] 13.10. “Hannibal with immense forces of infantry and cavalry besieged and partly captured their camp: by such danger they were not moved at all to give up the siege.”

> Latin: 13.10. tanto periculo nihil moti sunt ab obsidione. profectus trans Uolturnum perussit Calenum agrum:

[¶25] 13.11. “out across the Volturnus he ravaged the territory of Cales with fire: by such a disaster to allies they were in no wise called away. ordered his hostile standards to be carried to the city of Rome itself: that impending storm also they scorned. the Anio he pitched camp three miles from the city, finally came close to the very walls and gates, showed that unless they should leave Capua he would take Rome away from them: they did not leave Capua. beasts, though excited by blind impulse and fury, can be diverted to bring help to their young, if one goes towards their lairs and their whelps.”

> Latin: 13.11. nihil tanta sociorum clade auocati sunt. ad ipsam urbem Romam infesta signa ferri iussit: eam quoque tempestatem imminentem spreuerunt. transgressus Anienem tria milia passuum ab urbe castra posuit, postremo ad moenia ipsa et ad portas accessit; Romam se adempturum eis, nisi omitterent Capuam, ostendit: non omiserunt. feras bestias caeco impetu ac rabie concitatas, si ad cubilia et catulos earum ire pergas, ad opem suis ferendam auertas:

[¶26] 13.12. “for the Romans, the siege of Rome, their wives and children, whose wailing could almost be heard from here, their altars and hearths, the shrines of their gods, the desecrated and profaned tombs of their ancestors did not divert them from Capua.”

> Latin: 13.12. Romanos Roma circumsessa coniuges, liberi, quorum ploratus hinc prope exaudiebantur, arae foci deum delubra sepulcra maiorum temerata ac uiolata a Capua non auerterunt;

[¶27] 13.13. “is their ardour in demanding punishment, such their thirst to drink our blood.”

> Latin: 13.13. tanta auiditas supplicii expetendi, tanta sanguinis nostri hauriendi est sitis.

[¶28] 13.14. “perhaps not without reason; we too should have done the same, had the chance been given us. since the immortal gods have made a contrary decision, inasmuch as I ought under no circumstances to refuse death, I, while free and my own master, can escape tortures and insults which the enemy is preparing, by a death which is not only honourable, but also gentle.”

> Latin: 13.14. nec iniuria forsitan; nos quoque idem fecissemus, si data fortuna esset. itaque quoniam aliter dis immortalibus est uisum, cum mortem ne recusare quidem debeam, cruciatus contumeliasque quas parat hostis dum liber, dum mei potens sum, effugere morte praeterquam honesta, etiam leni possum.

[¶29] 13.15. “shall not see Appius Claudius and Quintus Fulvius, emboldened by their insolent victory, nor shall I be dragged in chains through the city of Rome as a spectacle in a triumph, so that I may then breathe my last in the prison, or else, bound to a stake, with my back mangled by rods, may submit my neck to the Roman axe. shall I see my native city destroyed and burned, nor Capuan matrons and maidens and free —born boys carried off to be dishonoured.”

> Latin: 13.15. non uidebo Ap. Claudium et Q. Fuluium uictoria insolenti subnixos, neque uinctus per urbem Romanam triumphi spectaculum trahar, ut deinde †in carcerem† aut ad palum deligatus, lacerato uirgis tergo, ceruicem securi Romanae subiciam; nec dirui incendique patriam uidebo, nec rapi ad stuprum matres Campanas uirginesque et ingenuos pueros.

[¶30] 13.16. “Alba, from which they had themselves sprung, they levelled with its foundations, that their stock, that the memory of their origin, might not survive; much less am I to believe that they will spare Capua, to which they are more hostile than to Carthage.”

> Latin: 13.16. Albam unde ipsi oriundi erant a fundamentis proruerunt, ne stirpis, ne memoria originum suarum exstaret: nedum eos Capuae parsuros credam, cui infestiores quam Carthagini sunt.

[¶31] 13.17. “, as many of you as are minded to yield to fate before they see all these sights that are so bitter, for such in my house a feast is spread and in readiness today.”

> Latin: 13.17. itaque quibus uestrum ante fato cedere quam haec tot tam acerba uideant in animo est, iis apud me hodie epulae instructae parataeque sunt.

[¶32] 13.18. “we have had our fill of wine and food, the same cup which has been served to me shall be carried round. draught will defend the body from torture, the mind from insults, eyes and ears from seeing and hearing all the bitter and unseemly things which await the vanquished. will be ready to light a great pyre in the court of the house and throw our lifeless bodies upon it.”

> Latin: 13.18. satiatis uino ciboque poculum idem quod mihi datum fuerit circumferetur; ea potio corpus a cruciatu, animum a contumeliis, oculos aures a uidendis audiendisque omnibus acerbis indignisque quae manent uictos uindicabit. parati erunt qui magno rogo in propatulo aedium accenso corpora exanima iniciant.

[¶33] 13.19. “is the one way, at once honourable and independent, that leads to death. our enemies will admire our courage, and Hannibal will also know that they were brave allies whom he has abandoned and betrayed.”

> Latin: 13.19. haec una uia et honesta et libera ad mortem. et ipsi uirtutem mirabuntur hostes et Hannibal fortes socios sciet ab se desertos ac proditos esse.' hanc orationem Uirri plures cum adsensu audierunt quam forti animo id quod probabant exsequi potuerunt.

[¶34] 14.2. speech of Virrius more men heard with approval than had the courage to carry out what they commended. majority of the senate, not doubting that the clemency of the Roman people, known to them frequently in many wars, would be forgiving to them also, voted and sent legates to surrender Capua to the Romans.

> Latin: 14.2. maior pars senatus, multis saepe bellis expertam populi Romani clementiam haud diffidentes sibi quoque placabilem fore, legatos ad dedendam Romanis Capuam decreuerunt miseruntque.

[¶35] 14.3. twenty —seven senators followed Vibius Virrius home; and after they had feasted with him, and so far as possible had deadened their minds with wine to the sense of impending misfortune, they all took the poison.

> Latin: 14.3. Uibium Uirrium septem et uiginti ferme senatores domum secuti sunt, epulatique cum eo et quantum facere potuerant alienatis mentibus uino ab imminentis sensu mali, uenenum omnes sumpserunt;

[¶36] 14.4. at the end of the feast they gave each other the right hand and a last embrace, and weeping for their own fate and that of their native city, some remained, that they might be cremated on the same pyre, the rest left for their several homes.

> Latin: 14.4. inde misso conuiuio dextris inter se datis ultimoque complexu conlacrimantes suum patriaeque casum, alii ut eodem rogo cremarentur manserunt, alii domos digressi sunt.

[¶37] 14.5. with food and wine, their veins made the poison less effectual in hastening death. so, although most of them were in the throes through the whole of the night and part of the following day, all of them, however, died before the gates were opened to the enemy.

> Latin: 14.5. impletae cibis uinoque uenae minus efficacem in maturanda morte uim ueneni fecerunt; itaque noctem totam plerique eorum et diei insequentis partem cum animam egissent, omnes tamen prius quam aperirentur hostibus portae exspirarunt.

[¶38] 14.6. the next day the Jupiter Gate, which faced the Roman camp, was opened by order of the proconsuls. that gate one legion was admitted and two alae with Gaius Fulvius, the lieutenant.

> Latin: 14.6. postero die porta Iouis, quae aduersus castra Romana erat, iussu proconsulum aperta est. ea intromissa legio una et duae alae cum C. Fuluio legato.

[¶39] 14.7. first of all saw to it that the arms and weapons that were in Capua should be brought to him; then posting sentinels at all the gates, that no one might be able to go out or be sent out, he seized the Carthaginian garrison, and ordered the Capuan senate to go to the Roman generals in the camp.

> Latin: 14.7. is cum omnium primum arma telaque quae Capuae erant ad se conferenda curasset, custodiis ad omnes portas dispositis ne quis exire aut emitti posset, praesidium Punicum comprehendit, senatum Campanum ire in castra ad imperatores Romanos iussit.

[¶40] 14.8. there, they were all put in chains and bidden to bring to the quaestors what gold and silver they had. amount of gold was two thousand and seventy pounds, of silver thirty —one thousand two hundred pounds.

> Latin: 14.8. quo cum uenissent, extemplo iis omnibus catenae iniectae, iussique ad quaestores deferre quod auri atque argenti haberent. auri pondo duo milia septuaginta fuit, argenti triginta milia pondo et mille ducenta.

[¶41] 14.9. the senators known to have especially promoted revolt from the Romans twenty —five were sent to Cales to be imprisoned, twenty —eight to Teanum. the punishment of the Capuan senators there was no kind of agreement between Fulvius and Claudius. to hear a plea for pardon was Claudius; more inflexible was Fulvius' opinion. Appius was inclined to refer the entire decision of the case to the senate at Rome.

> Latin: 14.9. senatores quinque et uiginti Cales in custodiam, duodetriginta Teanum missi, quorum de sententia maxime descitum ab Romanis constabat. de supplicio Campani senatus haudquaquam inter Fuluium Claudiumque conueniebat. facilis impetrandae ueniae Claudius, Fului durior sententia erat. itaque Appius Romam ad senatum arbitrium eius rei totum reiciebat:

[¶42] 15.3. he thought it right that the fathers should be given authority to enquire of these men whether they had shared their plans with some of the Latin allies, and whether they had been helped by them in the war.

> Latin: 15.3. percontandi etiam aequum esse potestatem fieri patribus, num communicassent consilia cum aliquis sociorum Latini nominis [municipiorum] et num ope eorum in bello forent adiuti.

[¶43] 15.4. Fulvius said that they must on no account run the risk of troubling the feelings of faithful allies by unsubstantiated charges and of exposing them to informers, who never had had any scruple as to what they were saying or what they were doing; hence he would quash and suppress that investigation.

> Latin: 15.4. id uero minime committendum esse Fuluius dicere ut sollicitarentur criminibus dubiis sociorum fidelium animi, et subicerentur indicibus quis neque <quid dicerent neque> quid facerent quicquam unquam pensi fuisset; itaque se eam quaestionem oppressurum exstincturumque.

[¶44] 15.5. they had separated directly after this speech, Appius had no doubt that his colleague, in spite of his fierce words, would wait, however, for a letter from Rome on a matter of such importance. Fulvius for fear that very thing might hinder his project, dismissed the council, and ordered the tribunes of the soldiers and the prefects of allies to instruct two thousand picked cavalry —to be ready at the bugle —call of the third watch. out by night for Teanum with this cavalry, he entered the gate at dawn and proceeded to the forum.

> Latin: 15.5. ab hoc sermone cum digressi essent, et Appius quamuis ferociter loquentem collegam non dubitaret tamen litteras super tanta re ab Roma exspectaturum, Fuluius, ne id ipsum impedimentum incepto foret, dimittens praetorium tribunis militum ac praefectis socium imperauit uti duobus milibus equitum delectis denuntiarent ut ad tertiam bucinam praesto essent. cum hoc equitatu nocte Teanum profectus, prima luce portam intrauit atque in forum perrexit;

[¶45] 15.7. the first entry of the horsemen a crowd gathered, and he bade that the Sidicinian magistrate be summoned, and ordered him to bring out the Capuans whom he had under arrest.

> Latin: 15.7. concursuque ad primum equitum ingressum facto magistratum Sidicinum citari iussit imperauitque ut produceret Campanos quos in custodia haberet.

[¶46] 15.8. were brought out, scourged with rods and beheaded. he hastened at full speed to Cales., after he had taken his seat on the tribunal and the Capuans were brought out and were being bound to stakes, came a horseman post haste from Rome and handed to Fulvius a letter from Gaius Calpurnius, the praetor, and a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 15.8. producti omnes uirgisque caesi ac securi percussi. inde citato equo Cales percurrit; ubi cum in tribunali consedisset productique Campani deligarentur ad palum, eques citus ab Roma uenit litterasque a C. Calpurnio praetore Fuluio et senatus consultum tradit.

[¶47] 15.9. at the tribunal a rumour spread through the whole assembly that the case of the Capuans was reserved for decision by the senators. Fulvius also thought that was the case, took the letter, but without breaking the seal, and having placed it in his bosom, commanded a herald to order the lictor to carry out the legal punishment. Thus was punishment visited upon those also who were at Cales.

> Latin: 15.9. murmur ab tribunali totam contionem peruasit differri rem integram ad patres de Campanis; et Fuluius, id ita esse ratus acceptas litteras neque resolutas cum in gremio reposuisset, praeconi imperauit ut lictorem lege agere iuberet. ita de iis quoque qui Calibus erant sumptum supplicium.

[¶48] 15.10. the letter was read and the decree of the senate, too late to prevent an action which had been hastened by every means, that prevention might be impossible.

> Latin: 15.10. tum litterae lectae senatusque consultum, serum ad impediendam rem actam quae summa ope approperata erat ne impediri posset.

[¶49] 15.11. as Fulvius was rising from his seat, Taurea Vibellius the Capuan, striding through the middle of the crowd, called him by name, and when Flaccus, wondering what he wished of him, had sat down again, Vibellius said “me also to be slain, that you may be able to boast that a much braver man than you are yourself has been slain by you.”

> Latin: 15.11. consurgentem iam Fuluium Taurea Uibellius Campanus per mediam uadens turbam nomine inclamauit, et cum mirabundus quidnam sese uellet resedisset Flaccus, 'me quoque' inquit 'iube occidi ut gloriari possis multo fortiorem quam ipse es uirum abs te occisum esse.'

[¶50] 15.13. Flaccus said that the man was doubtless of unsound mind, and then added that, if he wished to do so, he was forbidden by the decree of the senate, thereupon Vibellius said “indeed, although my native city has been taken, my relatives and friends lost, and ” “with my own hand I have killed my wife and children, that they might suffer no indignity, for myself there is not the same possibility even to die that these my fellow —citizens have had, let courage give me a release from this odious life.”

> Latin: 15.13. cum Flaccus negaret profecto satis compotem mentis esse, modo prohiberi etiam se si id uellet senatus consulto diceret, tum Uibellius 'quando quidem' inquit 'capta patria propinquis amicisque amissis, cum ipse manu mea coniugem liberosque interfecerim ne quid indigni paterentur, mihi ne mortis quidem copia eadem est quae his ciuibus meis, petatur a uirtute inuisae huius uitae uindicta.'

[¶51] 15.15. so with a sword which he had concealed under his clothing he ran himself directly through the breast and fell dying at the feet of the general. all that had to do with the punishment of the Capuans and many other things were done by the decision of Flaccus alone, some relate that Appius Claudius died just before the surrender of Capua., they say that Taurea himself did not voluntarily come to Cales, and was not slain by his own hand, but that while he was being bound along with the rest to a stake, because what he was shouting could not be heard clearly for the noise, Flaccus ordered silence;

> Latin: 15.15. atque ita gladio quem ueste texerat per aduersum pectus transfixus, ante pedes imperatoris moribundus procubuit. quia et quod ad supplicium attinet Campanorum et pleraque alia de Flacci unius sententia acta erant, mortuum Ap. Claudium sub deditionem Capuae quidam tradunt; hunc quoque ipsum Tauream neque sua sponte uenisse Cales neque sua manu interfectum, sed dum inter ceteros ad palum deligatur, quia parum inter strepitus exaudiri possent quae uociferaretur silentium fieri Flaccum iussisse;

[¶52] 16.3. that then Taurea, as has been stated above, said that he, the bravest of men, was being killed by one who was in no way his equal in courage; that after these words the herald by order of the proconsul proclaimed “, give the brave man a beating; on him first the legal penalty!”

> Latin: 16.3. tum Tauream illa quae ante memorata sunt dixisse, uirum se fortissimum ab nequaquam pari ad uirtutem occidi; sub haec dicta iussu proconsulis praeconem ita pronuntiasse: 'lictor, uiro forti adde uirgas et in eum primum lege age.'

[¶53] 16.4. authorities say that the decree of the senate also was read before he beheaded them; but that, because in the decree of the senateit was added that, if he saw fit, he should refer the decision to the verdict of the senate, he interpreted it that they allowed him to decide which course he thought more to the interest of the state. Cales they returned to Capua, and the surrender of Atella and Calatia was received.

> Latin: 16.4. lectum quoque senatus consultum priusquam securi feriret quidam auctores sunt, sed quia adscriptum in senatus consulto fuerit si ei uideretur integram rem ad senatum reiceret, interpretatum esse quid magis e re publica duceret aestimationem sibi permissam. Capuam a Calibus reditum est, Atellaque et Calatia in deditionem acceptae;

[¶54] 16.5. also punishment was inflicted on the responsible leaders.

> Latin: 16.5. ibi quoque in eos qui capita rerum erant animaduersum.

[¶55] 16.6. Thus about seventy prominent senators were put to death; some three hundred noble Campanians who were put in prison, and others who were distributed among cities of Latin allies to be guarded, met death in different ways. remaining mass of Campanian citizens were sold.

> Latin: 16.6. ita ad septuaginta principes senatus interfecti, trecenti ferme nobiles Campani in carcerem conditi, alii per sociorum Latini nominis urbes in custodias dati, uariis casibus interierunt: multitudo alia ciuium Campanorum uenum data.

[¶56] 16.7. regard to the city and its territory discussion continued, inasmuch as some thought a city very powerful, near, and unfriendly should be destroyed. immediate advantage prevailed. on account of the territory, which was well known to be foremost in Italy in all that the fertile soil produced, the city was preserved, that the tillers of the land might have some abode.

> Latin: 16.7. de urbe agroque reliqua consultatio fuit, quibusdam delendam censentibus urbem praeualidam propinquam inimicam. ceterum praesens utilitas uicit; nam propter agrum, quem omni fertilitate terrae satis constabat primum in Italia esse, urbs seruata est ut esset aliqua aratorum sedes.

[¶57] 16.8. people the city the multitude of resident aliens and freedmen and petty tradesmen and artisans was retained. whole territory and the buildings became public property of the Roman people.

> Latin: 16.8. urbi frequentandae multitudo incolarum libertinorumque et institorum opificumque retenta: ager omnis et tecta publica populi Romani facta.

[¶58] 16.9. it was decided that Capua, as a nominal city, should merely be a dwelling —place and a centre of population, but should have no political body nor senate nor council of the plebs nor magistrates.

> Latin: 16.9. ceterum habitari tantum tamquam urbem Capuam frequentarique placuit, corpus nullum ciuitatis nec senatum nec plebis concilium nec magistratus esse:

[¶59] 16.10. thought that the multitude, without a public council, without military authority, having nothing in common amongst them, would be incapable of agreement; the Romans would send out every year a prefect to administer justice.

> Latin: 16.10. sine consilio publico, sine imperio multitudinem nullius rei inter se sociam ad consensum inhabilem fore; praefectum ad iura reddenda ab Roma quotannis missuros.

[¶60] 16.11. Thus matters concerning Capua were settled according to a plan that was in every respect praiseworthy. and prompt was the punishment of the most guilty; the mass of citizens were scattered with no hope of a return; no rage was vented upon innocent buildings and city —walls by burning and demolition.

> Latin: 16.11. ita ad Capuam res compositae consilio ab omni parte laudabili. seuere et celeriter in maxime noxios animaduersum; multitudo ciuium dissipata in nullam spem reditus;

[¶61] 16.12. along with profit they sought a reputation among the allies as well for clemency, by saving a very important and very rich city, over whose ruins all Campania, all the neighbouring peoples on every side of Campania, would have mourned.

> Latin: 16.12. non saeuitum incendiis ruinisque in tecta innoxia murosque, et cum emolumento quaesita etiam apud socios lenitatis species incolumitate urbis nobilissimae opulentissimaeque, cuius ruinis omnis Campania, omnes qui Campaniam circa accolunt populi ingemuissent;

[¶62] 16.13. enemy were forced to acknowledge what power the Romans possessed to exact punishment from faithless allies, and how helpless Hannibal was to defend those whom he had taken under his protection. Rome the senate, having discharged its responsibilities so far as concerned Capua, voted to assign to Gaius Nero six thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry of his own choosing, from the two legions which he had had before Capua, and from the Latin allies the same number of infantry and eight hundred cavalry. army Nero embarked at Puteoli and transported to Spain. at Tarraco by sea, he there disembarked his troops, beached the ships, and armed even the crews, to increase his numbers. setting out for the river Ebro, he took over the army from Tiberius Fonteius and Lucius Marcius.

> Latin: 16.13. confessio expressa hosti quanta uis in Romanis ad expetendas poenas ab infidelibus sociis et quam nihil in Hannibale auxilii ad receptos in fidem tuendos esset. Romani patres perfuncti quod ad Capuam attinebat cura, C. Neroni ex iis duabus legionibus quas ad Capuam habuerat sex milia peditum et trecentos equites quos ipse legisset et socium Latini nominis peditum numerum parem et octingentos equites decernunt. eum exercitum Puteolis in naues impositum Nero in Hispaniam transportauit. cum Tarraconem nauibus uenisset, expositisque ibi copiis et nauibus subductis socios quoque nauales multitudinis augendae causa armasset, profectus ad Hiberum flumen exercitum ab Ti.

[¶63] 17.3. thereupon proceeded against the enemy. Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, was encamped at the Black Rocks. place is in the country of the Ausetani, between the towns of Iliturgis and Mentissa.

> Latin: 17.3. Fonteio et L. Marcio accepit. inde pergit ad hostes ire. Hasdrubal Hamilcaris ad Lapides Atros castra habebat;

[¶64] 17.4. Nero occupied the entrance to this pass. Hasdrubal, to avoid being entrapped, sent a herald to promise that if he should be allowed to get away, he would transport his entire army out of Spain.

> Latin: 17.4. in Ausetanis is locus est inter oppida Iliturgim et Mentissam. huius saltus fauces Nero occupauit.

[¶65] 17.5. Roman accepted the proposal with joy, and Hasdrubal asked for the next day for a conference, that in person they might draw up the terms for the surrender of the citadels of cities and fix a date before which the garrisons were to be evacuated, and the Carthaginians might remove all their property without molestation.

> Latin: 17.5. Hasdrubal, ne in arto res esset, caduceatorem misit qui promitteret si inde missus foret se omnem exercitum ex Hispania deportaturum. quam rem cum laeto animo Romanus accepisset, diem posterum Hasdrubal conloquio petiuit ut coram leges conscriberentur de tradendis arcibus urbium dieque statuenda ad quam praesidia deducerentur suaque omnia sine fraude Poeni deportarent.

[¶66] 17.7. gained that request, Hasdrubal at once gave orders that at dusk and then all through the night the heaviest troops should escape from the pass by any possible way.

> Latin: 17.7. quod ubi impetrauit, extemplo primis tenebris atque inde tota nocte quod grauissimum exercitus erat Hasdrubal quacunque posset euadere e saltu iussit.

[¶67] 17.8. Great pains were taken not to have many leave that night, that even their small numbers might be better suited both to escaping the enemy's notice by silence and to making their way out by narrow and difficult paths.

> Latin: 17.8. data sedulo opera est ne multi ea nocte exirent, ut ipsa paucitas cum ad hostem silentio fallendum aptior, tum ad euadendum per artas semitas ac difficiles esset.

[¶68] 17.9. day they came to the conference; but by speaking at unnecessary length and by purposely writing what was not to the point the day was spent, and postponement taken to the next day. addition of the following night gave them time to send out others as well;

> Latin: 17.9. uentum insequenti die ad conloquium est; sed loquendo plura scribendoque dedita opera quae in rem non essent die consumpto, in posterum dilatum est.

[¶69] 17.10. and on the following day the business did not reach an end.

> Latin: 17.10. addita insequens nox spatium dedit et alios emittendi;

[¶70] 17.11. Thus several days were spent in arguing openly about terms, and several nights in secretly sending Carthaginians away from the camp. after the larger part of the army had been sent away, they ceased any longer to stand by even what they had been the first to propose. there was less and less agreement, as honesty declined along with fear.

> Latin: 17.11. nec postero die res finem inuenit. ita aliquot dies disceptando palam de legibus noctesque emittendis clam e castris Carthaginiensibus absumptae. et postquam pars maior emissa exercitus erat, iam ne iis quidem quae ultro dicta erant stabatur;

[¶71] 17.12. this time nearly all the infantry forces had escaped from the pass when at daybreak a dense fog covered the whole pass and the adjacent plain. Hasdrubal on noticing that, sent a messenger to Nero, to postpone the conference until the next day: that day was banned among the Carthaginians, he said, for the doing of anything serious.

> Latin: 17.12. minusque ac minus, cum timore simul fide decrescente, conueniebat. iam ferme pedestres omnes copiae euaserant e saltu cum prima luce densa nebula saltum omnem camposque circa intexit. quod ubi sensit Hasdrubal, mittit ad Neronem qui in posterum diem conloquium differret: illum diem religiosum Carthaginiensibus ad agendum quicquam rei seriae esse.

[¶72] 17.13. even then fraud was not suspected, excuse for that day was granted, and forthwith Hasdrubal with his cavalry and elephants left camp, and without any noise escaped to a place of safety. about the fourth hour the burning away of the fog by the sun cleared the air, and the Romans caught sight of the empty camp of the enemy.

> Latin: 17.13. ne tum quidem suspecta fraus cum esset, data uenia eius diei, extemploque Hasdrubal cum equitatu elephantisque castris egressus sine ullo tumultu in tutum euasit.

[¶73] 17.14. Claudius, who until then did not recognize the Punic deception, perceived that he had been tricked, he pressed the pursuit of a departing enemy, he being all ready to engage in pitched battle.

> Latin: 17.14. hora ferme quarta dispulsa sole nebula aperuit diem, uacuaque hostium castra conspexerunt Romani tum demum Claudius Punicam fraudem adgnoscens ut se dolo captum sensit, proficiscentem institit sequi paratus confligere acie.

[¶74] 17.16. the enemy refused to fight. yet there were slight engagements between the rear of the Carthaginian column and the advance guard of the Romans.

> Latin: 17.16. sed hostis detractabat pugnam; leuia tamen proelia inter extremum Punicum agmen praecursoresque Romanorum fiebant. inter haec Hispaniae populi nec qui post cladem acceptam defecerant redibant ad Romanos, nec ulli noui deficiebant;

[¶75] 18.2. of the peoples of Spain none who had revolted after the disaster occurred were returning to the Romans, and at the same time no new nations were revolting. at Rome, after the recovery of Capua, senate and people were no longer more concerned about Italy than about Spain.

> Latin: 18.2. et Romae senatui populoque post receptam Capuam non Italiae iam maior quam Hispaniae cura erat. et exercitum augeri et imperatorem mitti placebat;

[¶76] 18.3. favoured an increase of the army and the sending of a commander —in —chief; nor were they so well agreed whom to send, as they were on this point, that, where two great commanders had fallen within thirty days, there a successor to both must be chosen with unusual care.

> Latin: 18.3. nec tam quem mitterent satis constabat quam illud, ubi duo summi imperatores intra dies triginta cecidissent, qui in locum duorum succederet extraordinaria cura deligendum esse.

[¶77] 18.4. some were naming one man, others another, finally they had recourse to the holding of an election to name a proconsul for Spain; and the consuls announced a date for the election.

> Latin: 18.4. cum alii alium nominarent, postremum eo decursum est ut proconsuli creando in Hispaniam comitia haberentur; diemque comitiis consules edixerunt.

[¶78] 18.5. first people had waited for those who thought themselves deserving of so important a command to hand in their names. that hope was disappointed, grief for the disaster they had suffered was renewed, and regret for the lost generals. so the citizens mourned, being almost devoid of any plan; nevertheless on the election day they went down into the Campus.

> Latin: 18.5. primo exspectauerant ut qui se tanto imperio dignos crederent nomina profiterentur; quae ut destituta exspectatio est, redintegratus luctus acceptae cladis desideriumque imperatorum amissorum. maesta itaque ciuitas prope inops consilii comitiorum die tamen in campum descendit;

[¶79] 18.6. turning towards the magistrates they scanned the faces of the leading men, who were looking at one and another of their number, and there were complaints that the situation was so desperate and hope for the state so given up that no man ventured to accept the command for Spain, when suddenly Publius Cornelius, son of that Publius Cornelius who had fallen in Spain, being about twenty —four years of age, declared that he was a candidate, and took his place on higher ground from which he could be

> Latin: 18.6. atque in magistratus uersi circumspectant ora principum aliorum alios intuentium fremuntque adeo perditas res desperatumque de re publica esse ut nemo audeat in Hispaniam imperium accipere, cum subito P. Cornelius <Publi filius eius> qui in Hispania ceciderat, [filius] quattuor et uiginti ferme annos natus, professus se petere, in superiore unde conspici posset loco constitit.

[¶80] 18.8. seen. faces were turned towards him, and then by their shouts of approval they at once predicted a fortunate and auspicious command., bidden to cast their votes, not only all the centuries, but also every single man voted that Publius Scipio should have the command in

> Latin: 18.8. in quem postquam omnium ora conuersa sunt, clamore ac fauore ominati extemplo sunt felix faustumque imperium. iussi deinde inire suffragium ad unum omnes non centuriae modo, sed etiam homines P. Scipioni imperium esse in Hispania iusserunt.

[¶81] 18.10. Spain. after the thing was done, now that impulsiveness and enthusiasm had subsided, there came a sudden silence and they thought to themselves, What had they done? not partiality outweighed reasoning? was his youth that they especially regretted.

> Latin: 18.10. ceterum post rem actam ut iam resederat impetus animorum ardorque, silentium subito ortum et tacita cogitatio quidnam egissent; nonne fauor plus ualuisset quam ratio.

[¶82] 18.11. also shrank from the destiny of the house, and from the name of one who was setting out from two afflicted families for provinces where his campaign must be about the tombs of his father and his uncle. he noticed this anxiety and concern, following an action taken with such impulsiveness, Scipio called an assembly, and discoursed with such elevation of spirit on his age and the command entrusted to him and the war to be waged, that he again awakened and revived the ardour which had cooled, and filled men with a more assured hope than belief in a man's promise or reasoning based upon confidence of his success usually inspires.

> Latin: 18.11. aetatis maxime paenitebat; quidam fortunam etiam domus horrebant nomenque ex funestis duabus familiis in eas prouincias ubi inter sepulcra patris patruique res gerendae essent proficiscentis. quam ubi ab re tanto impetu acta sollicitudinem curamque hominum animaduertit, aduocata contione ita de aetate sua imperioque mandato et bello quod gerundum esset magno elatoque animo disseruit, ut ardorem eum qui resederat excitaret rursus nouaretque et impleret homines certioris spei quam quantam fides promissi humani aut ratio ex fiducia rerum subicere solet.

[¶83] 19.3. Scipio was remarkable not only for his real abilities, but thanks to a certain skill also had from his youth adapted himself to their display, doing most of his actions before the public either as if they were prompted by visions in the night or inspired by the gods, whether because he also was possessed by a certain superstition, or in order that men might carry out without hesitation his commands and advice, as though emanating from an oracular response.

> Latin: 19.3. fuit enim Scipio non ueris tantum uirtutibus mirabilis, sed arte quoque quadam ab iuuenta in ostentationem earum compositus, pleraque apud multitudinem aut per nocturnas uisa species aut uelut diuinitus mente monita agens, siue et ipse capti quadam superstitione animi, siue ut imperia consiliaque uelut sorte oraculi missa sine cunctatione exsequerentur.

[¶84] 19.5. than that, preparing men's minds from the very beginning, from the time when he put on the manly gown, there was not a day on which he did any business public or private without going first to the Capitol, and after he had entered the temple, sitting down and usually passing the time there alone in seclusion. custom, which he maintained throughout his lifetime, confirmed in some men the belief, whether deliberately circulated or by chance, that he was a man of divine race.

> Latin: 19.5. ad hoc iam inde ab initio praeparans animos, ex quo togam uirilem sumpsit nullo die prius ullam publicam priuatamque rem egit quam in Capitolium iret ingressusque aedem consideret et plerumque solus in secreto ibi tempus tereret.

[¶85] 19.6. it revived the tale previously told of Alexander the Great and rivalling it as unfounded gossip, that his conception was due to an immense serpent, and that the form of the strange creature had very often been seen in his mother's chamber, and that, when persons came in, it had suddenly glided away and disappeared from sight. himself never made light of men's belief in these marvels; on the contrary it was rather promoted by a certain studied practice of neither denying such a thing nor openly asserting it.

> Latin: 19.6. hic mos per omnem uitam seruatus seu consulto seu temere uolgatae opinioni fidem apud quosdam fecit stirpis eum diuinae uirum esse, rettulitque famam in Alexandro magno prius uolgatam, et uanitate et fabula parem, anguis immanis concubitu conceptum, et in cubiculo matris eius uisam persaepe prodigii eius speciem interuentuque hominum euolutam repente atque ex oculis elapsam.

[¶86] 19.8. other things of the same sort, some true, some pretended, had passed the limits of admiration for a mere man in the case of this youth.

> Latin: 19.8. his miraculis nunquam ab ipso elusa fides est; quin potius aucta arte quadam nec abnuendi tale quicquam nec palam adfirmandi.

[¶87] 19.9. were the things on which the citizens relied when they then entrusted to an age far from mature the great responsibility of so important a command.

> Latin: 19.9. multa alia eiusdem generis, alia uera, alia adsimulata, admirationis humanae in eo iuuene excesserant modum; quibus freta tunc ciuitas aetati haudquaquam maturae tantam rerum molem tantumque imperium permisit.

[¶88] 19.10. the forces which Spain had from the old army, and those which had been transported under Gaius Nero from Puteoli, were added ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry. Marcus Iunius Silanus, the propraetor, was assigned to aid in the conduct of the war.

> Latin: 19.10. ad eas copias quas ex uetere exercitu Hispania habebat, quaeque a Puteolis cum C. Nerone traiectae erant, decem milia militum et mille equites adduntur, et M. Iunius Silanus propraetor adiutor ad res gerendas datus est.

[¶89] 19.11. with a fleet of thirty ships (and they were all quinqueremes ) Scipio set out from the mouth of the Tiber, sailed along the coast of the Tuscan Sea and past the Alps... and the Gallic Gulf, and then rounding the promontory of the Pyrenees, landed his troops at Emporiae, a Greek city, for they also are sprung from Phocaea.

> Latin: 19.11. ita cum triginta nauium classe—omnes autem quinqueremes erant—Ostiis Tiberinis profectus praeter oram Tusci maris, Alpesque et Gallicum sinum et deinde Pyrenaei circumuectus promuntorium, Emporiis urbe Graeca—oriundi et ipsi a Phocaea sunt—copias exposuit.

[¶90] 19.12. ordering the ships to follow, and proceeding by land to Tarraco, he held an assembly of all the allies; for on hearing of his coming embassies had poured out from the entire province. he ordered the ships to be beached, while he sent back four triremes of the Massilians which out of courtesy had escorted him from their home.

> Latin: 19.12. inde sequi nauibus iussis Tarraconem pedibus profectus conuentum omnium sociorum —etenim legationes ad famam eius ex omni se prouincia effuderant—habuit.

[¶91] 19.13. he began to give answers to the embassies which were in suspense owing to the repeated changes of fortune, and that with high spirit indeed, due to his great faith in his own abilities, yet so that no over —confident word slipped from his lips, and that in all he said there was not only great dignity but also great sincerity. out from Tarraco he visited cities of the allies and also winter quarters of the army, and warmly praised the soldiers because, after suffering two such disasters in succession, they had held the province, and not allowing the enemy to feel any benefit from their successes, had kept them out of the whole region this side of the Ebro, and had loyally protected the allies.

> Latin: 19.13. naues ibi subduci iussit, remissis quattuor triremibus Massiliensium quae officii causa ab domo prosecutae fuerant. responsa inde legationibus suspensis uarietate tot casuum dare coepit, ita elato ab ingenti uirtutum suarum fiducia animo ut nullum ferox uerbum excideret ingensque omnibus quae diceret cum maiestas inesset tum fides. profectus ab Tarracone et ciuitates sociorum et hiberna exercitus adiit, collaudauitque milites quod duabus tantis deinceps cladibus icti prouinciam obtinuissent, nec fructum secundarum rerum sentire hostes passi omni cis Hiberum agro eos arcuissent, sociosque cum fide tutati essent.

[¶92] 20.3. Marcius he kept by him in so much honour as to make it clear that he had not the least fear that anyone would stand in the way of his own fame.

> Latin: 20.3. Marcium secum habebat cum tanto honore, ut facile appareret nihil minus uereri quam ne quis obstaret gloriae suae.

[¶93] 20.4. Silanus succeeded Nero, and the new soldiers were led into winter quarters. Scipio, having promptly visited all the necessary places and having done all that was to be done, retired to Tarraco.

> Latin: 20.4. successit inde Neroni Silanus, et in hiberna milites noui deducti. Scipio omnibus quae adeunda agendaque erant mature aditis peractisque Tarraconem concessit.

[¶94] 20.5. a whit less was Scipio's fame among the enemy than among citizens and allies, and there was a certain presentiment of the future, inspiring the greater fear in proportion as they were the less able to account for their unreasoned apprehension.

> Latin: 20.5. nihilo minor fama apud hostes Scipionis erat quam apud ciues sociosque, et diuinatio quaedam futuri, quo minus ratio timoris reddi poterat oborti temere, maiorem inferens metum.

[¶95] 20.6. had withdrawn in different directions into winter quarters, Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, as far as the Ocean and Gades, Mago into the interior, especially beyond the Forest of Castulo. Hasdrubal, the son of Hamilcar, was the nearest to the Ebro in his winter quarters near Saguntum.

> Latin: 20.6. in hiberna diuersi concesserant, Hasdrubal Gisgonis usque ad Oceanum et Gades, Mago in mediterranea maxime supra Castulonensem saltum; Hasdrubal Hamilcaris filius proximus Hibero circa Saguntum hibernauit.

[¶96] 20.7. the end of the summer in which Capua was taken and Scipio came to Spain a Carthaginian fleet was summoned from Sicily to Tarentum to cut off the supplies of the Roman garrison which was in the citadel of Tarentum, and it had indeed closed every approach to the citadel from the sea, but by lying there for a long time it was making the grain supply more limited for their allies than for the enemy.

> Latin: 20.7. aestatis eius extremo qua capta est Capua et Scipio in Hispaniam uenit, Punica classis ex Sicilia Tarentum accita ad arcendos commeatus praesidii Romani quod in arce Tarentina erat, clauserat quidem omnes ad arcem a mari aditus, sed adsidendo diutius artiorem annonam sociis quam hosti faciebat;

[¶97] 20.9. it was impossible for such a quantity of grain to be brought to the townspeople by way of the peaceful shores and open harbours, under the protection of the Carthaginian ships, as the fleet itself was consuming, with its swarming crews, including men of every race. result was that, while the garrison of the citadel, as being few in number, could be supported from previous stores without importation, for the Tarentines and the fleet even the imported grain was insufficient.

> Latin: 20.9. non enim tantum subuehi oppidanis per pacata litora apertosque portus praesidio nauium Punicarum poterat quantum frumenti classis ipsa turba nauali mixta ex omni genere hominum absumebat, ut arcis praesidium etiam sine inuecto quia pauci erant ex ante praeparato sustentari posset, Tarentinis classique ne inuectum quidem sufficeret.

[¶98] 20.11. the end the departure of the fleet was more welcome than had been its coming. scarcity had not been much relieved, because, with the removal of naval protection, grain could not be brought in.

> Latin: 20.11. tandem maiore gratia quam uenerat classis dimissa est; annona haud multum laxauerat quia remoto maritimo praesidio subuehi frumentum non poterat. eiusdem aestatis exitu M. Marcellus ex Sicilia prouincia cum ad urbem uenisset, a C. Calpurnio praetore senatus ei ad aedem Bellonae datus est.

[¶99] 21.2. the end of the same summer, upon the arrival of Marcus Marcellus at the city from his province of Sicily, a session of the senate in the Temple of Bellona was granted him by Gaius Calpurnius, the praetor. after speaking of his achievements he complained gently, not more on his own account than that of the soldiers, because even after completing his task in the province, he had not been permitted to bring home his army, and he demanded that he be permitted to enter the city in triumph.

> Latin: 21.2. ibi cum de rebus ab se gestis disseruisset, questus leniter non suam magis quam militum uicem quod prouincia confecta exercitum deportare non licuisset, postulauit ut triumphanti urbem inire liceret. id non impetrauit.

[¶100] 21.3. request was not granted. was first a wordy discussion whether it was more illogical that he in whose name, though absent, a thanksgiving for successes gained under his command had been decreed and honour rendered to the gods, should be denied a triumph when present, or on the other hand that he whom they had ordered to tum over his army to a successor —a vote which was not taken except when a war still remained in the province —should triumph just as though the war were finished, and in spite of the absence of the army to witness his triumph as deserved or undeserved.

> Latin: 21.3. cum multis uerbis actum esset utrum minus conueniret cuius nomine absentis ob res prospere ductu eius gestas supplicatio decreta foret et dis immortalibus habitus honos ei praesenti negare triumphum, an quem tradere exercitum successori iussissent—quod nisi manente in prouincia bello non decerneretur—eum quasi debellato triumphare cum exercitus testis meriti atque immeriti triumphi abesset, medium uisum ut ouans urbem iniret.

## 29. Book XXVI · chapters 21–31

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/29/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/29/#p-N

[¶0] 21.5. they adopted a compromise, that he should enter the city in an ovation.

> Latin: 21.5. tribuni plebis ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt ut M. Marcello quo die urbem ouans iniret imperium esset.

[¶1] 21.6. tribune of the plebs on the authority of the senate brought before the people the proposal that Marcus Marcellus should have full military power on the day on which he entered the city in an ovation.

> Latin: 21.6. pridie quam urbem iniret in monte Albano triumphauit; inde ouans multam prae se praedam in urbem intulit.

[¶2] 21.7. the day before his entry into the city he triumphed on the Alban Mount. in his ovation he caused a great amount of booty to be carried before him into the city. with a representation of captured Syracuse were carried catapults and ballistae and all the other engines of war, and the adornments of a long peace and of royal wealth, a quantity of silverware and bronze —ware, other furnishings and costly fabrics, and many notable statues, with which Syracuse had been adorned more highly than most cities of Greece.

> Latin: 21.7. cum simulacro captarum Syracusarum catapultae ballistaeque et alia omnia instrumenta belli lata et pacis diuturnae regiaeque opulentiae ornamenta, argenti aerisque fabrefacti uis, alia supellex pretiosaque uestis et multa nobilia signa, quibus inter primas Graeciae urbes Syracusae ornatae fuerant.

[¶3] 21.9. a sign of triumph over Carthaginians as well, eight elephants were in the procession. not the least spectacle, in advance of the general and wearing golden wreaths, were Sosis of Syracuse and Moericus the Spaniard.

> Latin: 21.9. Punicae quoque uictoriae signum octo ducti elephanti, et non minimum fuere spectaculum cum coronis aureis praecedentes Sosis Syracusanus et Moericus Hispanus, quorum altero duce nocturno Syracusas introitum erat, alter Nassum quodque ibi praesidii erat prodiderat.

[¶4] 21.11. one of them as guide at night Syracuse had been entered; the other had betrayed Nasus and the garrison there. both of these citizenship was granted and five hundred iugera of land; to Sosis, in the territory of Syracuse, land which had either belonged to the king or to enemies of the Roman people, and a house at Syracuse, to be chosen by him from those owned by men whom they had punished by the law of war.

> Latin: 21.11. his ambobus ciuitas data et quingena iugera agri, Sosidi in agro Syracusano qui aut regius aut hostium populi Romani fuisset et aedes Syracusis cuius uellet eorum in quos belli iure animaduersum esset, Moerico Hispanisque qui cum eo transierant urbs agerque in Sicilia ex iis qui a populo Romano defecissent, iussa dari.

[¶5] 21.13. Moericus and the Spaniards who had changed sides with him a city and land in Sicily were ordered to be given, chosen from among those who had revolted from the Roman people. were given to Marcus Cornelius to assign them a city and land wherever he saw fit.

> Latin: 21.13. id M. Cornelio mandatum ut ubi ei uideretur urbem agrumque eis adsignaret. in eodem agro Belligeni, per quem inlectus ad transitionem Moericus erat, quadringenta iugera agri decreta.

[¶6] 21.14. the same region four hundred iugera of land were voted to Belligenes, by whom Moericus had been induced to change sides. Marcellus' departure from Sicily a Carthaginian fleet landed eight thousand infantry and three thousand Numidian cavalry. them the cities of Murgentia and Ergetium revolted.

> Latin: 21.14. post profectionem ex Sicilia Marcelli Punica classis octo milia peditum, tria Numidarum equitum exposuit. ad eos Murgentia et Er<getium urbes defece>re. secutae defectionem earum Hybla et Macella et ignobiliores quaedam aliae;

[¶7] 21.15. rebellion was followed by that of Hybla and Macella and some others of less importance. the Numidians, roaming everywhere in Sicily under their prefect Muttines, burned over lands of allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 21.15. et Numidae praefecto Muttine uagi per totam Siciliam sociorum populi Romani agros urebant.

[¶8] 21.16. addition the Roman army, being indignant, partly because it had not been transported out of the province along with its commander, and partly because they had been forbidden to winter in towns, was serving without spirit. what they lacked for a mutiny was a leader rather than the inclination.

> Latin: 21.16. super haec exercitus Romanus iratus, partim quod cum imperatore non deuectus ex prouincia esset, partim quod in oppidis hibernare uetiti erant, segni fungebantur militia, magisque eis auctor ad seditionem quam animus deerat.

[¶9] 21.17. the midst of these difficulties Marcus Cornelius, the praetor, quieted the soldiers' excitement, now by consoling, now by censuring them; likewise he reduced to subjection all the city —states which had revolted. of these he assigned Murgentia to the Spaniards to whom a city with its territory was due in conformity with a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 21.17. inter has difficultates M. Cornelius praetor et militum animos nunc consolando nunc castigando sedauit, et ciuitates omnes quae defecerant in dicionem redegit; atque ex iis Murgentiam Hispanis quibus urbs agerque debebatur ex senatus consulto attribuit. consules cum ambo Apuliam prouinciam haberent, minusque iam terroris a Poenis et Hannibale esset, sortiri iussi Apuliam Macedoniamque prouincias. Sulpicio Macedonia euenit isque Laeuino successit.

[¶10] 22.2. both consuls had Apulia as their province, and there was now less alarm from the Carthaginians and Hannibal, they were ordered to cast lots for Apulia and Macedonia as their provinces. Macedonia fell to Sulpicius, and he succeeded Laevinus. Fulvius was summoned to Rome for the election, and while he was conducting the election for the choice of consuls, the century of the younger men of the Voturia tribe, having the right to vote first, declared in favour of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Titus Otacilius as consuls, the latter being absent. a crowd gathered before Manlius, who was present, in order to congratulate him, and the approval of the people was unquestioned, surrounded by a great crowd he came to the tribunal of the consul, begged him to hear a few words from him, and bade him recall the century which had cast its vote.

> Latin: 22.2. Fuluius Romam comitiorum causa arcessitus cum comitia consulibus rogandis haberet, praerogatiua Uoturia iuniorum T. Manlium Torquatum et T. Otacilium <consules dixit. cum ad Manlium>, qui praesens erat, gratulandi causa turba coiret, nec dubius esset consensus populi, magna circumfusus turba ad tribunal consulis uenit, petitque ut pauca sua uerba audiret centuriamque quae tulisset suffragium reuocari iuberet.

[¶11] 22.5. all were in suspense, waiting to know what he was going to demand, he gave the condition of his eyes as an excuse.

> Latin: 22.5. erectis omnibus exspectatione quidnam postulaturus esset, oculorum ualetudinem excusauit:

[¶12] 22.6. , he said, was a pilot and a general too, who, though he must use other men's eyes for everything he did, demanded that the lives and fortunes of others be entrusted to him.

> Latin: 22.6. impudentem et gubernatorem et imperatorem esse qui, cum alienis oculis ei omnia agenda sint, postulet sibi aliorum capita ac fortunas committi;

[¶13] 22.7. , if Fulvius approved, let him order the Voturia century of the younger men to vote again, and in electing consuls to remember the war that was in Italy and the critical times for the state.

> Latin: 22.7. proinde si uideretur ei, redire in suffragium Uoturiam iuniorum iuberet et meminisse in consulibus creandis belli quod in Italia sit temporumque rei publicae;

[¶14] 22.8. ears had hardly yet had a respite from the noise and uproar of the enemy when the city of Rome had been all but ablaze a few months before. these words the whole century cried out that they refused to make any change in opinion, and would vote for the same men as consuls.

> Latin: 22.8. uixdum requiesse aures a strepitu et tumultu hostili, quo paucos ante menses cesserint prope moenia Romana. post haec cum centuria frequens succlamasset nihil se mutare sententiae eosdemque consules dicturos esse, tum Torquatus 'neque ego uestros' inquit 'mores consul ferre potero neque uos imperium meum.

[¶15] 22.9. Torquatus said: “shall I as consul be able to put up with your manners, nor will you with my authority. again, and reflect that a Punic war is in Italy and the commander of the enemy Hannibal.”

> Latin: 22.9. redite in suffragium et cogitate bellum Punicum in Italia et hostium ducem Hannibalem esse.'

[¶16] 22.10. the century, moved by the prestige of the man and the expressions of admiration on all sides, begged the consul to summon the Voturia century of the older men. wished, they said, to confer with their elders and on their authority to name consuls.

> Latin: 22.10. tum centuria et auctoritate mota uiri et admirantium circa fremitu, petiit a consule ut Uoturiam seniorum citaret:

[¶17] 22.11. the older men of the Voturia had been summoned, time for a secret conference with them was granted in the Sheepfold.

> Latin: 22.11. uelle sese cum maioribus natu conloqui et ex auctoritate eorum consules dicere. citatis Uoturiae senioribus, datum secreto in Ouili cum iis conloquendi tempus.

[¶18] 22.12. elders said that they must deliberate in regard to three men, two of them already full of honours, Quintus Fabius and Marcus Marcellus, and if they were quite decided to elect some new man as consul to face the Carthaginians, Marcus Valerius Laevinus; that he had carried on the war brilliantly against King Philip on land and sea. after deliberation in regard to the three men had been allowed, the elders were sent away, and the younger men cast their vote.

> Latin: 22.12. seniores de tribus consulendum dixerunt esse, duobus plenis iam honorum, Q. Fabio et M. Marcello, et si utique nouum aliquem aduersus Poenos consulem creari uellent, M. Ualerio Laeuino; egregie aduersus Philippum regem terra marique rem gessisse.

[¶19] 22.13. voted for Marcus Claudius, at that time resplendent in the light of his conquest of Sicily, and Marcus Valerius as consuls, both being absent. authority of the leading century was followed by all the rest. men now make sport of those who admire what is old.

> Latin: 22.13. ita de tribus consultatione data, senioribus dimissis iuniores suffragium ineunt. M. Claudium, fulgentem tum Sicilia domita, et M. Ualerium absentes consules dixerunt. auctoritatem praerogatiuae omnes centuriae secutae sunt.

[¶20] 22.14. my part, if there should be a city —state of sages, such as philosophers imagine rather than actually know, I am inclined to think that neither could leading men possibly be of more solid worth and more self —controlled as regards the lust for power, nor could the populace show a higher character.

> Latin: 22.14. eludant nunc antiqua mirantes: non equidem, si qua sit sapientium ciuitas quam docti fingunt magis quam norunt, aut principes grauiores temperantioresque a cupidine imperii aut multitudinem melius moratam censeam fieri posse.

[¶21] 22.15. that a century of the younger men wished to confer with their elders on the question to which persons they should, by their vote, entrust a high command, should seem to us scarcely credible —this is due to the cheapened and diminished authority even of parents over their children in our day.

> Latin: 22.15. centuriam uero iuniorum seniores consulere uoluisse quibus imperium suffragio mandaret, uix ut ueri simile sit parentium quoque hoc saeculo uilis leuisque apud liberos auctoritas fecit. praetoria inde comitia habita. P. Manlius Uolso et L. Manlius Acidinus et C. Laetorius et L. Cincius Alimentus creati sunt.

[¶22] 23.2. an election for the praetorships was held. Publius Manlius Volso and Lucius Manlius Acidinus and Gaius Laetorius and Lucius Cincius Alimentus were elected. was after the election, as it happened, that news came of the death in Sicily of Titus Otacilius, whom the people in his absence would, it seemed, have given as a colleague to Titus Manlius, if the course of the election had not been interrupted.

> Latin: 23.2. forte ita incidit ut comitiis perfectis nuntiaretur T. Otacilium, quem T. Manlio nisi interpellatus ordo comitiorum esset collegam absentem daturus fuisse uidebatur populus, mortuum in Sicilia esse.

[¶23] 23.3. festival of Apollo had been observed in the previous year, and in order that it might be observed in this year also, the senate, on motion of Calpurnius, the praetor, decreed that it be vowed as a permanency.

> Latin: 23.3. ludi Apollinares et priore anno fuerant et eo anno ut fierent referente Calpurnio praetore senatus decreuit ut in perpetuum uouerentur.

[¶24] 23.4. the same year a number of prodigies were seen and reported. the Temple of Concord a Victory which stood on the pediment was struck by lightning, and being dislodged, it caught upon the Victories which were among the antefixes and did not fall farther.

> Latin: 23.4. eodem anno prodigia aliquot uisa nuntiataque sunt. in aede Concordiae Uictoria quae in culmine erat fulmine icta decussaque ad Uictorias quae in antefixis erant haesit neque inde procidit;

[¶25] 23.5. at Anagnia and at Fregellae the wall and gates were reported to have been struck by lightning; and that at Forum Subertanum there had been streams of blood for a whole day; and that at Eretum there was a shower of stones; and that at Reate a mule had foaled.

> Latin: 23.5. et Anagniae et Fregellis nuntiatum est murum portasque de caelo tacta, et in foro Subertano sanguinis riuos per diem totum fluxisse, et Ereti lapidibus pluuisse, et Reate mulam peperisse.

[¶26] 23.6. prodigies were atoned for with full —grown victims, and a single day of prayer was proclaimed to the people and nine days of ceremonies.

> Latin: 23.6. ea prodigia hostiis maioribus sunt procurata et obsecratio in unum diem populo indicta et nouendiale sacrum.

[¶27] 23.7. number of public priests died that year, and new priests were appointed; in place of Manius Aemilius Numida, a decemvir in charge of rites, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was appointed, in place of Marcus Pomponius Matho, a pontifex, Gaius Livius, in place of Spurius Carvilius Maximus, an augur, Marcus Servilius.

> Latin: 23.7. sacerdotes publici aliquot eo anno demortui sunt nouique suffecti: in locum M'. Aemili Numidae decemuiri sacrorum M. Aemilius Lepidus, in locum M. Pomponi Mathonis pontificis C. Liuius, in locum Sp. Caruili Maximi auguris M. Seruilius.

[¶28] 23.8. Titus Otacilius Crassus, a pontifex, had died at the end of the year, no one was named to take his place. Gaius Claudius, flamen of Jupiter, abdicated his office because of an error in his placing the entrails.

> Latin: 23.8. T. Otacilius Crassus pontifex quia exacto anno mortuus erat, ideo nominatio in locum eius non est facta. C. Claudius flamen Dialis quod exta perperam dederat flamonio abiit. per idem tempus M. Ualerius Laeuinus temptatis prius per secreta conloquia principum animis ad indictum ante ad id ipsum concilium Aetolorum classe expedita uenit.

[¶29] 24.2. the same time Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had previously sounded the leading men in secret conferences, came on a swift sailing fleet to a council of the Aetolians already appointed for that very purpose. he first set before them the capture of Syracuse and Capua, to convince them of success in Italy and Sicily, and in addition referred to the customary good treatment of allies as handed down to the Romans by their ancestors. of the allies, he said, they had admitted to citizenship and to the same rights as themselves, others they kept in so favoured a situation that they preferred to be allies rather than citizens;

> Latin: 24.2. ubi cum Syracusas Capuamque captas in fidem in Italia <Sicilia>- que rerum secundarum ostentasset, adiecissetque iam inde a maioribus traditum morem Romanis colendi socios, ex quibus alios in ciuitatem atque aequum secum ius accepissent, alios in ea fortuna haberent ut socii esse quam ciues mallent:

[¶30] 24.3. the Aetolians would be held in all the higher honour inasmuch as they had been the first of the peoples across the sea to enter their friendship; Philip and the Macedonians were their oppressive neighbours, whose might and over —confidence he had already broken and would further reduce to such a pass that they would not only retire from the cities which they had forcibly taken from the Aetolians, but also would find Macedonia itself continually endangered.

> Latin: 24.3. Aetolos eo in maiore futuros honore quod gentium transmarinarum in amicitiam primi uenissent; Philippum eis et Macedonas graues accolas esse, quorum se uim ac spiritus et iam fregisse et eo redacturum esse ut non iis modo urbibus quas per uim ademisset Aetolis excedant, sed ipsam Macedoniam infestam habeant; et Acarnanas quos aegre ferrent Aetoli a corpore suo diremptos restituturum se in antiquam formulam iurisque ac dicionis eorum;

[¶31] 24.6. as for the Acarnanians, whose forcible separation from their federation the Aetolians resented, he said he would restore them to the old written basis, establishing both the rights and the supremacy of the Aetolians.

> Latin: 24.6. —haec dicta promissaque a Romano imperatore Scopas, qui tum praetor gentis erat, et Dorimachus princeps Aetolorum adfirmauerunt auctoritate sua, minore cum uerecundia et maiore cum fide uim maiestatemque populi Romani extollentes. maxime tamen spes potiundae mouebat Acarnaniae.

[¶32] 24.7. statements and promises by the Roman general were confirmed by the authority of Scopas, then magistrate of the tribe, and of Dorimachus, a leading man of the Aetolians; while extolling the might and majesty of the Roman people they used less restraint and brought more conviction. most effective was the hope of - getting possession of Acarnania. the terms were written down under which they should enter friendship and alliance with the Roman people; furthermore that, if so disposed and willing, the Eleans and Lacedaemonians and Attalus and Pleuratus and Scerdilaedus should have the same rights of friendship, Attalus being king of Asia and the last mentioned kings of the Thracians and Illyrians; that the Aetolians should at once wage war against Philip by land; that the Roman should assist with a fleet having not less than twenty —five

> Latin: 24.7. igitur conscriptae condiciones quibus in amicitiam societatemque populi Romani uenirent; additumque ut, si placeret uellentque, eodem iure amicitiae Elei Lacedaemoniique et Attalus et Pleuratus et Scerdilaedus essent, Asiae Attalus, hi Thracum et Illyriorum reges; bellum ut extemplo Aetoli cum Philippo terra gererent; nauibus ne minus uiginti quinque quinqueremibus adiuuaret Romanus;

[¶33] 24.10. quinqueremes; that, of the cities between the Aetolian border and Corcyra the soil and buildings and city —walls, together with their territory, should belong to the Aetolians, all the rest of the booty to the Roman people; and that the Romans were to see to it that the Aetolians should have Acarnania.

> Latin: 24.10. urbium Corcyrae tenus ab Aetolia incipienti solum tectaque et muri cum agris Aetolorum, alia omnis praeda populi Romani esset, darentque operam Romani ut Acarnaniam Aetoli haberent; si Aetoli pacem cum Philippo facerent, foederi adscriberent ita ratam fore pacem si Philippus arma ab Romanis sociisque quique eorum dicionis essent abstinuisset;

[¶34] 24.12. the Aetolians should make peace with Philip they were to append to the treaty that the peace would be valid only in case Philip should refrain from war with the Romans and their allies and those who were subject to the latter.

> Latin: 24.12. item si populus Romanus foedere iungeretur regi, ut caueret ne ius ei belli inferendi Aetolis sociisque eorum esset.

[¶35] 24.13. like manner, if the Roman people should make a treaty with the king, they should take care that he have no right to invade the land of the Aetolians and their allies.

> Latin: 24.13. haec conuenerunt, conscriptaque biennio post Olympiae ab Aetolis, in Capitolio ab Romanis, ut testata sacratis monumentis essent sunt posita.

[¶36] 24.14. terms were agreed upon, and not until two years later were the texts set up, at Olympia by the Aetolians, on the Capitol by the Romans, that they might be attested by consecrated records. reason for the delay had been the retention of the Aetolian envoys for a long time at Rome. yet that did not hinder active measures. the one hand the Aetolians at once began the war against Philip, on the other Laevinus captured Zacynthus. is a small island, near Aetolia, and has one city of the same name as the island itself; that city he took by storm, except for its citadel. after capturing Oeniadae and Nasus, belonging to the Acarnanians, he annexed them to Aetolia. that Philip also was sufficiently involved in a war with neighbours to prevent him from having any possible thought of Italy and the Carthaginians and treaties with Hannibal, he himself retired to Corcyra.

> Latin: 24.14. morae causa fuerant retenti Romae diutius legati Aetolorum; nec tamen impedimento id rebus gerendis fuit. et Aetoli extemplo mouerunt aduersus Philippum bellum, et Laeuinus Zacynthum—parua insula est propinqua Aetoliae; urbem unam eodem quo ipsa est nomine habet; eam praeter arcem ui cepit—et Oeniadas Nassumque Acarnanum captas Aetolis contribuit; Philippum quoque satis implicatum bello finitimo ratus ne Italiam Poenosque et pacta cum Hannibale posset respicere, Corcyram ipse se recepit. Philippo Aetolorum defectio Pellae hibernanti allata est.

[¶37] 25.2. Philip was wintering at Pella, the estrangement of the Aetolians was reported to him., because he intended at the beginning of spring to move his army into Greece, in order that Macedonia should keep the Illyrians in her rear and the cities near them intimidated, he made a sudden incursion into the territories of Oricum and Apollonia, and when the Apollonians came out of their city, he drove them inside their walls, causing great panic and alarm.

> Latin: 25.2. itaque quia primo uere moturus exercitum in Graeciam erat, Illyrios finitimasque eis urbes ab tergo metu quietas ut Macedonia haberet, expeditionem subitam in Oricinorum atque Apolloniatium fines fecit, egressosque Apolloniatas cum magno terrore ac pauore compulit intra muros.

[¶38] 25.3. ravaging the nearest parts of Illyricum, he changed the direction of his march with the same speed into Pelagonia.

> Latin: 25.3. uastatis proximis Illyrici in Pelagoniam eadem celeritate uertit iter; inde Dardanorum urbem Sintiam, in Macedoniam transitum Dardanis facturam, cepit.

[¶39] 25.4. he captured a city of the Dardanians, Sintia, as likely to afford a passage for the Dardanians into Macedonia. much having been done in haste, mindful of the Aetolian war and the Roman war combined with it, he came down through Pelagonia and Lyncus and Bottiaea into Thessaly, believing that men could be aroused to join him in undertaking a war against the Aetolians, and leaving Perseus at the pass into Thessaly with four thousand armed men, to prevent the Aetolians from entering, he led his army, before he should be engaged in more important matters, into Macedonia and thence into Thrace and against the Maedi.

> Latin: 25.4. his raptim actis, memor Aetolici iunctique cum eo Romani belli per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiaeam in Thessaliam descendit—ad bellum secum aduersus Aetolos capessendum incitari posse homines credebat—et relicto ad fauces Thessaliae Perseo cum quattuor milibus armatorum ad arcendos aditu Aetolos, ipse priusquam maioribus occuparetur rebus in Macedoniam atque inde in Thraciam exercitum ac Maedos duxit.

[¶40] 25.7. tribe had been in the habit of making raids into Macedonia, whenever it knew that the king was engaged in a foreign war and the kingdom unprotected.

> Latin: 25.7. incurrere ea gens in Macedoniam solita erat, ubi regem occupatum externo bello ac sine praesidio esse regnum sensisset.

[¶41] 25.8. to break its power he began at the same time to lay waste the country and to besiege the city of Iamphorynna, the capital and citadel of Maedica.

> Latin: 25.8. ad frangendas igitur <uires gentis simul> uastare agros et urbem Iamphorynnam, caput arcemque Maedicae, oppugnare coepit.

[¶42] 25.9. Scopas, on learning that the king had gone into Thrace and was there occupied with a war, armed all the young men among the Aetolians and prepared to invade Acarnania.

> Latin: 25.9. Scopas ubi profectum in Thraciam regem occupatumque ibi bello audiuit, armata omni iuuentute Aetolorum bellum inferre Acarnaniae parat.

[¶43] 25.10. these the Acarnanian tribe, inferior in strength, and at the same time seeing Oeniadae and Nasus lost and a war with Rome impending in addition, prepared for war out of resentment rather than calculation.

> Latin: 25.10. aduersus quos Acarnanum gens, et uiribus impar et iam Oeniadas Nassumque amissa cernens Romanaque insuper arma ingruere, ira magis instruit quam consilio bellum.

[¶44] 25.11. away wives and children and the older men above sixty years to the nearest part of Epirus, from fifteen years of age up to sixty they took an oath that they would not return except as victors;

> Latin: 25.11. coniugibus liberisque et senioribus super sexaginta annos in propinquam Epirum missis, ab quindecim ad sexaginta annos coniurant nisi uictores se non redituros;

[¶45] 25.12. should any man come out of the battle defeated, they drew up a dreadful curse upon their countrymen, a most solemn adjuration addressed to their hosts: that no one should receive that man into the city, into his house, to his table, to his hearth.

> Latin: 25.12. qui uictus acie excessisset, eum ne quis urbe tecto mensa lare reciperet, diram exsecrationem in populares, obtestationem quam sanctissimam potuerunt aduersus hospites composuerunt;

[¶46] 25.13. at the same time they besought the Epirotes to cover under one mound all of their men who were to fall in battle, and to set up this inscription for those they had buried: “lie the Acarnanians who, fighting for their country against the violence and injustice of the Aetolians, have met their death.”

> Latin: 25.13. precatique simul Epirotas sunt ut qui suorum in acie cecidissent eos uno tumulo contegerent, adicerentque humatis titulum: 'hic siti sunt Acarnanes, qui aduersus uim atque iniuriam Aetolorum pro patria pugnantes mortem occubuerunt.'

[¶47] 25.15. aroused their spirits by these means, they pitched camp facing the enemy at their very frontier. messengers to Philip to inform him how great was the danger, they compelled him to give up the war which he had on hand, after the surrender of Iamphorynna and in spite of his other successes.

> Latin: 25.15. per haec incitatis animis castra in extremis finibus suis obuia hosti posuerunt. nuntiis ad Philippum missis quanto res in discrimine esset, omittere Philippum id quod in manibus erat coegerunt bellum, Iamphorynna per deditionem recepta et prospero alio successu rerum.

[¶48] 25.16. Aetolians' attack was delayed at first by the report of the oath of the Acarnanians, and then news of Philip's approach forced them to retire far back into the interior.

> Latin: 25.16. Aetolorum impetum tardauerat primo coniurationis fama Acarnanicae; deinde auditus Philippi aduentus regredi etiam in intimos coegit fines.

[¶49] 25.17. Philip, although he had been making forced marches to prevent the Acarnanians from being overpowered, did not advance beyond Dium., on hearing that the Aetolians had returned from Acarnania, he too returned to Pella.

> Latin: 25.17. nec Philippus, quanquam ne opprimerentur Acarnanes itineribus magnis ierat, ultra Dium est progressus; inde cum audisset reditum Aetolorum ex Acarnania, et ipse Pellam rediit. Laeuinus ueris principio a Corcyra profectus nauibus superato Leucata promuntorio cum uenisset Naupactum, Anticyram inde se petiturum edixit ut praesto ibi Scopas Aetolique essent.

[¶50] 26.2. Laevinus at the beginning of spring set out by ship from Corcyra, rounded the promontory of Leucata, and on reaching Naupactus, made it known by an edict that he would proceed to Anticyra, and that Scopas and the Aetolians should meet him there. Anticyra is situated in Locris, on the left as one enters the Gulf of Corinth. is a short journey by land, a short sail thither from Naupactus. two days later the siege began from both sides. serious was the attack from the sea, because the artillery and engines of all kinds were on the ships, also because it was the Romans who were besieging from that side. -so within a few days the city surrendered and was turned over to the Aetolians, while the booty fell to the Romans in accordance with the agreement.

> Latin: 26.2. sita Anticyra est in Locride laeua parte sinum Corinthiacum intranti; breue terra iter eo, breuis nauigatio ab Naupacto est. tertio ferme post die utrimque oppugnari coepta est; grauior a mari oppugnatio erat quia et tormenta machinaeque omnis generis in nauibus erant et Romani inde oppugnabant. itaque intra paucos dies recepta urbs per deditionem Aetolis traditur: praeda ex pacto Romanis cessit.

[¶51] 26.4. letter was delivered meanwhile to Laevinus informing him that in his absence he had been declared consul, and that his successor, Publius Sulpicius, was on the way. contracting a long illness there, he came to Rome later than anyone had anticipated.

> Latin: 26.4. litterae Laeuino redditae consulem eum absentem declaratum et successorem uenire P. Sulpicium; ceterum diuturno ibi morbo implicitus serius spe omnium Romam uenit.

[¶52] 26.5. Marcus Marcellus, having entered upon his consulship on the Ides of March, held a session of the senate on that day merely as a matter of custom, declaring that in the absence of his colleague he would do nothing concerning either the state or the provinces.

> Latin: 26.5. M. Marcellus cum idibus Martiis consulatum inisset, senatum eo die moris modo causa habuit professus nihil se absente collega neque de re publica neque de prouinciis acturum:

[¶53] 26.6. knew, he said, that a large number of Sicilians were near the city at the country —places of his detractors; that so far was it from being true that these men were not permitted by him to noise abroad openly at Rome the charges emanating from his personal foes, that he would himself immediately have given them a hearing in the senate but for their pretending no little fear to speak of the consul in the absence of his colleague.

> Latin: 26.6. scire se frequentes Siculos prope urbem in uillis obtrectatorum suorum esse; quibus tantum abesse ut per se non liceat palam Romae crimina edita [ficta] ab inimicis uolgare, ut ni simularent aliquem sibi timorem absente collega dicendi de consule esse, ipse eis extemplo daturus senatum fuerit.

[¶54] 26.7. indeed his colleague should arrive, he said, he would not allow any business to be taken up prior to the question of bringing the Sicilians before the senate.

> Latin: 26.7. ubi quidem collega uenisset non passurum quicquam prius agi quam ut Siculi in senatum introducantur.

[¶55] 26.8. was almost a levy that Marcus Cornelius had conducted all over Sicily, in order that as many as possible might come to Rome to complain of himself. added that Cornelius had also filled the city with letters falsely stating that there was a war in Sicily, in order to detract from the praise of the speaker.

> Latin: 26.8. dilectum prope a M. Cornelio per totam Siciliam habitum ut quam plurimi questum de se Romam uenirent; eundem litteris falsis urbem implesse bellum in Sicilia esse ut suam laudem minuat.

[¶56] 26.9. winning a reputation for moderation on that day, the consul dismissed the senate. it seemed that public business would be almost at a standstill until the other consul should come to the city., as usual, stirred up talk among the common people.

> Latin: 26.9. moderati animi gloriam eo die adeptus consul senatum dimisit, ac prope iustitium omnium rerum futurum uidebatur donec alter consul ad urbem uenisset. otium, ut solet, excitauit plebis rumores.

[¶57] 26.10. kept complaining of the duration of the war and of the devastation of farms around the city, wherever Hannibal had passed with his hostile army; of the draining of Italy by levies, and of armies cut to pieces almost every year;

> Latin: 26.10. belli diuturnitatem et uastatos agros circa urbem, qua infesto agmine isset Hannibal, exhaustam dilectibus Italiam et prope quotannis caesos exercitus querebantur, et consules bellicosos ambo uiros acresque nimis et feroces creatos qui uel in pace tranquilla bellum excitare possent, nedum in bello respirare ciuitatem forent passuri.

[¶58] 26.11. and of the election to both consulships of men of war, with an excess of spirit and confidence, who even in unruffled peace were capable of stirring up war, and were still less likely in time of war to allow the state a breathing —spell.

> Latin: 26.11. interrupit hos sermones nocte quae pridie Quinquatrus fuit pluribus simul locis circa forum incendium ortum.

[¶59] 27.2. utterances were interrupted on the night before the Quinquatrus by a fire which broke out in several places at once about the Forum. the same time the seven shops which later were five, and the bankers' offices, now called Tabernae Novae, caught fire; then private houses took fire —for there were no basilicas then, —the quarter of the Quarries took fire, and the Fish Market and the Atrium Regium. Temple of Vesta was saved with difficulty chiefly by the aid of thirteen slaves, who were purchased by the state and manumitted.

> Latin: 27.2. eodem tempore septem tabernae quae postea quinque, et argentariae quae nunc nouae appellantur, arsere; comprehensa postea priuata aedificia—neque enim tum basilicae erant—comprehensae lautumiae forumque piscatorium et atrium regium;

[¶60] 27.4. fire held on night and day, and no one doubted that it was the work of incendiaries, since the flames had burst out in several places at once, and places not adjacent at that.

> Latin: 27.4. aedis Uestae uix defensa est tredecim maxime seruorum opera, qui in publicum redempti ac manu missi sunt.

[¶61] 27.5. the consul on the authority of the senate declared before an assembly that any man who made known through whose action the fire had been kindled should have, if a freeman, money as his reward, if a slave, his freedom.

> Latin: 27.5. nocte ac die continuatum incendium fuit, nec ulli dubium erat humana id fraude factum esse quod pluribus simul locis et iis diuersis ignes coorti essent.

[¶62] 27.6. by that reward a slave of the Capuan Calavii —his name was Manus —declared that his masters, and in addition five young men, Capuan nobles, whose fathers had been beheaded by Quintus Fulvius, had set that fire, and would set others everywhere if they were not arrested. were arrested, themselves and their slaves. at first they tried to discredit the informer and the information.

> Latin: 27.6. itaque consul ex auctoritate senatus pro contione edixit qui, quorum opera id conflatum incendium, profiteretur, praemium fore libero pecuniam, seruo libertatem.

[¶63] 27.7. was said that, having been punished by scourging the day before, he had left his masters; that owing to anger and worthless character he had made up a charge out of a chance occurrence.

> Latin: 27.7. eo praemio inductus Campanorum Calauiorum seruus—Manus ei nomen erat—indicauit dominos et quinque praeterea iuuenes nobiles Campanos quorum parentes a Q. Fuluio securi percussi erant id incendium fecisse, uolgoque facturos alia ni comprendantur. comprehensi ipsi familiaeque eorum.

[¶64] 27.8. when they were accused in the presence of the informer, and an examination of those who had served them in the crime began in the centre of the Forum, they all confessed, and punishment was visited upon the masters and their slave accomplices. informer was given his liberty and twenty thousand asses.

> Latin: 27.8. et primo eleuabatur index indiciumque: pridie eum uerberibus castigatum ab dominis discessisse; per iram ac leuitatem ex re fortuita crimen commentum.

[¶65] 27.9. the consul Laevinus was passing Capua, a multitude of Capuans flocked about him, begging him with tears to be permitted to go to the senate at Rome, to plead with them, if they could at last be touched by any sense of pity, not to proceed utterly to destroy them, and not to allow Quintus Flaccus to wipe out the Capuan people.

> Latin: 27.9. ceterum ut coram coarguebantur et quaestio ex ministris facinoris foro medio haberi coepta est, fassi omnes, atque in dominos seruosque conscios animaduersum est; indici libertas data et uiginti milia aeris.

[¶66] 27.10. Flaccus said that he had no personal quarrel with the Capuans; his enmity was national, and would be as long as he knew they were so disposed toward the Roman people. no nation, no people in the world was more hostile to the Roman people.

> Latin: 27.10. consuli Laeuino Capuam praetereunti circumfusa multitudo Campanorum est obsecrantium cum lacrimis ut sibi Romam ad senatum ire liceret oratum, si qua misericordia tandem flecti possent, ne se ad ultimum perditum irent nomenque Campanorum a Q. Flacco deleri sinerent.

[¶67] 27.11. was keeping them shut up inside the walls for the reason that, if any escaped in some way, they roamed like wild beasts over the country and mangled and slew all that met them. had deserted, he said, to Hannibal, others had gone to set Rome on fire.

> Latin: 27.11. Flaccus sibi priuatam simultatem cum Campanis negare ullam esse: publicas inimicitias †hostilis† et esse et futuras, quoad eo animo esse erga populum Romanum sciret;

[¶68] 27.12. the half —burned Forum the consul would find traces of the crime of the Capuans. Vesta 's temple had been the object of attack, and the eternal fires, and, hidden away in its holy place, the fateful pledge of Roman rule.

> Latin: 27.12. nullam enim in terris gentem esse, nullum infestiorem populum nomini Romano. ideo se moenibus inclusos tenere eos, quia si qui euasissent aliqua, uelut feras bestias per agros uagari et laniare et trucidare quodcunque obuium detur;

[¶69] 27.13. did not think it at all safe to give the Capuans permission to enter the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 27.13. alios ad Hannibalem transfugisse, alios ad Romam incendendam profectos. inuenturum in semusto foro consulem uestigia sceleris Campanorum;

[¶70] 27.14. Flaccus had required the Capuans to take an oath that they would return to Capua on the fifth day after they should receive the senate's answer, Laevinus bade them follow him to Rome.

> Latin: 27.14. Uestae aedem petitam et aeternos ignes et conditum in penetrali fatale pignus imperii Romani. se minime censere tutum esse Campanis potestatem intrandi Romana moenia fieri.

[¶71] 27.15. by this multitude, while at the same time the Sicilians came out to meet him and followed him into Rome, he bore the appearance of a man grieving for the destruction of two very famous cities, and bringing into the city the vanquished in war to be the accusers of men of the greatest eminence.

> Latin: 27.15. Laeuinus Campanos, iure iurando a Flacco adactos quinto die quam ab senatu responsum accepissent Capuam redituros, sequi se Romam iussit.

[¶72] 27.16. it was in regard to the state and the provinces that the two consuls first introduced business into the senate. Laevinus explained how matters stood with Macedonia and Greece, the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Locrians, and what had been his own achievements there by land and sea; that when Philip was on the point of invading Aetolia, he had driven him back into Macedonia, retiring into the very heart of his kingdom; and that the legion could be withdrawn from that country; that the fleet was enough to keep the king away from Italy.

> Latin: 27.16. hac circumfusus multitudine, simul Siculis obuiam egressis secutisque Romam, praebuit <dolentis speciem duarum> clarissimarum urbium excidio, ac celeberrimis uiris uictos bello accusatores in urbem adducentis. de re publica tamen primum ac de prouinciis ambo consules ad senatum rettulere. ibi Laeuinus, quo statu Macedonia et Graecia, Aetoli, Acarnanes Locrique essent, quasque ibi res ipse egisset terra marique, exposuit: Philippum inferentem bellum Aetolis in Macedoniam retro ab se compulsum ad intima penitus regni abisse, legionemque inde deduci posse; classem satis esse ad arcendum Italia regem.

[¶73] 28.3. much did the consul report in regard to himself and the province, his late command. they both brought up the question of the provinces. senate decreed that Italy and the war with Hannibal should be the province of one consul, that the other should have the fleet which Titus Otacilius had commanded and Sicily as his province, with Lucius Cincius, the praetor.

> Latin: 28.3. haec de se deque prouincia, cui praefuerat, consul: tum de prouinciis communis relatio fuit. decreuere patres ut alteri consulum Italia bellumque cum Hannibale prouincia esset, alter classem cui T. Otacilius praefuisset Siciliamque prouinciam cum L. Cincio praetore obtineret.

[¶74] 28.4. the consuls were assigned the two armies which were in Etruria and Gaul; these were four legions. two city legions of the previous year were to be sent into Etruria; the two which Sulpicius had commanded as consul, into Gaul.

> Latin: 28.4. exercitus eis duo decreti qui in Etruria Galliaque essent; eae quattuor erant legiones; urbanae duae superioris anni in Etruriam, duae quibus Sulpicius consul praefuisset in Galliam mitterentur.

[¶75] 28.5. Gaul and its legions were to be under the command of the man appointed by the consul whose province was Italy.

> Latin: 28.5. Galliae et legionibus praeesset quem consul cuius Italia prouincia esset praefecisset:

[¶76] 28.6. Gaius Calpurnius was sent into Etruria after his praetorship, with his command extended for a year. Capua was assigned as his province to Quintus Fulvius, his command also being extended for a year.

> Latin: 28.6. in Etruriam C. Calpurnius post praeturam prorogato in annum imperio missus. et Q. Fuluio Capua prouincia decreta prorogatumque in annum imperium;

[¶77] 28.7. reduction in the army of citizens and allies was ordered, so that out of two legions should be formed one, five thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen, while those who had the largest number of campaigns were discharged; and of the allies there should remain only seven thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen, with the same reckoning of campaigns in discharging old soldiers.

> Latin: 28.7. exercitus ciuium sociorumque minui iussus ut ex duabus legionibus una legio, quinque milia peditum et trecenti equites essent, dimissis qui plurima stipendia haberent, et sociorum septem milia peditum et trecenti equites relinquerentur, eadem ratione stipendiorum habita in ueteribus militibus dimittendis.

[¶78] 28.9. Gnaeus Fulvius, consul in the previous year, no change was made either in regard to his province of Apulia, or as to the army he had held; his command was merely extended for a year. Publius Sulpicius, his colleague, was bidden to discharge his entire army, except the marines.

> Latin: 28.9. Cn. Fuluio consuli superioris anni nec de prouincia Apulia nec de exercitu quem habuerat quicquam mutatum; tantum in annum prorogatum imperium est. P. Sulpicius collega eius omnem exercitum praeter socios nauales iussus dimittere est.

[¶79] 28.10. Sicily in the same way the army which Marcus Cornelius commanded was ordered to be discharged as soon as the consul should reach the province.

> Latin: 28.10. item ex Sicilia exercitus cui M. Cornelius praeesset ubi consul in prouinciam uenisset dimitti iussus.

[¶80] 28.11. order to hold Sicily the soldiers from Cannae, amounting to about two legions, were given to Lucius Cincius, the praetor.

> Latin: 28.11. L. Cincio praetori ad obtinendam Siciliam Cannenses milites dati, duarum instar legionum.

[¶81] 28.12. same number were assigned for Sardinia to Publius Manlius Volso, the praetor —legions which Lucius Cornelius had commanded in the same province the preceding year.

> Latin: 28.12. totidem legiones in Sardiniam P. Manlio Uolsoni praetori decretae, quibus L. Cornelius in eadem prouincia priore anno praefuerat.

[¶82] 28.13. for the city legions, the consuls were ordered to enrol them, with the restriction that they should not enlist any man who had been in the army of Marcus Claudius, Marcus Valerius, or Quintus Fulvius, and that there should not be in that year more than twenty —one Roman legions.

> Latin: 28.13. urbanas legiones ita scribere consules iussi ne quem militem facerent qui in exercitu M. Claudi M. Ualeri Q. Fului fuisset, neue eo anno plures quam una et uiginti Romanae legiones essent. his senatus consultis perfectis sortiti prouincias consules. Sicilia et classis Marcello, Italia cum bello aduersus Hannibalem Laeuino euenit.

[¶83] 29.2. these decrees of the senate were completed, the consuls cast lots for their provinces. Sicily and the fleet fell to Marcellus, Italy with the war against Hannibal to Laevinus. allotment, just as if Syracuse had again been captured, so badly frightened the Sicilians, who were standing before the eyes of the consuls while awaiting the result, that their lamentation and tearful voices at once attracted the eyes of men and later occasioned remark.

> Latin: 29.2. quae sors, uelut iterum captis Syracusis, ita exanimauit Siculos, exspectatione sortis in consulum conspectu stantes, ut comploratio eorum flebilesque uoces et extemplo oculos hominum conuerterint et postmodo sermones praebuerint.

[¶84] 29.3. they went the rounds of the senators' houses in mourning garb, asserting that they would not only leave, each group of them, their native city, but all Sicily, if Marcellus should return again in command.

> Latin: 29.3. circumibant enim senatorum <domos> cum ueste sordida, adfirmantes se non modo suam quosque patriam, sed totam Siciliam relicturos si eo Marcellus iterum cum imperio redisset.

[¶85] 29.4. no fault of theirs he had before been merciless to them; what would he do when angry, knowing that Sicilians had come to Rome to complain about himself? was better for that island to be overwhelmed by the fires of Aetna or sunk in the strait than to be handed over as it were to a personal foe for punishment.

> Latin: 29.4. nullo suo merito eum ante implacabilem in se fuisse: quid iratum quod Romam de se questum uenisse Siculos sciat facturum? obrui Aetnae ignibus aut mergi freto satius illi insulae esse quam uelut dedi noxae inimico.

[¶86] 29.5. complaints of the Sicilians, at first circulated in the homes of the nobles, and repeated in conversations inspired partly by pity for the Sicilians, partly by antagonism to Marcellus, even reached the senate. was demanded of the consuls that they raise in the senate the question of an exchange of provinces.

> Latin: 29.5. hae Siculorum querellae domos primum nobilium circumlatae celebrataeque sermonibus, quos partim misericordia Siculorum, partim inuidia Marcelli excitabat, in senatum etiam peruenerunt.

[¶87] 29.6. Marcellus said that, if the Sicilians had already been heard by the senate, his opinion would perhaps have been different.

> Latin: 29.6. postulatum a consulibus est ut de permutandis prouinciis senatum consulerent. Marcellus si iam auditi ab senatu Siculi essent aliam forsitan futuram fuisse sententiam suam dicere:

[¶88] 29.7. it was, to prevent any one from saying that they were restrained by fear from freely complaining about the man in whose power they would presently be, he was ready, if it was of no consequence to his colleague, to exchange his province.

> Latin: 29.7. nunc ne quis timore frenari eos dicere posset quo minus de eo libere querantur in cuius potestate mox futuri sint, si collegae nihil intersit mutare se prouinciam paratum esse, deprecari senatus praeiudicium;

[¶89] 29.8. deprecated, he said, a verdict from the senate in advance; for, granted that it would have been unfair for the choice of a province to be given to his colleague without casting lots, how much greater was the injustice, or rather the insult, if his own allotment should be transferred to that colleague? the senate adjourned, after showing what it favoured, but making no such decree.

> Latin: 29.8. nam cum extra sortem collegae optionem dari prouinciae iniquum fuerit, quanto maiorem iniuriam, immo contumeliam esse, sortem suam ad eum transferri?

[¶90] 29.9. themselves the consuls made an exchange of provinces, for Fate was sweeping Marcellus in the direction of Hannibal. result was that he who, after the greatest reverses, had been the first to win from Hannibal the glory of a battle that was not a reverse, added to his opponent's fame, being the last of the Roman commanders to fall, at the very moment of success in the war.

> Latin: 29.9. ita senatus cum quid placeret magis ostendisset quam decreuisset, dimittitur. inter ipsos consules permutatio prouinciarum rapiente fato Marcellum ad Hannibalem facta est, ut ex quo primus post <aduersissimas haud> aduersae pugnae gloriam ceperat, in eius laudem postremus Romanorum imperatorum prosperis tum maxime bellicis rebus caderet. permutatis prouinciis Siculi in senatum introducti multa de Hieronis regis fide perpetua erga populum Romanum uerba fecerunt, in gratiam publicam auertentes:

[¶91] 30.2. the exchange of provinces the Sicilians were introduced into the senate, and spoke at length on the invariable loyalty of King Hiero towards the Roman people, laying that to the credit of the state. for Hieronymus, and later, Hippocrates and Epicydes, the tyrants, they said they had themselves hated them for other reasons and especially because of their desertion from the Romans to Hannibal. that account Hieronymus had been slain by the foremost of the young men, almost as if by a verdict of the people. also to bring about the death of Epicydes and Hippocrates a conspiracy of seventy young men of the highest rank had been formed.

> Latin: 30.2. Hieronymum ac postea Hippocraten atque Epicyden tyrannos cum ob alia, tum propter defectionem ab Romanis ad Hannibalem inuisos fuisse sibi. ob eam causam et Hieronymum a principibus iuuentutis prope publico consilio interfectum, et in Epicydis Hippocratisque caedem septuaginta nobilissimorum iuuenum coniurationem factam;

[¶92] 30.3. men, they said, had been left in the lurch by the delay of Marcellus, in that he had not brought up his army to Syracuse at the time named in advance, and when an informer appeared, they had all been slain by the tyrants.

> Latin: 30.3. quos Marcelli mora destitutos quia ad praedictum tempus exercitum ad Syracusas non admouisset indicio facto omnes ab tyrannis interfectos.

[¶93] 30.4. tyranny also of Hippocrates and Epicydes had been provoked by Marcellus' cruel plundering of Leontini.

> Latin: 30.4. eam quoque Hippocratis et Epicydis tyrannidem Marcellum excitasse Leontinis crudeliter direptis.

[¶94] 30.5. that, they said, leading men among the Syracusans had never ceased going over to Marcellus and promising that, whenever he wished it, they would tum the city over to him;

> Latin: 30.5. nunquam deinde principes Syracusanorum desisse ad Marcellum transire pollicerique se urbem cum uellet ei tradituros; sed eum primo ui capere maluisse;

[¶95] 30.6. but that at first he had preferred to take it by force; then, when after all his efforts he had proved unable to do so either by land or by sea, he had preferred to have the coppersmith Sosis and the Spaniard Moericus advocating the surrender of Syracuse, rather than the leading Syracusans, although these volunteered again and again to do so, but to no purpose. motive, of course, was to have the more reasonable excuse for slaughtering and plundering the oldest allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 30.6. dein cum id neque terra neque mari omnia expertus potuisset, auctores traditarum Syracusarum fabrum aerarium Sosim et Moericum Hispanum quam principes Syracusanorum habere, totiens id nequiquam ultro offerentes, praeoptasse, quo scilicet iustiore de causa uetustissimos socios populi Romani trucidaret ac diriperet.

[¶96] 30.7. it had been not Hieronymus that went over to Hannibal, but the Syracusan people and senate, if it had been the Syracusans that by an act of the state closed the gates to Marcellus, and not rather their tyrants, Hippocrates and Epicydes, after overpowering the Syracusans, if with the animus of Carthaginians they had waged war against the Roman people, what hostile deed could Marcellus have done beyond what he did do, unless it be to destroy Syracuse?

> Latin: 30.7. si non Hieronymus ad Hannibalem defecisset, sed populus Syracusanus et senatus, si portas Marcello Syracusani publice et non oppressis Syracusanis tyranni eorum Hippocrates et Epicydes clausissent, si Carthaginiensium animis bellum cum populo Romano gessissent, quid ultra quam quod fecerit nisi ut deleret Syracusas facere hostiliter Marcellum potuisse?

[¶97] 30.9. apart from the city —walls and the emptied houses and the sanctuaries of the gods, broken open and despoiled by removal of the statues of the gods themselves and their adornments, nothing had been left at Syracuse.

> Latin: 30.9. certe praeter moenia et tecta exhausta urbis ac refracta ac spoliata deum delubra dis ipsis ornamentisque eorum ablatis nihil relictum Syracusis esse.

[¶98] 30.10. landed property also had been taken away from many, so that they could not support themselves and their families, even on the bare soil, with the help of what was left of their plundered possessions. implored the conscript fathers, they said, if it was impossible for them to restore everything, to order that at least what was visible and could be identified be returned to the owners.

> Latin: 30.10. bona quoque multis adempta ita ut ne nudo quidem solo reliquiis direptae fortunae alere sese ac suos possent. orare se patres conscriptos ut si nequeant omnia, saltem quae compareant cognoscique possint restitui dominis iubeant.

[¶99] 30.11. they had uttered such complaints and Laevinus had ordered them to leave the temple, that the fathers might be able to deliberate in regard to their demands, “, no,” said Marcellus, “let them wait, that I may answer them to their faces, since such are the terms on which we wage war in your behalf, conscript fathers, that we have men vanquished by our arms as accusers, and of the two cities captured this year Capua has Fulvius as its defendant, Syracuse has Marcellus.”

> Latin: 30.11. talia conquestos cum excedere ex templo ut de postulatis eorum patres consuli possent Laeuinus iussisset, 'maneant immo' inquit Marcellus, 'ut coram iis respondeam, quando ea condicione pro uobis, patres conscripti, bella gerimus ut uictos armis accusatores habeamus duae- <que> captae hoc anno urbes Capua Fuluium reum, Marcellum Syracusae habeant.' reductis in curiam legatis tum consul 'non adeo maiestatis' inquit 'populi Romani imperiique huius oblitus sum, patres conscripti, ut, si de meo crimine ambigeretur, consul dicturus causam accusantibus Graecis fuerim;

[¶100] 31.2. the legates had been led back into the Senate House, the consul said: “so forgetful have I been of the majesty of the Roman people and of this authority of mine, conscript fathers, that if it were a question of a charge brought against me, I as consul would have pleaded my case with Greeks as my accusers.” “it is not what I have done that is to be inquired into —for whatever I did in the case of enemies is defended by the law of war —but what they deserved to suffer. they have not been enemies, it makes no difference whether it was recently or in the time of Hiero that I desolated Syracuse.”

> Latin: 31.2. sed non quid ego fecerim in disquisitionem uenit, quem quidquid in hostibus feci ius belli defendit, sed quid isti pati debuerint. qui si non fuerunt hostes, nihil interest nunc an uiuo Hierone Syracusas uiolauerim;

[¶101] 31.3. “if they rebelled against the Roman people, if they attacked our ambassadors with sword and arms, closed their city and walls, defended them against us with an army of Carthaginians, who is indignant because they suffered hostile acts, when they have committed them?”

> Latin: 31.3. sin autem desciuerunt a populo Romano, si legatos nostros ferro atque armis petierunt, urbem ac moenia clauserunt exercituque Carthaginiensium aduersus nos tutati sunt, quis passos esse hostilia cum fecerint indignatur?

[¶102] 31.4. “leading men among the Syracusans tried to surrender the city, I rejected them; I preferred Sosis and Moericus the Spaniard as the men to whom I should entrust so important a matter.”

> Latin: 31.4. tradentes urbem principes Syracusanorum auersatus sum; Sosim et Moericum Hispanum quibus tantam crederem rem potiores habui. non estis extremi Syracusanorum, quippe qui aliis humilitatem obiciatis:

[¶103] 31.5. “are not Syracusans of the lowest rank, inasmuch as you reproach others with their humble station. is there among you who promised that he would open the gates to me, that he would admit my soldiers under arms into the city? hate and curse those who did so, and even here you do not refrain from uttering insults against them. far is it from the truth that you also would have done anything of the sort.”

> Latin: 31.5. quis est uestrum qui se mihi portas aperturum, qui armatos milites meos in urbem accepturum promiserit? odistis et exsecramini eos qui fecerunt, et ne hic quidem contumeliis in eos dicendis parcitis; tantum abest ut et ipsi tale quicquam facturi fueritis.

## 30. Book XXVI · chapters 31–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/30/#p-N

[¶0] 31.6. “humble rank, conscript fathers, of which those men make a reproach, is itself the strongest proof that I did not tum my back upon any man who wished to serve our state.”

> Latin: 31.6. ipsa humilitas eorum, patres conscripti, quam isti obiciunt maximo argumento est me neminem qui nauatam operam rei publicae nostrae uellet auersatum esse.

[¶1] 31.7. “I laid siege to Syracuse, I endeavoured, now by sending embassies, now by going to a conference, to secure peace; again, it was not until after they showed no shame in injuring ambassadors, and no answer was given even to myself, when I met with their leading men at the gates, that, having endured many hardships on land and sea, I at last captured Syracuse by force of arms.”

> Latin: 31.7. et antequam obsiderem Syracusas, nunc legatis mittendis, nunc ad conloquium eundo temptaui pacem, et posteaquam neque legatos uiolandi uerecundia erat nec mihi ipsi congresso ad portas cum principibus responsum dabatur, multis terra marique exhaustis laboribus tandem ui atque armis Syracusas cepi.

[¶2] 31.8. “what befell the captured it is more reasonable for them to complain in the presence of Hannibal and the defeated Carthaginians than in the senate of a victorious nation.”

> Latin: 31.8. quae captis acciderint apud Hannibalem et Carthaginienses uictos iustius quam apud uictoris populi senatum quererentur.

[¶3] 31.9. “myself, conscript fathers, if I had been intending to deny the despoiling of Syracuse, I should never be using its spoils to adorn the city of Rome. in what I as victor either took from individuals or gave to them, I am quite sure that I acted both according to the law of war and in accordance with each man's desert.”

> Latin: 31.9. ego, patres conscripti, Syracusas spoliatas si negaturus essem, nunquam spoliis earum urbem Romam exornarem. quae autem singulis uictor aut ademi aut dedi, cum belli iure tum ex cuiusque merito satis scio me fecisse.

[¶4] 31.10. “you confirm those acts, conscript fathers, or not, concerns the state more than myself. my duty has been fully discharged; it is to the interest of the state that you do not make other commanders less energetic for the future by annulling my acts.”

> Latin: 31.10. ea uos rata habeatis, patres conscripti, necne, magis rei publicae interest quam mea. quippe mea fides exsoluta est: ad rem publicam pertinet ne acta mea rescindendo alios in posterum segniores duces faciatis.

[¶5] 31.11. “seeing that you have heard face to face the words of the Sicilians, and mine as well, conscript fathers, we shall leave the temple at the same time, so that in my absence the senate can deliberate with greater freedom.” the Sicilians were dismissed, and he himself withdrew to the Capitol to conduct the levy.

> Latin: 31.11. et quoniam coram et Siculorum et mea uerba audistis, patres conscripti, simul templo excedemus, ut me absente liberius consuli senatus possit.' ita dimissi Siculi et ipse in Capitolium ad dilectum discessit. consul alter de postulatis Siculorum ad patres rettulit. ibi cum diu sententiis certatum esset et magna pars senatus, principe eius sententiae T.

[¶6] 32.2. other consul laid the matter of the Sicilians' demands before the fathers. them for a long time there was a conflict of opinions, and many senators, with Titus Manlius Torquatus as spokesman for that opinion, thought that they should have gone to war with the tyrants, enemies both of the Syracusans and of the Roman people, and that the city ought to have been taken over, not captured, and once taken over, should have been confirmed in the possession of its former laws and its freedom, not crushed by war when already exhausted by a pitiful slavery.

> Latin: 32.2. Manlio Torquato, cum tyrannis bellum gerendum fuisse censerent hostibus et Syracusanorum et populi Romani, et urbem recipi, non capi, et receptam legibus antiquis et libertate stabiliri, non fessam miseranda seruitute bello adfligi;

[¶7] 32.3. said that in the conflicts between the tyrants and the Roman commander the most beautiful and famous of cities, set up in the midst as a prize for the victor, had been destroyed, the granary and treasury formerly of the Roman people, for by its generous gifts on many occasions, and last of all in this very Punic war, the republic had been aided and enriched.

> Latin: 32.3. inter tyrannorum et ducis Romani certamina praemium uictoris in medio positam urbem pulcherrimam ac nobilissimam perisse, horreum atque aerarium quondam populi Romani, cuius munificentia ac donis multis tempestatibus, hoc denique ipso Punico bello adiuta ornataque res publica esset;

[¶8] 32.4. King Hiero, most faithful in his devotion to the Roman empire, should rise from the lower world, with what face could they show him either Syracuse or Rome, when after a backward look at his native city, half —ruined and despoiled, upon entering Rome he was to see in the forecourt of the city, almost at the gate, the spoils of his own city?

> Latin: 32.4. si ab inferis exsistat rex Hiero fidissimus imperii Romani cultor, quo ore aut Syracusas aut Romam ei ostendi posse, cum, ubi semirutam ac spoliatam patriam respexerit, ingrediens Romam in uestibulo urbis, prope in porta, spolia patriae suae uisurus sit?— haec taliaque cum ad inuidiam consulis miserationemque Siculorum dicerentur, mitius tamen decreuerunt patres:

[¶9] 32.5. these words and others to the same effect were spoken in order to arouse hatred against the consul and pity for the Sicilians, the senate nevertheless adopted a milder decree:

> Latin: 32.5. acta M. Marcelli quae is gerens bellum uictorque egisset rata habenda esse, in reliquum curae senatui fore rem Syracusanam, mandaturosque consuli Laeuino ut quod sine iactura rei publicae fieri posset fortunis eius ciuitatis consuleret.

[¶10] 32.6. that the acts of Marcus Marcellus, during his conduct of the war and as victor, were to be ratified; for the future the Syracusan state would be cared for by the senate, and they would instruct the consul Laevinus to take measures for the property of its citizens, so far as could be done without loss to the republic.

> Latin: 32.6. missis duobus senatoribus in Capitolium ad consulem uti rediret in curiam et introductis Siculis, senatus consultum recitatum est;

[¶11] 32.7. senators were sent to the consul on the Capitol, that he should return to the Senate House; and after the Sicilians had been brought in, the decree of the senate was read. the legates, dismissed with kind words, threw themselves down before the knees of Marcellus, the consul, imploring him to pardon what they had said in lamenting and seeking to mitigate their misfortune, and that he would take them and the city of Syracuse under his protection and patronage. this promise the consul spoke to them gently and dismissed them.

> Latin: 32.7. legatique benigne appellati ac dimissi ad genua se Marcelli consulis proiecerunt obsecrantes ut quae deplorandae ac leuandae calamitatis causa dixissent ueniam eis daret, et in fidem clientelamque se urbemque Syracusas acciperet. potens senatus consulto consul clementer appellatos eos dimisit. Campanis deinde senatus datus est, quorum oratio miserabilior, causa durior erat.

[¶12] 33.2. Campanians then had their hearing in the senate, and their speech was more pitiful, their case more difficult. they could not deny that punishment had been deserved, nor were there tyrants on whom they could throw the blame.

> Latin: 33.2. neque enim meritas poenas negare poterant, nec tyranni erant in quos culpam conferrent, sed satis pensum poenarum tot ueneno absumptis, tot securi percussis senatoribus credebant:

[¶13] 33.3. they believed that a sufficient penalty had been paid, since so many senators had been carried off by poison, so many executed by beheading; that few of the nobles survived, whom neither their conscience had prompted to do violence to themselves, nor an angry victor had condemned to death. were the men who were begging, they said, for freedom for themselves and their families and for some part of their property, being Roman citizens, linked to them in many cases through relations by marriage, and now by close blood relations in consequence of their long —established right of intermarriage.

> Latin: 33.3. paucos nobilium superstites esse, quos nec sua conscientia ut quicquam de se grauius consulerent impulerit nec uictoris ira capitis damnauerit; eos libertatem sibi suisque et bonorum aliquam partem orare ciues Romanos, adfinitatibus plerosque et propinquis iam cognationibus ex conubio uetusto iunctos.

[¶14] 33.4. after they had been conducted out of the temple, there was for a short time hesitation whether Quintus Fulvius should be summoned from Capua —for Claudius, the consul, had died after the capture of the city —in order that the discussion might go on in the presence of the general who had conducted the campaign, just as it had been carried on between Marcellus and the Sicilians.

> Latin: 33.4. summotis deinde e templo paulisper dubitatum an arcessendus a Capua Q. Fuluius esset—mortuus enim post captam Claudius consul erat—ut coram imperatore qui res gessisset, sicut inter Marcellum Siculosque disceptatum fuerat, disceptaretur.

[¶15] 33.5. , when they saw Flaccus' lieutenants in the senate, namely his brother Gaius Fulvius and Marcus Atilius, also Claudius' lieutenants, Quintus Minucius and Lucius Veturius Philo, men who had witnessed everything that was done, and they did not wish Fulvius to be recalled from Capua nor the Campanians to be put off, Marcus Atilius Regulus, who had the greatest influence of all the men who had been at Capua, was asked his opinion. “testify,” he said, “that I was one of the advisers to the consuls when, after the capture of Capua, the question was raised whether there was anyone of the Campanians who had deserved well of our republic.”

> Latin: 33.5. dein cum M. Atilium C. Fuluium fratrem Flacci legatos eius et Q. Minucium et L. Ueturium Philonem item Claudi legatos qui omnibus gerendis rebus adfuerant in senatu uiderent nec Fuluium auocari a Capua nec differri Campanos uellent, interrogatus sententiam M. Atilius Regulus, cuius ex iis qui ad Capuam fuerant maxima auctoritas erat, 'in consilio' inquit 'arbitror me fuisse consulibus Capua capta cum quaereretur ecqui Campanorum bene meritus de re publica nostra esset.

[¶16] 33.8. “was ascertained that there were two women only, Vestia Oppia, of Atella, domiciled at Capua, and Pacula Cluvia, who had formerly been a harlot; that the former had sacrificed every day for the safety and victory of the Roman people, and the latter had secretly supplied food to needy captives;”

> Latin: 33.8. duas mulieres compertum est Uestiam Oppiam Atellanam Capuae habitantem et Paculam Cluuiam quae quondam quaestum corpore fecisset, illam cottidie sacrificasse pro salute et uictoria populi Romani, hanc captiuis egentibus alimenta clam suppeditasse:

[¶17] 33.9. “that all the rest of the Campanians had had the same feelings towards us as had the Carthaginians; and those beheaded by Quintus Fulvius were the men whose rank rather than their guilt was conspicuous among the others.”

> Latin: 33.9. ceterorum omnium Campanorum eundem erga nos animum quem Carthaginiensium fuisse, securique percussos a Q. Fuluio fuisse magis quorum dignitas inter alios quam quorum culpa eminebat.

[¶18] 33.10. “do not see that it is possible for action to be taken by the senate in regard to the Campanians, who are Roman citizens, without the command of the people; and I see that in the time of our ancestors also the procedure in the case of the Satricani, after their revolt, was that Marcus Antistius, tribune of the plebs, first introduced a bill, and the plebs voted that the senate should have the right to pronounce judgment upon the men of Satricum.”

> Latin: 33.10. per senatum agi de Campanis, qui ciues Romani sunt, iniussu populi non uideo posse, idque et apud maiores nostros in Satricanis factum esse cum defecissent ut M. Antistius tribunus plebis prius rogationem ferret scisceretque plebs uti senatui de Satricanis sententiae dicendae ius esset.

[¶19] 33.11. “I think that we must persuade the tribunes of the plebs that one or more of them should propose to the plebs a bill by which we should be given the right to decide in regard to the Campanians.”

> Latin: 33.11. itaque censeo cum tribunis plebis agendum esse ut eorum unus pluresue rogationem ferant ad plebem qua nobis statuendi de Campanis ius fiat.'

[¶20] 33.12. Lucius Atilius, tribune of the plebs, by authority of the senate brought before the plebs a bill in these terms: “the Capuans, Atellani, Calatini, Sabatini, who under Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, surrendered themselves to the will and authority of the Roman people, and the menwhom they have surrendered along with themselves, and the possessions which they have surrendered along with themselves, the land and the city, property of gods and property of men, and implements or anything else that they have surrendered —concerning those matters, Quirites, I ask you what you wish to be ” “done.”

> Latin: 33.12. L. Atilius tribunus plebis ex auctoritate senatus plebem in haec uerba rogauit: 'omnes Campani Atellani Calatini Sabatini qui se dediderunt in arbitrium dicionem- que populi Romani <Q.> Fuluio proconsuli, quosque una secum dedidere quaeque una secum dedidere agrum urbemque diuina humanaque utensiliaque siue quid aliud dediderunt, de iis rebus quid fieri uelitis uos rogo, Quirites.' plebes sic iussit:

[¶21] 33.14. plebs ordered as follows: “the senate under oath, a majority of those present, shall decree, that is our wish and command.” accordance with this plebiscite the senate, on being consulted, restored to Oppia and Cluvia first their property and their freedom: if they wished to request other compensations from the senate, it ordered them to come to Rome. the Capuans, family by family, decrees were passed, which it is not worth while to recount in full.

> Latin: 33.14. 'quod senatus iuratus, maxima pars, censeat, qui adsient, id uolumus iubemusque.' ex hoc plebei scito senatus consultus Oppiae Cluuiaeque primum bona ac libertatem restituit: si qua alia praemia petere ab senatu uellent, uenire eas Romam. Campanis in familias singulas decreta facta quae non operae pretium est omnia enumerare:

[¶22] 34.3. property of some of them was to be confiscated, themselves and their children and wives sold, except the daughters who, before they became subject to the authority of the Roman people, had married into other communities.

> Latin: 34.3. aliorum bona publicanda, ipsos liberosque eorum et coniuges uendendas, extra filias quae enupsissent priusquam in populi Romani potestatem uenirent:

[¶23] 34.4. were to be put in chains and action concerning them considered later. the case of other Capuans they graded their census rating also, to determine whether their property should be confiscated or not.

> Latin: 34.4. alios in uincula condendos ac de iis posterius consulendum: aliorum Campanorum summam etiam census distinxerunt publicanda necne bona essent:

[¶24] 34.5. for captured cattle, except horses, they decreed that they be restored to their owners, and slaves, except adult males, also everything which was not attached to the soil.

> Latin: 34.5. pecua captiua praeter equos et mancipia praeter puberes uirilis sexus et omnia quae solo non continerentur restituenda censuerunt dominis.

[¶25] 34.6. Capuans, Atellani, Calatini, Sabatini, except such of them as had been with the enemy, either themselves or their fathers, were to be free men, it was ordered, with the reservation that no one of them should be a Roman citizen or reckoned a Latin, and that no one of them who had been at Capua while the gates were closed should remain in the city or in the territory of Capua beyond a certain date; that a region across the Tiber, but not touching the Tiber, be given them as a dwelling —place.

> Latin: 34.6. Campanos omnes Atellanos Calatinos Sabatinos, extra quam qui eorum aut ipsi aut parentes eorum apud hostes essent, liberos esse iusserunt, ita ut nemo eorum ciuis Romanus aut Latini nominis esset, neue quis eorum qui Capuae fuisset dum portae clausae essent in urbe agroue Campano intra certam diem maneret;

[¶26] 34.8. for those who during the war had not been in Capua nor in a Campanian city which had revolted from the Roman people, it was voted that these should be removed this side of the Liris river in the direction of Rome; and that those who had come over to the Romans before Hannibal came to Capua should be removed this side of the Volturnus, no one of them to have land or building nearer the sea than fifteen miles.

> Latin: 34.8. locus ubi habitarent trans Tiberim qui non contingeret Tiberim daretur: qui nec Capuae nec in urbe Campana quae a populo Romano defecisset per bellum fuissent, eos cis Lirim amnem Romam uersus, qui ad Romanos transissent priusquam Capuam Hannibal ueniret, cis Uolturnum emouendos censuerunt, ne quis eorum propius mare quindecim milibus passuum agrum aedificiumue haberet.

[¶27] 34.10. those removed across the Tiber, neither the men themselves nor their descendants were to acquire or hold anywhere except in the districts of Veii, Sutrium or Nepete, with the provision that no one was to have a larger amount of land than fifty iugera.

> Latin: 34.10. qui eorum trans Tiberim emoti essent, ne ipsi posteriue eorum uspiam pararent haberentue nisi in Ueiente Sutrino Nepesinoue agro, dum ne cui maior quam quinquaginta iugerum agri modus esset.

[¶28] 34.11. property of all senators and of those who had held office at Capua, Atella, Calatia they ordered to be sold at Capua; that the free persons who, it had been voted, should be offered for sale be sent to Rome and sold at Rome.

> Latin: 34.11. senatorum omnium quique magistratus Capuae Atellae Calatiae gessissent bona uenire Capuae iusserunt: libera corpora quae uenum dari placuerat Romam mitti ac Romae uenire.

[¶29] 34.12. , statues of bronze, which were said to have been captured from the enemy, they referred to the college of pontiffs, to decide which of them were sacred and which profane.

> Latin: 34.12. signa statuas aeneas quae capta de hostibus dicerentur, quae eorum sacra ac profana essent ad pontificum collegium reiecerunt.

[¶30] 34.13. view of these decrees the Campanians were much sadder when dismissed than when they had come to Rome. no longer did they lay the blame upon the harshness of Quintus Fulvius towards them, but upon the partiality of the gods and their accursed fortune.

> Latin: 34.13. ob haec decreta maestiores aliquanto quam Romam uenerant Campanos dimiserunt; nec iam Q. Fului saeuitiam in sese, sed iniquitatem deum atque exsecrabilem fortunam suam incusabant. dimissis Siculis Campanisque dilectus habitus. scripto deinde exercitu de remigum supplemento agi coeptum;

[¶31] 35.2. Sicilians and Campanians having been sent away, a levy was held., once an army had been enrolled, they began to take up the question of recruiting more oarsmen. this purpose, inasmuch as there was neither a sufficient supply of men, nor any money at that time in the treasury out of which they might be procured and receive their pay, the consuls in an edict ordered that private citizens according to their census and classes, as before, should furnish oarsmen, with pay and rations for thirty days.

> Latin: 35.2. in quam rem cum neque hominum satis nec ex qua pararentur stipendiumque acciperent pecuniae quicquam ea tempestate in publico esset, edixerunt consules ut priuatim ex censu ordinibusque, sicut antea, remiges darent cum stipendio cibariisque dierum triginta.

[¶32] 35.4. response to that edict there was such protest among the people, such indignation, that what was lacking for an uprising was a leader rather than fuel.

> Latin: 35.4. ad id edictum tantus fremitus hominum, tanta indignatio fuit ut magis dux quam materia seditioni deesset: secundum Siculos Campanosque plebem Romanam perdendam lacerandamque sibi consules sumpsisse.

[¶33] 35.5. after the Sicilians and Campanians the consuls, they said, had taken upon themselves the task of ruining and destroying the Roman populace. by tribute for so many years, they had nothing left but the land, bare and desolate. houses had been burned by the enemy, the slaves who tilled the soil had been taken away by the state, now by purchase at a low price for military service, now by impressing them as oarsmen.

> Latin: 35.5. per tot annos tributo exhaustos nihil reliqui praeter terram nudam ac uastam habere. tecta hostes incendisse, seruos agri cultores rem publicam abduxisse, nunc ad militiam paruo aere emendo, nunc remiges imperando;

[¶34] 35.6. a man had any money in silver or bronze, it had been taken away for the pay of oarsmen and the yearly taxes. for themselves, they could not be compelled by any force, by any authority, to give what they did not have. their property be sold, let their bodies —all that remained —be harshly treated; not even for the purposes of a ransom was anything left to them.

> Latin: 35.6. si quid cui argenti aerisue fuerit, stipendio remigum et tributis annuis ablatum. se ut dent quod non habeant nulla ui nullo imperio cogi posse. bona sua uenderent; in corpora quae reliqua essent saeuirent; ne unde redimantur quidem quicquam superesse.

[¶35] 35.7. were the complaints of a great multitude, not in secret, but openly in the Forum and even before the eyes of the consuls, as they flocked about them.

> Latin: 35.7. haec non in occulto, sed propalam in foro atque oculis ipsorum consulum ingens turba circumfusi fremebant; nec eos sedare consules nunc castigando, nunc consolando poterant.

[¶36] 35.8. the consuls, now upbraiding, now consoling, were unable to quiet them. they said that they gave the people three days for reflection, a time which they themselves employed in looking into the matter and seeking a solution.

> Latin: 35.8. spatium deinde iis tridui se dare ad cogitandum dixerunt; quo ipsi ad rem inspiciendam <et> expediendam usi sunt.

[¶37] 35.9. following day they held a session of the senate on the recruiting of more oarsmen., after setting forth many reasons why refusal on the part of the populace was fair, they so far altered their language as to say that the burden, whether fair or unfair, must be laid upon private citizens.

> Latin: 35.9. senatum postero die habuerunt de remigum supplemento; ubi cum multa disseruissent cur aequa plebis recusatio esset, uerterunt orationem eo ut dicerent priuatis id seu aequum seu iniquum onus iniungendum esse;

[¶38] 35.10. from what source were they to get crews, when there was no money in the treasury? without fleets how could either Sicily be held, or Philip kept away from Italy, or the coasts of Italy be safe?

> Latin: 35.10. nam unde, cum pecunia in aerario non esset, paraturos nauales socios? quomodo autem sine classibus aut Siciliam obtineri aut Italia Philippum arceri posse aut tuta Italiae litora esse? cum in hac difficultate rerum consilium haereret ac prope torpor quidam occupasset hominum mentes, tum Laeuinus consul:

[¶39] 36.2. in this difficult situation wisdom faltered, and a kind of lethargy had almost taken possession of men's minds, Laevinus, the consul, said that, as magistrates are superior to the senate in dignity, and as the senate is superior to the people, so ought they to be leaders in shouldering all that was hard and drastic.

> Latin: 36.2. magistratus senatui et senatum populo, sicut honore praestet, ita ad omnia quae dura atque aspera essent subeunda ducem debere esse.

[¶40] 36.3. “there is a duty which you wish to lay upon an inferior, and you first set up the same obligation as against yourself and your family, you more readily find everyone submitting. the outlay is not burdensome, when they see every prominent man taking upon himself more than his share in it.”

> Latin: 36.3. 'si quid iniungere inferiori uelis, id prius in te ac tuos si ipse iuris statueris, facilius omnes obedientes habeas; nec impensa grauis est, cum <ex> ea plus quam pro uirili parte sibi quemque capere principum uident.

[¶41] 36.4. “, if we wish the Roman people to have fleets and equip them, and private citizens to furnish oarsmen without protest, let us first impose that upon ourselves.”

> Latin: 36.4. itaque <si> classes habere atque ornare uolumus populum Romanum, priuatos sine recusatione remiges dare, nobismet ipsis primum imperemus.

[¶42] 36.5. “, silver, coined bronze, let us senators bring it all into the treasury tomorrow, with the reservation that each is to leave a ring for himself and for his wife and his children, and a bulla for a son, and those who have a wife or daughters may leave for each an ounce of gold by weight.”

> Latin: 36.5. aurum argentum <aes> signatum omne senatores crastino die in publicum conferamus, ita ut anulos sibi quisque et coniugi et liberis, et filio bullam et quibus uxor filiaeue sunt singulas uncias pondo auri relinquant:

[¶43] 36.6. “silver those who have occupied curule chairs may leave horse —trappings and one pound each, so that they may keep a salt —cellar and a saucer for offerings to the gods.”

> Latin: 36.6. argenti qui curuli sella sederunt equi ornamenta et libras pondo, ut salinum patellamque deorum causa habere possint:

[¶44] 36.7. “rest of the senators may leave only a pound of silver. coined bronze let us leave five thousand asses to each paterfamilias.”

> Latin: 36.7. ceteri senatores libram argenti tantum: aeris signati quina milia in singulos patres familiae relinquamus:

[¶45] 36.8. “the rest of the gold, silver, coined bronze let us forthwith deposit with the bank commissioners, without first making any decree of the senate, so that a voluntary contribution and competition in helping the republic may stir up to rivalry, first the spirit of the knightly order, and then of the plebeians as well.”

> Latin: 36.8. ceterum omne aurum argentum aes signatum ad triumuiros mensarios extemplo deferamus nullo ante senatus consulto facto, ut uoluntaria conlatio et certamen adiuuandae rei publicae excitet ad aemulandum animos primum equestris ordinis, dein reliquae plebis.

[¶46] 36.9. “is the one way we consuls have found, after conferring together at length; enter upon it with the kind aid of the gods! commonwealth, if preserved, easily assures the preservation of private wealth also. betraying what belongs to the commonwealth one tries in vain to save one's own possessions.”

> Latin: 36.9. hanc unam uiam multa inter nos conlocuti consules inuenimus; ingredimini dis bene iuuantibus. res publica incolumis et priuatas res facile saluas praestat: publica prodendo tua nequiquam serues.'

[¶47] 36.10. these words agreement was so spirited that they actually thanked the consuls.

> Latin: 36.10. in haec tanto animo consensum est ut gratiae ultro consulibus agerentur.

[¶48] 36.11. senate then adjourned, and each man brought his own gold and silver and bronze into the treasury, while such rivalry was aroused to have their names the first or among the first men on the public records, that neither were the commissioners equal to the task of receiving nor the clerks to that of making the entries.

> Latin: 36.11. senatu inde misso pro se quisque aurum argentum et aes in publicum conferunt, tanto certamine iniecto ut prima aut inter primos nomina sua uellent in publicis tabulis esse ut nec triumuiri accipiundo nec scribae referundo sufficerent.

[¶49] 36.12. knightly order followed this unanimity of the senate, the populace that of the knights. Thus without an edict, without constraint on the part of any magistrate, the state lacked neither oarsmen to fill the complement nor their pay; also every preparation for war being complete, the consuls set out for their provinces.

> Latin: 36.12. hunc consensum senatus equester ordo est secutus, equestris ordinis plebs. ita sine edicto, sine coercitione magistratus nec remige in supplementum nec stipendio res publica eguit; paratisque omnibus ad bellum consules in prouincias profecti sunt. neque aliud tempus belli fuit quo Carthaginienses Romanique pariter uariis casibus immixti magis in ancipiti spe ac metu fuerint.

[¶50] 37.2. there was no other time in the war when Carthaginians and Romans, equally involved in changing fortunes, were in a more uncertain state of hope and fear. is, for the Romans, in the provinces, defeat in Spain on the one hand, success in Sicily on the other, had mingled sorrow and rejoicing; so also in Italy the capture of Tarentum brought loss and grief, while the retention of the citadel and garrison contrary to expectation brought joy.

> Latin: 37.2. nam Romanis et in prouinciis hinc in Hispania aduersae res, hinc prosperae in Sicilia luctum et laetitiam miscuerant, et in Italia cum Tarentum amissum damno et dolori, tum arx cum praesidio retenta praeter spem gaudio fuit,

[¶51] 37.4. the sudden alarm and panic when the city of Rome was beset and attacked was turned into gladness by the taking of Capua a few days later.

> Latin: 37.4. et terrorem subitum pauoremque urbis Romae obsessae et oppugnatae Capua post dies paucos capta in laetitiam uertit.

[¶52] 37.5. also were events balanced with a certain alternation: Philip's turning enemy at an inopportune moment, the addition of the Aetolians and Attalus, King of Asia, as new allies, just as if fortune were now pledging to the Romans rule over the East.

> Latin: 37.5. transmarinae quoque res quadam uice pensatae: Philippus hostis tempore haud satis opportuno factus, Aetoli noui adsciti socii Attalusque Asiae rex, iam uelut despondente fortuna Romanis imperium orientis.

[¶53] 37.6. Carthaginians likewise balanced the capture of Tarentum against the loss of Capua; and although they made it their boast that they had reached the walls of the city of Rome with no one preventing, yet they were annoyed at the failure of their undertaking and ashamed to find themselves so scorned that, while they were sitting before the walls of Rome, out of another gate marched a Roman army bound for Spain.

> Latin: 37.6. Carthaginienses quoque Capuae amissae Tarentum captum aequabant, et ut ad moenia urbis Romanae nullo prohibente se peruenisse in gloria ponebant, ita pigebat inriti incepti, pudebatque adeo se spretos ut sedentibus ipsis ad Romana moenia alia porta exercitus Romanus in Hispaniam duceretur.

[¶54] 37.8. for their Spanish provinces, the nearer they had come to the hope that, after the slaughter of two great commanders and armies, the war there was over and the Romans driven out, the more indignation did those very provinces arouse that the victory had been rendered null and void by Lucius Marcius, an emergency commander.

> Latin: 37.8. ipsae quoque Hispaniae quo propius spem uenerant tantis duobus ducibus exercitibusque caesis debellatum ibi ac pulsos inde Romanos esse, eo plus ab L. Marcio tumultuario duce ad uanum et inritum uictoriam redactam esse indignationis praebebant.

[¶55] 37.9. Thus with Fortune maintaining the balance, there was general suspense for both sides, hope remaining unchanged, fear unchanged, as though they were then for the first time beginning the war. Hannibal was above all else distressed that Capua, besieged with more persistence by the Romans than it was defended by himself, had estranged from him many peoples in Italy, not all of whom could he hold by garrisons, unless he were willing to parcel out his army in many small detachments, which was not at all to his advantage at that time. on the other hand could he by withdrawing his garrisons leave the loyalty of allies free to hope or exposed to fear.

> Latin: 37.9. ita aequante fortuna suspensa omnia utrisque erant, integra spe, integro metu, uelut illo tempore primum bellum inciperent. Hannibalem ante omnia angebat quod Capua pertinacius oppugnata ab Romanis quam defensa ab se multorum Italiae populorum animos auerterat, quos neque omnes tenere praesidiis nisi uellet in multas paruasque partes carpere exercitum quod minime tum expediebat poterat, nec deductis praesidiis spei liberam uel obnoxiam timori sociorum relinquere fidem.

[¶56] 38.3. inclined to greed and cruelty, his temperament favoured despoiling what he was unable to protect, in order to leave desolated lands to the enemy.

> Latin: 38.3. praeceps in auaritiam et crudelitatem animus ad spolianda quae tueri nequibat, ut uastata hosti relinquerentur, inclinauit.

[¶57] 38.4. policy was shameful in the beginning, and especially so in the outcome. not only were those who suffered undeserved treatment alienated, but all the rest as well; for the lesson reached larger numbers than did the suffering.

> Latin: 38.4. id foedum consilium cum incepto tum etiam exitu fuit. neque enim indigna patientium modo abalienabantur animi, sed ceterorum etiam;

[¶58] 38.5. did the Roman consul fail to work upon the feelings of cities, if any hope had showed itself from any quarter. Salapia Dasius and Blattius were leading citizens.

> Latin: 38.5. quippe ad plures exemplum †quam† pertinebat; nec consul Romanus temptandis urbibus sicunde spes aliqua se ostendisset deerat. Salapiae principes erant Dasius et Blattius, Dasius Hannibali amicus;

[¶59] 38.6. Dasius was friendly to Hannibal, Blattius promoted the Roman cause so far as he safely could, and through secret messengers had roused in Marcellus a hope of betrayal. without the aid of Dasius the matter could not be carried out.

> Latin: 38.6. Blattius quantum ex tuto poterat rem Romanam fouebat et per occultos nuntios spem proditionis fecerat Marcello; sed sine adiutore Dasio res transigi non poterat.

[¶60] 38.7. much hesitation for a long time, and even then rather owing to the lack of a better plan than with the hope of success, he addressed himself to Dasius. Dasius, being not only averse to the project, but also unfriendly to one who was his rival for the highest position, disclosed the matter to Hannibal.

> Latin: 38.7. multum ac diu cunctatus, et tum quoque magis inopia consilii potioris quam spe effectus, Dasium appellabat; at ille, cum ab re auersus, tum aemulo potentatus inimicus, rem Hannibali aperit.

[¶61] 38.8. both had been summoned, and Hannibal on the tribune was occupied with certain business, intending presently to hear the case of Blattius, and accuser and defendant were standing there, while the crowd had been cleared away, Blattius addressed himself to Dasius on the treason.

> Latin: 38.8. arcessito utroque Hannibal cum pro tribunali quaedam ageret mox de Blattio cogniturus, starentque summoto populo accusator et reus, Blattius de proditione Dasium appellat.

[¶62] 38.9. Dasius, to be sure, as though the evidence was clear, cried out that before Hannibal's eyes he was being urged to tum traitor. Hannibal and his assessors the matter seemed less credible as being so bold.

> Latin: 38.9. enimuero ille, uelut in manifesta re, exclamat sub oculis Hannibalis secum de proditione agi. Hannibali atque eis qui aderant quo audacior res erat, minus similis ueri uisa est:

[¶63] 38.10. was only their rivalry and hatred surely, they said, and the charge brought was of a sort in which the fabricator had the more freedom because it could not have a witness. they were discharged.

> Latin: 38.10. aemulationem profecto atque odium esse, et id crimen adferri quod, quia testem habere non posset, liberius fingenti esset. ita inde dimissi sunt.

[¶64] 38.11. Blattius did not desist from so bold an undertaking until by dinning the same story into his ears, and by showing how advantageous for themselves and their native city it was, he prevailed upon Dasius to have the Carthaginian garrison —now it consisted of five hundred Numidians —and Salapia surrendered to Marcellus; and it was not without much bloodshed that it could be surrendered.

> Latin: 38.11. nec Blattius ante abstitit tam audaci incepto quam idem obtundendo, docendoque quam ea res ipsis patriaeque salutaris esset, peruicit ut praesidium Punicum—<quingenti> autem Numidae erant—Salapiaque traderetur Marcello.

[¶65] 38.12. were far the bravest horsemen in the entire Carthaginian army. , although the attack was unexpected, and they had no use of their horses in the city, nevertheless catching up their arms in the midst of the uproar, they attempted a sally, and being unable to escape, they fell fighting to the last, and not more than fifty of them came alive into the hands of the enemy. loss of this regiment of cavalry was considerably more serious for Hannibal than that of Salapia.

> Latin: 38.12. nec sine caede multa tradi potuit. longe fortissimi equitum toto Punico exercitu erant. itaque, quamquam improuisa res fuit nec usus equorum in urbe erat, tamen armis inter tumultum captis et eruptionem temptauerunt et, cum euadere nequirent, pugnantes ad ultimum occubuerunt, nec plus quinquaginta ex his in potestatem hostium uiui uenerunt. plusque aliquanto damni haec ala equitum amissa Hannibali quam Salapia fuit;

[¶66] 38.14. at no later time was the Carthaginian superior in cavalry, in which had been easily his greatest strength. the same time, when in the citadel of Tarentum scarcity was barely endurable, the Roman garrison posted there and Marcus Livius, the commander of the garrison and citadel, had all their hopes in supplies sent from Sicily; and that these might safely pass along the coast of Italy, a fleet of about twenty ships lay at anchor at Regium.

> Latin: 38.14. nec deinde unquam Poenus, quo longe plurimum ualuerat, equitatu superior fuit. per idem tempus cum in arce Tarentina uix inopia tolerabilis esset, spem omnem praesidium quod ibi erat Romanum praefectusque praesidii atque arcis M. Liuius in commeatibus ab Sicilia missis habebant, qui ut tuto praeterueherentur oram Italiae, classis uiginti ferme nauium Regii stabat. praeerat classi commeatibusque D. Quinctius, obscuro genere ortus, ceterum multis fortibus factis militari gloria inlustris.

[¶67] 39.3. the fleet and in charge of supplies was Decimus Quinctius, a man of unknown family, but made famous as a soldier by many brave deeds. first only five ships, of which the largest were two triremes, had been assigned to him by Marcellus.

> Latin: 39.3. primo quinque naues, quarum maximae duae triremes, a Marcello ei traditae erant [habuit]:

[¶68] 39.4. , as he repeatedly showed energy, three quinqueremes were added. by personally demanding from the allies and from Regium and Velia and Paestum the ships due under the treaty, he formed a fleet of twenty ships, as has been said above. fleet had sailed from Regium when Democrates with an equal number of Tarentine ships met it off Sapriportis, about fifteen miles from the city.

> Latin: 39.4. postea rem impigre saepe gerenti tres additae quinqueremes: postremo ipse a sociis Reginisque et a Uelia et a Paesto debitas ex foedere exigendo classem uiginti nauium, sicut ante dictum est, efficit.

[¶69] 39.6. that time the Roman, as it happened, was approaching under sail, not foreseeing an impending battle.

> Latin: 39.6. huic ab Regio profectae classi Democrates cum pari nauium Tarentinarum numero quindecim milia ferme ab urbe ad Sapriportem obuius fuit.

[¶70] 39.7. in the neighbourhood of Croton and Sybaris he had fully manned the ships with oarsmen, and had a fleet remarkably equipped and armed considering the size of the ships. it happened then that about the same time the wind dropped entirely and the enemy came in sight, with the result that time enough was left to take down the rigging and to get the oarsmen and soldiers ready for the battle that was imminent.

> Latin: 39.7. uelis tum forte improuidus futuri certaminis Romanus ueniebat; sed circa Crotonem Sybarimque suppleuerat remigio naues, instructamque et armatam egregie pro magnitudine nauium classem habebat;

[¶71] 39.8. have regular fleets ever clashed with such spirit, since they were fighting for a greater issue than themselves. Tarentines, having regained their city from the Romans after almost a hundred years, fought to free the citadel as well, in the hope that they would cut off the enemy's supplies also, if by a naval battle they should deprive them of their command of the sea; the Romans, in order to show by keeping their hold upon the citadel that Tarentum had been lost, not by force and courage, but by treachery and a surprise.

> Latin: 39.8. et tum forte sub idem tempus et uenti uis omnis cecidit et hostes in conspectu fuere ut ad componenda armamenta expediendumque remigem ac militem ad imminens certamen satis temporis esset. raro alias tantis animis iustae concurrerunt classes, quippe cum in maioris discrimen rei quam ipsae erant pugnarent, Tarentini ut reciperata urbe ab Romanis post centesimum prope annum, arcem etiam liberarent, spe commeatus quoque hostibus si nauali proelio possessionem maris ademissent interclusuros,

[¶72] 39.11. after the signal had been given on both sides, and they had encountered each other with their beaks and did not reverse their motion with oars nor allow the enemy to cast loose from them, a commander closing in on a ship would throw grappling —irons on it, and they engaged in a battle at such close quarters that they fought not only with missiles, but also with swords, almost man to man. bows in contact could not detach themselves, the sterns were swung about by the efforts of the enemy's oarsmen. closely massed together were the ships that hardly a missile fell without effect between them into the sea. each a front, like a battle —line on land, they tried to push each other back, and the ships were a highway for the combatants., however, among all the rest was the battle between the two ships which had encountered each other at the head of the

> Latin: 39.11. Romani ut retenta possessione arcis ostenderent non ui ac uirtute, sed proditione ac furto Tarentum amissum. itaque ex utraque parte signo dato cum rostris concurrissent neque retro nauem inhiberent nec dirimi ab se hostem paterentur quam quis indeptus nauem erat ferrea iniecta manu, ita conserebant ex propinquo pugnam ut non missilibus tantum, sed gladiis etiam prope conlato pede gereretur res. prorae inter se iunctae haerebant, puppes alieno remigio circumagebantur; ita in arto stipatae erant naues ut uix ullum telum in mari uanum intercideret; frontibus uelut pedestris acies urgebant peruiaeque naues pugnantibus erant.

[¶73] 39.14. columns. the Roman ship was Quinctius himself, on the Tarentine was Nico, surnamed Perco, who hated the Romans and was hated by them with a hatred that was not only national but also personal, because he was of the party which had betrayed Tarentum to Hannibal. Quinctius was fighting and at the same time encouraging his men, Nico ran him through with a spear while off his guard. Quinctius with his weapons fell forward over the bow, the victorious Tarentine boldly crossed over on to the ship thrown into confusion by the loss of its commander; and when he had driven the enemy back, and the bow was now in the hands of the Tarentines, while the Romans, massed together, were vainly defending the stern, suddenly another trireme of the enemy also appeared astern. Thus the Roman ship was caught between them and captured. alarm was inspired on the rest of the ships when they saw the flagship captured. as they fled in all directions, some were sunk in open water, others were quickly rowed to the shore and presently fell a prey to the men of Thurii and Metapontum.

> Latin: 39.14. insignis tamen inter ceteras pugna fuit duarum quae primae agminum concurrerant inter se. in Romana naue ipse Quinctius erat, in Tarentina Nico cui Perconi fuit cognomen, non publico modo sed priuato etiam odio inuisus atque infestus Romanis quod eius factionis erat quae Tarentum Hannibali prodiderat. hic Quinctium simul pugnantem hortantemque suos, incautum hasta transfigit. ille ut praeceps cum armis procidit ante proram, uictor Tarentinus in turbatam duce amisso nauem impigre transgressus cum summouisset hostes et prora iam Tarentinorum esset, puppim male conglobati tuerentur Romani, repente et alia a puppe triremis hostium apparuit;

[¶74] 39.18. the transports, which were following with the supplies, very few fell into the power of the enemy. rest shifted their sails obliquely, now this way, now that, according to the variable winds, and put out to sea. no means so successful was the fighting at Tarentum during those days.

> Latin: 39.18. ita in medio circumuenta Romana nauis capitur. hinc ceteris terror iniectus uti praetoriam nauem captam uidere, fugientesque passim aliae in alto mersae, aliae in terram remis abreptae mox praedae fuere Thurinis Metapontinisque.

[¶75] 39.19. while about four thousand men who had gone out to get grain were roaming about the country, Livius, who was in command of the citadel and the Roman garrison, was alert for every opportunity of an engagement.

> Latin: 39.19. ex onerariis quae cum commeatu sequebantur, perpaucae in potestatem hostium uenere; aliae ad incertos uentos hinc atque illinc obliqua transferentes uela, in altum euectae sunt. nequaquam pari fortuna per eos dies Tarenti res gesta.

[¶76] 39.20. sent out from the citadel Gaius Persius, an active man, with two thousand five hundred armed men. Persius, attacking men widely dispersed over the farms and wandering about, had for a long time been slaying them everywhere, he drove the few survivors into the city, as in their excited flight they dashed into the half —opened gates. by that same onslaught the city was all but taken. Thus were issues balanced near Tarentum, the Romans being victors on land, the Tarentines on the sea.

> Latin: 39.20. nam ad quattuor milia hominum frumentatum egressa cum in agris passim uagarentur, Liuius qui arci praesidioque Romano praeerat, intentus in omnes occasiones gerendae rei, C. Persium impigrum uirum cum duobus milibus et <quingentis> armatorum ex arce emisit, qui uage effusos per agros palatosque adortus cum diu passim cecidisset, paucos ex multis, trepida fuga incidentes semiapertis portarum foribus, in urbem compulit ne<que multum afuit quin> urbs eodem impetu caperetur.

[¶77] 39.22. hope of grain —a hope which had been very real —was equally illusory for both sides. the same time, when a large part of the year had already gone by, Laevinus, the consul, arrived in Sicily awaited by the old and the new allies. he thought it of the very first importance to settle affairs that were in disorder at Syracuse owing to the short time since the peace. he led his legions to Agrigentum, being the last remnant of the war and held by a strong garrison of Carthaginians.

> Latin: 39.22. ita aequatae res ad Tarentum, Romanis uictoribus <terra>, Carthaginiensibus mari. frumenti spes, quae in oculis fuerat, utrosque frustrata pariter. per idem tempus Laeuinus consul iam magna parte anni circumacta in Siciliam ueteribus nouisque sociis exspectatus cum uenisset, primum ac potissimum omnium ratus Syracusis noua pace inconditas componere res, Agrigentum inde, quod belli reliquum erat tenebaturque a Carthaginiensium ualido praesidio, duxit legiones. et adfuit fortuna incepto.

[¶78] 40.3. in fact fortune favoured the undertaking. Hanno was the general of the Carthaginians, but all their hope continued to rest upon Muttines and the Numidians. all over Sicily, Muttines was carrying off booty from allies of the Romans, and he could neither be shut off from Agrigentum by force or by any ruse, nor be prevented from sallying out whenever he pleased.

> Latin: 40.3. Hanno erat imperator Carthaginiensium, sed omnem in Muttine Numidisque spem repositam habebant. per totam Siciliam uagus praedas agebat ex sociis Romanorum neque intercludi ab Agrigento ui aut arte ulla nec quin erumperet ubi uellet prohiberi poterat.

[¶79] 40.5. distinction of the man, as already eclipsing the reputation even of the general, finally developed into hatred, so that not even successes any longer brought much joy to Hanno on account of the man who was responsible for them.

> Latin: 40.5. haec eius gloria quia iam imperatoris quoque famae officiebat, postremo in inuidiam uertit ut ne bene gestae quidem res iam Hannoni propter auctorem satis laetae essent.

[¶80] 40.6. he gave Muttines' command of the cavalry to his own son, thinking that with the command he would take away his prestige also among the Numidians.

> Latin: 40.6. postremo praefecturam eius filio suo dedit, ratus cum imperio auctoritatem quoque ei inter Numidas erepturum.

[¶81] 40.7. it turned out quite differently. by his own unpopularity he even increased the old —time partiality for Muttines. the latter did not put up with a shameful wrong, but at once sent secret messengers to Laevinus in regard to the betrayal of Agrigentum.

> Latin: 40.7. quod longe aliter euenit; nam ueterem fauorem eius sua insuper inuidia auxit; neque ille indignitatem iniuriae tulit confestimque ad Laeuinum occultos nuntios misit de tradendo Agrigento.

[¶82] 40.8. men having reassured the consul and arranged a plan of action, the Numidians seized the gate leading toward the sea, driving away or slaying the guards; whereupon they admitted Romans sent for that very purpose into the city.

> Latin: 40.8. per quos ut est facta fides compositusque rei gerendae modus, portam ad mare ferentem Numidae cum occupassent pulsis inde custodibus aut caesis Romanos ad id ipsum missos in urbem acceperunt.

[¶83] 40.9. when now they were marching in column into the centre of the city and to the market —place with a great uproar, Hanno, thinking it was nothing more than an outbreak and mutiny of the Numidians, as had happened before also, went forth to quell the uprising.

> Latin: 40.9. et cum agmine iam in media urbis ac forum magno tumultu iretur, ratus Hanno non aliud quam tumultum ac secessionem, id quod et ante acciderat, Numidarum esse, ad comprimendam seditionem processit.

[¶84] 40.10. when he caught sight of a crowd in the distance larger than the number of the Numidians, and the shouts of the Romans, by no means unfamiliar, had reached his ears, he took to flight before coming within range of a missile.

> Latin: 40.10. atque ille cum ei multitudo maior quam Numidarum procul uisa et clamor Romanus haudquaquam ignotus ad aures accidisset, priusquam ad ictum teli ueniret capessit fugam.

[¶85] 40.11. by the gate farthest from the enemy and taking Epicydes as his companion, with a few men he made his way to the sea. fortunately finding a small vessel and leaving Sicily, for which the struggle had lasted so many years, to the enemy, they crossed over to Africa.

> Latin: 40.11. per auersam portam emissus adsumpto comite Epicyde cum paucis ad mare peruenit; nactique opportune paruum nauigium, relicta hostibus Sicilia de qua per tot annos certatum erat, in Africam traiecerunt.

[¶86] 40.12. the rest of the Carthaginians and Sicilians in a body, without even attempting to fight, were blindly fleeing, and ways of escape had been closed, they were slain near the gates.

> Latin: 40.12. alia multitudo Poenorum Siculorumque ne temptato quidem certamine cum caeci in fugam ruerent clausique exitus essent circa portas caesa.

[¶87] 40.13. gaining possession of the town, Laevinus scourged and beheaded the responsible men at Agrigentum, and sold the rest and the booty. the money he sent to Rome.

> Latin: 40.13. oppido recepto Laeuinus qui capita rerum Agrigenti erant uirgis caesos securi percussit, ceteros praedamque uendidit;

[¶88] 40.14. the news of the disaster to the Agrigentines had been carried all over Sicily, suddenly there was a general trend towards the Romans. after that, twenty towns were betrayed, six taken by assault; by voluntary surrender about forty came under Roman protection.

> Latin: 40.14. omnem pecuniam Romam misit. fama Agrigentinorum cladis Siciliam cum peruasisset, omnia repente ad Romanos inclinauerunt. prodita breui sunt uiginti oppida, sex ui capta: uoluntaria deditione in fidem uenerunt ad quadraginta.

[¶89] 40.15. the consul had bestowed upon the leading men of these states the reward or the penalty that each deserved, and had compelled the Sicilians to lay down their arms at last and tum their attention to tilling the soil, so that the island might not only produce food enough for the inhabitants, but might relieve the grain market of the city of Rome and of Italy, as it had often done on many occasions, he took with him an unruly mob from Agathyrna over into Italy.

> Latin: 40.15. quarum ciuitatium principibus cum pro cuiusque merito consul pretia poenasque exsoluisset, coegissetque Siculos positis tandem armis ad agrum colendum animos conuertere, ut esset non incolarum modo alimentis frugifera insula, sed urbis Romae atque Italiae, id quod multis saepe tempestatibus fecerat, annonam leuaret, ab Agathyrna inconditam multitudinem secum in Italiam transuexit.

[¶90] 40.17. were four thousand men, refuse of every kind, exiles, debtors, guilty, many of them, of capital offences, so long as they had lived in their own cities and under the laws; and they were dragging out an existence by highway robbery and plundering, after their common misery, for one reason or another, had concentrated them at Agathyrna.

> Latin: 40.17. quattuor milia hominum erant, mixti ex omni conluuione exsules obaerati capitalia ausi plerique cum in ciuitatibus suis ac sub legibus uixerant, et postquam eos ex uariis causis fortuna similis conglobauerat Agathyrnam per latrocinia ac rapinam tolerantes uitam.

[¶91] 40.18. men Laevinus did not think it quite safe to leave on the island, then for the first time attaining unity under the recent peace, as they furnished fuel for a revolution, and at the same time would prove useful to the men of Regium, who were looking for a band accustomed to brigandage, in order to devastate the Bruttian territory. so far as concerned Sicily the war was finished that year.

> Latin: 40.18. hos neque relinquere Laeuinus in insula tum primum noua pace coalescente uelut materiam nouandis rebus satis tutum ratus est, et Reginis usui futuri erant ad populandum Bruttium agrum adsuetam latrociniis quaerentibus manum. et quod ad Siciliam attinet eo anno debellatum est. in Hispania principio ueris P. Scipio nauibus deductis euocatisque edicto Tarraconem sociorum auxiliis classem onerariasque ostium inde Hiberi fluminis petere iubet.

[¶92] 41.2. Spain at the beginning of spring Publius Scipio launched his ships, and after summoning the allied auxiliaries to Tarraco by an edict, he ordered the fleet and the transports to sail thence to the mouth of the river Ebro. ordered the legions to leave their winter quarters and meet at the same point, he himself with five thousand allies set out from Tarraco to join the army.

> Latin: 41.2. eodem legiones ex hibernis conuenire cum iussisset, ipse cum quinque milibus sociorum ab Tarracone profectus ad exercitum est. quo cum uenisset adloquendos maxime ueteres milites qui tantis superfuerunt cladibus ratus, contione aduocata ita disseruit:

[¶93] 41.3. there, and thinking he must address particularly the old soldiers, survivors of defeats so serious, he summoned the men to an assembly and spoke as follows: "No new general in command before me has been able with reason and deservedly to thank his soldiers before he had made use of their services.

> Latin: 41.3. 'nemo ante me nouus imperator militibus suis priusquam opera eorum usus esset gratias agere iure ac merito potuit:

[¶94] 41.4. my case, before I could see my province or camp, Fortune laid me under obligation to you, in the first place because you have showed such devotion towards my father and uncle, living and dead, and then because, when possession of the province had been lost by so great a disaster, you by your courage have held it intact both for me as their successor and for the Roman people.

> Latin: 41.4. me uobis priusquam prouinciam aut castra uiderem obligauit fortuna, primum quod ea pietate erga patrem patruumque meum uiuos mortuosque fuistis, deinde quod amissam tanta clade prouinciae possessionem integram et populo Romano et successori mihi uirtute uestra obtinuistis.

[¶95] 41.6. now with the favour of the gods we are preparing and striving, not to remain in Spain ourselves, but to prevent the Carthaginians from remaining, and not to stand on the bank of the Ebro and keep the enemy from crossing, but taking the offensive to cross over and shift the scene of the war.

> Latin: 41.6. sed cum iam benignitate deum id paremus atque agamus non ut ipsi maneamus in Hispania sed ne Poeni maneant, nec ut pro ripa Hiberi stantes arceamus transitu hostes sed ut ultro transeamus transferamusque bellum, uereor ne cui uestrum maius id audaciusque consilium quam aut pro memoria cladium nuper acceptarum aut pro aetate mea uideatur.

[¶96] 41.8. I am afraid that that design may seem to some of you too great and too bold to be in keeping either with the memory of disasters recently incurred or with my years. for the reverses in Spain, there is no man from whose mind it is less possible for them to be effaced than from mine, for my father and uncle fell within the space of thirty days, that for our family one fatality might be piled upon another.

> Latin: 41.8. aduersae pugnae in Hispania nullius in animo quam meo minus oblitterari possunt, quippe cui pater et patruus intra triginta dierum spatium ut aliud super aliud cumularetur familiae nostrae funus interfecti sunt;

[¶97] 41.9. although within the family it is crushing to be all but orphaned and left desolate, yet the destiny of the state and her courage forbid me to despair of the final issue. is a lot assigned to us by some fate that in all the great wars we have been first defeated and then victorious.

> Latin: 41.9. sed ut familiaris paene orbitas ac solitudo frangit animum, ita publica cum fortuna tum uirtus desperare de summa rerum prohibet. ea fato quodam data nobis sors est ut magnis omnibus bellis uicti uicerimus. uetera omitto, Porsennam Gallos Samnites:

## 31. Book XXVI · chapters 41–51

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/31/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/31/#p-N

[¶0] 41.10. " Ancient examples I pass over, Porsenna, the Gauls, the Samnites. shall begin with the Punic Wars.

> Latin: 41.10. a Punicis bellis incipiam. quot classes, quot duces, quot exercitus priore bello amissi sunt?

[¶1] 41.11. many fleets, how many generals, how many armies were lost in the former war! now in the present war what shall I say has happened? every disaster I was either present myself, or if absent, I above all others felt them.

> Latin: 41.11. iam quid hoc bello memorem? omnibus aut ipse adfui cladibus aut quibus afui, maxime unus omnium eas sensi. Trebia Trasumennus Cannae quid aliud sunt quam monumenta occisorum exercituum consulumque Romanorum?

[¶2] 41.12. Trebia, Trasumennus, Cannae, what are they but memorials of Roman armies and consuls fallen? the revolt of Italy, of the greater part of Sicily, of Sardinia; add that extreme of alarm and panic, a Carthaginian camp pitched between the Anio and the walls of Rome, and the sight of a victorious Hannibal almost at the gates. this general crash the one thing left standing, intact and immovable, was the courage of the Roman people.

> Latin: 41.12. adde defectionem Italiae, Siciliae maioris partis, Sardiniae; adde ultimum terrorem ac pauorem, castra Punica inter Anienem ac moenia Romana posita et uisum prope in portis uictorem Hannibalem. in hac ruina rerum stetit una integra atque immobilis uirtus populi Romani;

[¶3] 41.13. was this that raised and set up all the scattered debris. Hasdrubal after the rout at Cannae was on his way to the Alps and Italy —and if he had joined his brother even the name of the Roman people would be no more —you were the very first, soldiers, to stand in his path under the command and auspices of my father.

> Latin: 41.13. haec omnia strata humi erexit ac sustulit. uos omnium primi, milites, post Cannensem cladem uadenti Hasdrubali ad Alpes Italiamque, qui si se cum fratre coniunxisset nullum iam nomen esset populi Romani, ductu auspicioque patris mei obstitistis; et hae secundae res illas aduersas sustinuerunt.

[¶4] 41.14. victory here has upheld defeats there. by the favour of the gods everything in Italy and Sicily is flourishing and successful, more cheering and better from day to day. Sicily Syracuse and Agrigentum have been captured, the enemy driven out of the entire island, and the recovered province is under the rule of the Roman people.

> Latin: 41.14. nunc benignitate deum omnia secunda prospera in dies laetiora ac meliora in Italia Siciliaque geruntur. in Sicilia Syracusae, Agrigentum captum, pulsi tota insula hostes, receptaque prouincia in dicionem populi Romani est: in Italia Arpi recepti, Capua capta.

[¶5] 41.16. Italy Arpi has been recovered, Capua taken. entire road from the city of Rome has been traversed in nervous flight by Hannibal, who, driven into that remotest region, the Bruttian land, now prays the gods for nothing greater than that he may be allowed to retire in safety and leave the enemy's country.

> Latin: 41.16. iter omne ab urbe Roma trepida fuga emensus Hannibal, in extremum angulum agri Bruttii compulsus nihil iam maius precatur deos quam ut incolumi cedere atque abire ex hostium terra liceat.

[¶6] 41.17. therefore is less consistent, soldiers, than that, while disasters were being piled one upon another and the gods themselves, one might almost say, were on Hannibal's side, you here under my fathers —for let them be coupled in that honourable name also —upheld the wavering fortune of the Roman people, but that at present, when in Italy everything is now favourable and encouraging, you, the same men, should be faint —hearted?

> Latin: 41.17. quid igitur minus conueniat, milites, quam cum aliae super alias clades cumularentur ac di prope ipsi cum Hannibale starent, uos hic cum parentibus meis— aequentur enim etiam honore nominis—sustinuisse labantem fortunam populi Romani, nunc eosdem quia illic omnia secunda laetaque sunt animis deficere?

[¶7] 41.18. occurrences also I could wish had been as free from sorrow for me as... “... Now the immortal gods, who are protectors of the Roman empire, who inspired all the centuries of the people to order that the command be bestowed upon me, by auguries, auspices and even visions in the night are likewise forecasting only joy and success.”

> Latin: 41.18. nuper quoque quae acciderunt, utinam tam sine meo luctu quam††. nunc di immortales imperii Romani praesides qui centuriis omnibus ut mihi imperium iuberent dari fuere auctores, iidem auguriis auspiciisque et per nocturnos etiam uisus omnia laeta ac prospera portendunt.

[¶8] 41.19. “own mind as well, heretofore my greatest soothsayer, foresees that Spain is ours, that soon all the Carthaginians, banished from here, will cover seas and lands with their disgraceful flight.”

> Latin: 41.19. animus quoque meus, maximus mihi ad hoc tempus uates, praesagit nostram Hispaniam esse, breui extorre hinc omne Punicum nomen maria terrasque foeda fuga impleturum.

[¶9] 41.20. “the mind of itself divines undeluded reasoning also suggests. by them their allies through embassies are begging for our help. generals, unable to agree, so that they have almost proved disloyal to each other, have dispersed their army in three parts in widely scattered regions. same fortune which lately crushed us is assailing them.”

> Latin: 41.20. quod mens sua sponte diuinat, idem subicit ratio haud fallax. uexati ab iis socii nostram fidem per legatos implorant. tres duces discordantes prope ut defecerint alii ab aliis, trifariam exercitum in diuersissimas regiones distraxere.

[¶10] 41.21. “they are being deserted by their allies, as formerly were we by the Celtiberians, and also they have separated their armies, which was the cause of destruction for my father and uncle. will internal strife permit them to unite, nor will they be able singly to resist us.”

> Latin: 41.21. eadem in illos ingruit fortuna quae nuper nos adflixit; nam et deseruntur ab sociis, ut prius ab Celtiberis nos, et diduxere exercitus quae patri patruoque meo causa exitii fuit;

[¶11] 41.22. “do you, soldiers, look with favour upon the name of the Scipios, upon the scion of your generals, growing again, as it were, from stems that have been cut down.”

> Latin: 41.22. nec discordia intestina coire eos in unum sinet neque singuli nobis resistere poterunt. uos modo, milites, fauete nomini Scipionum, suboli imperatorum uestrorum uelut accisis recrescenti stirpibus.

[¶12] 41.23. “now, veterans, lead a new army and a new commander across the Ebro, lead them over into lands often traversed by you with many deeds of bravery.”

> Latin: 41.23. agite, ueteres milites, nouum exercitum nouumque ducem traducite Hiberum, traducite in terras cum multis fortibus factis saepe a uobis peragratas.

[¶13] 41.24. “as now you note in me a resemblance to my father and uncle in face and countenance and recognize the lines of the figure, so I will soon take pains to reproduce for you an image of their minds, of their loyalty and courage,” “so that each man shall say that there has come back to life, or has been born again, his general Scipio.”

> Latin: 41.24. breui faciam ut, quemadmodum nunc noscitatis in me patris patruique similitudinem oris uoltusque et lineamenta corporis, ita ingenii fidei uirtutisque effigiem uobis reddam ut reuixisse aut renatum sibi quisque Scipionem imperatorem dicat.' hac oratione accensis militum animis relicto ad praesidium regionis eius M. Silano cum tribus milibus peditum et trecentis equitibus ceteras omnes copias—erant autem uiginti quinque milia peditum, duo milia quingenti equites — Hiberum traiecit.

[¶14] 42.2. fired the spirits of the soldiers by this speech, and leaving for the defence of the region Marcus Silanus with three thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen, all the rest of the forces — and they were twenty —five thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry —he led across the Ebro., although some tried to persuade him that, since the Carthaginian armies had withdrawn into three regions so widely scattered, he should attack the nearest of them, he thought there was danger that by doing so he might cause them all to concentrate and one army might not be a match for so many armies. he decided meanwhile to lay siege to New Carthage, a city both itself rich in its own resources and filled with the enemy's warlike equipment of every kind. were his arms, there his money, there hostages from all Spain.

> Latin: 42.2. ibi quibusdam suadentibus ut quoniam in tres tam diuersas regiones discessissent Punici exercitus, proximum adgrederetur, periculum esse ratus ne eo facto in unum omnes contraheret nec par esset unus tot exercitibus, Carthaginem Nouam interim oppugnare statuit urbem cum ipsam opulentam suis opibus tum hostium omni bellico apparatu plenam—ibi arma, ibi pecunia, ibi totius Hispaniae obsides erant—

[¶15] 42.4. the city was not only situated favourably for the passage to Africa, but also on a harbour ample enough for the greatest fleet, and perhaps the only port on the coast of Spain where it faces our sea. a man except Gaius Laelius knew whither they were going.

> Latin: 42.4. sitam praeterea cum opportune ad traiciendum in Africam tum super portum satis amplum quantaeuis classi et nescio an unum in Hispaniae ora qua nostro adiacet mari. nemo omnium quo iretur sciebat praeter C. Laelium.

[¶16] 42.5. was sent with the fleet round the headlands, under previous orders so to regulate the speed of his ships that Scipio might display his army on the landward side at the same time that the fleet was entering the harbour.

> Latin: 42.5. is classe circummissus ita moderari cursum nauium iussus erat ut eodem tempore Scipio ab terra exercitum ostenderet et classis portum intraret.

[¶17] 42.6. the seventh day from the Ebro they reached (New) Carthage by sea and land at the same time. was pitched opposite the city where it faces the north. the rear of the camp —for the front was protected by nature —an earthwork was thrown up.

> Latin: 42.6. septimo die ab Hibero Carthaginem uentum est simul terra marique. castra ab regione urbis qua in septentrionem uersa est posita; his ab tergo—nam frons natura tuta erat—uallum obiectum.

[¶18] 42.7. the situation of (New) Carthage is as follows: there is an arm of the sea about half —way down the coast of Spain, a bay that mainly faces the southwest wind and makes inland about two miles and a half, with a breadth of little more than a mile and one —fifth.

> Latin: 42.7. etenim sita Carthago sic est. sinus est maris media fere Hispaniae ora, maxime Africo uento oppositus, <ad duo milia> et quingentos passus introrsus retractus, paululo plus passuum <mille et ducentos> in latitudinem patens.

[¶19] 42.8. the mouth of this bay a small island facing the harbour on the seaward side makes it safe from all winds except the southwest. the innermost part of the bay a peninsula runs out, the very hill on which the city was built, skirted by sea on the east and the south. the west a lagoon hems the city in, extending somewhat to the north also; it is of varying depth according as the sea is coming in or going out.

> Latin: 42.8. huius in ostio sinus parua insula obiecta ab alto portum ab omnibus uentis praeterquam Africo tutum facit. ab intimo sinu paeneinsula excurrit, tumulus is ipse in quo condita urbs est, ab ortu solis et a meridie cincta mari: ab occasu stagnum claudit paulum etiam ad septentrionem fusum, incertae altitudinis utcumque exaestuat aut deficit mare.

[¶20] 42.9. the mainland a ridge about two hundred and fifty paces wide connects the city. fortification on this side would have involved so little labour, the Roman commander did not throw up an earthwork, whether as proudly displaying his confidence to the enemy, or that, as he repeatedly approached the walls of the city, retirement might be open to him. completed such other works of fortification as were necessary, he drew up the ships also in the harbour, as though to display a blockade from the sea as well. making the round of the fleet he reminded the commanders of the vessels to keep a close watch at night, saying that a blockaded enemy at first makes every attempt wherever possible. then returned to the camp to explain to the soldiers the reason for his plan, in having elected to begin the campaign with the siege of a city, and in order that by encouraging them he might inspire the hope of its capture, called an assembly, and spoke as follows: “any man believes that you have been brought here to besiege a single city, he has justly reckoned your labour, soldiers, rather than the profit.”

> Latin: 42.9. continenti urbem iugum ducentos fere et quinquaginta passus patens coniungit. unde cum tam parui operis munitio esset, non obiecit uallum imperator Romanus, seu fiduciam hosti superbe ostentans siue ut subeunti saepe ad moenia urbis recursus pateret. cetera quae munienda erant cum perfecisset, naues etiam in portu uelut maritimam quoque ostentans obsidionem instruxit; circumuectusque classem cum monuisset praefectos nauium ut uigilias nocturnas intenti seruarent, omnia ubique primo obsessum hostem conari, regressus in castra ut consilii sui rationem quod ab urbe potissimum oppugnanda bellum orsus esset militibus ostenderet et spem potiundae cohortando faceret, contione aduocata ita disseruit: 'ad urbem unam oppugnandam si quis uos adductos credit, is magis operis uestri quam emolumenti rationem exactam, milites, habet;

[¶21] 43.3. “it is true that you are to attack the walls of a single city, but in that single city you will have taken the whole of Spain.”

> Latin: 43.3. oppugnabitis enim uere moenia unius urbis, sed in una urbe uniuersam ceperitis Hispaniam.

[¶22] 43.4. “are the hostages of all the important kings and peoples; and once they are in your power, they will immediately surrender all that is now subject to the Carthaginians.”

> Latin: 43.4. hic sunt obsides omnium nobilium regum populorumque, qui simul in potestate uestra erunt, extemplo omnia quae nunc sub Carthaginiensibus sunt in dicionem tradent;

[¶23] 43.5. “is all the money of the enemy, without which, inasmuch as they maintain mercenary armies, they are incapable of waging war, while it will be of the greatest service to us in winning the support of the barbarians.”

> Latin: 43.5. hic pecunia omnis hostium, sine qua neque illi gerere bellum possunt, quippe qui mercennarios exercitus alant, et quae nobis maximo usui ad conciliandos animos barbarorum erit;

[¶24] 43.6. “are their artillery, their arms, all their war material, which will equip you and at the same time will strip the enemy.”

> Latin: 43.6. hic tormenta arma omnis apparatus belli est, qui simul et uos instruet et hostes nudabit.

[¶25] 43.7. “we shall gain possession of a city very beautiful and very rich, likewise most convenient in its remarkable harbour, from which by land and sea everything which the needs of war demand may be supplied. shall not only have these great advantages ourselves, but shall deprive the enemy of things much more important.”

> Latin: 43.7. potiemur praeterea cum pulcherrima opulentissimaque urbe tum opportunissima portu egregio unde terra marique quae belli usus poscunt suppeditentur; quae cum magna ipsi habebimus tum dempserimus hostibus multo maiora.

[¶26] 43.8. “is their citadel, this is their granary, their treasury, their arsenal, this their storehouse for everything. this port lies the direct course from Africa; this is the one roadstead between the Pyrenees and Gades; from this Africa menaces the whole of Spain....”.

> Latin: 43.8. haec illis arx, hoc horreum aerarium armamentarium, hoc omnium rerum receptaculum est; huc rectus ex Africa cursus est; haec una inter Pyrenaeum et Gades statio; hinc omni Hispaniae imminet Africa.†† ††armauerat.

[¶27] 44.1. .. had provided them with arms. he saw the preparations for a siege by land and sea, he also disposed his troops as follows:

> Latin: 44.1. cum terra marique instrui oppugnationem uideret et ipse copias ita disponit.

[¶28] 44.2. two thousand of the townsmen he stationed against the enemy on that side on which lay the Roman camp; the citadel he garrisoned with five hundred soldiers; five hundred he posted on the hill in the city towards the east; the rest of the multitude he ordered to be on the alert in every direction and to confront the enemy wherever shouting or an emergency should call them.

> Latin: 44.2. oppidanorum duo milia ab ea parte qua castra Romana erant opponit: quingentis militibus arcem insidit, quingentos tumulo urbis in orientem uerso imponit: multitudinem aliam quo clamor, quo subita uocasset res intentam ad omnia occurrere iubet.

[¶29] 44.3. opening the gate he sent out the men he had drawn up on a street leading towards the camp of the enemy. Romans, instructed by the general himself, drew back for a short time, that they might be nearer the reinforcements to be sent in the midst of the engagement. at first the battle —lines stood fairly matched; then reinforcements sent again and again from the camp not only put the enemy to flight, but so pressed upon them in their disorder that, if Scipio had not sounded the recall, they would, it seemed, have mingled with the fugitives, and burst into the city.

> Latin: 44.3. patefacta deinde porta eos quos in uia ferente ad castra hostium instruxerat emittit. Romani duce ipso praecipiente parumper cessere, ut propiores subsidiis in certamine ipso summittendis essent. et primo haud impares stetere acies; subsidia deinde identidem summissa e castris non auerterunt solum in fugam hostes, sed adeo effusis institerunt ut nisi receptui cecinisset permixti fugientibus inrupturi fuisse in urbem uiderentur. trepidatio uero non in proelio maior quam tota urbe fuit;

[¶30] 44.5. the alarm in the battle was no greater than that throughout the city. positions were deserted in panic and flight, and the walls were abandoned, when the men had leaped down, each taking the shortest way.

> Latin: 44.5. multae stationes pauore atque fuga desertae sunt relictique muri cum qua cuique erat proximum desiluissent.

[¶31] 44.6. this was noticed by Scipio, who had climbed the hill which they call Mercury's Hill, namely, that at many points the walls were stripped of defenders, he gave orders to call all the men out of camp, to advance to the attack upon the city and to bring ladders.

> Latin: 44.6. quod ubi egressus Scipio in tumulum quem Mercuri uocant animaduertit multis partibus nudata defensoribus moenia esse, omnes e castris excitos ire ad oppugnandam urbem et ferre scalas iubet.

[¶32] 44.7. himself, while three strong young men held their shields in front of him —for a great number of missiles of every kind were flying from the walls —came up to the city, gave encouragement and pertinent orders, and, what was of most importance in firing the soldiers' spirits, he was there as witness and spectator of every man's courage or cowardice.

> Latin: 44.7. ipse trium prae se iuuenum ualidorum scutis oppositis—ingens enim iam uis omnis generis telorum e muris uolabat—ad urbem succedit; hortatur imperat quae in rem sunt, quodque plurimum ad accendendos militum animos intererat, testis spectatorque uirtutis atque ignauiae cuiusque adest.

[¶33] 44.9. so men dashed on in the face of wounds and missiles, and neither walls nor armed men standing on them could restrain them from vying with each other in the attempt to climb.

> Latin: 44.9. itaque in uolnera ac tela ruunt; neque illos muri neque superstantes armati arcere queunt quin certatim adscendant.

[¶34] 44.10. at the same time from the ships an attack began upon that part of the city which is washed by the sea.

> Latin: 44.10. et ab nauibus eodem tempore ea quae mari adluitur pars urbis oppugnari coepta est. ceterum tumultus inde maior quam uis adhiberi poterat.

[¶35] 44.11. from that side they were able to create an uproar rather than to launch an attack. making fast, in hastily landing ladders and men, in their impatience to get ashore, each the shortest way, they hindered one another by their very haste and rivalry.

> Latin: 44.11. dum applicant, dum raptim exponunt scalas militesque dum qua cuique proximum est in terram euadere properant, ipsa festinatione et certamine alii alios impediunt. inter haec repleuerat iam Poenus armatis muros, et uis magna ex ingenti copia congesta telorum suppeditabat;

[¶36] 45.2. the Carthaginian had now fully manned the walls with armed men, and he had a great number of missiles ready at hand out of his immense reserves. neither men nor missiles nor anything else defended the walls so much as the walls were their own defence. few ladders could reach to their height, and the higher these were the weaker.

> Latin: 45.2. sed neque uiri nec tela nec quicquam aliud aeque quam moenia ipsa sese defendebant. rarae enim scalae altitudini aequari poterant, et quo quaeque altiores, eo infirmiores erant.

[¶37] 45.3. so since the highest man could not climb over, but nevertheless others kept coming up, the ladders were breaking by the mere weight. men, although the ladders stood, owing to the dizziness produced by the height fell to the ground.

> Latin: 45.3. itaque cum summus quisque euadere non posset, subirent tamen alii, onere ipso frangebantur. quidam stantibus scalis cum altitudo caliginem oculis offudisset, ad terram delati sunt.

[¶38] 45.4. while everywhere men and ladders were dropping, and the enemies' boldness and zest were increasing just because of their success, the signal for the recall was given.

> Latin: 45.4. et cum passim homines scalaeque ruerent et ipso successu audacia atque alacritas hostium cresceret, signum receptui datum est;

[¶39] 45.5. gave the besieged not only the hope of present respite from such conflict and effort, but also confidence for the future that the city could not be taken by ladders and encirclement; that siege —works were difficult and would also give time for their generals to bring aid. had the first uproar been stilled when Scipio orders the ladders to be taken from men now weary and wounded, by others who were fresh and uninjured, and that an attack in greater force should be made upon the city.

> Latin: 45.5. quod spem non praesentis modo ab tanto certamine ac labore quietis obsessis, sed etiam in posterum dedit scalis et corona capi urbem non posse: opera et difficilia esse et tempus datura ad ferendam opem imperatoribus suis.

[¶40] 45.6. for himself, having been informed by fishermen of Tarraco who had crossed the lagoon everywhere, now in light vessels, now, when these would go aground, through shallow water, that an easy crossing on foot up to the wall was possible, Scipio, when word was brought to him that the tide was ebbing, led five hundred armed men with him to the place.

> Latin: 45.6. uix prior tumultus conticuerat cum Scipio ab defessis iam uolneratisque recentes integrosque alios accipere scalas iubet et ui maiore adgredi urbem. ipse ut ei nuntiatum est aestum decedere, quod per piscatores Tarraconenses, nunc leuibus cumbis, nunc ubi eae siderent uadis peruagatos stagnum, compertum habebat facilem pedibus ad murum transitum dari, eo secum armatos quingentos duxit.

[¶41] 45.8. was about the middle of the day, and in addition to the draining away of the water of itself as the tide ebbed seaward, a fierce north wind also had sprung up and was carrying the receding lagoon in the same direction as the tide, and had so laid bare the shoals that in one place the water was up to the navel only, in another scarcely reached beyond the knees.

> Latin: 45.8. medium ferme diei erat, et ad id, quod sua sponte cedente in mare aestu trahebatur aqua, acer etiam septentrio ortus inclinatum stagnum eodem quo aestus ferebat et adeo nudauerat uada ut alibi umbilico tenus aqua esset, alibi genua uix superaret.

[¶42] 45.9. he had ascertained by painstaking and calculation, Scipio represented as a miracle and an act of the gods, who for the passage of the Romans were diverting the sea, he said, and draining lakes and opening up ways never before trodden by man's foot. he bade them to follow Neptune as their guide on the march, and to make their way straight across the lagoon to the walls.

> Latin: 45.9. hoc cura ac ratione compertum in prodigium ac deos uertens Scipio qui ad transitum Romanis mare uerterent et stagna auferrent uiasque ante nunquam initas humano uestigio aperirent, Neptunum iubebat ducem itineris sequi ac medio stagno euadere ad moenia. ab terra ingens labor succedentibus erat; nec altitudine tantum moenium impediebantur, sed quod †euntes† ad ancipites utrimque ictus subiectos habebant Romanos, ut latera infestiora subeuntibus quam aduersa corpora essent.

[¶43] 46.2. the landward side it was a very serious task for men approaching the walls; and they were hindered not only by the height of these, but also because the defenders had the attacking Romans doubly exposed to wounds on the right and on the left, so that as they approached their sides were in greater danger than the front of their bodies. on the other side of the city the five hundred found both an easy passage across the lagoon and then an easy climb to the top of the wall.

> Latin: 46.2. at parte †in alia quingentis et per stagnum facilis transitus et in murum adscensus inde fuit; nam neque opere emunitus erat ut ubi ipsius loci ac stagni praesidio satis creditum foret, nec ulla armatorum statio aut custodia opposita intentis omnibus ad opem eo ferendam unde periculum ostendebatur.

[¶44] 46.3. it had not been built up to the full height, since they had sufficient confidence in the protection offered by the position itself and by the lagoon, and there was no post of armed men nor a guard to confront them, since all were intent upon bringing aid to any quarter from which danger was indicated. entered the city without a struggle, they then proceeded with all possible speed to the gate round which the whole battle had been brought on. that fighting so intent were not only the minds, but also the eyes and ears of all the fighters and spectators and of those who were encouraging the fighters, that no one was aware that the city had been captured in their rear until missiles fell upon their backs and they had the enemy on both front and rear.

> Latin: 46.3. ubi urbem sine certamine intrauere, pergunt inde quanto maximo cursu poterant ad eam portam circa quam omne contractum certamen erat; in quod adeo intenti omnium non animi solum fuere sed etiam oculi auresque pugnantium spectantiumque et adhortantium pugnantes ut nemo ante ab tergo senserit captam urbem quam tela in auersos inciderunt et utrimque ancipitem hostem habebant.

[¶45] 46.6. as the defenders were panic —stricken, the walls were captured and men began to batter down the gate at the same time from within and from without. presently, when the gates had been chopped to pieces and dragged off, so as not to block the passage, the armed men charged.

> Latin: 46.6. tunc turbatis defensoribus metu et moenia capta et porta intus forisque pariter refringi coepta; et mox caedendo confectis ac distractis ne iter impediretur foribus armati impetum fecerunt.

[¶46] 46.7. great multitude climbed over the wall also, but they scattered in all directions to slay the townspeople. regular formation which had entered the gate made its way with its officers and its ranks through the centre of the city even into the market —place.

> Latin: 46.7. magna multitudo et muros transcendebat; sed hi passim ad caedem oppidanorum uersi; illa quae portam ingressa erat iusta acies cum ducibus, cum ordinibus media urbe usque in forum processit.

[¶47] 46.8. that point Scipio saw the enemy fleeing down two streets, one party towards the hill facing the east and held by a garrison of five hundred soldiers, the rest into the citadel, into which Mago also with nearly all the armed men who had been beaten back from the walls had fled for refuge. he sent part of his forces to storm the hill, and himself led a part to the citadel.

> Latin: 46.8. inde cum duobus itineribus fugientes uideret hostes, alios ad tumulum in orientem uersum qui tenebatur quingentorum militum praesidio, alios in arcem in quam et ipse Mago cum omnibus fere armatis qui muris pulsi fuerant refugerat, partem copiarum ad tumulum expugnandum mittit, partem ipse ad arcem ducit.

[¶48] 46.9. hill was taken at the first assault, and Mago, who attempted to defend the citadel, seeing the whole city filled with the enemy and that there was no hope, surrendered himself and the citadel with its garrison.

> Latin: 46.9. et tumulus primo impetu est captus, et Mago arcem conatus defendere, cum omnia hostium plena uideret neque spem ullam esse, se arcemque et praesidium dedidit.

[¶49] 46.10. the surrender of the citadel there was slaughter everywhere throughout the city, and they did not spare any adult who met them. the signal was given and an end was made of slaughter. victors turned to the spoils, which were immense and of every kind.

> Latin: 46.10. quoad dedita arx est, caedes tota urbe passim factae nec ulli puberum qui obuius fuit parcebatur: tum signo dato caedibus finis factus, ad praedam uictores uersi, quae ingens omnis generis fuit. liberorum capitum uirile secus ad decem milia capta; inde qui ciues Nouae Carthaginis erant dimisit urbemque et sua omnia quae reliqua eis bellum fecerat restituit.

[¶50] 47.2. male free men about ten thousand were captured. that number Scipio released those who were citizens of New Carthage and restored to them their city and also all the property which the war had spared to them. artisans numbered about two thousand men. he announced would be public slaves of the Roman people, with the not distant hope of freedom if they should actively exert themselves in providing the equipment for war.

> Latin: 47.2. opifices ad duo milia hominum erant; eos publicos fore populi Romani edixit, cum spe propinqua libertatis si ad ministeria belli enixe operam nauassent.

[¶51] 47.3. rest of the multitude, made up of young non —citizens and strong slaves, he turned over to the fleet to recruit the oarsmen; and he had enlarged the fleet by eight captured ships.

> Latin: 47.3. ceteram multitudinem incolarum iuuenum ac ualidorum seruorum in classem ad supplementum remigum dedit; et auxerat nauibus octo captiuis classem.

[¶52] 47.4. from this multitude were the Spanish hostages, who were cared for just as if they were the children of allies.

> Latin: 47.4. extra hanc multitudinem Hispanorum obsides erant, quorum perinde ac si sociorum liberi essent cura habita.

[¶53] 47.5. also was a vast amount of war material: a hundred and twenty catapults of the largest model, two hundred and eighty —one of the smaller; twenty —three larger ballistae, fifty —two smaller; larger and smaller scorpions and arms and missile weapons, a vast number; seventy —four military standards.

> Latin: 47.5. captus et apparatus ingens belli; catapultae maximae formae centum uiginti, minores ducentae octoginta una; ballistae maiores uiginti tres, minores quinquaginta duae; scorpionum maiorum minorumque et armorum telorumque ingens numerus; signa militaria septuaginta quattuor.

[¶54] 47.7. gold also and silver a large quantity was brought to the general. were two hundred and seventy —six gold paterae, nearly all of them weighing a pound; of silver, the unwrought and coined, there were eighteen thousand three hundred pounds, of silver vessels a large number.

> Latin: 47.7. et auri argenti relata ad imperatorem magna uis: paterae aureae fuerunt ducentae septuaginta sex, librales ferme omnes pondo; argenti infecti signatique decem et octo milia et trecenta pondo, uasorum argenteorum magnus numerus;

[¶55] 47.8. of these, after weighing and counting, were delivered to Gaius Flaminius, the quaestor. wheat there were four hundred thousand pecks; of barley two hundred and seventy thousand.

> Latin: 47.8. haec omnia C. Flaminio quaestori appensa adnumerataque sunt; tritici quadringenta milia modium, hordei ducenta septuaginta.

[¶56] 47.9. -three merchantmen were attacked and captured in the harbour, some with their cargoes, grain, arms, also bronze and iron and linen and Spanish broom and ship timber also for the building of a fleet, so that in the midst of these great resources for the war that were captured (New) Carthage itself was the smallest part of it all. that day Scipio, after ordering Gaius Laelius with the marines to guard the city, himself led the legions back into camp. as the soldiers were exhausted by all the warlike operations combined in a single day —since they had fought in line of battle, and in taking the city had been involved in such exertion and danger, and after the capture had contended, on unfavourable ground at that, with those who had sought refuge in the citadel —he ordered them to rest.

> Latin: 47.9. naues onerariae sexaginta tres in portu expugnatae captaeque, quaedam cum suis oneribus, frumento, armis, aere praeterea ferroque et linteis et sparto et nauali alia materia ad classem aedificandam, ut minimum omnium inter tantas opes belli captas Carthago ipsa fuerit. eo die Scipio C. Laelio cum sociis naualibus urbem custodire iusso ipse in castra legiones reduxit fessosque milites omnibus uno die belli operibus, quippe qui et acie dimicassent et capienda urbe tantum laboris periculique adissent et capta cum iis qui in arcem confugerant iniquo etiam loco pugnassent, curare corpora iussit.

[¶57] 48.3. the following day he called together the soldiers and marines, and first praised and thanked the immortal gods, who had made him master in a single day, not only of the richest of all the cities in Spain, but had previously accumulated there all the resources of Africa and Spain, so that nothing was left to the enemy, while for himself and his men there was abundance of everything.

> Latin: 48.3. postero die militibus naualibusque sociis conuocatis primum dis immortalibus laudes gratesque egit, qui se non urbis solum opulentissimae omnium in Hispania uno die compotem fecissent, sed ante eo congessissent omnis Africae atque Hispaniae opes, ut neque hostibus quicquam relinqueretur et sibi ac suis omnia superessent.

[¶58] 48.4. went on to praise warmly the courage of the soldiers because neither a sally of the enemy, nor the height of walls, nor the unsounded waters of the lagoon, nor the fortress on a lofty hill, nor the very strongly fortified citadel had deterred them from climbing over or bursting through every obstacle.

> Latin: 48.4. militum deinde uirtutem conlaudauit quod eos non eruptio hostium, non altitudo moenium, non inexplorata stagni uada, non castellum in alto tumulo situm, non munitissima arx deterruisset quo minus transcenderent omnia perrumperentque.

[¶59] 48.5. , although he owed everything to everybody, the special distinction of a mural crown belonged to the man who had been the first to climb the wall; let him who thought himself deserving of that gift declare himself.

> Latin: 48.5. itaque quamquam omnibus omnia deberet, praecipuum muralis coronae decus eius esse qui primus murum adscendisset; profiteretur qui se dignum eo duceret dono.

[¶60] 48.6. came forward as claimants, Quintus Trebellius, a centurion of the fourth legion, and Sextus Digitius, a marine. these men themselves were not so much hotly competing with one another, as already fanning the partisanship of the men of their respective arms of the service.

> Latin: 48.6. duo professi sunt, Q. Trebellius, centurio legionis quartae, et Sex. Digitius, socius naualis. nec ipsi tam inter se acriter contendebant quam studia excitauerant uterque sui corporis hominum.

[¶61] 48.7. marines were supported by Gaius Laelius, admiral of the fleet, the legionaries by Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus.

> Latin: 48.7. sociis C. Laelius, praefectus classis, legionariis M. Sempronius Tuditanus aderat.

[¶62] 48.8. the strife was verging on mutiny, Scipio announced that he would name three arbiters to hear the claims, and after taking testimony, to decide which of the two had been the first to climb over the wall into the town.

> Latin: 48.8. ea contentio cum prope seditionem ueniret, Scipio tres recuperatores cum se daturum pronuntiasset qui cognita causa testibusque auditis iudicarent uter prior in oppidum transcendisset, C.

[¶63] 48.9. in addition to Gaius Laelius and Marcus Sempronius, who represented this faction and that, he named Publius Cornelius Caudinus, a neutral, and ordered the three arbiters to sit down and hear the case.

> Latin: 48.9. Laelio et M. Sempronio, aduocatis partis utriusque, P. Cornelium Caudinum de medio adiecit eosque tres recuperatores considere et causam cognoscere iussit.

[¶64] 48.10. was argued with all the more heat because the persons withdrawn, men of such high character, were restraining party feelings rather than representing their factions. Gaius Laelius left the council, went up to Scipio on his tribune, and informed him that the matter was being debated without limit or self —restraint, and that the soldiers were on the point of laying hands on each other.

> Latin: 48.10. cum res eo maiore ageretur certamine quod amoti tantae dignitatis non tam aduocati quam moderatores studiorum fuerant, C. Laelius relicto consilio ad tribunal ad Scipionem accedit, eumque docet rem sine modo ac modestia agi ac prope esse ut manus inter se conferant:

[¶65] 48.11. he said that, even if there should be no violence, they were nevertheless setting an abominable precedent in seeking by deception and perjury to win a reward for courage.

> Latin: 48.11. ceterum, etiamsi uis absit, nihilo minus detestabili exemplo rem agi, quippe ubi fraude ac periurio decus petatur uirtutis.

[¶66] 48.12. one side the legionaries were standing, he said, on the other the marines, ready to swear by all the gods rather what they wished to have true than what they knew to be true, and ready to involve not only themselves and their own persons in the perjury, but also the military standards and eagles and the sanctity of the oath of allegiance; that he was making this report to him on the advice of Publius Cornelius and Marcus Sempronius.

> Latin: 48.12. stare hinc legionarios milites, hinc classicos, per omnes deos paratos iurare magis quae uelint quam quae sciant uera esse et obstringere periurio non se solum suumque caput sed signa militaria et aquilas sacramentique religionem.

[¶67] 48.13. Scipio warmly praised Laelius, summoned the soldiers to an assembly and declared that he was reliably informed that Quintus Trebellius and Sextus Digitius had climbed to the top of the wall at the same moment, and that for their courage he bestowed mural crowns upon them both.

> Latin: 48.13. haec ad eum de sententia P. Corneli et M. Semproni deferre. Scipio conlaudato Laelio ad contionem aduocauit pronuntiauitque se satis compertum habere Q. Trebellium et Sex. Digitium pariter in murum escendisse, seque eos ambos uirtutis causa coronis muralibus donare.

[¶68] 48.14. he rewarded the rest, each according to his desert and his courage. all the others he placed Gaius Laelius, admiral of the fleet, on a level with himself in every kind of commendation, and also presented him with a golden wreath and thirty oxen. he ordered the hostages of the states of Spain to be summoned. great was their number I dislike to state, since in one source I find that they were about three hundred, in another three thousand seven hundred and twenty —four. is no less disagreement on other matters also between the authorities. writes that the Carthaginian garrison consisted of ten thousand men, another of seven thousand, another of not more than two thousand. for the captives, in one writer find ten thousand persons, in another above twenty —five thousand.

> Latin: 48.14. tum reliquos prout cuiusque meritum uirtusque erat donauit; ante omnes C. Laelium praefectum classis et omni genere laudis sibimet ipsi aequauit et corona aurea ac triginta bubus donauit. tum obsides ciuitatium Hispaniae uocari iussit; quorum quantus numerus fuerit piget scribere, quippe ubi alibi trecentos ferme, alibi tria milia septingentos uiginti quattuor fuisse inueniam.—aeque et alia inter auctores discrepant. praesidium Punicum alius decem, alius septem, alius haud plus quam duum milium fuisse scribit. capta alibi decem milia capitum, alibi supra quinque et uiginti inuenias.

[¶69] 49.3. should set down about sixty larger and smaller scorpions as captured, if I were to follow a Greek authority, Silenus, if Valerius Antias, then six thousand of the larger scorpions, thirteen thousand of the smaller; so lacking is any limit to his mendacity.

> Latin: 49.3. scorpiones maiores minoresque ad sexaginta captos scripserim, si auctorem Graecum sequar Silenum; si Ualerium Antiatem, maiorum scorpionum sex milia, minorum tredecim milia; adeo nullus mentiendi modus est.

[¶70] 49.4. as to the generals there is no agreement. say that Laelius commanded the fleet, there are some who say it was Marcus Iunius Silanus.

> Latin: 49.4. ne de ducibus quidem conuenit. plerique Laelium praefuisse classi, sunt qui M. Iunium Silanum dicant;

[¶71] 49.5. Valerius Antias relates that Arines was in command of the Carthaginian garrison and surrendered to the Romans, other writers that it was Mago.

> Latin: 49.5. Arinen praefuisse Punico praesidio deditumque Romanis Antias Ualerius, Magonem alii scriptores tradunt.

[¶72] 49.6. is no agreement as to the number of ships captured, none as to the weight of gold and silver and of money brought in. one must agree with some authorities, moderate figures are the most probable. resume, calling the hostages, Scipio first bade them all to be of good cheer;

> Latin: 49.6. non de numero nauium captarum, non de pondere auri atque argenti et redacta pecunia conuenit; si aliquis adsentiri necesse est, media simillima ueri sunt.— ceterum, uocatis obsidibus primum uniuersos bonum animum habere iussit:

[¶73] 49.8. for they had come into the power of the Roman people, which prefers to bind men by favour rather than by fear, and to keep foreign nations linked by loyalty and alliance, rather than reduced to a harsh slavery.

> Latin: 49.8. uenisse enim eos in populi Romani potestatem, qui beneficio quam metu obligare homines malit exterasque gentes fide ac societate iunctas habere quam tristi subiectas seruitio.

[¶74] 49.9. on learning the names of the states, he made a list of the captives, showing how many belonged to each people, and sent messengers to their homes, bidding that each man come to recover his own children.

> Latin: 49.9. deinde acceptis nominibus ciuitatium recensuit captiuos quot cuiusque populi essent, et nuntios domum misit ut ad suos quisque recipiendos ueniret.

[¶75] 49.10. ambassadors of any states happened to be there, he restored their hostages to them directly. task of kindly protecting the rest he assigned to Gaius Flaminius, the quaestor.

> Latin: 49.10. si quarum forte ciuitatium legati aderant, eis praesentibus suos restituit: ceterorum curam benigne tuendorum C. Flaminio quaestori attribuit.

[¶76] 49.11. out of the midst of the crowd of hostages came an elderly woman, the wife of Mandonius, who was the brother of Indibilis, prince of the Ilergetes, and weeping she fell at the feet of the general and began to implore him to charge the guards more strictly with the care and comfort of the women.

> Latin: 49.11. inter haec e media turba obsidum mulier magno natu, Mandonii uxor, qui frater Indibilis Ilergetum reguli erat, flens ad pedes imperatoris procubuit obtestarique coepit ut curam cultumque feminarum impensius custodibus commendaret.

[¶77] 49.12. Scipio said that they would surely lack nothing, the woman then replied: “do not greatly care,” she said, “for such things; for in our condition what is not sufficient? is another concern which impels me as I look at these maidens; for as for myself, I am beyond the danger of violence done to woman.”

> Latin: 49.12. cum Scipio nihil defuturum iis profecto diceret, tum rursus mulier 'haud magni ista facimus' inquit; 'quid enim huic fortunae non satis est? alia me cura aetatem harum intuentem—nam ipsa iam extra periculum iniuriae muliebris sum—stimulat.

[¶78] 49.13. in the bloom of youth and beauty the daughters of Indibilis were standing about her, and others of no less rank, all of whom paid her the honour due a parent.

> Latin: 49.13. '—et aetate et forma florentes circa eam Indibilis filiae erant aliaeque nobilitate pari, quae omnes eam pro parente colebant.

[¶79] 49.14. Scipio said: “to my own training and that of the Roman people I would see to it that nothing which is anywhere sacred should suffer violence among us.”

> Latin: 49.14. —tum Scipio 'meae populique Romani disciplinae causa facerem' inquit, 'ne quid quod sanctum usquam esset apud nos uiolaretur:

[¶80] 49.15. “as it is, I am moved to an even stricter care in that respect by the courage and dignity of you women also, who even in misfortune have not forgotten what is seemly for a matron.”

> Latin: 49.15. nunc ut id curem impensius, uestra quoque uirtus dignitasque facit quae ne in malis quidem oblitae decoris matronalis estis.'

[¶81] 49.16. then handed them over to a man of proved uprightness, and ordered him to protect them with no less respect and modesty than the wives and mothers of guest —friends.

> Latin: 49.16. spectatae deinde integritatis uiro tradidit eas tuerique haud secus uerecunde ac modeste quam hospitum coniuges ac matres iussit. captiua deinde a militibus adducitur ad eum adulta uirgo, adeo eximia forma ut quacumque incedebat conuerteret omnium oculos.

[¶82] 50.2. there was brought to him as a captive by the soldiers a grown maiden of a beauty so extraordinary that, wherever she went, she drew the eyes of everyone. Scipio, upon enquiring about her native city and her parents, learned among other things that she had been betrothed to a leading man of the Celtiberians.

> Latin: 50.2. Scipio percontatus patriam parentesque, inter cetera accepit desponsam eam principi Celtiberorum; adulescenti Allucio nomen erat.

[¶83] 50.3. young man's name was Allucius. he at once summoned parents and fiance from home, and as soon as he had arrived, Scipio, having heard meantime that he was desperately in love with his betrothed, addressed him in more studied language than he had used towards the parents.

> Latin: 50.3. extemplo igitur parentibus sponsoque ab domo accitis cum interim audiret deperire eum sponsae amore, ubi primum uenit, accuratiore eum sermone quam parentes adloquitur.

[¶84] 50.4. “a young man,” he said, “speak to you as a young man — lessen embarrassment between us in this conversation. was to me that your betrothed was brought as a captive by our soldiers, and I learned of your love for her —d her beauty made that easy to believe.” “, since in my own case, if it were only permitted me to enjoy the pleasures of youth, especially in a proper and legitimate love, and had not the state preoccupied my attention, I should wish to be pardoned for an ardent love of a bride, I favour what is in my power — your love.”

> Latin: 50.4. 'iuuenis' inquit 'iuuenem appello, quo minor sit inter nos huius sermonis uerecundia. ego cum sponsa tua capta a militibus nostris ad me ducta esset audiremque tibi eam cordi esse, et forma faceret fidem, quia ipse, si frui liceret ludo aetatis, praesertim in recto et legitimo amore, et non res publica animum nostrum occupasset, ueniam mihi dari sponsam impensius amanti uellem, tuo cuius possum amori faueo.

[¶85] 50.6. “betrothed has been in my camp with the same regard for modesty as in the house of your parents —in —law, her own parents.”

> Latin: 50.6. fuit sponsa tua apud me eadem qua apud soceros tuos parentesque suos uerecundia; seruata tibi est, ut inuiolatum et dignum me teque dari tibi donum posset.

[¶86] 50.7. “has been kept for you, so that she could be given you as a gift, unharmed and worthy of you and of me. is the only price that I stipulate in return for that gift: be a friend to the Roman people, and if you believe me to be a good man, such as these tribes formerly came to know in my father and uncle, be assured that in the ” “Roman state there are many like us, and that no people in the world can be named to —day which you would be less desirous of having as an enemy to you and yours, or more desirous of having as a friend.”

> Latin: 50.7. hanc mercedem unam pro eo munere paciscor: amicus populo Romano sis et, si me uirum bonum credis esse quales patrem patruumque meum iam ante hae gentes norant, scias multos nostri similes in ciuitate Romana esse, nec ullum in terris hodie populum dici posse quem minus tibi hostem tuisque esse uelis aut amicum malis.'

[¶87] 50.9. young man, overcome by embarrassment and at the same time by joy, holding Scipio's right hand, called upon all the gods to compensate him on his own behalf, since he was far from having sufficient means to do so in accordance with his own feeling and with what the general had done for him.

> Latin: 50.9. cum adulescens, simul pudore et gaudio perfusus, dextram Scipionis tenens deos omnes inuocaret ad gratiam illi pro se referendam, quoniam sibi nequaquam satis facultatis pro suo animo atque illius erga se merito esset, parentes inde cognatique uirginis appellati;

[¶88] 50.10. the parents and blood —relations of the maiden were summoned. began to entreat Scipio, because the maiden, for whose ransom they had brought, as they said, a considerable weight of gold, was being restored to them without price, to accept that gift from them, assuring him that they would feel no less gratitude for his acceptance than for the restoration of the maiden unharmed.

> Latin: 50.10. qui, quoniam gratis sibi redderetur uirgo ad quam redimendam satis magnum attulissent auri pondus, orare Scipionem ut id ab se donum acciperet coeperunt, haud minorem eius rei apud se gratiam futuram esse adfirmantes quam redditae inuiolatae foret uirginis.

[¶89] 50.12. Scipio, since they so earnestly besought, promised that he would accept it, ordered the gift to be laid before his feet, and calling Allucius to him, said: “addition to the dowry which you are about to receive from your father —in —law, this will be added by me as a nuptial gift to you.” he ordered him to take up the gold and keep it.

> Latin: 50.12. Scipio quando tanto opere peterent accepturum se pollicitus, poni ante pedes iussit uocatoque ad se Allucio 'super dotem' inquit, 'quam accepturus a socero es, haec tibi a me dotalia dona accedent'; aurumque tollere ac sibi habere iussit.

[¶90] 50.13. in this gift and courteous treatment he was sent away to his home, and he filled his countrymen with the well —earned praises of Scipio, saying that there had come a most godlike youth, conquering everything by arms and especially by generosity and favours.

> Latin: 50.13. his laetus donis honoribusque dimissus domum, impleuit populares laudibus meritis Scipionis: uenisse dis simillimum iuuenem, uincentem omnia cum armis, tum benignitate ac beneficiis.

[¶91] 50.14. so, after conducting a levy among his clients, he returned within a few days to Scipio with fourteen hundred picked horsemen. Scipio kept Laelius by him until with his advice he should dispose of captives and hostages and the booty. when everything had been properly arranged, he furnished him with a quinquereme, put on shipboard the captives with Mago and about fifteen senators who had been captured with him, and sent Laelius to Rome to report the victory.

> Latin: 50.14. itaque dilectu clientium habito cum delectis mille et quadringentis equitibus intra paucos dies ad Scipionem reuertit. Scipio retentum secum Laelium, dum captiuos obsidesque et praedam ex consilio eius disponeret, satis omnibus rebus compositis, data quinquereme <et> captiuis †cum Magone et quindecim fere senatoribus qui simul cum eo capti erant in naues sex impositis nuntium uictoriae Romam mittit.

[¶92] 51.3. himself spent the few days during which he had decided to remain at (New) Carthage in drilling his naval and land forces.

> Latin: 51.3. ipse paucos dies quibus morari Carthagine statuerat exercendis naualibus pedestribusque copiis absumpsit.

[¶93] 51.4. the first day the legions would run under arms for four miles; on the second they were ordered to take care of their arms and clean them in front of their tents; on the third day with wooden foils they encountered each other after the manner of a regular battle and hurled missile weapons provided with a button at the end; on the fourth day they were given a rest; on the fifth they again ran quickly under arms.

> Latin: 51.4. primo die legiones in armis quattuor milium spatio decurrerunt; secundo die arma curare et tergere ante tentoria iussi; tertio die rudibus inter se in modum iustae pugnae concurrerunt praepilatisque missilibus iaculati sunt; quarto die quies data; quinto iterum in armis decursum est.

[¶94] 51.5. disposition of work and rest they maintained so long as they remained at (New) Carthage.

> Latin: 51.5. hunc ordinem laboris quietisque quoad Carthagine morati sunt seruarunt.

[¶95] 51.6. oarsmen and marines, when the sea was calm, would sail out into open water and test the mobility of their ships in sham naval battles.

> Latin: 51.6. remigium classicique milites tranquillo in altum euecti, agilitatem nauium simulacris naualis pugnae experiebantur.

[¶96] 51.7. training outside the city by land and sea steeled both bodies and minds for war. city itself rang with preparations for war, since artisans of all kinds were shut up in public workshops.

> Latin: 51.7. haec extra urbem terra marique corpora simul animosque ad bellum acuebant; urbs ipsa strepebat apparatu belli fabris omnium generum in publicam officinam inclusis.

[¶97] 51.8. general inspected everything with the same care; now he was on the fleet and the docks, now he was with the legions as they ran; now he was giving his time to viewing the work that was done from day to day in shops and arsenal and on the docks, with the utmost rivalry, by the great multitude of artisans.

> Latin: 51.8. dux cuncta pari cura obibat: nunc in classe ac nauali erat, nunc cum legionibus decurrebat: nunc operibus adspiciendis tempus dabat, quaeque in officinis quaeque in armamentario ac naualibus fabrorum multitudo plurima in singulos dies certamine ingenti faciebat.

[¶98] 51.9. made such a beginning, and having repaired battered parts of the wall, and leaving forces posted to defend the city, he set out for Tarraco, being approached by many embassies in the course of his march. of these he answered and dismissed without stopping, some he postponed till he reached Tarraco, at which he had announced an assembly for all the allies new and old.

> Latin: 51.9. his ita incohatis refectisque quae quassata erant muri dispositisque praesidiis ad custodiam urbis, Tarraconem est profectus, a multis legationibus protinus in uia aditus, quas partim dato responso ex itinere dimisit, partim distulit Tarraconem, quo omnibus nouis ueteribusque sociis edixerat conuentum.

[¶99] 51.11. nearly all the peoples dwelling on this side of the Ebro came together, and many also from the farther province. Carthaginian commanders at first purposely suppressed the news of the capture of (New) Carthage.

> Latin: 51.11. et cuncti fere qui cis Hiberum incolunt populi, multi etiam ulterioris prouinciae conuenerunt. Carthaginiensium duces primo ex industria famam captae Carthaginis compresserunt: deinde, ut clarior res erat quam ut tegi ac dissimulari posset, eleuabant uerbis:

[¶100] 51.12. , when the matter was too well known to be concealed or masked, their language would minimize it, saying that by a sudden arrival and almost by stealth on a single day a single city of Spain had been seized; and carried away by success on so small a scale, an arrogant youth in an excess of joy had given it the appearance of a great victory;

> Latin: 51.12. necopinato aduentu ac prope furto unius diei urbem unam Hispaniae interceptam, cuius rei tam paruae praemio elatum insolentem iuuenem immodico gaudio speciem magnae uictoriae imposuisse:

[¶101] 51.13. but when he heard that three generals, three victorious armies of the enemy were approaching, there would at once come to him the memory of the losses in his family.

> Latin: 51.13. at ubi adpropinquare tres duces, tres uictores hostium exercitus audisset, occursuram ei extemplo domesticorum funerum memoriam.

[¶102] 51.14. were their remarks in public, but in themselves they were by no means unaware what a mass of resources for every purpose had gone with the loss of (New) Carthage.

> Latin: 51.14. haec in uolgus iactabant, haudquaquam ipsi ignari quantum sibi ad omnia uirium Carthagine amissa decessisset.

## 32. Book XXVII · chapters 1–8

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/32/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/32/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. SUCH was the state of affairs in Spain. In Italy the consul Marcellus, having regained possession of Salapia by betrayal, took Marmoreae and Meles from the Samnites by force. About three thousand of Hannibal's soldiers, who had been left as a garrison, were overpowered there.

> Latin: 1.1. hic status rerum in Hispania erat. in Italia consul Marcellus Salapia per proditionem recepta Marmoreas et Meles de Samnitibus ui cepit.

[¶1] 1.2. The booty —and there was much of it —was turned over to the soldiers. In addition two hundred and forty thousand pecks of wheat and a hundred and ten thousand pecks of barley were found.

> Latin: 1.2. ad tria milia militum ibi Hannibalis, quae praesidii causa relicta erant, oppressa: praeda— et aliquantum eius fuit—militi concessa. tritici quoque ducenta quadraginta milia modium et centum decem milia hordei inuenta.

[¶2] 1.3. But the rejoicing in consequence by no means balanced the great loss suffered within a few days not far from the city of Herdonea. There Gnaeus Fulvius, the proconsul, was encamped, in the hope of regaining Herdonea, which had deserted the Romans after the disaster at Cannae;

> Latin: 1.3. ceterum nequaquam inde tantum gaudium fuit quanta clades intra paucos dies accepta est haud procul Herdonea urbe.

[¶3] 1.4. but his camp was pitched in a position neither quite safe nor strongly held. Carelessness, ingrained in the character of the general, was increased by that hope, inasmuch as he had learned that their loyalty was weakening and turning against the Carthaginian, ever since they had heard that, after the loss of Salapia, Hannibal had withdrawn from that region into the land of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 1.4. castra ibi Cn. Fuluius proconsul habebat spe recipiendae Herdoneae, quae post Cannensem cladem ab Romanis defecerat, nec loco satis tuto posita nec praesidiis firmata. neglegentiam insitam ingenio ducis augebat spes ea quod labare iis aduersus Poenum fidem senserat, postquam Salapia amissa excessisse iis locis in Bruttios Hannibalem auditum est.

[¶4] 1.6. The report of all this to Hannibal from Herdonea by secret messengers made him concerned to retain an allied city and at the same time gave him the hope of attacking the enemy unawares. With an army unencumbered by baggage he hastened by forced marches to Herdonea, so that he almost outstripped reports of his coming; and to strike more alarm into the enemy, he approached the city in battle-array.

> Latin: 1.6. ea omnia ab Herdonea per occultos nuntios delata Hannibali simul curam sociae retinendae urbis et spem fecere incautum hostem adgrediendi. exercitu expedito ita ut famam prope praeueniret magnis itineribus ad Herdoneam contendit et, quo plus terroris hosti obiceret, acie instructa accessit.

[¶5] 1.7. The Roman, who was his equal in boldness but not in strategy and in forces, hastily led out his troops and engaged.

> Latin: 1.7. par audacia Romanus, consilio et uiribus impar, copiis raptim eductis conflixit.

[¶6] 1.8. The fifth legion and the left ala went into battle with spirit. But Hannibal gave the order to his cavalry, that when the infantry lines should have concentrated the eyes and attention of the enemy upon the immediate conflict, they should turn the flanks and attack, some of them the enemy's camp, some the rear of the wavering troops.

> Latin: 1.8. quinta legio et sinistra ala acriter pugnam inierunt; ceterum Hannibal signo equitibus dato ut, cum pedestres acies occupassent praesenti certamine oculos animosque, circumuecti pars castra hostium, pars terga trepidantium inuaderent, ipse Cn.

[¶7] 1.9. And he himself, scornfully alluding to the similarity in the name of Gnaeus Fulvius, since he had defeated a praetor Gnaeus Fulvius two years before in the same region, asserted that the outcome of the battle would be similar.

> Latin: 1.9. Fului similitudinem nominis—quia Cn. Fuluium praetorem biennio ante in iisdem deuicerat locis—increpans, similem euentum pugnae fore adfirmabat. neque ea spes uana fuit.

[¶8] 1.10. Nor was that hope groundless. For when many of the Romans had fallen in the close contact of the lines during the infantry battle, while the ranks and standards nevertheless held their ground, the wild charge of the cavalry was heard in the rear, and at the same time the shouts of the enemy from the camp. This routed first the sixth legion, which was posted in the second line and was the first to be thrown into disorder by the Numidians; and then it routed the fifth legion and the men who were with the front-line standards.

> Latin: 1.10. nam cum comminus acie et peditum certamine multi cecidissent Romanorum, starent tamen ordines signaque, equestris tumultus a tergo, simul a castris clamor hostilis auditus sextam [ante] legionem, quae in secunda acie posita prior ab Numidis turbata est, quintam deinde atque eos qui ad prima signa erant auertit;

[¶9] 1.12. Some scattered in flight, some were slain in the centre of the battle, where Gnaeus Fulvius also fell together with eleven tribunes of the soldiers.

> Latin: 1.12. pars in fugam effusi, pars in medio caesi, ubi et ipse Cn. Fuluius cum undecim tribunis militum cecidit.

[¶10] 1.13. How many thousand Romans and allies were slain in that battle who could state with certainty, inasmuch as in one source I find thirteen thousand, in another not more than seven?

> Latin: 1.13. Romanorum sociorumque quot caesa in eo proelio milia sint, quis pro certo adfirmet, cum tredecim milia alibi, alibi haud plus quam septem inueniam?

[¶11] 1.14. The camp and booty fell to the victor. As for Herdonea, in view of his information that it would have revolted to the Romans and would not remain loyal to him if he should withdraw, he removed the whole population to Metapontum and Thurii and set fire to the city. He put to death the leading men who, he was informed, had had secret conversations with Fulvius.

> Latin: 1.14. castris praedaque uictor potitur. Herdoneam, quia et defecturam fuisse ad Romanos comperit nec mansuram in fide, si inde abscessisset, multitudine omni Metapontum ac Thurios traducta, incendit: occidit principes qui cum Fuluio conloquia occulta habuisse comperti sunt.

[¶12] 1.15. The Romans who had made their escape from so disastrous a battle, by different roads and half-armed sought refuge with the consul Marcellus in Samnium.

> Latin: 1.15. Romani qui ex tanta clade euaserant diuersis itineribus semermes ad Marcellum consulem in Samnium perfugerunt.

[¶13] 2.1. Marcellus, who was not particularly alarmed by so serious a defeat, wrote a letter to the senate at Rome in regard to the loss of general and army at Herdonea.

> Latin: 2.1. Marcellus nihil admodum tanta clade territus litteras Romam ad senatum de duce et exercitu ad Herdoneam amisso scribit:

[¶14] 2.2. He said that nevertheless, being the same man who, after the battle of Cannae, had frustrated Hannibal, elated by that victory, he was marching against him to cut short his joy and exultation.

> Latin: 2.2. ceterum eundem se, qui post Cannensem pugnam ferocem uictoria Hannibalem contuderit, ire aduersus eum, breuem illi laetitiam qua exsultet facturum.

[¶15] 2.3. At Rome, to be sure, there was not only great sorrow owing to what had happened, but also great fear for the future.

> Latin: 2.3. et Romae quidem cum luctus ingens ex praeterito, tum timor in futurum erat:

[¶16] 2.4. The consul, however, crossing over from Samnium into Lucania, pitched camp near Numistro, on level ground in sight of Hannibal, while the Carthaginian held a hill.

> Latin: 2.4. consul ex Samnio in Lucanos transgressus ad Numistronem in conspectu Hannibalis loco plano, cum Poenus collem teneret, posuit castra.

[¶17] 2.5. He added the further appearance of confidence in being the first to lead out into battle-line. And Hannibal did not refuse, when he saw the standards borne out of the gates. Nevertheless they drew up their lines so that the Carthaginian made his right wing reach up the hill, while the Romans rested their left wing on the town.

> Latin: 2.5. addidit et aliam fidentis speciem, quod prior in aciem eduxit; nec detractauit Hannibal, ut signa portis efferri uidit. ita tamen aciem instruxerunt ut Poenus dextrum cornu in collem erigeret, Romani sinistrum ad oppidum adplicarent.

[¶18] 2.6. On the Roman side the first legion and right ala, on Hannibal's side the Spanish soldiers and Balearic slingers were engaged; and the elephants also were driven into battle after the conflict had begun.

> Latin: 2.6. ab Romanis prima legio et dextra ala, ab Hannibale Hispani milites et funditores Baliares, elephanti quoque commisso iam certamine in proelium acti; diu pugna neutro inclinata stetit.

[¶19] 2.7. For a long time the battle hung in the balance, not inclining in either direction. After they had prolonged the battle from the third hour to nightfall and the front lines were exhausted by fighting, the third legion relieved the first, the left ala relieved the right, and among the enemy fresh troops took over the battle from the weary.

> Latin: 2.7. ab hora tertia cum ad noctem pugnam extendissent, fessaeque pugnando primae acies essent, primae legioni tertia, dextrae alae sinistra subit, et apud hostes integri a fessis pugnam accepere.

[¶20] 2.8. A new battle and fierce suddenly flamed out of a conflict now grown spiritless, for the combatants were now fresh in spirit and in body.

> Latin: 2.8. nouum atque atrox proelium ex iam segni repente exarsit, recentibus animis corporibusque; sed nox incerta uictoria diremit pugnantes.

[¶21] 2.9. But night parted them with victory undecided. On the next day the Romans stood in line from sunrise until late in the day. When none of the enemy came out against them, they gathered spoils at their leisure, carried corpses of their men into one place and burned them.

> Latin: 2.9. postero die Romani ab sole orto in multum diei stetere in acie; ubi nemo hostium aduersus prodit, spolia per otium legere et congestos in unum locum cremauere suos.

[¶22] 2.10. On the following night Hannibal broke camp silently and marched away into Apulia. Marcellus, when day disclosed the flight of the enemy, left the wounded at Numistro with a small garrison, placed Lucius Furius Purpurio, a tribune of the soldiers, in command of them, and made haste to follow on Hannibal's heels.

> Latin: 2.10. nocte insequenti Hannibal silentio mouit castra et in Apuliam abiit. Marcellus, ubi lux fugam hostium aperuit, sauciis cum praesidio modico Numistrone relictis praepositoque iis L. Furio Purpurione, tribuno militum, uestigiis institit sequi. ad Uenusiam adeptus eum est.

[¶23] 2.11. Near Venusia he overtook him. There for a number of days, while charges were made by outposts, there were mixed cavalry and infantry engagements, rather skirmishes than important battles, and nearly all of them favourable to the Romans.

> Latin: 2.11. ibi per dies aliquot cum ab stationibus procursaretur, mixta equitum peditumque tumultuosa magis proelia quam magna et ferme omnia Romanis secunda fuere.

[¶24] 2.12. Thence the armies were led through Apulia without any notable conflict, since Hannibal would set his standards in motion by night, seeking positions for ambuscades, while Marcellus did not follow except in broad daylight and after reconnoitring.

> Latin: 2.12. inde per Apuliam ducti exercitus sine ullo memorando certamine, cum Hannibal nocte signa moueret locum insidiis quaerens, Marcellus nisi certa luce et explorato ante non sequeretur.

[¶25] 3.1. At Capua meantime, while Flaccus was spending his time in selling the property of leading men, in leasing lands that had been confiscated — and he leased them all in return for grain —a fresh crime fomented in secret was brought to light by informers, that he might not lack occasion for harsh treatment of the Capuans.

> Latin: 3.1. Capuae interim Flaccus dum bonis principum uendendis, agro qui publicatus erat locando—locauit autem omnem frumento—tempus terit, ne deesset materia in Campanos saeuiendi, nouum in occulto gliscens per indicium protractum est facinus.

[¶26] 3.2. The soldiers had been removed from dwellings, in order that houses in the city might be leased together with the land, and because Flaccus at the same time feared that the great charms of the city might weaken his army also, as they had Hannibal's. Accordingly he had compelled them to build their own shelters soldier-fashion at the gates and along the walls.

> Latin: 3.2. milites aedificiis emotos, simul ut cum agro tecta urbis fruenda locarentur, simul metuens ne suum quoque exercitum sicut Hannibalis nimia urbis amoenitas emolliret, in portis murisque sibimet ipsos tecta militariter coegerat aedificare;

[¶27] 3.3. Furthermore most of these were made of wickerwork and planks, others of reeds interwoven, all of them thatched with straw, as though these materials were deliberately intended to feed the flames.

> Latin: 3.3. erant autem pleraque ex cratibus ac tabulis facta, alia harundine texta, stramento intecta, omne uelut de industria alimentum ignis.

[¶28] 3.4. A hundred and seventy Capuans, under the lead of the brothers Blossii, had conspired to set fire to all of these huts at the same hour of the night.

> Latin: 3.4. haec noctis una hora omnia ut incenderent, centum septuaginta Campani principibus Blossiis fratribus coniurauerunt.

[¶29] 3.5. Information in regard to this was given by slaves of the Blossii, and the gates were suddenly closed by order of the proconsul. The soldiers having rushed to arms at a given signal, all who were involved in the crime were arrested, and after a rigorous inquiry were condemned and put to death.

> Latin: 3.5. indicio eius rei ex familia Blossiorum facto, portis repente iussu proconsulis clausis cum ad arma signo dato milites concurrissent, comprehensi omnes qui in noxa erant, et quaestione acriter habita damnati necatique; indicibus libertas et aeris dena milia data.

[¶30] 3.6. The informers received their freedom and ten thousand asses each. As for the men of Nuceria and Acerrae, who complained that they had no dwelling-place, since Acerrae had been partly burned and Nuceria destroyed, Fulvius sent them to the senate at Rome.

> Latin: 3.6. Nucerinos et Acerranos, querentes ubi habitarent non esse, Acerris ex parte incensis, Nuceria deleta, Romam Fuluius ad senatum misit.

[¶31] 3.7. The Acerrans were permitted to restore what had been burned; the Nucerians, having so elected, were conducted to Atella, while the Atellans were ordered to migrate to Calatia.

> Latin: 3.7. Acerranis permissum, ut aedificarent, quae incensa erant: Nucerini Atellam quia id maluerant, Atellanis Calatiam migrare iussis, traducti.

[¶32] 3.8. Among the many important events which were engaging men's attention, as being now favourable and now unfavourable, the citadel of Tarentum also was not forgotten.

> Latin: 3.8. inter multas magnasque res, quae nunc secundae, nunc aduersae occupabant cogitationes hominum, ne Tarentinae quidem arcis excidit memoria.

[¶33] 3.9. Marcus Ogulnius and Publius Aquilius set out for Etruria as commissioners to buy up grain to be shipped to Tarentum. And a thousand soldiers, equally divided between Romans and allies from the army at the city, were sent with the grain to the same place on garrison duty.

> Latin: 3.9. M. Ogulnius et P. Aquilius in Etruriam legati ad frumentum coemendum quod Tarentum portaretur profecti, et mille milites de exercitu urbano, par numerus Romanorum sociorumque, eodem in praesidium cum frumento missi.

[¶34] 4.1. Already the summer was at an end and the time for the consular election at hand. But a letter from Marcellus, stating that it was against the public interest for him to move a step away from Hannibal, since he was himself pressing him hard as he retired and refused an engagement, had inspired concern, for fear they must call the consul away from the war at the moment when he was actively

> Latin: 4.1. iam aestas in exitu erat comitiorumque consularium instabat tempus; sed litterae Marcelli, negantis e re publica esse uestigium abscedi ab Hannibale cui cedenti certamenque abnuenti grauis ipse instaret, patribus curam iniecerant ne aut consulem tum maxime res agentem a bello auocarent aut in annum consules deessent.

[¶35] 4.3. engaged, or else should be without consuls for the next year. It seemed best instead to recall the consul Valerius from Sicily, even though he was outside of Italy.

> Latin: 4.3. optimum uisum est, quamquam extra Italiam esset, Ualerium potius consulem ex Sicilia reuocari.

[¶36] 4.4. To Valerius under orders from the senate Lucius Manlius, the city praetor, sent a letter, together with the letter of Marcus Marcellus, the consul, that from these letters Valerius might learn what reason the senators had for recalling him rather than his colleague from his province.

> Latin: 4.4. ad eum litterae iussu senatus ab L. Manlio praetore urbano missae cum litteris consulis M. Marcelli, ut ex iis nosceret quae causa patribus eum potius quam collegam reuocandi ex prouincia esset.

[¶37] 4.5. About the same time legates from King Syphax came to Rome, reporting what successes he had had in battle with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 4.5. eo fere tempore legati ab rege Syphace Romam uenerunt, quae is prospera proelia cum Carthaginiensibus fecisset, memorantes:

[¶38] 4.6. They stated that the king was not more hostile to any people than to the Carthaginian, nor more friendly to any than to the Roman people; that previously he had sent legates to Spain to Gnaeus and Publius Cornelius, the Roman generals; that now he was minded to seek Roman friendship, as it were at the very source.

> Latin: 4.6. regem nec inimiciorem ulli populo quam Carthaginiensi nec amiciorem quam Romano esse adfirmabant; misisse eum antea legatos in Hispaniam ad Cn. et P. Cornelios imperatores Romanos: nunc ab ipso uelut fonte petere Romanam amicitiam uoluisse.

[¶39] 4.7. The senate not only replied graciously to the legates, but also sent its legates, Lucius Genucius, Publius Poetelius, Publius Popillius, to the king with gifts.

> Latin: 4.7. senatus non legatis modo benigne respondit, sed et ipse legatos cum donis ad regem misit, L. Genucium, P. Poetelium, P. Popillium.

[¶40] 4.8. They took with them as gifts a purple toga and tunic, an ivory chair, a golden patera weighing five pounds. They were ordered to go on and visit other princes in Africa.

> Latin: 4.8. dona tulere togam et tunicam purpuream, sellam eburneam, pateram ex quinque pondo auri factam.

[¶41] 4.9. For these also they took with them bordered togas and golden paterae, each of them three pounds in weight, to be presented to them.

> Latin: 4.9. protinus et alios Africae regulos iussi adire; iis quoque quae darentur portata, togae praetextae et terna pondo paterae aureae.

[¶42] 4.10. Also to Alexandria as ambassadors to the monarchs, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, were sent Marcus Atilius and Manius Acilius, to call to mind and revive friendship with them. As gifts they carried for the king a purple toga and tunic, with an ivory chair, for the queen an embroidered palla and a purple cloak.

> Latin: 4.10. et Alexandream ad Ptolomaeum et Cleopatram reges M. Atilius et M'. Acilius, legati ad commemorandam renouandamque amicitiam missi, dona tulere, regi togam et tunicam purpuream cum sella eburnea, reginae pallam pictam cum amiculo purpureo. multa ea aestate qua haec facta sunt ex propinquis urbibus agrisque nuntiata sunt prodigia:

[¶43] 4.11. During the summer in which these events occurred many portents were reported from neighbouring cities and from the country: that at Tusculum a lamb was born with an udder full of milk, and that the ridge of Jupiter's temple was struck by lightning and stripped of almost all its roofing;

> Latin: 4.11. Tusculi agnum cum ubere lactenti natum, Iouis aedis culmen fulmine ictum ac prope omni tecto nudatum;

[¶44] 4.12. that at Anagnia about the same time ground struck by lightning outside the gate burned for a day and a night without any fuel; and that at the crossroads near Anagnia, in the grove of Diana, birds deserted their nests in the trees;

> Latin: 4.12. iisdem ferme diebus Anagniae terram ante portam ictam diem ac noctem sine ullo ignis alimento arsisse, et aues ad compitum Anagninum in luco Dianae nidos in arboribus reliquisse;

[¶45] 4.13. that at Tarracina, in the sea not far from the harbour, serpents of remarkable size leaped about after the manner of fish at play;

> Latin: 4.13. Tarracinae in mari haud procul portu angues magnitudinis mirae lasciuientium piscium modo exsultasse;

[¶46] 4.14. that at Tarquinii a pig was born with a human face; and that in the territory of Capena, at the grove of Feronia, four statues sweated blood profusely for a day and a night. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims by decree of the pontiffs.

> Latin: 4.14. Tarquiniis porcum cum ore humano genitum, et in agro Capenate ad lucum Feroniae quattuor signa sanguine multo diem ac noctem sudasse. haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata decreto pontificum;

[¶47] 4.15. And prayers were ordered for one day in Rome at all the pulvinaria, and for a second day at the grove of Feronia, in the territory of Capena.

> Latin: 4.15. et supplicatio diem unum Romae ad omnia puluinaria, alterum in Capenati agro ad Feroniae lucum indicta.

[¶48] 5.1. Marcus Valerius, the consul, on being summoned by the letter, assigned his province and army to Lucius Cincius, a praetor, and sent Marcus Valerius Messalla, admiral of the fleet, with a part of his ships to Africa, to plunder and at the same time to find out what the Carthaginian state was doing and preparing to do. The consul himself set out for Rome with ten ships, and on his safe arrival he at once held a session of the senate, in which he set forth his own achievements:

> Latin: 5.1. M. Ualerius consul litteris excitus, prouincia exercituque mandato L. Cincio praetori, M. Ualerio Messalla praefecto classis cum parte nauium in Africam praedatum simul speculatumque quae populus Carthaginiensis ageret pararetque misso, ipse decem nauibus Romam profectus cum prospere peruenisset, senatum extemplo habuit, ubi de suis rebus gestis commemorauit:

[¶49] 5.3. that for almost sixty years war had been carried on in Sicily by land and sea, often with great losses, but now he had completed the conquest of that province.

> Latin: 5.3. cum annos prope sexaginta in Sicilia terra marique magnis saepe cladibus bellatum esset, se eam prouinciam confecisse.

[¶50] 5.4. He said that there was not a Carthaginian in Sicily; that not a Sicilian was absent; that those who had been absent, banished by their fears, had all been brought back to their cities, to their lands, and were ploughing and sowing;

> Latin: 5.4. neminem Carthaginiensem in Sicilia esse; neminem Siculum non esse; qui fugati metu inde afuerint, omnes in urbes, in agros suos reductos arare, serere; desertam recoli terram, tandem frugiferam ipsis cultoribus populoque Romano pace ac bello fidissimum annonae subsidium.

[¶51] 5.6. that a deserted land was again under cultivation, productive at last for the farmers themselves, and for the Roman people in peace and in war a most dependable source of the grain supply.

> Latin: 5.6. exim Muttine, et si quorum aliorum merita erga populum Romanum erant in senatum introductis honores omnibus ad exsoluendam fidem a consule habiti.

[¶52] 5.7. Then Muttines and any others who had done services to the Roman people were brought into the senate, and honours were bestowed upon them all, in fulfilment of the consul's promise.

> Latin: 5.7. Muttines etiam ciuis Romanus factus, rogatione ab tribunis plebis ex auctoritate patrum ad plebem lata.

[¶53] 5.8. Muttines was even made a Roman citizen, when in accordance with a decree of the senate a bill had been proposed to the plebs by its tribunes.

> Latin: 5.8. dum haec Romae geruntur, M. Ualerius quinquaginta nauibus cum ante lucem ad Africam accessisset, improuiso in agrum Uticensem escensionem fecit;

[¶54] 5.9. While these events were occurring at Rome, Marcus Valerius, having approached the coast of Africa with fifty ships before daybreak, made an unexpected landing on the territory of Utica. And this he ravaged far and wide, captured many persons together with other booty of every description, returned to his ships and crossed over to Sicily, sailing back to Lilybaeum on the 13th day after he had left that port.

> Latin: 5.9. eumque late depopulatus multis mortalibus cum alia omnis generis praeda captis ad naues redit et ad Siciliam tramisit, tertio decimo die quam profectus inde erat Lilybaeum reuectus.

[¶55] 5.10. Upon inquiry made from the captives the following facts were ascertained and written down fully and in order for the consul Laevinus, that he might know what the condition of affairs in Africa was:

> Latin: 5.10. ex captiuis quaestione habita haec comperta consulique Laeuino omnia ordine perscripta ut sciret quo in statu res Africae essent:

[¶56] 5.11. that five thousand Numidians were at Carthage under Masinissa, son of Gala and a most impetuous young man; and that other soldiers were being hired everywhere in Africa, to be sent over to Hasdrubal in Spain, so that he should cross over into Italy with the largest possible army as soon as he could and join Hannibal;

> Latin: 5.11. quinque milia Numidarum cum Masinissa, Galae filio, acerrimo iuuene, Carthagine esse, et alios per totam Africam milites mercede conduci qui in Hispaniam ad Hasdrubalem traicerentur, ut is quam maximo exercitu primo quoque tempore in Italiam transgressus iungeret se Hannibali;

[¶57] 5.12. that upon this the Carthaginians believed that victory depended;

> Latin: 5.12. in eo positam uictoriam credere Carthaginienses;

[¶58] 5.13. furthermore that a very large fleet was being made ready, for the purpose of recovering Sicily; and he believed that fleet would soon make the passage.

> Latin: 5.13. classem praeterea ingentem apparari ad Siciliam repetendam eamque se credere breui traiecturam.

[¶59] 5.14. These statements as read by the consul so swayed the senators that they decided that he must not wait for the elections, but that after appointing a dictator to conduct the elections, the consul must at once return to his province.

> Latin: 5.14. haec recitata a consule ita mouere senatum ut non exspectanda comitia consuli censeret, sed dictatore comitiorum habendorum causa dicto extemplo in prouinciam redeundum.

[¶60] 5.15. Debate continued on one point —namely, the consul kept promising to appoint in Sicily Marcus Valerius Messalla, then in command of the fleet, as dictator, while the fathers maintained that a dictator could not be appointed outside of Roman territory, and that this was confined to Italy.

> Latin: 5.15. illa disceptatio tenebat quod consul in Sicilia se M. Ualerium Messallam qui tum classi praeesset dictatorem dicturum esse aiebat, patres extra Romanum agrum—eum autem Italia terminari—negabant dictatorem dici posse.

[¶61] 5.16. When Marcus Lucretius, tribune of the plebs, sought to know its pleasure in the matter, the senate decreed that, before leaving the city, the consul should ask the people whom they preferred to have named dictator, and should name as dictator the man ordered by the people; that if the consul should refuse, the praetor should ask the people; in case of his refusal also, the tribunes should bring the matter before the commons.

> Latin: 5.16. M. Lucretius tribunus plebis cum de ea re consuleret, ita decreuit senatus ut consul priusquam ab urbe discederet populum rogaret quem dictatorem dici placeret, eumque quem populus iussisset diceret dictatorem; si consul noluisset, praetor populum rogaret; si ne is quidem uellet, tum tribuni ad plebem ferrent.

[¶62] 5.17. When the consul refused to submit to the people a question that belonged to his own authority, and forbade the praetor to do so, the tribunes asked the commons and the commons ordained that Quintus Fulvius, who was then at Capua, should be named dictator.

> Latin: 5.17. cum consul se populum rogaturum negasset quod suae potestatis esset, praetoremque uetuisset rogare, tribuni plebem rogarunt, plebesque sciuit ut Q. Fuluius, qui tum ad Capuam erat, dictator diceretur.

[¶63] 5.18. But on the day on which that plebeian assembly was to be held the consul left for Sicily secretly by night. And the fathers, being deserted, voted to send a letter to Marcus Claudius, that he should come to the aid of the state abandoned by his colleague, and should name as dictator whomsoever the people might command.

> Latin: 5.18. sed quo die id plebis concilium futurum erat, consul clam nocte in Siciliam abiit; destitutique patres litteras ad M. Claudium mittendas censuerunt ut desertae ab collega rei publicae subueniret diceretque quem populus iussisset dictatorem.

[¶64] 5.19. Thus Quintus Fulvius was named dictator by Marcus Claudius, the consul, and in accordance with the same decree of the commons Publius Licinius Crassus, pontifex maximus, was named master of the horse by Quintus Fulvius as dictator.

> Latin: 5.19. ita a M. Claudio consule Q. Fuluius dictator dictus, et ex eodem plebis scito ab Q. Fuluio dictatore P. Licinius Crassus pontifex maximus magister equitum dictus.

[¶65] 6.1. On coming to Rome the dictator sent Gaius Sempronius Blaesus, his lieutenant, whom he had had at Capua, into Etruria as his province, to be with the army, taking the place of the praetor Gaius Calpurnius, whom he had summoned by letter to take command of Capua and his own army. As for himself, he proclaimed the elections for the earliest possible date. But owing to the conflict which arose between the tribunes and the dictator the election could not be completed. The Galeria century of the younger men, which obtained by lot the right to vote first, had voted for Quintus Fulvius and Quintus Fabius as consuls; and the centuries called in the legal order would have inclined in the same direction, if the tribunes of the plebs, Gaius and Lucius Arrenius, had not intervened. They repeated that to prolong a magistracy was not consistent with the common interest, and also that it was a much more dangerous precedent for the man who was conducting the election to be himself elected. Accordingly, they said, if the dictator admitted his own name, they would veto the election; if other men than himself were considered, they would not delay the election. The dictator defended the procedure in the election by the authority of the senate, by the decree of the commons, by precedents. For, he said, in the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius, when Gaius Flaminius, the other consul, had fallen at Trasumennus, by authority of the fathers it was proposed to the commons, and the commons had ordained that, so long as the war remained in Italy, the people should have the right to re-elect as consuls the men they pleased and as often as they pleased from the number of those who had been consuls. He added that he had precedents for so doing: an old instance, that of Lucius Postumius Megellus, who as interrex had been elected consul with Gaius Iunius Bubulcus at an election which he had himself conducted; and a recent case, that of Quintus Fabius, who surely would never have permitted his consulship to be prolonged unless it were done for the public welfare. After a contest long continued by such speeches, final agreement between the dictator and the tribunes was reached: that they would stand by whatever the senate should decide. To the fathers it seemed a time for the state to have its affairs in the hands of generals mature and experienced and skilled in war; and so they said they did not favour any delaying of the election.

> Latin: 6.1. dictator postquam Romam uenit, C. Sempronium Blaesum legatum quem ad Capuam habuerat in Etruriam prouinciam ad exercitum misit in locum C. Calpurni praetoris, quem ut Capuae exercituique suo praeesset litteris exciuit. ipse comitia in quem diem primum potuit edixit; quae certamine inter tribunos dictatoremque iniecto perfici non potuerunt. Galeria iuniorum, quae sorte praerogatiua erat, Q. Fuluium et Q. Fabium consules dixerat, eodemque iure uocatae inclinassent ni se tribuni plebis C. et L. Arrenii interposuissent, qui neque magistratum continuari satis ciuile esse aiebant et multo foedioris exempli eum ipsum creari qui comitia haberet; itaque si suum nomen dictator acciperet, se comitiis intercessuros: si aliorum praeterquam ipsius ratio haberetur, comitiis se moram non facere. dictator causam comitiorum auctoritate senatus, plebis scito, exemplis tutabatur: namque Cn. Seruilio consule cum C. Flaminius alter consul ad Trasumennum cecidisset, ex auctoritate patrum ad plebem latum plebemque sciuisse ut, quoad bellum in Italia esset, ex iis qui consules fuissent quos et quotiens uellet reficiendi consules populo ius esset; exemplaque in eam rem se habere, uetus L. Postumi Megelli, qui interrex iis comitiis quae ipse habuisset consul cum C. Iunio Bubulco creatus esset, recens Q. Fabi, qui sibi continuari consulatum nisi id bono publico fieret profecto nunquam sisset. his orationibus cum diu certatum esset, postremo ita inter dictatorem ac tribunos conuenit ut eo quod censuisset senatus staretur. patribus id tempus rei publicae uisum est ut per ueteres et expertos bellique peritos imperatores res publica gereretur; itaque moram fieri comitiis non placere. concedentibus tribunis, comitia habita; declarati consules Q. Fabius Maximus quintum, Q. Fuluius Flaccus quartum. praetores inde creati L. Ueturius Philo, T. Quinctius Crispinus, C. Hostilius Tubulus, C. Aurunculeius. magistratibus in annum creatis Q. Fuluius dictatura se abdicauit. extremo aestatis huius classis Punica nauium quadraginta cum praefecto Hamilcare in Sardiniam traiecta, Olbiensem primo, dein postquam ibi P. Manlius Uolso praetor cum exercitu apparuit circumacta inde ad alterum insulae latus Caralitanum agrum uastauit, et cum praeda omnis generis in Africam redit. sacerdotes Romani eo anno mortui aliquot suffectique. C. Seruilius pontifex factus in locum T. Otacili Crassi, Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus augur factus in locum T. Otacili Crassi. decemuir item sacris faciundis in locum Ti. Semproni C. filii Longi Ti. Sempronius Ti. filius Longus suffectus. M. Marcius rex sacrorum mortuus est et M. Aemilius Papus maximus curio; neque in eorum locum sacerdotes eo anno suffecti. et censores hic annus habuit L. Ueturium Philonem et P. Licinium Crassum, maximum pontificem. Crassus Licinius nec consul nec praetor ante fuerat quam censor est factus: ex aedilitate gradum ad censuram fecit. sed hi censores neque senatum legerunt neque quicquam publicae rei egerunt: mors diremit L. Ueturi; inde et Licinius censura se abdicauit. aediles curules L. Ueturius et P. Licinius Uarus ludos Romanos diem unum instaurarunt: aediles plebei Q. Catius et L. Porcius Licinus ex multaticio argento signa aenea ad Cereris dedere et ludos pro temporis eius copia magnifici apparatus fecerunt. exitu anni huius C. Laelius legatus Scipionis die quarto et tricensimo quam a Tarracone profectus erat Romam uenit; isque cum agmine captiuorum ingressus urbem magnum concursum hominum fecit. postero die in senatum introductus captam Carthaginem caput Hispaniae uno die, receptasque aliquot urbes quae defecissent nouasque in societatem adscitas exposuit;

[¶66] 7.3. Since the tribunes gave way, the election was held. Quintus Fabius Maximus was declared consul for the fifth time, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus for the fourth. Then as praetors the following were elected: Lucius Veturius Philo, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus, Gaius Aurunculeius. The magistrates having been elected for the year, Quintus Fulvius abdicated his dictatorship. At the end of this summer a Carthaginian fleet of forty ships under command of the prefect Hamilcar crossed over to Sardinia and first laid waste the region of Olbia. Then after Publius Manlius Volso, the praetor, showed himself there with an army, the fleet coasted around from Olbia to the other side of the island, ravaged the territory of Carales and returned with booty of every kind to Africa. Of the Roman priests a number died that year and successors were appointed. Gaius Servilius was made pontifex in place of Titus Otacilius Crassus; Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Tiberius, was made augur in place of Titus Otacilius Crassus.

> Latin: 7.3. ex captiuis comperta iis fere congruentia quae in litteris fuerant M. Ualeri Messallae. maxime mouit patres Hasdrubalis transitus in Italiam, uix Hannibali atque eius armis obsistentem. productus et in contionem Laelius eadem edisseruit. senatus ob res feliciter a P. Scipione gestas supplicationem in unum diem decreuit; C. Laelium primo quoque tempore cum quibus uenerat nauibus redire in Hispaniam iussit.

[¶67] 7.5. In like manner Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Tiberius, was appointed decemvir for the performance of rites in place of Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Gaius. Marcus Marcius, rex sacrorum, and Marcus Aemilius Papus, the chief curio, died; and no priests were appointed that year in their places. And this year had as censors Lucius Veturius Philo and Publius Licinius Crassus, pontifex maximus. Crassus Licinius had been neither consul nor praetor before he became censor; he made but one step from aedileship to censorship.

> Latin: 7.5. —Carthaginis expugnationem in hunc annum contuli multis auctoribus, haud nescius quosdam esse qui anno insequenti captam tradiderint, quod mihi minus simile ueri uisum est annum integrum Scipionem nihil gerendo in Hispania consumpsisse.

[¶68] 7.7. But these censors neither revised the senate list nor did any public business. The death of Veturius dissolved their censorship, consequently Licinius abdicated his office. The curule aediles, Lucius Veturius and Publius Licinius Varus, renewed the Roman Games for one day. The plebeian aediles, Quintus Catius and Lucius Porcius Licinus, out of money paid in fines set up bronze statues at the Temple of Ceres, and they celebrated the games with splendid appointments, considering the resources of the time. VII. At the end of this year Gaius Laelius, Scipio's lieutenant, came to Rome on the thirty-fourth day after leaving Tarraco.

> Latin: 7.7. Q. Fabio Maximo quintum Q. Fuluio Flacco quartum consulibus, idibus Martiis, quo die magistratum inierunt, Italia ambobus prouincia decreta, regionibus tamen partitum imperium: Fabius ad Tarentum, Fuluius in Lucanis ac Bruttiis rem gereret.

[¶69] 7.8. And on entering the city with a train of captives he occasioned a great concourse of people. Introduced into the senate the next day, he set forth the capture of (New) Carthage, chief city of Spain, in a single day, and the recovery of a number of cities that had revolted, and the admission of new cities into alliance. From the captives they ascertained facts which in general agreed with statements previously made in the letter of Marcus Valerius Messalla.

> Latin: 7.8. M. Claudio prorogatum in annum imperium. praetores sortiti prouincias, C. Hostilius Tubulus urbanam, L. Ueturius Philo peregrinam cum Gallia, T. Quinctius Crispinus Capuam, C. Aurunculeius Sardiniam. exercitus ita per prouincias diuisi:

[¶70] 7.9. What especially stirred the fathers was Hasdrubal's proposed crossing into Italy, which was with difficulty withstanding Hannibal and his arms. On being brought before an assembly also, Laelius discoursed on the same subject. The senate decreed a thanksgiving for one day on account of Publius Scipio's successes. It ordered Gaius Laelius to return as soon as possible to Spain on the ships with which he had come. —The storming of (New) Carthage I have set in this year on the authority of many writers, though not unaware that there are some who have related its capture in the following year. I have done so because it has seemed to me less probable that Scipio spent a whole year in Spain doing nothing.

> Latin: 7.9. Fuluio duae legiones quas in Sicilia M. Ualerius Laeuinus haberet, Fabio, quibus in Etruria C. Calpurnius praefuisset: urbanus exercitus ut in Etruriam succederet: C. Calpurnius eidem praeesset prouinciae exercituique: Capuam exercitumque quem Q. Fuluius habuisset T. Quinctius obtineret:

[¶71] 7.11. Quintus Fabius Maximus being now consul for the fifth and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus for the fourth time, on the Ides of March, the day of their entry upon office, Italy was assigned to the two as their province; their military authority, however, was geographically divided. Fabius was to command around Tarentum, Fulvius in Lucania and the land of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 7.11. C. Hostilius ab C. Laetorio propraetore prouinciam exercitumque qui tum Arimini erat acciperet. M. Marcello quibus consul rem gesserat legiones decretae;

[¶72] 7.12. For Marcus Claudius his command was prolonged for one year. The praetors received their assignments by lot, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus the city praetorship, Lucius Veturius Philo the jurisdiction over foreigners, together with Gaul; Titus Quinctius Crispinus received Capua, Gaius Aurunculeius Sardinia.

> Latin: 7.12. M. Ualerio cum L. Cincio —iis quoque enim prorogatum in Sicilia imperium—Cannensis exercitus datus, eumque supplere ex militibus qui ex legionibus Cn. Fului superessent iussi.

[¶73] 7.13. The armies were distributed among the assignments as follows: to Fulvius the two legions which Marcus Valerius Laevinus had in Sicily, to Quintus Fabius those which Gaius Calpurnius had commanded in Etruria; the army at the city was to take the place of that in Etruria; Gaius Calpurnius was to be in command of that province and its army; Titus Quinctius was to be in charge of Capua and the army which Quintus Fulvius had held. Gaius Hostilius was to take over from Gaius Laetorius, the propraetor, his province and the army which was then at Ariminum.

> Latin: 7.13. conquisitos eos consules in Siciliam miserunt; additaque eadem militiae ignominia sub qua Cannenses militabant quique ex praetoris Cn. Fului exercitu ob similis iram fugae missi eo ab senatu fuerant.

[¶74] 7.14. To Marcus Marcellus were assigned the legions with which he had carried on operations as consul. To Marcus Valerius and Lucius Cincius —for their command in Sicily was also prolonged —was assigned the army from Cannae, and they were ordered to recruit it from the soldiers who survived from the legions of Gnaeus Fulvius. These were sought out and sent by the consuls into Sicily. And there was added the same humiliation in the service as that under which the men from Cannae were serving, and those from the army of the praetor Gnaeus Fulvius, who had been sent thither by the senate out of anger on account of their similar flight.

> Latin: 7.14. C. Aurunculeio eaedem in Sardinia legiones quibus P. Manlius Uolso eam prouinciam obtinuerat decretae. P. Sulpicio eadem legione eademque classe Macedoniam obtinere iusso prorogatum in annum imperium. triginta quinqueremes ex Sicilia Tarentum ad Q. Fabium consulem mitti iussae:

[¶75] 7.16. To Gaius Aurunculeius in Sardinia were assigned the same legions with which Publius Manlius Volso had held that province. Publius Sulpicius was ordered to hold Macedonia with the same legion and the same fleet, and his command was prolonged for one year. Thirty quinqueremes were ordered to be sent from Sicily to Quintus Fabius, the consul, at Tarentum.

> Latin: 7.16. cetera classe placere praedatum in Africam aut ipsum M. Ualerium Laeuinum traicere aut mittere seu L. Cincium seu M. Ualerium Messallam uellet.

[¶76] 7.17. With the rest of his fleet it was the will of the senate, he was informed, that Marcus Valerius Laevinus should either cross over into Africa himself to plunder the country, or should send at his discretion Lucius Cincius or Marcus Valerius Messalla. And in regard to Spain no change was made, except that the commands of Scipio and Silanus were prolonged, not for one year, but until they should be recalled by the senate. Thus were the assignments and army commands apportioned for that year.

> Latin: 7.17. nec de Hispania quicquam mutatum nisi quod non in annum Scipioni Silanoque, sed donec reuocati ab senatu forent prorogatum imperium est. ita prouinciae exercituumque in eum annum partita imperia.

[¶77] 8.1. In the midst of their attention to more important matters the election of a maximus curio, when they were choosing a priest to succeed Marcus Aemilius, stirred up an old contest.

> Latin: 8.1. inter maiorum rerum curas comitia maximi curionis, cum in locum M. Aemili sacerdos crearetur, uetus excitauerunt certamen, patriciis negantibus C.

[¶78] 8.2. The patricians declared that no regard should be paid to C. Mamilius Atellus, the one plebeian who was a candidate, since no one not a patrician had previously held that priesthood.

> Latin: 8.2. Mamili Atelli, qui unus ex plebe petebat, habendam rationem esse quia nemo ante eum nisi ex patribus id sacerdotium habuisset.

[¶79] 8.3. The tribunes were appealed to, and referred the case back to the senate; the senate gave the people power to decide. Thus as the first plebeian Gaius Mamilius Atellus was elected maximus curio.

> Latin: 8.3. tribuni appellati ad senatum <rem> reiecerunt: senatus populi potestatem fecit: ita primus ex plebe creatus maximus curio C. Mamilius Atellus.

[¶80] 8.4. And Publius Licinius, the pontifex maximus, compelled Gaius Valerius Flaccus to be installed as flamen of Jupiter, although unwilling. Gaius Laetorius was named one of the decemviri for the performance of rites in place of Quintus Mucius Scaevola deceased.

> Latin: 8.4. et flaminem Dialem inuitum inaugurari coegit P. Licinius pontifex maximus C. Ualerium Flaccum; decemuirum sacris faciundis creatus in locum Q. Muci Scaeuolae demortui C. Laetorius.

[¶81] 8.5. The reason for installing a flamen perforce I should gladly have passed over in silence, had not his reputation changed from bad to good. Because of his irresponsible and dissipated youth Gaius Flaccus, who was odious to his own brother, Lucius Flaccus, and other relatives on account of the same vices, had been seized upon as flamen by Publius Licinius, pontifex maximus.

> Latin: 8.5. causam inaugurari coacti flaminis libens reticuissem, ni ex mala fama in bonam uertisset. ob adulescentiam neglegentem luxuriosamque C. Flaccus flamen captus a P. Licinio pontifice maximo erat, L. Flacco fratri germano cognatisque aliis ob eadem uitia inuisus.

[¶82] 8.6. As soon as the charge of rites and ceremonies took possession of his mind, Gaius so suddenly put off his old character that no one among all the young men stood higher in the estimation and approval of the leading senators, both of his own family and of strangers alike.

> Latin: 8.6. is ut animum eius cura sacrorum et caerimoniarum cepit, ita repente exuit antiquos mores ut nemo tota iuuentute haberetur prior nec probatior primoribus patrum, suis pariter alienisque, esset.

[¶83] 8.7. By the unanimity of this good report he was raised to a well-founded self-confidence, and claimed what had been in abeyance for many years owing to the unworthiness of former flamens, namely, that he should be admitted to the senate.

> Latin: 8.7. huius famae consensu elatus ad iustam fiduciam sui rem intermissam per multos annos ob indignitatem flaminum priorum repetiuit, ut in senatum introiret.

[¶84] 8.8. When he had entered the Senate House, and the praetor, Publius Licinius, had escorted him out of it, he appealed to the tribunes of the plebs. The flamen insistently claimed an ancient right of his priesthood, saying it had been granted to that office of flamen along with the toga praetexta and the sella curulis.

> Latin: 8.8. ingressum eum curiam cum P. Licinius praetor inde eduxisset, tribunos plebis appellauit. flamen uetustum ius sacerdotii repetebat: datum id cum toga praetexta et sella curuli ei flamonio esse.

[¶85] 8.9. The praetor maintained that a right was based, not upon outmoded instances from the annals, but in each case upon very recent practice; and that within the memory neither of their fathers nor grandfathers had any flamen of Jupiter exercised that right.

> Latin: 8.9. praetor non exoletis uetustate annalium exemplis stare ius, sed recentissimae cuiusque consuetudinis usu uolebat: nec patrum nec auorum memoria Dialem quemquam id ius usurpasse.

[¶86] 8.10. The tribunes expressed the opinion that obsolescence due to the indolence of flamens was justly accounted their own loss, not a loss to the priestly office. Whereupon, without opposition even from the praetor himself, and with the general approval of the senators and of the commons, the tribunes led the flamen into the senate, for it was the opinion of everyone that the flamen had carried his point rather by the uprightness of his life than by virtue of priestly privilege.

> Latin: 8.10. tribuni rem inertia flaminum oblitteratam ipsis, non sacerdotio damno fuisse cum aequum censuissent, ne ipso quidem contra tendente praetore, magno adsensu patrum plebisque flaminem in senatum introduxerunt, omnibus ita existimantibus magis sanctitate uitae quam sacerdotii iure eam rem flaminem obtinuisse.

[¶87] 8.11. The consuls, before leaving for their provinces, enrolled two city legions to supplement the other armies so far as was necessary.

> Latin: 8.11. consules priusquam in prouincias irent, duas urbanas legiones in supplementum quantum opus erat ceteris exercitibus militum scripserunt.

[¶88] 8.12. The duty of leading the former city army into Etruria the consul Fulvius assigned to Gaius Fulvius Flaccus, his lieutenant —this was the consul's brother —also that of bringing the legions that were in Etruria away to Rome.

> Latin: 8.12. urbanum ueterem exercitum Fuluius consul C. Fuluio Flacco legato—frater hic consulis erat—in Etruriam dedit ducendum et legiones quae in Etruria erant Romam deducendas.

[¶89] 8.13. And Fabius, the consul, ordered his son Quintus Maximus to search out the remains of the Fulvian. army —and they amounted to four thousand three hundred and forty-four —and to conduct them to Sicily to Marcus Valerius, the proconsul; also to receive from him two legions and thirty quinqueremes.

> Latin: 8.13. et Fabius consul reliquias exercitus Fuluiani conquisitas—fuere autem ad quattuor milia trecenti quadraginta quattuor— Q. Maximum filium ducere in Siciliam ad M. Ualerium proconsulem iussit, atque ab eo duas legiones et triginta quinqueremes accipere.

## 33. Book XXVII · chapters 8–16

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/33/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/33/#p-N

[¶0] 8.14. The withdrawal of these legions from the islands did not reduce the garrison of that province at all either in actual strength or in appearance.

> Latin: 8.14. nihil eae deductae ex insula legiones minuerunt nec uiribus nec specie eius prouinciae praesidium;

[¶1] 8.15. For Valerius, in addition to the two old legions remarkably well recruited, had a large number of Numidian deserters also, cavalry and infantry; and he enrolled Sicilians likewise who had been in the army of Epicydes or of the Carthaginians, being men trained in warfare.

> Latin: 8.15. nam cum praeter egregie suppletas duas ueteres legiones transfugarum etiam Numidarum equitum peditumque magnam uim haberet, Siculos quoque qui in exercitu Epicydis aut Poenorum fuerant, belli peritos uiros, milites scripsit.

[¶2] 8.16. Having attached these foreign auxiliary forces to each of the Roman legions, he preserved the appearance of two armies. With the one he ordered Lucius Cincius to defend that part of the island where had been the kingdom of Hiero; with the other he himself defended the rest of the island, formerly divided by the boundaries between the Roman and the Punic empires.

> Latin: 8.16. ea externa auxilia cum singulis Romanis legionibus adiunxisset, duorum speciem exercituum seruauit; altero L. Cincium partem insulae, regnum qua Hieronis fuerat, tueri iussit:

[¶3] 8.17. The fleet also of seventy ships was divided, so that they might protect the seacoast around its entire circuit.

> Latin: 8.17. altero ipse ceteram insulam tuebatur diuisam quondam Romani Punicique imperii finibus, classe quoque nauium septuaginta partita ut omni ambitu litorum praesidio orae maritimae essent.

[¶4] 8.18. Valerius himself with Muttines' cavalry roamed about his province, in order to visit the farms and to distinguish between cultivated and uncultivated lands, and to praise or upbraid the owners accordingly.

> Latin: 8.18. ipse cum Muttinis equitatu prouinciam peragrabat ut uiseret agros cultaque ab incultis notaret et perinde dominos laudaret castigaretque.

[¶5] 8.19. So, owing to this diligence, such a crop of grain was produced that he sent grain to Rome and also transported it to Catina, whence it could be supplied to the army which was to have its summer camp near Tarentum.

> Latin: 8.19. ita tantum ea cura frumenti prouenit ut et Romam mitteret et Catinam conueheret unde exercitui qui ad Tarentum aestiua acturus esset posset praeberi.

[¶6] 9.1. But the transfer of soldiers to Sicily —and the most of them were of Latin status or allies —was the cause of an outbreak which might have been serious; so true is it that on small things often depends the course of great events.

> Latin: 9.1. ceterum transportati milites in Siciliam—et erant maior pars Latini nominis sociorumque—prope magni motus causa fuere; adeo ex paruis saepe magnarum momenta rerum pendent.

[¶7] 9.2. For complaints began to be heard among Latins and allies in their gatherings: that for now the tenth year they had been exhausted by levies of troops and their pay; that almost every year they fought in a disastrous defeat.

> Latin: 9.2. fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus, decimum annum dilectibus stipendiis se exhaustos esse;

[¶8] 9.3. Some, they said, were slain in battle, others carried off by disease. The townsman who was enlisted by the Roman was lost to them more completely than a man taken captive by the Carthaginian. For with no demand for a ransom the enemy sent him back to his native town; the Romans transported him out of Italy, really into exile rather than into military service.

> Latin: 9.3. quotannis ferme clade magna pugnare; alios in acie occidi, alios morbo absumi; magis perire sibi ciuem qui ab Romano miles lectus sit quam qui ab Poeno captus: quippe ab hoste gratis remitti in patriam, ab Romanis extra Italiam in exsilium uerius quam in militiam ablegari.

[¶9] 9.4. For the eighth year now the soldiers from Cannae were growing old there, certain to die before the enemy, who at the very moment was in the flower of his strength, departed out of Italy.

> Latin: 9.4. octauum iam ibi annum senescere Cannensem militem, moriturum ante quam Italia hostis, quippe nunc cum maxime florens uiribus, excedat.

[¶10] 9.5. If the old soldiers should not return to their native places, and fresh soldiers continued to be levied, soon no one would be left. Accordingly, what the situation itself would soon refuse must be refused the Roman people without waiting to reach the extreme of desolation and poverty. If the Romans should see the allies unanimous to this effect, surely they would think of making peace with the Carthaginians. Otherwise never, so long as Hannibal lived, would Italy be rid of war.

> Latin: 9.5. si ueteres milites non redeant in patriam, noui legantur, breui neminem superfuturum. itaque quod propediem res ipsa negatura sit, priusquam ad ultimam solitudinem atque egestatem perueniant, negandum populo Romano esse. si consentientes in hoc socios uideant Romani, profecto de pace cum Carthaginiensibus iungenda cogitaturos: aliter nunquam uiuo Hannibale sine bello Italiam fore. haec acta in conciliis. triginta tum coloniae populi Romani erant;

[¶11] 9.7. Such were the matters debated in their meetings. There were at that time thirty colonies of the Roman state. Of these, while delegations from them all were at Rome, twelve informed the consuls that they had no means of furnishing soldiers and money. These were Ardea, Nepete, Sutrium, Alba, Carsioli, Sora, Suessa, Circeii, Setia, Cales, Narnia, Interamna.

> Latin: 9.7. ex iis duodecim, cum omnium legationes Romae essent, negauerunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent. eae fuere Ardea, Nepete, Sutrium, Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Circeii, Setia, Cales, Narnia, Interamna.

[¶12] 9.8. The consuls, deeply impressed by what was unheard-of, wishing to deter them from so abominable a move, and thinking they should accomplish more by upbraiding and rebuking them than by soft words, told them that they had dared to say to the consuls what the consuls could not bring themselves to utter in the senate.

> Latin: 9.8. noua re consules icti cum absterrere eos a tam detestabili consilio uellent, castigando increpandoque plus quam leniter agendo profecturos rati, eos ausos esse consulibus dicere aiebant quod consules ut in senatu pronuntiarent in animum inducere non possent;

[¶13] 9.9. For it was not a refusal of burdens and of military service, but an open revolt from the Roman people.

> Latin: 9.9. non enim detractationem eam munerum militiae, sed apertam defectionem a populo Romano esse.

[¶14] 9.10. Accordingly they should return to their colonies promptly, and, as though nothing had been settled, since they had spoken of so great a crime but had not yet ventured to commit it, they should deliberate with their people.

> Latin: 9.10. redirent itaque propere in colonias et tamquam integra re, locuti magis quam ausi tantum nefas, cum suis consulerent. admonerent non Campanos neque Tarentinos esse eos sed Romanos, inde oriundos, inde in colonias atque in agrum bello captum stirpis augendae causa missos.

[¶15] 9.11. Let them remind them that they were not Capuans nor Tarentines, but Romans, sprung from Rome and sent thence into colonies and on land captured in war, to increase their race. All that children owed to their parents they owed, it was said, to the Romans, if there was any filial affection, any memory of their former city. Let them therefore deliberate again; for their present reckless proposal tended to betray the Roman empire, to give over the victory to Hannibal.

> Latin: 9.11. quae liberi parentibus deberent, ea illos Romanis debere, si ulla pietas, si memoria antiquae patriae esset. consulerent igitur de integro; nam tum quidem quae temere agitassent, ea prodendi imperii Romani, tradendae Hannibali uictoriae esse.

[¶16] 9.13. The consuls by turns kept on for a long time in this strain; but the deputies, still unmoved, said that they had nothing to report back home, nor did their senates have anything new to decide upon, in towns where there were neither soldiers to be enlisted nor money to be furnished for pay.

> Latin: 9.13. cum alternis haec consules diu iactassent, nihil moti legati neque se quid donum renuntiarent habere dixerunt neque senatum suum quid noui consuleret, ubi nec miles qui legeretur nec pecunia quae daretur in stipendium esset.

[¶17] 9.14. The consuls, finding them unyielding, brought the matter before the senate; and there such terror was inspired in the minds of the members that a great many of them said the empire was at an end; that the same thing would be done by the other colonies, the same by the allies; that they all had conspired to betray the city of Rome to Hannibal.

> Latin: 9.14. cum obstinatos eos uiderent consules, rem ad senatum detulerunt, ubi tantus pauor animis hominum est iniectus ut magna pars actum de imperio diceret: idem alias colonias facturas, idem socios; consensisse omnes ad prodendam Hannibali urbem Romanam.

[¶18] 10.1. The consuls exhorted and comforted the senate, and said that the rest of the colonies would be loyal and dutiful as formerly; that even the colonies which had abandoned their duty would have respect for the empire, if legates should be sent about among them to upbraid, not to entreat.

> Latin: 10.1. consules hortari et consolari senatum et dicere alias colonias in fide atque officio pristino fore: eas quoque ipsas quae officio decesserint si legati circa eas colonias mittantur qui castigent, non qui precentur, uerecundiam imperii habituras esse.

[¶19] 10.2. Permission having been given the consuls by the senate to act and do as they thought to be for the interest of the state, after first sounding the temper of the other colonies, they summoned their legates, and asked them whether they had any soldiers in readiness according to the compact.

> Latin: 10.2. permissum ab senatu iis cum esset, agerent facerentque ut e re publica ducerent, pertemptatis prius aliarum coloniarum animis citauerunt legatos quaesiueruntque ab iis ecquid milites ex formula paratos haberent.

[¶20] 10.3. On behalf of the eighteen colonies Marcus Sextilius, of Fregellae, replied that they had soldiers in readiness according to the compact, and would give more if more were needed, and would exert themselves to do whatever else the Roman people might command and desire. To that end, he said, they did not lack means and had even a surplus of spirit.

> Latin: 10.3. pro duodeuiginti coloniis M. Sextilius Fregellanus respondit et milites paratos ex formula esse, et si pluribus opus esset plures daturos, et quidquid aliud imperaret uelletque populus Romanus enixe facturos;

[¶21] 10.4. The consuls began by saying that to do the men justice it did not seem enough that they should receive praise from the lips of the consuls only, without having the entire senate first return thanks to them in the Senate House; and then they bade them to follow into the senate.

> Latin: 10.4. ad id sibi neque opes deesse, animum etiam superesse. consules parum sibi uideri praefati pro merito eorum sua uoce conlaudari [eos] nisi uniuersi patres iis in curia gratias egissent, sequi in senatum eos iusserunt.

[¶22] 10.6. After addressing them in a decree as complimentary as possible, the senate instructed the consuls to bring them before the people also, and along with the many other conspicuous services they had rendered to the senators themselves and their ancestors, to recount their recent service also to the state.

> Latin: 10.6. senatus quam poterat honoratissimo decreto adlocutos eos, mandat consulibus ut ad populum quoque eos producerent, et inter multa alia praeclara quae ipsis maioribusque suis praestitissent recens etiam meritum eorum in rem publicam commemorarent.

[¶23] 10.7. Even now, after so many generations, they shall not be passed over in silence or defrauded of their praise. It was the men of Signia and Norba and Saticula and Fregellae, and of Luceria and Venusia, and of Brundisium and Hadria and Firmum and Ariminum, and on the other sea, the men of Pontiae and Paestum and Cosa, and in the interior, the men of Beneventum and Aesernia and Spoletium, and of Placentia and Cremona. With the aid of these colonies at that time the empire of the Roman people stood fast, and thanks were rendered to them in the senate and before the people.

> Latin: 10.7. ne nunc quidem post tot saecula sileantur fraudenturue laude sua: Signini fuere et Norbani Saticulanique et Fregellani et Lucerini et Uenusini et Brundisini et Hadriani et Firmani et Ariminenses, et ab altero mari Pontiani et Paestani et Cosani, et mediterranei Beneuentani et Aesernini et Spoletini et Placentini et Cremonenses. harum coloniarum subsidio tum imperium populi Romani stetit, iisque gratiae in senatu et apud populum actae.

[¶24] 10.10. Of the other twelve colonies, which refused to obey orders, the senators forbade any mention to be made; their legates should neither be dismissed nor detained nor spoken to by the consuls. That silent rebuke seemed most in keeping with the majesty of the Roman people.

> Latin: 10.10. duodecim aliarum coloniarum quae detractauerunt imperium mentionem fieri patres uetuerunt, neque illos dimitti neque retineri neque appellari a consulibus; ea tacita castigatio maxime ex dignitate populi Romani uisa est.

[¶25] 10.11. While the consuls were endeavouring to provide everything else needed for the war, it was voted that the gold yielded by the five per cent tax on manumissions, and kept in the more sacred treasury to meet extreme emergencies, should be brought out. About four thousand pounds of gold were brought out.

> Latin: 10.11. cetera expedientibus quae ad bellum opus erant consulibus, aurum uicesimarium quod in sanctiore aerario ad ultimos casus seruabatur promi placuit.

[¶26] 10.12. Of this five hundred pounds each were given to the consuls and to Marcus Marcellus and Publius Sulpicius, the proconsuls, and to Lucius Veturius, the praetor who had by lot received Gaul as his province. And for Fabius, the consul, there were added a hundred pounds of gold above the rest, to be conveyed to the citadel of Tarentum.

> Latin: 10.12. prompta ad quattuor milia pondo auri. inde quingena pondo data consulibus et M. Marcello et P. Sulpicio proconsulibus et L. Ueturio praetori qui Galliam prouinciam erat sortitus, additumque Fabio consuli centum pondo auri praecipuum quod in arcem Tarentinam portaretur;

[¶27] 10.13. The remainder of the gold they employed in letting contracts in terms of ready money for clothing for the army which was carrying on the war in Spain, with distinction to itself and to its commander.

> Latin: 10.13. cetero auro usi sunt ad uestimenta praesenti pecunia locanda exercitui qui in Hispania bellum secunda sua fama ducisque gerebat.

[¶28] 11.1. It was further voted that for prodigies the atonement be made before the consuls should set out from the city.

> Latin: 11.1. prodigia quoque priusquam ab urbe consules proficiscerentur procurari placuit.

[¶29] 11.2. On the Alban Mount a statue of Jupiter and a tree near the temple had been struck by lightning; and at Ostia a basin, and at Capua the city wall and the temple of Fortune, and at Sinuessa the wall and a gate.

> Latin: 11.2. in Albano monte tacta de caelo erant signum Iouis arborque templo propinqua, et Ostiae lacus, et Capuae murus Fortunaeque aedis, et Sinuessae murus portaque.

[¶30] 11.3. These were struck by lightning. Also some persons testified that the current of the outlet of the Alban Lake was blood-red, and that at Rome inside the cella of the Temple of Fors Fortuna a small image on a garland fell of itself from the head of the statue into the hand.

> Latin: 11.3. haec de caelo tacta: cruentam etiam fluxisse aquam Albanam quidam auctores erant, et Romae intus in cella aedis Fortis Fortunae de capite signum quod in corona erat in manum sponte sua prolapsum.

[¶31] 11.4. And at Privernum it was established that an ox spoke, and that in the crowded market-place a vulture flew down upon a shop, and that at Sinuessa a child was born of uncertain sex, as between male and female —the populace call them hermaphrodites, as it uses many similar terms, since the Greek language is more apt in compounding words —; also that it rained milk there, and that a child was born with the head of an elephant.

> Latin: 11.4. et Priuerni satis constabat bouem locutum uolturiumque frequenti foro in tabernam deuolasse, et Sinuessae natum ambiguo inter marem ac feminam sexu infantem, quos androgynos uolgus, ut pleraque, faciliore ad duplicanda uerba Graeco sermone appellat, et lacte pluuisse et cum elephanti capite puerum natum.

[¶32] 11.6. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims, and prayers were ordered at all the pulvinaria, and entreaties for one day. And it was decreed that Gaius Hostilius, the praetor, should vow and conduct games in honour of Apollo, as they had been vowed and conducted in those years.

> Latin: 11.6. ea prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata, et supplicatio circa omnia puluinaria, obsecratio in unum diem indicta; et decretum ut C. Hostilius praetor ludos Apollini sicut iis annis uoti factique erant uoueret faceretque.

[¶33] 11.7. About that time Quintus Fulvius, the consul, also held an election for the naming of censors. Marcus Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, both of whom had not yet been consuls, were named censors.

> Latin: 11.7. per eos dies et censoribus creandis Q. Fuluius consul comitia habuit. creati censores ambo qui nondum consules fuerant, M. Cornelius Cethegus P. Sempronius Tuditanus.

[¶34] 11.8. That these censors should lease lands in the Campanian region was proposed to the commons on the authority of the senate, and the commons so ordered.

> Latin: 11.8. ii censores ut agrum Campanum fruendum locarent ex auctoritate patrum latum ad plebem est plebesque sciuit.

[¶35] 11.9. The revision of the list of the senate was delayed by a dispute between the censors in regard to the choice of a princeps senatus.

> Latin: 11.9. senatus lectionem contentio inter censores de principe legendo tenuit.

[¶36] 11.10. The choice belonged to Sempronius; but Cornelius said that they must follow the traditional custom of the senate, namely, to choose as princeps the man who, among the living, had been censor first. That was Titus Manlius Torquatus.

> Latin: 11.10. Sempronii lectio erat; ceterum Cornelius morem traditum a patribus sequendum aiebat ut qui primus censor ex iis qui uiuerent fuisset, eum principem legerent;

[¶37] 11.11. Sempronius claimed that if the gods had given a man the choice by lot, they also gave him an unrestricted right; he would make the choice according to his own judgment, and would choose Quintus Fabius Maximus, whom he could prove, even with Hannibal as judge, to be at that time the first citizen of the Roman state.

> Latin: 11.11. is T. Manlius Torquatus erat; Sempronius cui di sortem legendi dedissent ei ius liberum eosdem dedisse deos; se id suo arbitrio facturum lecturumque Q. Fabium Maximum quem tum principem Romanae ciuitatis esse uel Hannibale iudice uicturus esset.

[¶38] 11.12. After the war of words had lasted long, his colleague was giving way, and Sempronius chose Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul, as princeps senatus. Then the rest of the list of the senate was made up, with eight men ignored, among whom was Marcus Caecilius Metellus, notorious as having advised the desertion of Italy after the disaster at Cannae. In attaching their nota to knights also the same principle was maintained, but very few were the men to whom that notoriety applied.

> Latin: 11.12. cum diu certatum uerbis esset, concedente collega lectus a Sempronio princeps in senatum Q. Fabius Maximus consul. inde alius lectus senatus octo praeteritis, inter quos M. Caecilius Metellus erat, infamis auctor deserendae Italiae post Cannensem cladem.

[¶39] 11.13. From all of those who, as horsemen belonging to the legions from Cannae, were in Sicily —and there were many of them —their horses were taken away.

> Latin: 11.13. in equestribus quoque notis eadem seruata causa, sed erant perpauci quos ea infamia attingeret;

[¶40] 11.14. To this severity the censors added also prolonged service —that the years previously served with horses furnished by the state should not be reckoned, but that they must serve ten years, furnishing their own mounts.

> Latin: 11.14. illis omnibus—et multi erant—adempti equi qui Cannensium legionum equites in Sicilia erant. addiderunt acerbitati etiam tempus, ne praeterita stipendia procederent iis quae equo publico emeruerant, sed dena stipendia equis priuatis facerent.

[¶41] 11.15. Furthermore they sought out a great number of the men who were bound to serve in the cavalry, and reduced to the grade of aerarii all those who at the beginning of the war had been seventeen years old and had not served.

> Latin: 11.15. magnum praeterea numerum eorum conquisiuerunt qui equo merere deberent, atque ex iis qui principio eius belli septemdecim annos nati fuerant neque militauerant omnes aerarios fecerunt.

[¶42] 11.16. They then contracted for the rebuilding of what had been destroyed by fire around the Forum, namely, seven shops, the market, the Atrium Regium.

> Latin: 11.16. locauerunt inde reficienda quae circa forum incendio consumpta erant, septem tabernas, macellum, atrium regium.

[¶43] 12.1. Having completed everything that was to be done at Rome, the consuls set out for the war.

> Latin: 12.1. transactis omnibus quae Romae agenda erant consules ad bellum profecti.

[¶44] 12.2. Fulvius went first and led the way to Capua. After a few days he was overtaken by Fabius, who implored his colleague in person and Marcellus also by letter to keep Hannibal occupied by the most spirited fighting possible while he himself was besieging Tarentum. With that city taken from him, he said, the enemy, beaten back on every side, and having no place where he might make a stand nor any loyal support to look to, would also find no reason for lingering in Italy.

> Latin: 12.2. prior Fuluius praegressus Capuam: post paucos dies consecutus Fabius, qui et collegam coram obtestatus et per litteras Marcellum ut quam acerrimo bello detinerent Hannibalem dum ipse Tarentum oppugnaret— ea urbe adempta hosti iam undique pulso, nec ubi consisteret nec quid fidum respiceret habenti, ne remorandi

[¶45] 12.4. He sent a messenger to Regium also, to the commander of the garrison which had been posted there against the Bruttii by Laevinus, the consul, eight thousand men, for the most part from Agathyrna, as has been said above, who had been brought over from Sicily, being men accustomed to live by plundering.

> Latin: 12.4. quidem causam in Italia fore—Regium etiam nuntium mittit ad praefectum praesidii quod ab Laeuino consule aduersus Bruttios ibi locatum erat, octo milia hominum, pars maxima ab Agathyrna, sicut ante dictum est, ex Sicilia traducta, rapto uiuere hominum adsuetorum;

[¶46] 12.5. To their number had been added from the same region Bruttian deserters, a match for them in daring and in the urgent needs that compelled them to take any risk.

> Latin: 12.5. additi erant Bruttiorum indidem perfugae, et audacia et audendi omnia necessitatibus pares.

[¶47] 12.6. This force Fabius ordered to be led out first for the purpose of ravaging the country of the Bruttians, and then of besieging the city of Caulonia. After carrying out their orders not only with energy but also with zest, robbing and putting to flight the tillers of the soil, they proceeded to assail the city with great violence.

> Latin: 12.6. hanc manum ad Bruttium primum agrum depopulandum duci iussit, inde ad Cauloniam urbem oppugnandam. imperata non impigre solum sed etiam auide exsecuti direptis fugatisque cultoribus agri summa ui urbem oppugnabant.

[¶48] 12.7. Marcellus, spurred by the consul's letter, and also because he had come to believe that no Roman general was so good a match for Hannibal as himself, set out from winter quarters as soon as there was abundance of pasture in the fields, and encountered Hannibal near Canusium. The Carthaginian was tempting the men of Canusium to revolt; but on hearing of the approach of Marcellus, he moved his camp away.

> Latin: 12.7. Marcellus et consulis litteris excitus et quia ita induxerat in animum neminem ducem Romanum tam parem Hannibali quam se esse, ubi primum in agris pabuli copia fuit ex hibernis profectus ad Canusium Hannibali occurrit. sollicitabat ad defectionem Canusinos Poenus;

[¶49] 12.8. It was an open country, with no concealment for ambuscades; accordingly he began to retire from it into wooded regions.

> Latin: 12.8. ceterum ut appropinquare Marcellum audiuit, castra inde mouit. aperta erat regio, sine ullis ad insidias latebris; itaque in loca saltuosa cedere inde coepit.

[¶50] 12.9. Marcellus kept at his heels and would place camp close to camp, and after completing his fortifications, he would at once lead his legions out into battle-line. Hannibal by his cavalry in single troops and by spearmen on foot kept bringing on slight engagements, but thought the risk of a general conflict unnecessary.

> Latin: 12.9. Marcellus uestigiis instabat castraque castris conferebat, et opere perfecto extemplo in aciem legiones educebat. Hannibal turmatim per equites peditumque iaculatores leuia certamina serens casum uniuersae pugnae non necessarium ducebat.

[¶51] 12.10. Nevertheless he was drawn into the conflict which he was trying to avoid. When the enemy had gone ahead by night, Marcellus overtook him in level and open country. Then as Hannibal was pitching camp, the Roman by fighting on all sides against the men engaged in fortifying prevented them from doing so. Thus standards faced standards and it was a battle with all their forces, and when night was now at hand, they separated on even terms. The camps, separated by a very short distance, were hastily fortified before night.

> Latin: 12.10. tractus est tamen ad id quod uitabat certamen. nocte praegressum adsequitur locis planis ac patentibus Marcellus; castra inde ponentem pugnando undique in munitores operibus prohibet. ita signa conlata pugnatumque totis copiis, et cum iam nox instaret Marte aequo discessum est. castra exiguo distantia spatio raptim ante noctem permunita.

[¶52] 12.11. The next day Marcellus led out his forces into line at daybreak. And Hannibal did not refuse battle, after he had exhorted his soldiers at length, that, remembering Trasumennus and Cannae, they should crush the over-confidence of the enemy, who was pressing them, Hannibal said, and threatening them, not allowing them to march undisturbed, nor to pitch their camp, nor to take breath and look around them;

> Latin: 12.11. postero die luce prima Marcellus in aciem copias eduxit; nec Hannibal detractauit certamen, multis uerbis adhortatus milites ut memores Trasumenni Cannarumque contunderent ferociam hostis:

[¶53] 12.12. every day they must at the same moment see the sun rising and the Roman battle-line in the plain; if he should come out of a single battle not without some losses, the enemy would thereafter carry on the war more calmly and quietly.

> Latin: 12.12. urgere atque instare eum; non iter quietos facere, non castra ponere pati, non respirare aut circumspicere; cottidie simul orientem solem et Romanam aciem in campis uidendam esse; si uno proelio haud incruentus abeat, quietius deinde tranquilliusque eum bellaturum.

[¶54] 12.13. Inflamed by these exhortations and also weary of the high spirit of a foe who daily pressed upon them and challenged them, they went into battle fiercely.

> Latin: 12.13. his inritati adhortationibus simulque taedio ferociae hostium cottidie instantium lacessentiumque acriter proelium ineunt. pugnatum amplius duabus horis est.

[¶55] 12.14. They fought for more than two hours. Then on the side of the Romans the right ala and the élite troops began to give way.

> Latin: 12.14. cedere inde ab Romanis dextra ala et extraordinarii coepere. quod ubi Marcellus uidit, duodeuicesimam legionem in primam aciem inducit.

[¶56] 12.15. Seeing this Marcellus led up the eighteenth legion into the front rank. While the one part in disorder was yielding ground, and the other was slow in coming up, the whole line was confused, then thoroughly routed, and as fear overpowered the sense of shame, they fled.

> Latin: 12.15. dum alii trepide cedunt, alii segniter subeunt, turbata tota acies est, dein prorsus fusa, et uincente pudorem metu terga dabant.

[¶57] 12.16. In battle and flight some two thousand seven hundred citizens and allies fell, among them four Roman centurions, two tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Licinius and Marcus Helvius.

> Latin: 12.16. cecidere in pugna fugaque ad duo milia et septingenti ciuium sociorumque; in iis quattuor Romani centuriones, duo tribuni militum, M. Licinius et M. Heluius.

[¶58] 12.17. Four military standards were lost from the ala which was the first to flee, and two from the legion which had relieved the allies as they gave way.

> Latin: 12.17. signa militaria quattuor de ala prima quae fugit, duo de legione quae cedentibus sociis successerat amissa.

[¶59] 13.1. Marcellus, after they had returned to camp, made a speech to the soldiers which was so savage and bitter that, although they had borne the battle all day long without success, the angry general's speech was more ferocious to them.

> Latin: 13.1. Marcellus postquam in castra reditum est, contionem adeo saeuam atque acerbam apud milites habuit ut proelio per diem totum infeliciter tolerato tristior iis irati ducis oratio esset.

[¶60] 13.2. “The immortal gods,” he said, “have my praises and thanks, so far as one can be grateful now, because the victorious enemy, when you were throwing yourselves in such fright upon the earthwork and the gates, did not attack the camp itself. You would surely have deserted the camp in terror, just as in terror you abandoned the battle.”

> Latin: 13.2. 'dis immortalibus, ut in tali re, laudes gratesque' inquit 'ago quod uictor hostis cum tanto pauore incidentibus uobis in uallum portasque non ipsa castra est adgressus; deseruissetis profecto eodem terrore castra quo omisistis pugnam.

[¶61] 13.3. “What fright is this, what terror, that have taken possession of your minds, what sudden forgetting who you are and in battle with whom? Of course these are the same enemies in defeating whom, and in pursuing them when defeated, you have spent last summer, the same men whom you have pressed hard ” “in these days, as they were fleeing day and night, whom you have wearied by slight engagements, whom yesterday you did not allow either to march or to pitch camp.

> Latin: 13.3. qui pauor hic, qui terror, quae repente qui et cum quibus pugnaretis obliuio animos cepit? nempe iidem sunt hi hostes quod uincendo et uictos sequendo priorem aestatem absumpsistis, quibus dies noctesque fugientibus per hos dies institistis, quos leuibus proeliis fatigastis, quos hesterno die nec iter facere nec castra ponere passi estis.

[¶62] 13.4. I pass over the things of which you can boast.”

> Latin: 13.4. omitto ea quibus gloriari potestis:

[¶63] 13.5. “I shall mention something for which you ought also to feel shame and regret; namely, you broke off the battle yesterday while it was undecided. What has this night, what has this day brought?”

> Latin: 13.5. cuius et ipsius pudere ac paenitere uos oportet referam—nempe aequis manibus hesterno die diremistis pugnam.

[¶64] 13.6. “Have your troops been reduced, or their forces increased in that time? For my part I do not seem to be speaking with my army nor with Roman soldiers. It is merely your bodies and weapons that are the same. Can it be that, if you had had the same spirit, the enemy would have seen your backs?”

> Latin: 13.6. quid haec nox, quid hic dies attulit? uestrae iis copiae imminutae sunt an illorum auctae? non equidem mihi cum exercitu meo loqui uideor nec cum Romanis militibus: corpora tantum atque arma eadem sunt.

[¶65] 13.7. “And would he have taken standards from any maniple or cohort? Till now his boasting was in the slaughter of Roman legions: you have this day given him for the first time the distinction of putting an army to flight.”

> Latin: 13.7. an si eosdem animos habuissetis, terga uestra uidisset hostis? signa alicui manipulo aut cohorti ademisset? adhuc caesis legionibus Romanis gloriabatur: uos illi hodierno die primum fugati exercitus dedistis decus.'

[¶66] 13.8. Then they began to shout that he should pardon them for that day, and afterwards, whenever he wished, he should test the spirit of his soldiers. “I will indeed test them, soldiers,” said he, “and to-morrow I will lead you out into battle-line, that as victors, rather than as vanquished, you may gain the pardon for which you ask.”

> Latin: 13.8. clamor inde ortus ut ueniam eius diei daret: ubi uellet deinde experiretur militum suorum animos. 'ego uero experiar,' inquit 'milites, et uos crastino die in aciem educam ut uictores potius quam uicti ueniam impetretis quam petitis.' cohortibus quae signa amiserant hordeum dari iussit, centurionesque manipulorum quorum signa amissa fuerant destrictis gladiis discinctos destituit;

[¶67] 13.9. To the cohorts which had lost their standards he ordered barley to be issued, and as for the centurions of the maniples whose standards had been lost, he made them stand aside with drawn swords and no belts; and he ordered that on the morrow they should all, infantry and cavalry, present themselves under arms. So the assembly was dismissed, as the men confessed that they had been upbraided with good reason and deservedly, and that on that day in the Roman line no one had been a man except the general alone, whom they must satisfy either by dying or by a glorious victory.

> Latin: 13.9. et ut postero die omnes pedites equites armati adessent edixit. ita contio dimissa fatentium iure ac merito sese increpitos neque illo die uirum quemquam in acie Romana fuisse praeter unum ducem, cui aut morte satisfaciendum aut egregia uictoria esset. postero die ornati [armatique] ad edictum aderant.

[¶68] 13.11. The next day they presented themselves according to orders armed and equipped. The general praised them warmly and declared that he would.

> Latin: 13.11. imperator eos conlaudat pronuntiatque a quibus orta pridie fuga esset cohortesque quae signa amisissent se in primam aciem inducturum;

[¶69] 13.12. lead out into the first line the men with whom the flight had begun the day before, and the cohorts which had lost their standards; that now he proclaimed that they must all fight and win, and strive singly and collectively to prevent news of yesterday's flight from reaching Rome before that of to-day's victory.

> Latin: 13.12. edicere iam sese omnibus pugnandum ac uincendum esse et adnitendum singulis uniuersisque ne prius hesternae fugae quam hodiernae uictoriae fama Romam perueniat.

[¶70] 13.13. They were then bidden to strengthen themselves by eating, so that, if the battle should be prolonged, they might have sufficient endurance. When everything had been said and done that could arouse the soldiers' spirits, they advanced into line.

> Latin: 13.13. inde cibo corpora firmare iussi ut si longior pugna esset uiribus sufficerent. ubi omnia dicta factaque sunt quibus excitarentur animi militum in aciem procedunt.

[¶71] 14.1. When this was reported to Hannibal, “Of a truth,” he said, “we have to deal with an enemy who can bear neither good fortune nor bad. If he has won, he furiously presses the defeated; if on the other hand he has been defeated, he renews the conflict with the victors.”

> Latin: 14.1. quod ubi Hannibali nuntiatum est, 'cum eo nimirum' inquit 'hoste res est qui nec bonam nec malam ferre fortunam possit. seu uicit, ferociter instat uictis: seu uictus est, instaurat cum uictoribus certamen.'

[¶72] 14.2. Then he ordered the trumpets to sound and led out his forces. On both sides the battle was much fiercer than the day before, the Carthaginians striving to maintain the distinction of yesterday, while the Romans strove to rid themselves of their disgrace.

> Latin: 14.2. signa inde canere iussit et copias educit. pugnatum utrimque aliquanto quam pridie acrius est Poenis ad obtinendum hesternum decus adnitentibus, Romanis ad demendam ignominiam.

[¶73] 14.3. The left ala on the Roman side and the cohorts which had lost their standards were fighting in the first line, and the eighteenth legion was drawn up on the right wing.

> Latin: 14.3. sinistra ala ab Romanis et cohortes quae amiserant signa in prima acie pugnabant et legio duodeuicesima ab dextro cornu instructa.

[¶74] 14.4. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Gaius Claudius Nero, the lieutenants, commanded the wings. Marcellus in person upheld the centre, to exhort them and as a witness. On Hannibals' side Spanish troops held the front line.

> Latin: 14.4. L. Cornelius Lentulus et C. Claudius Nero legati cornibus praeerant: Marcellus mediam aciem hortator testisque praesens firmabat.

[¶75] 14.5. And they were the best troops in the entire army. When the battle had long been indecisive Hannibal ordered the elephants to be driven up to the front, in the hope that that move might bring about confusion and panic.

> Latin: 14.5. ab Hannibale Hispani primam obtinebant frontem—et id roboris in omni exercitu erat. cum anceps diu pugna esset, Hannibal elephantos in primam aciem induci iussit, si quem inicere ea res tumultum ac pauorem posset.

[¶76] 14.7. And at first they did cause disorder among the standards and ranks, and by trampling down some of those who were near, and scattering others in alarm, they had stripped the line of battle at one point, and the flight would have spread further, had not Gaius Decimius Flavus, a tribune of the soldiers, seized a standard from the first maniple of the hastati and ordered the maniple to which it belonged to follow him.

> Latin: 14.7. et primo turbarunt signa ordinesque, et partim occulcatis, partim dissipatis terrore qui circa erant nudauerant una parte aciem, latiusque fuga manasset ni C.

[¶77] 14.8. He led them to the spot where the brutes massed together were causing confusion and bade them hurl their javelins against them.

> Latin: 14.8. Decimius Flauus tribunus militum signo arrepto primi hastati manipulum eius signi sequi se iussisset. duxit ubi maxime tumultum conglobatae beluae faciebant pilaque in eas conici iussit.

[¶78] 14.9. All the weapons stuck fast, for it was not difficult to hit bodies of such size from a short distance and now packed in a dense mass. But although not all were wounded, still those in whose backs the javelins remained well fixed —so undependable is the species —took to flight and even made the uninjured wheel about.

> Latin: 14.9. haesere omnia tela haud difficili ex propinquo in tanta corpora ictu et tum conferta turba; sed ut non omnes uolnerati sunt, ita in quorum tergis infixa stetere pila, ut est genus anceps, in fugam uersi etiam integros auertere.

[¶79] 14.10. Then no longer did a single maniple hurl its javelins, but every soldier for himself, provided he was able to catch up with the column of the fleeing elephants. All the more did the brutes dash among their own men and cause a greater slaughter than they had done among the enemy, in proportion as the frightened beast is urged on more fiercely by terror than when under the control of a driver on its back.

> Latin: 14.10. tum iam non unus manipulus, sed pro se quisque miles qui modo adsequi agmen fugientium elephantorum poterat, pila conicere. eo magis ruere in suos beluae tantoque maiorem stragem edere quam inter hostes ediderant, quanto acrius pauor consternatam agit quam insidentis magistri imperio regitur.

[¶80] 14.11. Into the line thrown into confusion by the brutes dashing through it the Roman infantry carried their standards and with no great struggle they made the scattered and wavering enemy retreat.

> Latin: 14.11. in perturbatam transcursu beluarum aciem signa inferunt Romani pedites et haud magno certamine dissipatos trepidantesque auertunt.

[¶81] 14.12. Then, as they fled, Marcellus sent his cavalry against them, and pursuit did not end until in alarm they were driven into their camp.

> Latin: 14.12. tum in fugientes equitatum immittit Marcellus, nec ante finis sequendi est factus quam in castra pauentes compulsi sunt.

[¶82] 14.13. For in addition to the other causes of terror and consternation, two elephants had fallen in the very gate, and the soldiers were forced to dash into the camp over fosse and earthwork. It was there that the greatest slaughter of the enemy occurred, that is to say, about eight thousand men and five elephants.

> Latin: 14.13. nam super alia quae terrorem trepidationemque facerent, elephanti quoque duo in ipsa porta corruerant, coactique erant milites per fossam uallumque ruere in castra. ibi maxima hostium caedes facta; caesa ad octo milia hominum, quinque elephanti.

[¶83] 14.14. And for the Romans also it was not a bloodless victory. About one thousand seven hundred from the two legions, and of the allies more than one thousand three hundred, were killed; wounded were a large number of citizens and allies.

> Latin: 14.14. nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit: mille ferme et septingenti de duabus legionibus et sociorum supra mille et trecentos occisi; uolnerati permulti ciuium sociorumque.

[¶84] 14.15. Hannibal moved his camp that night; Marcellus was eager to pursue, but the numbers of the wounded prevented him.

> Latin: 14.15. Hannibal nocte proxima castra mouit: cupientem insequi Marcellum prohibuit multitudo sauciorum.

[¶85] 15.1. Scouts sent to pursue the column reported next day that Hannibal was on his way to the land of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 15.1. speculatores qui prosequerentur agmen missi postero die rettulerunt Bruttios Hannibalem petere.

[¶86] 15.2. About the same time the Hirpini and Lucanians and the men of Volceii surrendered to Quintus Fulvius, the consul, handing over Hannibal's garrisons which they had in their cities, and were kindly received by him with nothing more than an oral reprimand for their previous mistake. The Bruttii 3 also were given to expect a like pardon, upon the arrival from that region of the brothers Vibius and Paccius, easily the noblest of that tribe, to ask for the same terms of surrender as had been given to the Lucanians.

> Latin: 15.2. iisdem ferme diebus et ad Q. Fuluium consulem Hirpini et Lucani et Uolceientes traditis praesidiis Hannibalis quae in urbibus habebant dediderunt sese, clementerque a consule cum uerborum tantum castigatione ob errorem praeteritum accepti sunt, et Bruttiis similis spes ueniae facta est, cum ab iis Uibius et Paccius fratres, longe nobilissimi gentis eius, eandem quae data Lucanis erat condicionem deditionis petentes uenissent.

[¶87] 15.4. Quintus Fabius, the consul, took the town of Manduria, in the land of the Sallentini, by storm. There about three thousand persons were captured, and other booty in quantity. Then removing to Tarentum he pitched camp at the very entrance to the harbour.

> Latin: 15.4. Q. Fabius consul oppidum in Sallentinis Manduriam ui cepit; ibi ad quattuor milia hominum capta et ceterae praedae aliquantum. inde Tarentum profectus in ipsis faucibus portus posuit castra.

[¶88] 15.5. Of the ships which Laevinus had had to protect his supplies, the consul loaded some with devices and equipment for attacking city walls, while some of them he fitted out with artillery and stones and every kind of missile weapon. And so also with the merchantmen, not merely those propelled by oars, in order that some crews should carry engines and ladders up to the walls, and others from ships at long range should wound the defenders on the walls.

> Latin: 15.5. naues quas Laeuinus tutandis commeatibus habuerat partim machinationibus onerat apparatuque moenium oppugnandorum, partim tormentis et saxis omnique missilium telorum genere instruit, onerarias quoque, non eas solum quae remis agerentur, ut alii machinas scalasque ad muros ferrent, alii procul ex nauibus uolnerarent moenium propugnatores.

[¶89] 15.7. These ships were equipped and made ready to attack the city from the open sea. And the sea was unmolested by the Punic fleet, which had been sent over to Corcyra, since Philip was preparing to attack the Aetolians.

> Latin: 15.7. hae naues ab aperto mari ut urbem adgrederentur instructae parataeque sunt; et erat liberum mare classe Punica cum Philippus oppugnare Aetolos pararet Corcyram tramissa.

[¶90] 15.8. In the country of the Bruttii meanwhile the besiegers of Caulonia, to avoid being surprised, just before Hannibal's arrival withdrew to a hill that was safe from immediate attack, but otherwise offered nothing.

> Latin: 15.8. in Bruttiis interim Cauloniae oppugnatores sub aduentu Hannibalis ne opprimerentur in tumulum a praesenti impetu tutum, ad cetera inopem, concessere.

[¶91] 15.9. While Fabius was besieging Tarentum, a circumstance hardly worth mentioning aided him in attaining his great objective. The Tarentines had a guard of Bruttians, furnished by Hannibal. The commander of that guard was desperately in love with a young woman whose brother was in the army of Fabius, the consul.

> Latin: 15.9. Fabium Tarentum obsidentem leue dictu momentum ad rem ingentem potiundam adiuuit. praesidium Bruttiorum datum ab Hannibale Tarentini habebant. eius praesidii praefectus deperibat amore mulierculae cuius frater in exercitu Fabi consulis erat.

[¶92] 15.10. This brother, informed by a letter from his sister of her new acquaintance with a stranger who was rich and held in such honour by his people, conceived the hope that through his sister her lover could be swayed in any desired direction, and informed the consul what he hoped for.

> Latin: 15.10. is certior litteris sororis factus de noua consuetudine aduenae locupletis atque inter populares tam honorati, spem nactus per sororem quolibet impelli amantem posse, quid speraret ad consulem detulit.

[¶93] 15.11. Since that seemed no empty idea, he was bidden to go over to Tarentum, as if he were a deserter. And having won the friendship of the commander through his sister, he first guardedly sounded him, then, his lack of character being demonstrated, he used a woman's blandishments to lead him on to betray the defence of a place of which he had been put in command.

> Latin: 15.11. quae cum haud uana cogitatio uisa esset pro perfuga iussus Tarentum transire, ac per sororem praefecto conciliatus primo occulte temptando animum, dein satis explorata leuitate blanditiis muliebribus perpulit eum ad proditionem custodiae loci cui praepositus erat.

[¶94] 15.12. When the method of carrying out the plan and the time also had been settled, a soldier, sent out of the city secretly by night through intervals between outposts, reported to the consul the steps which had been taken and those which it had been agreed should be taken.

> Latin: 15.12. ubi et ratio agendae rei et tempus conuenit, miles nocte per interualla stationum clam ex urbe emissus ea quae acta erant quaeque ut agerentur conuenerat ad consulem refert.

[¶95] 15.13. Fabius at the first watch gave the signal to the men in the citadel and to those who were guarding the harbour; and thereupon, making the circuit of the harbour, he established himself in hiding on the eastern side of the city.

> Latin: 15.13. Fabius uigilia prima dato signo iis qui in arce erant quique custodiam portus habebant, ipse circumito portu ab regione urbis in orientem uersa occultus consedit.

[¶96] 15.14. Then trumpets sounded at the same time from the citadel and from the harbour, and from the ships which had approached from the open sea, and from all sides shouting and great uproar were purposely raised where there was the least danger. The consul meantime kept his men quiet.

> Latin: 15.14. canere inde tubae simul ab arce simul a portu et ab nauibus quae ab aperto mari adpulsae erant, clamorque undique cum ingenti tumultu unde minimum periculi erat de industria ortus. consul interim silentio continebat suos.

[¶97] 15.15. Accordingly Democrates, who had previously been admiral of the fleet, and chanced to be in command at that point, on seeing everything near him quiet, while other quarters resounded with such an uproar that from time to time shouts arose as in a captured city, feared that, while he himself delayed, the consul might make an assault and bring in his troops. He thereupon led his forces over to the citadel, from which came the most terrifying noise.

> Latin: 15.15. igitur Democrates, qui praefectus antea classis fuerat, forte illi loco praepositus, postquam quieta omnia circa se uidit, alias partes eo tumultu personare ut captae urbis interdum excitaretur clamor, ueritus ne inter cunctationem suam consul aliquam uim faceret ac signa inferret, praesidium ad arcem unde maxime terribilis accidebat sonus traducit.

[¶98] 15.17. Fabius, both from the time elapsed and from the mere silence —since no voice came from the direction where a little while before there was shouting to waken men and call them to arms —was aware that the guards had been removed. Accordingly he ordered ladders to be carried to that part of the wall where the go-between in the betrayal had reported that the cohort of Bruttians was on guard duty.

> Latin: 15.17. Fabius cum et ex temporis spatio et ex silentio ipso quod, ubi paulo ante strepebant excitantes uocantesque ad arma, inde nulla accidebat uox, deductas custodias sensisset, ferri scalas ad eam partem muri qua Bruttiorum cohortem praesidium agitare proditionis conciliator nuntiauerat iubet.

[¶99] 15.18. There first the wall was taken, the men being aided and welcomed by the Bruttians, and they climbed over the wall into the city. Then also the nearest gate was broken open, so that a dense column might march in.

> Latin: 15.18. ea primum captus est murus adiuuantibus recipientibusque Bruttiis, et transcensum in urbem est; inde et proxima refracta porta ut frequenti agmine signa inferrentur.

[¶100] 15.19. Thereupon raising a shout they made their way into the market-place at about daybreak, while no armed men encountered them, and they drew against themselves an attack on every side from all the men who were fighting at the citadel and by the harbour.

> Latin: 15.19. tum clamore sublato sub ortum ferme lucis nullo obuio armato in forum perueniunt, omnesque undique qui ad arcem portumque pugnabant in se conuerterunt.

[¶101] 16.1. They joined battle at the entrance to the market-place with more spirit than persistence. The Tarentine was no match for the Roman in courage, in arms, in the art of war, in bodily energy and strength.

> Latin: 16.1. proelium in aditu fori maiore impetu quam perseuerantia commissum est. non animo, non armis, non arte belli, non uigore ac uiribus corporis par Romano Tarentinus erat;

## 34. Book XXVII · chapters 16–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/34/#p-N

[¶0] 16.2. Therefore, after merely throwing their javelins, they retreated almost before they came to blows, and slipped away along the familiar streets of the city to their homes and those of friends. Two of their commanders, Nico and Democrates, fell fighting bravely.

> Latin: 16.2. igitur pilis tantum coniectis, prius paene quam consererent manus terga dederunt, dilapsique per nota urbis itinera in suas amicorumque domos.

[¶1] 16.3. Philemenus, who was the originator of the betrayal to Hannibal, had ridden away at full speed from the battle; and a little later his riderless horse was recognized wandering about the city, but his body was nowhere found. It was generally believed that he had thrown himself from his horse into an open well.

> Latin: 16.3. duo ex ducibus Nico et Democrates fortiter pugnantes cecidere. Philemenus, qui proditionis ad Hannibalem auctor fuerat, cum citato equo ex proelio auectus esset, uagus paulo post equus [errans] per urbem cognitus, corpus nusquam inuentum est;

[¶2] 16.4. Moreover Carthalo, commander of the Punic garrison, mentioning his father's guest-friendship, had laid down his arms and was on his way to the consul, when he was slain by a soldier who met him. Other soldiers slew other men everywhere, whether armed or unarmed, Carthaginians and Tarentines alike.

> Latin: 16.4. creditum uolgo est in puteum apertum ex equo praecipitasse. Carthalonem autem praefectum Punici praesidii cum commemoratione paterni hospitii positis armis uenientem ad consulem miles obuius obtruncat.

[¶3] 16.6. Everywhere Bruttians also were slain, many of them, either by mistake or out of old, inbred hatred of them, or to blot out the report of treachery, that Tarentum might be thought to have been captured rather by force of arms. Then from the slaughter they dispersed to plunder the city.

> Latin: 16.6. alii alios [passim] sine discrimine armatos inermes caedunt, Carthaginienses Tarentinosque pariter. Bruttii quoque multi passim interfecti, seu per errorem seu uetere in eos insito odio seu ad proditionis famam ut ui potius atque armis captum Tarentum uideretur exstinguendam.

[¶4] 16.7. Thirty thousand slaves are said to have been captured, an immense quantity of silver, wrought and coined, of gold three thousand and eighty pounds, statues and paintings, so that they almost rivalled the adornments of Syracuse. But Fabius showed more magnanimity in refraining from plunder of that kind than did Marcellus.

> Latin: 16.7. tum ab caede ad diripiendam urbem discursum. triginta milia seruilium capitum dicuntur capta, argenti uis ingens facti signatique, auri tria milia octoginta pondo, signa tabulae prope ut Syracusarum ornamenta aequauerint.

[¶5] 16.8. When a clerk asked what he wished to have done with statues of colossal size —they are gods in the form of warriors, but each in his own attitude —Fabius ordered that their angry gods be left to the Tarentines. Then the wall which separated the city from the citadel was torn down and completely destroyed.

> Latin: 16.8. sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus; †qui interroganti scribae† quid fieri signis uellet ingentis magnitudinis—di sunt, suo quisque habitu in modum pugnantium formati—deos iratos Tarentinis relinqui iussit.

[¶6] 16.9. While these things were going on, Hannibal received the surrender of the force besieging Caulonia and, on hearing of the attack upon Tarentum, urged his column rapidly forward day and night. When informed, while hastening to bring aid, that the city had been taken, “The Romans also,” he said, “have their Hannibal; by the same art by which we had captured Tarentum we have lost it.”

> Latin: 16.9. murus inde qui urbem ab arce dirimebat dirutus est ac disiectus. dum haec Tarenti aguntur, Hannibal iis qui Cauloniam obsidebant in deditionem acceptis, audita oppugnatione Tarenti dies noctesque cursim agmine acto cum festinans ad opem ferendam captam urbem audisset, 'et Romani suum Hannibalem' inquit 'habent;

[¶7] 16.10. Nevertheless, in order not to appear to have reversed his column as if in retreat, he pitched camp just where he had halted, about five miles from the city. After lingering there a few days he withdrew to Metapontum.

> Latin: 16.10. eadem qua ceperamus arte Tarentum amisimus.' ne tamen fugientis modo conuertisse agmen uideretur, quo constiterat loco quinque milia ferme ab urbe posuit castra; ibi paucos moratus dies Metapontum sese recepit.

[¶8] 16.12. From there he sent to Fabius at Tarentum two men of Metapontum carrying a letter from the leading men of that city and expecting to receive the consul's promise that their previous acts would go unpunished, if they should betray Metapontum and its Punic garrison.

> Latin: 16.12. inde duos Metapontinos cum litteris principum eius ciuitatis ad Fabium Tarentum mittit, fidem ab consule accepturos impunita priora fore si Metapontum cum praesidio Punico prodidissent.

[¶9] 16.13. Fabius, assuming their message to be true, appointed a day on which he would come to Metapontum, and gave them a letter addressed to the leading citizens —a letter which was delivered to Hannibal.

> Latin: 16.13. Fabius uera quae adferrent esse ratus, diem qua accessurus esset Metapontum constituit litterasque ad principes dedit, quae ad Hannibalem delatae sunt.

[¶10] 16.14. Pleased indeed at the success of the ruse, if even Fabius was to prove not unconquerable by trickery, Hannibal laid an ambush not far from Metapontum. When Fabius endeavoured to take the auspices before leaving Tarentum, the fowls were again and again unfavourable.

> Latin: 16.14. enimuero laetus successu fraudis si ne Fabius quidem dolo inuictus fuisset, haud procul Metaponto insidias ponit.

[¶11] 16.15. And when with the slaughter of a victim also he consulted the gods, the soothsayer declared that he must be on his guard against a ruse of the enemy and against an ambuscade.

> Latin: 16.15. Fabio auspicanti priusquam egrederetur ab Tarento, aues semel atque iterum non addixerunt. hostia quoque caesa consulenti deos haruspex cauendum a fraude hostili et ab insidiis praedixit.

[¶12] 16.16. The men of Metapontum, when the consul had not come on the appointed day, were sent back to urge him if he hesitated; and being suddenly seized, in fear of a more relentless inquiry they revealed the plot.

> Latin: 16.16. Metapontini postquam ad constitutum non uenerat diem remissi ut cunctantem hortarentur ac repente comprehensi, metu grauioris quaestionis detegunt insidias.

[¶13] 17.1. At the beginning of the summer in which these events were taking place, after Publius Scipio in Spain had spent the entire winter in winning over the support of the barbarians, partly by gifts and partly by restoring their hostages and captives, Edesco, who was eminent among the Spanish chieftains, came to him.

> Latin: 17.1. aestatis eius principio qua haec agebantur, P. Scipio in Hispania cum hiemem totam reconciliandis barbarorum animis partim donis, partim remissione obsidum captiuorumque absumpsisset, Edesco ad eum clarus inter duces Hispanos uenit.

[¶14] 17.2. His wife and children were in the hands of the Romans; but in addition to this reason he was drawn by that more or less fortuitous trend of feeling which had turned all Spain away from Punic rule to Roman.

> Latin: 17.2. erant coniunx liberique eius apud Romanos; sed praeter eam causam etiam uelut fortuita inclinatio animorum quae Hispaniam omnem auerterat ad Romanum a Punico imperio traxit eum.

[¶15] 17.3. Indibilis and Mandonius, unquestionably the leading men of all Spain, had the same reason for leaving Hasdrubal, taking with them the whole force of their countrymen and withdrawing to heights which overlooked his camp, and from which there was a safe retreat along continuous ridges to the Romans.

> Latin: 17.3. eadem causa Indibili Mandonioque fuit, haud dubie omnis Hispaniae principibus, cum omni popularium manu relicto Hasdrubale secedendi in imminentes castris eius tumulos unde per continentia iuga tutus receptus ad Romanos esset.

[¶16] 17.4. Hasdrubal, seeing that the resources of the enemy were increasing by such large accessions, while his own were diminishing and, unless he ventured to do something, they would melt away to the Roman side, as they had begun to do, decided to fight as soon as possible.

> Latin: 17.4. Hasdrubal cum hostium res tantis augescere incrementis cerneret, suas imminui ac fore ut, nisi audendo aliquid moueret, qua coepissent ruerent, dimicare quam primum statuit.

[¶17] 17.5. Scipio was even more eager for battle, both because of confidence which was increasing with his success, and because he preferred to fight with one general and army before the armies of the enemy should unite, rather than with them all at once.

> Latin: 17.5. Scipio auidior etiam certaminis erat cum a spe quam successus rerum augebat tum quod priusquam iungerentur hostium exercitus cum uno dimicare duce exercituque quam simul cum uniuersis malebat.

[¶18] 17.6. But even supposing he should have to fight with several at the same time, he had enlarged his forces by a certain artifice. For, seeing that he was making no use of ships, since the whole coast of Spain was rid of Punic fleets, he beached his vessels at Tarraco and added their crews to the land forces.

> Latin: 17.6. ceterum etiamsi cum pluribus pariter dimicandum foret, arte quadam copias auxerat. nam cum uideret nullum esse nauium usum, quia uacua omnis Hispaniae ora classibus Punicis erat, subductis nauibus Tarracone nauales socios terrestribus copiis addidit;

[¶19] 17.7. And arms he had in abundance, both those captured at (New) Carthage and those which after the capture of that city he had caused to be made by impounding a large number of artisans.

> Latin: 17.7. et armorum affatim erat <et> captorum Carthagine et quae post captam eam fecerat tanto opificum numero incluso.

[¶20] 17.8. With these troops Scipio set out at the beginning of spring from Tarraco and proceeded to lead against the enemy; for by this time Laelius also, without whom he did not wish any important action to be taken, had returned from Rome.

> Latin: 17.8. cum iis copiis Scipio ueris principio ab Tarracone egressus—iam enim et Laelius redierat ab Roma, sine quo nihil maioris rei motum uolebat—ducere ad hostem pergit.

[¶21] 17.9. As Scipio was passing through an entirely peaceful region, while allies escorted and welcomed him whenever he crossed the boundary of a tribe, Indibilis and Mandonius with their forces met him.

> Latin: 17.9. per omnia pacata eunti, ut cuiusque populi fines transiret prosequentibus excipientibusque sociis, Indibilis et Mandonius cum suis copiis occurrerent.

[¶22] 17.10. Indibilis spoke for them both, not at all boorishly or carelessly, as one might expect of a barbarian, but rather with modesty and dignity, and more like a man who excused their change of sides as necessary than one who bragged that they had, as it were, seized that as the first opportunity.

> Latin: 17.10. Indibilis pro utroque locutus haudquaquam <ut> barbarus stolide incauteue, sed potius cum uerecundia <ac> grauitate, propiorque excusanti transitionem ut necessariam quam glorianti eam uelut primam occasionem raptam;

[¶23] 17.11. For he was aware, he said, that the word deserter was detested by old allies, suspected by new ones; and he did not blame men for that habit, if only it was the motive, not the word, which produced hatred in both parties.

> Latin: 17.11. scire enim se transfugae nomen exsecrabile ueteribus sociis, nouis suspectum esse; neque eum se reprehendere morem hominum si tam anceps odium causa, non nomen faciat.

[¶24] 17.12. He then recounted their services to the Carthaginian generals, and on the other hand the greed and haughtiness of the generals and the wrongs of every sort they had done to them and their countrymen. Consequently it was till then merely their body that had been with them; their mind had long since been where they believed justice and right were held in honour.

> Latin: 17.12. merita inde sua in duces Carthaginienses commemorauit, auaritiam contra eorum superbiamque et omnis generis iniurias in se atque populares. itaque corpus dumtaxat suum ad id tempus apud eos fuisse:

[¶25] 17.13. Even to the gods, he said, do those who cannot endure the violence and the wrongs of men flee as suppliants; as for themselves, their prayer to Scipio was that he should not reckon the change of sides either to their detriment or to their credit.

> Latin: 17.13. animum iam pridem ibi esse ubi ius ac fas crederent coli; ad deos quoque confugere supplices qui nequeant hominum uim atque iniurias pati.

[¶26] 17.14. According as he should henceforward come to know their worth by testing them, let him in that light estimate the value of their service.

> Latin: 17.14. se id Scipionem orare ut transitio sibi nec fraudi apud eum nec honori sit. quales ex hac die experiundo cognorit, perinde operae eorum pretium faceret.

[¶27] 17.15. The Roman replied that he would do precisely that, and not regard as deserters men who did not consider an alliance valid in which nothing either divine or human was sacred. Thereupon their wives and children were brought before their eyes and given over to them as they wept for joy.

> Latin: 17.15. ita prorsus respondet facturum Romanus, nec pro transfugis habiturum qui non duxerint societatem ratam ubi nec diuini quicquam nec humani sanctum esset.

[¶28] 17.16. And on that day they were escorted to guest-quarters, while the next day their promise of loyalty was accepted on the basis of a treaty, and they were sent away to bring up their forces.

> Latin: 17.16. productae deinde in conspectum iis coniuges liberique lacrimantibus gaudio redduntur, atque eo die in hospitium abducti:

[¶29] 17.17. Thereafter they were quartered in the same camp, until with these men as guides the enemy was reached.

> Latin: 17.17. postero die foedere accepta fides dimissique ad copias adducendas. iisdem deinde castris tendebant donec ducibus iis ad hostem peruentum est.

[¶30] 18.1. The nearest army of the Carthaginians, that of Hasdrubal, was close to the city of Baecula.

> Latin: 18.1. proximus Carthaginiensium exercitus Hasdrubalis prope urbem Baeculam erat. pro castris equitum stationes habebant.

[¶31] 18.2. Before the camp they had cavalry outposts. Upon these the light-armed, the vanguard and men at the head of the column, just as they came up after the march and before choosing a site for a camp, made an attack with such disdain that it was easy to see what was the spirit of each side.

> Latin: 18.2. in eas uelites antesignanique et qui primi agminis erant aduenientes ex itinere priusquam castris locum acciperent, adeo contemptim impetum fecerunt ut facile appareret quid utrique parti animorum esset.

[¶32] 18.3. The horsemen were forced into the camp in alarm and flight, and the Roman standards were all but carried inside the very gates.

> Latin: 18.3. in castra trepida fuga compulsi equites sunt signaque Romana portis prope ipsis inlata.

[¶33] 18.4. And on that day, indeed, after they had merely provoked each other to battle, the Romans pitched camp;

> Latin: 18.4. atque illo quidem die inritatis tantum ad certamen animis castra Romani posuerunt:

[¶34] 18.5. but by night Hasdrubal withdrew his troops to a hill the top of which formed an open, level plain. The river was behind it, while in front and at the sides a steep bank, as it were, encircled its entire margin.

> Latin: 18.5. nocte Hasdrubal in tumulum copias recipit plano campo in summo patentem; fluuius ab tergo, ante circaque uelut ripa praeceps oram eius omnem cingebat.

[¶35] 18.6. Beneath was also a lower level area, gently sloping down. This also was surrounded by another ledge no easier to climb.

> Latin: 18.6. suberat et altera inferior summissa fastigio planities; eam quoque altera crepido haud facilior in adscensum ambibat.

[¶36] 18.7. Down to this lower plain Hasdrubal next day, on seeing the enemy's line standing before his camp, sent down his Numidian cavalry and the light-armed Balearic and African troops. Scipio, while riding about his ranks and standards, pointed out that the enemy, having given up in advance the hope of fighting on level ground, were hugging the hills and were standing before them in reliance upon position, not upon courage and arms.

> Latin: 18.7. in hunc inferiorem campum postero die Hasdrubal postquam stantem pro castris hostium aciem uidit, equites Numidas leuiumque armorum Baliares et Afros demisit. Scipio circumuectus ordines signaque ostendebat hostem praedamnata spe aequo dimicandi campo captantem tumulos, loci fiducia non uirtutis armorumque stare in conspectu;

[¶37] 18.8. But (New) Carthage, he said, had possessed higher walls, which the Roman soldier had scaled; and neither hills nor citadel, not even the sea, had withstood his arms.

> Latin: 18.8. sed altiora moenia habuisse Carthaginem, quae transcendisset miles Romanus;

[¶38] 18.9. The heights which the enemy had taken would only serve them for purposes of flight, as they leaped over precipices and crags. He would cut them off from such a flight too.

> Latin: 18.9. nec tumulos nec arcem, ne mare quidem armis obstitisse suis. ad id fore altitudines quas cepissent hostibus ut per praecipitia et praerupta salientes fugerent;

[¶39] 18.10. And he ordered one of two cohorts to hold the entrance into the valley through which the river flowed, the other to block the road leading from the city down the slope of the hill into the country. He himself led the unencumbered men, who the day before had routed the outposts of the enemy, to meet the light-armed standing on the lowest brow of the hill. At first they advanced over rugged ground, hampered only by the footing.

> Latin: 18.10. eam quoque se illis fugam clausurum. cohortesque duas alteram tenere fauces uallis per quam deferretur amnis iubet, alteram uiam insidere quae ab orbe per tumuli obliqua in agros ferret. ipse expeditos qui pridie stationes hostium pepulerant ad leuem armaturam infimo stantem supercilio ducit.

[¶40] 18.11. Then when they came within range, at first an immense number of missile weapons of every kind was showered upon them.

> Latin: 18.11. per aspreta primum, nihil aliud quam uia impediti, iere; deinde ut sub ictum uenerunt, telorum primo omnis generis uis ingens effusa in eos est;

[¶41] 18.12. In return they hurled stones which the place affords, strewn broadcast and almost all of them of a size to be thrown, and not only did the soldiers do so, but also the mass of camp-servants mingling with the armed men.

> Latin: 18.12. ipsi contra saxa quae locus strata passim, omnia ferme missilia, praebet ingerere, non milites solum, sed etiam turba calonum immixta armatis.

[¶42] 18.13. But although the ascent was difficult and they were almost overwhelmed by missile weapons and stones, still, thanks to their practice in scaling walls and to their persistence, they were the first to reach the top. As soon as they had taken some level ground where they could get a firm footing, they dislodged the light-armed enemy —troops that are accustomed to skirmishing and, while avoiding the real battle by hurling long-range missiles, are protected by distance, but prove unsteady in the face of hand-to-hand conflict. Thus with great slaughter they drove them against the battle-line standing on the higher level of the hill.

> Latin: 18.13. ceterum quamquam adscensus difficilis erat et prope obruebantur telis saxisque, adsuetudine tamen succedendi muros et pertinacia animi subierunt primi. qui simul cepere aliquid aequi loci ubi firmo consisterent gradu, leuem et concursatorem hostem atque interuallo tutum cum procul missilibus pugna eluditur, instabilem eundem ad comminus conserendas manus, expulerunt loco et cum caede magna in aciem altiore superstantem tumulo impegere.

[¶43] 18.15. Then Scipio ordered his victorious troops to go up facing the centre of the line, divided the rest of his forces with Laelius, and bade him circle round the right side of the hill, until he found a way less difficult of ascent. He himself on the left, after a moderate circuit, charged into the flank of the enemy. In consequence the line was at first thrown into disorder, while the men tried to wheel and made their ranks face the shouts resounding on every side.

> Latin: 18.15. inde Scipio iussis aduersus mediam euadere aciem uictoribus ceteras copias cum Laelio diuidit, atque eum parte dextra tumuli circumire donec mollioris adscensus uiam inueniret iubet: ipse ab laeua, circuitu haud magno, in transuersos hostes incurrit.

[¶44] 18.16. In the midst of this disorder Laelius also reached the top; and the front line of the enemy, as the men gave way and were afraid of being wounded from the rear, lost its solidity, and room was given even for the Romans in the centre to mount to the top. These men would never have done so over such unfavourable ground if the ranks had stood unbroken with the elephants placed in front of the standards.

> Latin: 18.16. inde primo turbata acies est dum ad circumsonantem undique clamorem flectere cornua et obuertere ordines uolunt. hoc tumultu et Laelius subiit; et dum pedem referunt ne ab tergo uolnerarentur, laxata prima acies locusque ad euadendum et mediis datus est, qui per tam iniquum locum stantibus integris ordinibus elephantisque ante signa locatis nunquam euasissent.

[¶45] 18.19. While on all sides the slaughter was in progress, Scipio, who with the left wing had charged into the enemy's right wing, was fighting especially against the exposed flank of the enemy.

> Latin: 18.19. cum ab omni parte caedes fieret Scipio, qui laeuo cornu in dextrum incucurrerat, maxime in nuda latera hostium pugnabat;

[¶46] 18.20. And no longer was space left open even for flight; for both on the right and on the left Roman outposts had blocked the roads, and the gate of the camp was obstructed by the flight of the general and chief officers, while in addition there was the panic of the elephants, of which, when terrified, they were as much afraid as of the enemy. Accordingly about eight thousand men were slain.

> Latin: 18.20. et iam ne fugae quidem patebat locus; nam et stationes utrimque Romanae dextra laeuaque insederant uias, et porta castrorum ducis principumque fuga clausa erat, addita trepidatione elephantorum quos territos aeque atque hostes timebant. caesa igitur ad octo milia hominum.

[¶47] 19.1. Hasdrubal, who even before the battle had hastily gathered up his money and had sent elephants in advance, picking up as many men as possible in the course of their flight, directed his march along the river Tagus towards the Pyrenees.

> Latin: 19.1. Hasdrubal iam ante quam dimicaret pecunia rapta elephantisque praemissis, quam plurimos poterat de fuga excipiens praeter Tagum flumen ad Pyrenaeum tendit.

[¶48] 19.2. Scipio took possession of the enemy's camp, and after giving up to the soldiers all the booty except free persons, in listing the captives found ten thousand foot-soldiers and two thousand horsemen. Of these he sent all the Spaniards to their homes without ransom; the Africans he ordered the quaestor to sell.

> Latin: 19.2. Scipio castris hostium potitus cum praeter libera capita omnem praedam militibus concessisset, in recensendis captiuis decem milia peditum, duo milia equitum inuenit. ex his Hispanos sine pretio omnes domum dimisit, Afros uendere quaestorem iussit.

[¶49] 19.3. Then the crowd of Spaniards, both those previously surrendered and those captured the day before, flocked round him and with great unanimity hailed him as king.

> Latin: 19.3. circumfusa inde multitudo Hispanorum et ante deditorum et pridie captorum regem eum ingenti consensu appellauit.

[¶50] 19.4. Thereupon Scipio, after silence had been secured by a herald, said that his highest title was that of general-in-command; with that his soldiers had addressed him; the title of a king, elsewhere in high honour, was not to be endured at Rome.

> Latin: 19.4. tum Scipio silentio per praeconem facto sibi maximum nomen imperatoris esse dixit quo se milites sui appellassent: regium nomen alibi magnum, Romae intolerabile esse.

[¶51] 19.5. As for his having the spirit of a king, if they thought that was the noblest thing in the nature of man, let it be their silent verdict; from the use of the word let them refrain.

> Latin: 19.5. regalem animum in se esse, si id in hominis ingenio amplissimum ducerent, taciti iudicarent: uocis usurpatione abstinerent.

[¶52] 19.6. Even the barbarians appreciated the magnanimity of a man who from so lofty a height scorned a title by whose fascination the rest of mortals were dazed.

> Latin: 19.6. sensere etiam barbari magnitudinem animi, cuius miraculo nominis alii mortales stuperent id ex tam alto fastigio aspernantis.

[¶53] 19.7. Then gifts were apportioned to the princes and chieftains of the Spaniards, and out of the large number of captured horses he ordered Indibilis to select three hundred of his own choosing.

> Latin: 19.7. dona inde regulis principibusque Hispanorum diuisa, et ex magna copia captorum equorum trecentos quos uellet eligere Indibilem iussit.

[¶54] 19.8. While the quaestor at the general's command was selling the Africans, and had heard that a well-grown boy of conspicuous beauty among them was of royal race, he sent him to Scipio.

> Latin: 19.8. cum Afros uenderet iussu imperatoris quaestor, puerum adultum inter eos forma insigni cum audisset regii generis esse, ad Scipionem misit.

[¶55] 19.9. When Scipio asked him who he was and from what region, and why at that age he was in the camp, he said he was a Numidian; that his people called him Massiva; that, left an orphan by his father, he had been brought up in the house of his maternal grandfather Gala, king of the Numidians; that with his uncle Masinissa, who had recently come with his cavalry to the assistance of the Carthaginians, he had crossed over into Spain; forbidden by Masinissa on account of his age, he had never before gone into battle.

> Latin: 19.9. quem cum percontaretur Scipio quis et cuias et cur id aetatis in castris fuisset, Numidam esse ait, Massiuam populares uocare: orbum a patre relictum apud maternum auum Galam, regem Numidarum, eductum, cum auunculo Masinissa, qui nuper cum equitatu subsidio Carthaginiensibus uenisset, in Hispaniam traiecisse; prohibitum propter aetatem a Masinissa nunquam ante proelium inisse:

[¶56] 19.10. On the day they had fought with the Romans, without his uncle's knowledge, he said, he had secretly taken arms and a horse and gone out into the battle-line; there, thrown headforemost by a fall of his horse, he had been captured by the Romans.

> Latin: 19.10. eo die quo pugnatum cum Romanis esset inscio auunculo clam armis equoque sumpto in aciem exisse; ibi prolapso equo effusum in praeceps captum ab Romanis esse.

[¶57] 19.11. Scipio, after ordering that the Numidian should be guarded, completed such duties as he had to perform from the platform; and then, having returned to headquarters, summoned him and asked whether he would like to return to Masinissa.

> Latin: 19.11. Scipio cum adseruari Numidam iussisset, quae pro tribunali agenda erant peragit; inde cum se in praetorium recepisset, uocatum eum interrogat uelletne ad Masinissam reuerti.

[¶58] 19.12. When he shed tears of joy and said that he was indeed eager to do so, Scipio thereupon presented the boy with a gold ring, a tunic with a broad stripe, and a Spanish cloak, a golden brooch and a horse with his equipment; and ordering horsemen to escort him as far as he desired, Scipio sent him away.

> Latin: 19.12. cum effusis gaudio lacrimis cupere uero diceret, tum puero anulum aureum tunicam lato clauo cum Hispano sagulo et aurea fibula equumque ornatum donat, iussisque prosequi quoad uellet equitibus dimisit.

[¶59] 20.1. Then a council was held on the conduct of the war. And when some advised him to overtake Hasdrubal at once, Scipio thought that a dangerous course, for fear lest Mago and the other Hasdrubal should join forces with him. He therefore merely sent a force to occupy the Pyrenees, and himself spent the remainder of the summer in receiving the submission of the peoples of Spain.

> Latin: 20.1. de bello inde consilium habitum; et auctoribus quibusdam ut confestim Hasdrubalem consequeretur, anceps id ratus ne Mago atque alter Hasdrubal cum eo iungerent copias, praesidio tantum ad insidendum Pyrenaeum misso ipse reliquum aestatis recipiendis in fidem Hispaniae populis absumpsit.

[¶60] 20.3. A few days after the battle at Baecula, when Scipio, now on his way back to Tarraco, had emerged from the forest of Castulo, the generals, Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo and Mago, came from farther Spain to Hasdrubal, bringing belated aid after the defeat, but not inopportunely for a council on the prosecution of the rest of the war.

> Latin: 20.3. paucis post proelium factum ad Baeculam diebus cum Scipio rediens iam Tarraconem saltu Castulonensi excessisset, Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius et Mago imperatores ex ulteriore Hispania ad Hasdrubalem uenere, serum post male gestam rem auxilium, consilio in cetera exsequenda belli haud parum opportuni.

[¶61] 20.4. There, as they were exchanging information concerning the spirit of the Spaniards in the territory assigned to each of them, Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, was alone of the opinion that the most remote part of Spain, which extends toward the Ocean and Gades, was still unacquainted with the Romans and in consequence sufficiently loyal to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 20.4. ibi conferentibus quid in cuiusque prouinciae regione animorum Hispanis esset, unus Hasdrubal Gisgonis ultimam Hispaniae oram quae ad Oceanum et Gades uergit ignaram adhuc Romanorum esse eoque Carthaginiensibus satis fidam censebat:

[¶62] 20.5. The other Hasdrubal and Mago agreed that, both as states and as individuals, all men were prepossessed owing to the favours of Scipio; and there would be no end to desertions until all the Spanish soldiers had been either segregated in the farthest part of Spain, or led over into Gaul.

> Latin: 20.5. inter Hasdrubalem alterum et Magonem constabat beneficiis Scipionis occupatos omnium animos publice priuatimque esse nec transitionibus finem ante fore quam omnes Hispani milites aut in ultima Hispaniae amoti aut traducti in Galliam forent.

[¶63] 20.6. And so, they said, even if the Carthaginian senate had not decreed it, Hasdrubal would still have been obliged to proceed into Italy, where was the focus of the war and the main issue, with this purpose also, in order that he might lead all the Spanish troops out of Spain, far removed from the fame of Scipio.

> Latin: 20.6. itaque etiam si senatus Carthaginiensium non censuisset, eundum tamen Hasdrubali fuisse in Italiam ubi belli caput rerumque summa esset, simul ut Hispanos omnes procul ab nomine Scipionis ex Hispania abduceret.

[¶64] 20.7. They proposed that his army, depleted both by desertions and by defeat, should be recruited with Spanish soldiers; and further, that Mago, after turning over his army to Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should himself cross to the Balearic Isles with a large sum of money, to hire mercenary auxiliaries;

> Latin: 20.7. exercitum eius cum transitionibus tum aduerso proelio imminutum Hispanis repleri militibus, et Magonem Hasdrubali Gisgonis filio tradito exercitu ipsum cum grandi pecunia ad conducenda mercede auxilia in Baliares traicere;

[¶65] 20.8. that Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, should retire with his army into the interior of Lusitania and not engage in battle with the Roman; that for Masinissa there should be a full complement of three thousand horsemen, the pick of all the cavalry, and that, roaming about over hither Spain, he should lend aid to allies and devastate towns and farms of the enemy. Having thus ordered, the generals separated, to carry out the measures decided upon. Such were the events in Spain that year.

> Latin: 20.8. Hasdrubalem Gisgonis cum exercitu penitus in Lusitaniam abire, nec cum Romano manus conserere; Masinissae ex omni equitatu quod roboris esset tria milia equitum expleri, eumque uagum per citeriorem Hispaniam sociis opem ferre, hostium oppida atque agros populari;—his decretis, ad exsequenda quae statuerant duces digressi. haec eo anno in Hispania acta.

[¶66] 20.9. At Rome Scipio's fame was growing from day to day; Fabius, although Tarentum had been taken by ruse rather than by courage, nevertheless gained glory thereby; Fulvius' celebrity was declining; Marcellus was even in bad repute, not only because he had at first been defeated, but also because, while Hannibal was wandering about Italy, he had drawn off his troops to their billets at Venusia in midsummer.

> Latin: 20.9. Romae fama Scipionis in dies crescere, Fabio Tarentum captum astu magis quam uirtute gloriae tamen esse, Fului senescere fama, Marcellus etiam aduerso rumore esse, superquam quod primo male pugnauerat, quia uagante per Italiam Hannibale media aestate Uenusiam in tecta milites abduxisset.

[¶67] 20.11. He had a personal enemy, Gaius Publicius Bibulus, tribune of the plebs. This man, beginning with the first battle, which had been unsuccessful, by continually haranguing had defamed Claudius to the common people and made them hate him, and by this time he was arguing for the abrogation of his command when the relatives of Claudius nevertheless carried their point that Marcellus should leave a lieutenant at Venusia and come to Rome, to clear himself of the charges which his enemies were making, and that the abrogation of his command should not be discussed while he himself was absent.

> Latin: 20.11. inimicus erat ei C. Publicius Bibulus tribunus plebis. is iam a prima pugna quae aduersa fuerat adsiduis contionibus infamem inuisumque plebei Claudium fecerat, et iam de imperio abrogando eius agebat cum tamen necessarii Claudii obtinuerunt ut relicto Uenusiae legato Marcellus Romam rediret ad purganda ea quae inimici obicerent nec de imperio eius abrogando absente ipso ageretur.

[¶68] 20.13. By chance Marcellus came to Rome to avert disgrace, about the same time that Quintus Fulvius, the consul, arrived to conduct the elections.

> Latin: 20.13. forte sub idem tempus et Marcellus ad deprecandam ignominiam et Q. Fuluius consul comitiorum causa Romam uenit.

[¶69] 21.1. The argument in regard to Marcellus' command was staged in the Flaminian Circus, before a great assemblage of the commons and of all classes.

> Latin: 21.1. actum de imperio Marcelli in circo Flaminio est ingenti concursu plebisque et omnium ordinum.

[¶70] 21.2. And the tribune of the plebs accused not Marcellus merely, but the entire nobility. It was due to their dishonesty and delaying, he said, that Hannibal had Italy as his province for now the tenth year, and had lived longer there than at Carthage.

> Latin: 21.2. accusauit tribunus plebis non Marcellum modo, sed omnem nobilitatem: fraude eorum et cunctatione fieri ut Hannibal decimum iam annum Italiam prouinciam habeat, diutius ibi quam Carthagine uixerit;

[¶71] 21.3. The Roman people had this fruit from the continuation of Marcellus' command, namely, that his army, twice cut to pieces, had its summer quarters at Venusia in billets!

> Latin: 21.3. habere fructum imperii prorogati Marcello populum Romanum; bis caesum exercitum eius aestiua Uenusiae sub tectis agere.

[¶72] 21.4. This speech of the tribune was so completely refuted by Marcellus' statement of his achievements that not only was the bill to abrogate his command rejected, but on the following day all the centuries with great unanimity elected him consul.

> Latin: 21.4. hanc tribuni orationem ita obruit Marcellus commemoratione rerum suarum ut non rogatio solum de imperio eius abrogando antiquaretur, sed postero die consulem eum ingenti consensu centuriae omnes crearent.

[¶73] 21.5. Joined with him as colleague was Titus Quinctius Crispinus, who at the time was praetor. On the following day Publius Licinius Crassus Dives, pontifex maximus, Publius Licinius Varus, Sextus Iulius Caesar and Quintus Claudius were elected praetors.

> Latin: 21.5. additur collega T. Quinctius Crispinus, qui tum praetor erat. postero die praetores creati P. Licinius Crassus Diues pontifex maximus, P. Licinius Uarus Sex. Iulius Caesar Q. Claudius.

[¶74] 21.6. Precisely on these election days the state was concerned in regard to a revolt in Etruria. First steps in that direction were reported in a letter of Gaius Calpurnius, propraetor in charge of the assignment, as being taken by the men of Arretium.

> Latin: 21.6. comitiorum ipsorum diebus sollicita ciuitas de Etruriae defectione fuit. principium eius rei ab Arretinis fieri C. Calpurnius scripserat, qui eam prouinciam pro praetore obtinebat.

[¶75] 21.7. Accordingly Marcellus, the consul-elect, was at once sent thither to look into the matter and, if he thought it important enough, to send for an army and shift the war from Apulia to Etruria. The Etruscans, restrained by the fear of that move, kept quiet.

> Latin: 21.7. itaque confestim eo missus Marcellus consul designatus, qui rem inspiceret ac, si digna uideretur, exercitu accito bellum ex Apulia in Etruriam transferret. eo metu compressi Etrusci quieuerunt.

[¶76] 21.8. When legates of the Tarentines sued for peace with freedom and their own laws, the senate answered that they should return when Fabius, the consul, came to Rome.

> Latin: 21.8. Tarentinorum legatis pacem petentibus cum libertate ac legibus suis responsum ab senatu est ut redirent cum Fabius consul Romam uenisset.

[¶77] 21.9. The Roman Games and the Plebeian Games were repeated that year for one day in each case. The curule aediles were Lucius Cornelius Caudinus and Servius Sulpicius Galba, the plebeian aediles being Gaius Servilius and Quintus Caecilius Metellus.

> Latin: 21.9. ludi et Romani et plebeii eo anno in singulos dies instaurati. aediles curules fuere L. Cornelius Caudinus et Ser. Sulpicius Galba, plebeii C. Seruilius et Q. Caecilius Metellus.

[¶78] 21.10. It was said that legally Servilius had not been tribune of the plebs, nor was he now legally aedile, because his father, of whom it had been believed for nine years that he was slain as one of the three land-commissioners by the Boii near Mutina, was alive, it was now established, and in the hands of the enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. Seruilium negabant iure aut tribunum plebis fuisse aut aedilem esse, quod patrem eius, quem triumuirum agrarium occisum a Boiis circa Mutinam esse opinio per nouem annos fuerat, uiuere atque in hostium potestate esse satis constabat.

[¶79] 22.1. In the eleventh year of the Punic War the consuls entering office were Marcellus, for the fifth time —to include the consulship which he had not held on account of a defective election —and Titus Quinctius Crispinus. Italy was assigned as their province to both consuls, also the two armies of the consuls of the previous year. A third, hitherto commanded by Marcellus, was then at Venusia. The decree ordered that of the three they should choose two of their own selection, and that the third be given to the general whose assignment should be Tarentum and the Sallentini. The rest of the assignments were distributed as follows: for the praetors, jurisdiction in the city to Publius Licinius Varus, that involving strangers to Publius Licinius Crassus, pontifex maximus, with a command wherever the senate should decide; Sicily to Sextus Iulius Caesar and Tarentum to Quintus Claudius. Continued for one year was the command of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus; who with one legion was to be in charge of Capua as his assignment, formerly held by Titus Quinctius as praetor. Continued also was the command of Gaius Hostilius Tubulus, who was to succeed Gaius Calpurnius as propraetor for Etruria, at the head of two legions. The command of Lucius Veturius Philo was likewise continued, he to hold Gaul as propraetor —the same assignment with the same two legions with which he had held it as praetor. The measure adopted in the case of Lucius Veturius was likewise decreed by the senate in that of Gaius Aurunculeius, and the bill to continue his command was brought before the people. As praetor he had had Sardinia for his province with two legions. In addition he was given for the defence of the province the fifty warships which Publius Scipio had sent from Spain. And to Publius Scipio and Marcus Silanus were decreed for one year their own provinces in Spain and their own armies. Scipio was ordered to send over to Sardinia fifty of the eighty ships which he had either brought with him from Italy or captured at (New) Carthage. This was owing to the report that at Carthage there were great naval preparations that year, and that with two hundred ships the Carthaginians would cover the whole coast of Italy, also of Sicily and Sardina.

> Latin: 22.1. undecimo anno Punici belli consulatum inierunt M. Marcellus quintum—ut numeretur consulatus quem uitio creatus non gessit—et T. Quinctius Crispinus. utrisque consulibus Italia decreta prouincia est et duo consulum prioris anni exercitus—tertius Uenusiae tum erat, cui Marcellus praefuerat—ita ut ex tribus eligerent duo quos uellent, tertius ei traderetur qui Tarentum et Sallentini prouincia euenisset. ceterae prouinciae ita diuisae: praetoribus, P. Licinio Uaro urbana, P. Licinio Crasso pontifici maximo peregrina et quo senatus censuisset, Sex. Iulio Caesari Sicilia, Q. Claudio [Flamini] Tarentum. prorogatum imperium in annum est Q. Fuluio Flacco ut prouinciam Capuam quae T. Quincti praetoris fuerat cum una legione obtineret. prorogatum et C. Hostilio Tubulo est ut pro praetore in Etruriam ad duas legiones succederet C. Calpurnio. prorogatum et L. Ueturio Philoni est ut pro praetore Galliam eandem prouinciam cum iisdem duabus legionibus obtineret quibus praetor obtinuisset. quod in L. Ueturio, idem in C. Aurunculeio decretum ab senatu, latumque de prorogando imperio ad populum est qui praetor Sardiniam prouinciam cum duabus legionibus obtinuerat. additae ei ad praesidium prouinciae quinquaginta longae naues quas P. Scipio ex Hispania misisset. et P. Scipioni et M. Silano suae Hispaniae suique exercitus in annum decreti. Scipio ex octoginta nauibus quas aut secum ex Italia adductas aut captas Carthagine habebat quinquaginta in Sardiniam tramittere iussus, quia fama erat magnum naualem apparatum eo anno Carthagine esse: ducentis nauibus omnem oram Italiae Siciliae Sardiniaeque impleturos. et in Sicilia ita diuisa res est: Sex. Caesari exercitus Cannensis datus est: M. Ualerius Laeuinus —ei quoque enim prorogatum imperium est—classem quae ad Siciliam erat nauium septuaginta obtineret; adderet eo triginta naues quae ad Tarentum priore anno fuerant; cum ea centum nauium classe si uideretur ei praedatum in Africam traiceret. et P. Sulpicio ut eadem classe Macedoniam Graeciamque prouinciam haberet prorogatum in annum imperium est. de duabus quae ad urbem Romam fuerant legionibus nihil mutatum. supplementum quo opus esset ut scriberent consulibus permissum. una et uiginti legionibus eo anno defensum imperium Romanum est. et P. Licinio Uaro praetori urbano negotium datum ut naues longas triginta ueteres reficeret quae Ostiae erant et uiginti nouas naues sociis naualibus compleret, ut quinquaginta nauium classe oram maris uicinam urbi Romanae tueri posset. C. Calpurnius uetitus ab Arretio mouere exercitum nisi cum successor uenisset; idem et Tubulo imperatum ut inde praecipue caueret ne qua noua consilia orerentur. praetores in prouincias profecti: consules religio tenebat quod prodigiis aliquot nuntiatis non facile litabant. et ex Campania nuntiata erant Capuae duas aedes, Fortunae et Martis, et sepulcra aliquot de caelo tacta, Cumis—adeo minimis etiam rebus praua religio inserit deos—mures in aede Iouis aurum rosisse, Casini examen apium ingens in foro consedisse; et Ostiae murum portamque de caelo tactam, Caere uolturium uolasse in aedem Iouis, Uolsiniis sanguine lacum manasse. horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit. per dies aliquot hostiae maiores sine litatione caesae diuque non impetrata pax deum. in capita consulum re publica incolumi exitiabilis prodigiorum euentus uertit.

[¶80] 23.5. In Sicily, moreover, the apportionment was as follows: the army from Cannae was given to Sextus Caesar; Marcus Valerius Laevinus —for his command also was continued —to have the fleet of seventy vessels then in Sicilian waters. To that he should add thirty ships which had been at Tarentum the previous year. With that fleet of a hundred ships, he was, if he saw fit, to cross over to Africa, to ravage the country. Likewise Publius Sulpicius' command was continued for one year, and he was to have Macedonia and Greece as his province with the same fleet as before.

> Latin: 23.5. ludi Apollinares Q. Fuluio Ap. Claudio consulibus a P. Cornelio Sulla praetore urbano primum facti erant; inde omnes deinceps praetores urbani fecerant; sed in unum annum uouebant dieque incerta faciebant.

[¶81] 23.6. In regard to the two legions that had been at the city of Rome no change was made. Permission was given to the consuls to recruit additional numbers, to be assigned to meet any need. It was with twenty-one legions that the Roman empire was defended that year. In addition, Publius Licinius Varus, the city praetor, was given the task of repairing the thirty old warships which were at Ostia and of manning twenty new ships with crews, so that with a fleet of fifty ships he might defend the seacoast near the city of Rome. Gaius Calpurnius was forbidden to move his army away from Arretium before the arrival of his successor. The same order was given to Tubulus also, to be particularly on his guard there against the outbreak of any sedition. XXIII. The praetors set out for their assignments, but the consuls were detained by religious scruples, because, when a number of portents were reported, they did not easily obtain favourable sacrifices. From Campania had come reports that at Capua two temples, those of Fortune and of Mars, and a number of tombs were struck by lightning; that at Cumae mice had gnawed the gold in the temple of Jupiter —so true is it that superstition brings the gods into the smallest circumstances. At Casinum it was said that a great swarm of bees had settled in the forum.

> Latin: 23.6. eo anno pestilentia grauis incidit in urbem agrosque, quae tamen magis in longos morbos quam in permitiales euasit. eius pestilentiae causa et supplicatum per compita tota urbe est et P. Licinius Uarus praetor urbanus legem ferre ad populum iussus ut ii ludi in perpetuum in statam diem uouerentur. ipse primus ita uouit, fecitque ante diem tertium nonas Quinctiles. is dies deinde sollemnis seruatus. de Arretinis et fama in dies grauior et cura crescere patribus. itaque C. Hostilio scriptum est ne differret obsides ab Arretinis accipere, et cui traderet Romam deducendos C. Terentius Uarro cum imperio missus.

[¶82] 24.2. It was also reported that at Ostia the wall and a gate of the city had been struck by lightning, that at Caere a vulture had flown into the temple of Jupiter, that at Volsinii the lake was stained with blood. On account of these prodigies prayers were offered for one day. For several days full-grown victims were slain without a favourable result, and for a long time the peace of the gods was not secured. It was upon the heads of the consuls that dire consequences of the portents descended, while the state remained unharmed. The Games of Apollo had been observed for the first time in the consulship of Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, under the direction of Publius Cornelius Sulla, the city praetor. From that time all the successive city praetors had conducted them. But they vowed them for a single year and did not conduct them on a fixed date. That year a serious epidemic fell upon the city and the countryside, occasioning maladies, however, that were rather lingering than fatal. On account of that epidemic prayers were offered at the street corners throughout the city; and in addition Publius Licinius Varus, the city praetor, was ordered to propose to the people a bill that those games should be vowed in perpetuity for a fixed date. He himself was the first to vow them in those terms, and he conducted them on the fifth of Quinctilis. Thenceforward that day was kept as a regular holiday. XXIV. As regards the Arretines, reports grew more serious every day, and the anxiety of the senators was increased. Accordingly Gaius Hostilius received written orders not to postpone taking hostages from the Arretines, and Gaius Terentius Varro was sent with military authority, that Hostilius might turn them over to him to be escorted to Rome. Upon Varro's arrival Hostilius at once ordered the one legion which was encamped before the city to advance into the city, and he posted his forces in suitable positions. Then, summoning the senate to the forum, he demanded hostages of them. When the senate asked for two days to consider, he ordered that they themselves furnish them forthwith, or else on the next day, he declared, he would take all the children of the senators.

> Latin: 24.2. qui ut uenit, extemplo Hostilius legionem unam quae ante urbem castra habebat signa in urbem ferre iussit praesidiaque locis idoneis disposuit; tum in forum citatis senatoribus obsides imperauit. cum senatus biduum ad considerandum [tempus] peteret, aut ipsos extemplo dare aut se postero die senatorum omnes liberos sumpturum edixit. inde portas custodire iussi tribuni militum praefectique socium et centuriones ne quis nocte urbe exiret. id segnius neglegentiusque factum; septem principes senatus priusquam custodiae in portis locarentur ante noctem cum liberis euaserunt. postero die luce prima cum senatus in forum citari coeptus esset desiderati, bonaque eorum uenierunt: a ceteris senatoribus centum uiginti obsides liberi ipsorum accepti traditique C. Terentio Romam deducendi.

## 35. Book XXVII · chapters 24–33

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/35/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/35/#p-N

[¶0] 24.6. Thereupon the tribunes of the soldiers and prefects of allies and centurions were bidden to guard the gates, that no one might leave the city in the night. This was done slowly and with carelessness. Seven leading members of the senate, before guards could be posted at the gates, escaped before nightfall with their children. Next day at dawn they were missed when the senators began to be summoned to the forum, and their property was sold.

> Latin: 24.6. is omnia suspectiora quam ante fuerant in senatu fecit. itaque tamquam imminente Etrusco tumultu, legionem unam, alteram ex urbanis, Arretium ducere iussus ipse C. Terentius eamque habere in praesidio urbis:

[¶1] 24.7. From the rest of the senators a hundred and twenty hostages, their own children, were taken and handed over to Gaius Terentius Varro to be escorted to Rome. Varro in the senate represented everything as causing more apprehension than before.

> Latin: 24.7. C. Hostilium cum cetero exercitu placet totam prouinciam peragrare et cauere ne qua occasio nouare cupientibus res daretur.

[¶2] 24.8. And so, just as if an outbreak in Etruria were imminent, Gaius Terentius himself was ordered to lead a single legion, one or the other of the city legions, to Arretium and to keep that legion as the garrison of the town. As for Gaius Hostilius, it was decided that with the rest of the army he should scour the whole province and see to it that no opportunity was given to those eager for a revolution. Upon the arrival of Gaius Terentius at Arretium with his legion, when he demanded of the magistrates the keys of the gates, and they said they were not to be found, thinking they were removed by stealth and not really missing through carelessness, he himself provided other keys for all the gates, and took great pains to have everything under his own control.

> Latin: 24.8. C. Terentius ut Arretium cum legione uenit, claues portarum cum magistratus poposcisset, negantibus iis comparere fraude amotas magis ratus quam neglegentia intercidisse ipse alias claues omnibus portis imposuit cauitque cum cura ut omnia in potestate sua essent;

[¶3] 24.9. He very earnestly warned Hostilius to rest his hope that the Etruscans would not make any move upon one thing —that he had first made it impossible for them to do so.

> Latin: 24.9. Hostilium intentius monuit, ut in eo spem non moturos quicquam Etruscos poneret, si ne quid moueri posset praecauisset.

[¶4] 25.1. Then in regard to the Tarentines there was very heated discussion in the senate in the presence of Fabius, who himself defended the men whom he had captured by force, whereas others were hostile and many put them upon the same level of guilt and punishment as the Capuans. A decree of the senate was adopted on motion of Manius Acilius, that the town should be guarded by a garrison and all the Tarentines confined within the walls; that, with no action now, the case should be brought up later, when the condition of Italy was more peaceful. Also in regard to Marcus Livius, commandant of the citadel of Tarentum, there was no less heated discussion. For some were proposing to brand the commandant by a decree of the senate, because by his lack of spirit Tarentum had been betrayed to the enemy, and others proposed to vote him rewards, because he had defended the citadel for five years, and it was thanks to him more than to anyone else that Tarentum had been recovered. Those who preferred a middle course claimed that a hearing of his case belonged to the censors, not to the senate. Of this mind was Fabius also. He added, however, his admission that the recovery of Tarentum was due to Livius, as his friends had repeatedly declared in the senate; for it would not have had to be recovered unless it had been lost. Of the consuls one, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, set out for Lucania with additional recruits to join the army which Quintus Fulvius Flaccus had held. Marcellus was detained by religious scruples one after another, as they were impressed upon his mind. One of them was that, although he had vowed at Clastidium, in the Gallic War, a temple to Honour and Valour, the dedication of the temple was being blocked by the pontiffs. These said that one cella was not properly dedicated to more than a single divinity, since, if it should be struck by lightning, or some portent should occur in it, expiation would be difficult, because it could not be known to which god sacrifice should be offered; for, with the exception of certain deities, sacrifice of a single victim to two gods was not proper.

> Latin: 25.1. de Tarentinis inde magna contentione in senatu actum coram Fabio, defendente ipso quos ceperat armis, aliis infensis et plerisque aequantibus eos Campanorum noxae poenaeque. senatus consultum in sententiam M'. Acilii factum est ut oppidum praesidio custodiretur Tarentinique omnes intra moenia continerentur, res integra postea referretur cum tranquillior status Italiae esset. et de M. Liuio praefecto arcis Tarentinae haud minore certamine actum est, aliis senatus consulto notantibus praefectum quod eius socordia Tarentum proditum hosti esset, aliis praemia decernentibus quod per quinquennium arcem tutatus esset maximeque unius eius opera receptum Tarentum foret, mediis ad censores non ad senatum notionem de eo pertinere dicentibus, cuius sententiae et Fabius fuit. adiecit tamen, fateri se opera Liui Tarentum receptum quod amici eius uolgo in senatu iactassent; neque enim recipiundum fuisse nisi amissum foret. consulum alter T. Quinctius Crispinus ad exercitum quem Q. Fuluius Flaccus habuerat cum supplemento in Lucanos est profectus. Marcellum aliae atque aliae obiectae animo religiones tenebant, in quibus quod cum bello Gallico ad Clastidium aedem Honori et Uirtuti uouisset dedicatio eius a pontificibus impediebatur, quod negabant unam cellam amplius quam uni deo recte dedicari, quia si de caelo tacta aut prodigii aliquid in ea factum esset difficilis procuratio foret, quod utri deo res diuina fieret sciri non posset; neque enim duobus nisi certis deis rite una hostia fieri. ita addita Uirtutis aedes adproperato opere; neque tamen ab ipso aedes eae dedicatae sunt. tum demum ad exercitum quem priore anno Uenusiae reliquerat cum supplemento proficiscitur. Locros in Bruttiis Crispinus oppugnare conatus quia magnam famam attulisse Fabio Tarentum rebatur, omne genus tormentorum machinarumque ex Sicilia arcessierat; et naues indidem accitae erant quae uergentem ad mare partem urbis oppugnarent. ea omissa oppugnatio est quia Lacinium Hannibal admouerat copias, et collegam eduxisse iam a Uenusia exercitum fama erat, cui coniungi uolebat. itaque in Apuliam ex Bruttiis reditum, et inter Uenusiam Bantiamque minus trium milium passuum interuallo consules binis castris consederant. in eandem regionem et Hannibal rediit auerso ab Locris bello. ibi consules ambo ingenio feroces prope cottidie in aciem exire haud dubia spe, si duobus exercitibus consularibus iunctis commisisset sese hostis, debellari posse. Hannibal, quia cum Marcello bis priore anno congressus uicerat uictusque erat, ut cum eodem si dimicandum foret nec spem nec metum ex uano haberet, ita duobus consulibus haudquaquam sese parem futurum censebat; itaque totus in suas artes uersus insidiis locum quaerebat. leuia tamen proelia inter bina castra uario euentu fiebant. quibus cum extrahi aestatem posse consules crederent, nihilo minus oppugnari Locros posse rati L. Cincio ut ex Sicilia Locros cum classe traiceret scribunt; et ut ab terra quoque oppugnari moenia possent, ab Tarento partem exercitus qui in praesidio erat duci eo iusserunt.

[¶5] 26.5. Accordingly a temple of Valour was added, its construction being hastened. Even so the temples were not dedicated by Marcellus in person. Then at last he set out with additional recruits to join the army which he had left at Venusia the previous year. Crispinus attempted to besiege Locri in the land of the Bruttii, because he thought that Tarentum had brought great repute to Fabius; and he had requisitioned artillery and machines of every kind from Sicily. And from the same quarter ships also had been sent for, to attack the part of the city facing the sea. That siege was given up, because Hannibal had brought up his forces to Lacinium, and the consul wished to unite with his colleague, who, it was reported, had already led his army away from Venusia. And so he returned from the land of the Bruttii into Apulia, and the consuls established themselves between Venusia and Bantia in two camps less than three miles apart. Hannibal also, now that the war had been diverted from Locri, returned into the same region.

> Latin: 26.5. ea ita futura per quosdam Thurinos comperta Hannibali cum essent, mittit ad insidendam ab Tarento uiam. ibi sub tumulo Peteliae tria milia equitum, duo peditum in occulto locata; in quae inexplorato euntes Romani cum incidissent, ad duo milia armatorum caesa, mille et quingenti ferme uiui capti, alii dissipati fuga per agros saltusque Tarentum rediere.

[¶6] 26.7. There both consuls, who were by nature high-spirited, went out into battle-line almost daily, with no uncertain hope that, if the enemy should risk a battle with two united consular armies, the war could be finished. XXVI. Hannibal, since in his two encounters with Marcellus in the previous year he had been both victor and vanquished, believed indeed that, if he should have to fight with the same general, he would find neither hope nor fear unfounded; nevertheless he believed that he would be by no means a match for the two consuls.

> Latin: 26.7. tumulus erat siluestris inter Punica et Romana castra ab neutris primo occupatus, quia Romani qualis pars eius quae uergeret ad hostium castra esset ignorabant, Hannibal insidiis quam castris aptiorem eum crediderat.

[¶7] 26.8. Accordingly, devoting himself exclusively to his own arts, he was in search of a place for an ambush. Slight engagements, however, were taking place in the space between the two camps with varying results. The consuls, believing that the whole summer could be spent in that way, and yet thinking it possible to besiege Locri, wrote to Lucius Cincius to cross over from Sicily with his fleet to Locri. And, to make an attack upon the walls possible from the landward side also, they ordered that a part of the force which was serving as a garrison should be brought from Tarentum to Locri. Hannibal, being informed by some men of Thurii that this was about to be done, sent men to lie in wait along the road from Tarentum. There, beneath the hill of Petelia, three thousand horsemen and two thousand foot were posted in hiding. When the Romans, as they advanced without reconnoitring, encountered this force, about two thousand of their armed men were slain, about fifteen hundred taken alive. The rest, scattering in flight over the farms and through the woods, returned to Tarentum. Between the Carthaginian and the Roman camps there was a wooded hill, at first not occupied by either army, because the Romans did not know what was the character of that side of it which faced the enemy's camp, and Hannibal had believed it better suited to an ambuscade than to a camp. And so, sending by night a number of squadrons of the Numidians for that purpose, he had concealed them in the middle of the wood. And during the day none of them would stir from his post, for fear lest either their arms or the men themselves should be seen from a distance.

> Latin: 26.8. itaque nocte ad id missas aliquot Numidarum turmas medio in saltu condiderat, quorum interdiu nemo ab statione mouebatur ne aut arma aut ipsi procul conspicerentur. fremebant uolgo in castris Romanis occupandum eum tumulum esse et castello firmandum ne, si occupatus ab Hannibale foret, uelut in ceruicibus haberet hostem. mouit ea res Marcellum, et collegae 'quin imus' inquit 'ipsi cum equitibus paucis exploratum? subiecta res oculis certius dabit consilium.' adsentienti Crispino, cum equitibus ducentis uiginti, ex quibus quadraginta Fregellani, ceteri Etrusci erant, proficiscuntur;

[¶8] 26.12. In the Roman camp there was a general outcry that the hill must be occupied and defended by a fort, in order that they might not have the enemy, as it were, upon their necks, if the hill should be occupied by Hannibal.

> Latin: 26.12. secuti tribuni militum M. Marcellus consulis filius et A. Manlius, simul et duo praefecti socium L. Arrenius et M'. Aulius.

[¶9] 26.13. That roused Marcellus, and he said to his colleague, “Why not go ourselves with a few horsemen to reconnoitre? Seeing the situation before our eyes will give us a surer judgment.” As Crispinus assented, they set out with two hundred and twenty horsemen, of whom forty were from Fregellae, the rest Etruscans. The tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Marcellus, son of the consul, and Aulus Manlius, followed them, along with two prefects of the allies, Lucius Arrenius and Manius Aulius.

> Latin: 26.13. immolasse eo die quidam prodidere memoriae consulem Marcellum et prima hostia caesa iocur sine capite inuentum, in secunda omnia comparuisse quae adsolent, auctum etiam uisum in capite;

[¶10] 26.14. Some have related that the consul Marcellus offered a sacrifice that day, and that when the first victim was slain, the liver was found headless; that in the second everything usually found was present; that the head seemed even enlarged; also that the soothsayer had not been at all pleased that, after organs defective and deformed, others had appeared which were more than promising. But such eagerness to fight with Hannibal possessed the consul Marcellus that he said the camps were never close enough together.

> Latin: 26.14. nec id sane haruspici placuisse quod secundum trunca et turpia exta nimis laeta apparuissent. ceterum consulem Marcellum tanta cupiditas tenebat dimicandi cum Hannibale ut numquam satis castra castris conlata diceret;

[¶11] 27.2. At this time also, as he came out from the earthwork, he gave the command that the soldiers should be ready and in place, so that, in case the hill which they were on their way to reconnoitre proved satisfactory, they might gather up their baggage and follow.

> Latin: 27.2. tum quoque uallo egrediens signum dedit ut ad locum miles esset paratus, ut si collis in quem speculatum irent placuisset, uasa conligerent et sequerentur. exiguum campi ante castra erat;

[¶12] 27.3. There was only a small level space before the camps; then a road open and visible from every side led up the hill. As for the Numidians, a scout who had been posted not at all in the hope of so important a result, but in case they might be able to capture any men who, in wandering about in search of fodder or firewood, had gone too far from camp, gave the signal to spring up, all of them at the same time, from their different hiding-places.

> Latin: 27.3. inde in collem aperta undique et conspecta ferebat uia. Numidis speculator nequaquam in spem tantae rei positus sed si quos uagos pabuli aut lignorum causa longius a castris progressos possent excipere, signum dat ut pariter ab suis quisque latebris exorerentur.

[¶13] 27.4. Those who, facing the enemy, had to rise up from the hillside itself, did not show themselves before those who were to cut off the road in the rear turned the enemy's flanks.

> Latin: 27.4. non ante apparuere quibus obuiis ab iugo ipso consurgendum erat quam circumiere qui ab tergo intercluderent uiam; tum undique omnes exorti, et clamore sublato impetum fecere.

[¶14] 27.5. Then they all sprang up from every side and, raising a shout, they attacked. Although the consuls were in such a depression that they neither could make their way up on to the ridge occupied by the enemy, nor had any retreat open, being enclosed in the rear, still the combat might possibly have been prolonged, had not flight begun by the Etruscans inspired alarm in the others.

> Latin: 27.5. cum in ea ualle consules essent ut neque euadere possent in iugum occupatum ab hoste nec receptum ab tergo circumuenti haberent, extrahi tamen diutius certamen potuisset ni coepta ab Etruscis fuga pauorem ceteris iniecisset.

[¶15] 27.6. Nevertheless the men of Fregellae, deserted by the Etruscans, did not give up the battle, so long as the unwounded consuls withstood the attack, encouraging their men and themselves taking part in the fight.

> Latin: 27.6. non tamen omisere pugnam deserti ab Etruscis Fregellani donec integri consules hortando ipsique ex parte pugnando rem sustinebant;

[¶16] 27.7. But after they saw both consuls wounded, Marcellus even pierced by a lance and slipping from his horse, a dying man, then they likewise —now only a very few were left —fled with Crispinus, the consul, who had been struck by two javelins, and Marcellus the younger, also wounded.

> Latin: 27.7. sed postquam uolneratos ambo consules, Marcellum etiam transfixum lancea prolabentem ex equo moribundum uidere, tum et ipsi —perpauci autem supererant—cum Crispino consule duobus iaculis icto et Marcello adulescente saucio et ipso effugerunt.

[¶17] 27.8. Aulus Manlius, tribune of the soldiers, was slain, and of the two prefects of the allies Manius Aulius was killed, Lucius Arrenius captured. And five of the consuls' lictors came alive into the hands of the enemy; the rest were either slain or they escaped with the consul.

> Latin: 27.8. interfectus A. Manlius tribunus militum, et ex duobus praefectis socium M'. Aulius occisus, <L.> Arrenius captus; et lictores consulum quinque uiui in hostium potestatem uenerunt, ceteri aut interfecti aut cum consule effugerunt;

[¶18] 27.9. Of the horse forty-three fell either in battle or in flight, eighteen were captured alive.

> Latin: 27.9. equitum tres et quadraginta aut in proelio aut in fuga ceciderunt, duodeuiginti uiui capti.

[¶19] 27.10. In the camps there had been an uproar, a clamour that they should go to the relief of the consuls, when now they saw the consul and the son of the other consul both wounded, and the little remnant of the unlucky enterprise coming towards the camps.

> Latin: 27.10. tumultuatum et in castris fuerat, ut consulibus irent subsidio, cum consulem et filium alterius consulis saucios exiguasque infelicis expeditionis reliquias ad castra uenientes cernunt.

[¶20] 27.11. Marcellus' death was pitiable both for other reasons and also because it was neither consistent with his age —for he was now more than sixty years old —nor with his foresight as a veteran commander, that with such imprudence he had carried himself and his colleague and almost the entire state over the brink.

> Latin: 27.11. mors Marcelli cum alioqui miserabilis fuit, tum quod nec pro aetate —iam enim maior sexaginta annis erat—neque pro ueteris prudentia ducis tam improuide se collegamque et prope totam rem publicam in praeceps dederat.

[¶21] 27.12. I should be very discursive in regard to a single event, if I should aim to rehearse all the statements in which authorities differ concerning the death of Marcellus.

> Latin: 27.12. multos circa unam rem ambitus fecerim si quae de Marcelli morte uariant auctores, omnia exsequi uelim.

[¶22] 27.13. Not to mention others, Coelius furnishes successively a threefold relation of what happened: one the traditional account, a second set down in the eulogy pronounced by the son, who was present, Coelius says, when it happened, a third which he himself contributes as investigated and established by him.

> Latin: 27.13. ut omittam alios, Coelius triplicem gestae rei †ordinem edit, unam traditam fama, alteram scriptam in laudatione filii, qui rei gestae interfuerit, tertiam quam ipse pro inquisita ac sibi comperta affert.

[¶23] 27.14. But the divergent reports fall within this range, that most authorities relate that he left the camp to reconnoitre a position, while all say that he was overwhelmed by an ambush.

> Latin: 27.14. ceterum ita fama uariat ut tamen plerique loci speculandi causa castris egressum, omnes insidiis circumuentum tradant.

[¶24] 28.1. Hannibal, thinking that great terror had been inspired in the enemy by the death of one consul and the wounding of the other, not to miss any opportunity, at once removed his camp to the hill on which they had fought.

> Latin: 28.1. Hannibal magnum terrorem hostibus morte consulis unius, uolnere alterius iniectum esse ratus, ne cui deesset occasioni castra in tumulum in quo pugnatum erat extemplo transfert;

[¶25] 28.2. There Marcellus' body was found and buried. Crispinus, alarmed both by the death of his colleague and by his own wound, set out in the silence of the following night and in the first mountains which he reached pitched camp on a high place that was also safe on every side.

> Latin: 28.2. ibi inuentum Marcelli corpus sepelit. Crispinus et morte collegae et suo uolnere territus, silentio insequentis noctis profectus, quos proximos nanctus est montes, in iis loco alto et tuto undique castra posuit.

[¶26] 28.3. There the two generals set their wits to work, the one to employ, the other to guard against, a ruse.

> Latin: 28.3. ibi duo duces sagaciter moti sunt, alter ad inferendam, alter ad cauendam fraudem.

[¶27] 28.4. Marcellus' ring had come into the hands of Hannibal along with the body. Fearing some trickery might be contrived by the Carthaginian through a fraudulent use of that seal, Crispinus had sent word around to the nearest city-states that his colleague had been slain and the enemy was in possession of his ring; that they should not trust any letters written in the name of Marcellus.

> Latin: 28.4. anulis Marcelli simul cum corpore Hannibal potitus erat. eius signi errore ne qui dolus necteretur a Poeno metuens Crispinus circa ciuitates proximas miserat nuntios occisum collegam esse anulisque eius hostem potitum: ne quibus litteris crederent nomine Marcelli compositis.

[¶28] 28.5. This message of the consul had come to Salapia a little before a letter from Hannibal written in Marcellus' name arrived, saying that he would come to Salapia in the night following that day; that the soldiers on garrison duty should be ready, in case he should have any need of their services.

> Latin: 28.5. paulo ante hic nuntius consulis Salapiam uenerat quam litterae ab Hannibale allatae sunt Marcelli nomine compositae se nocte quae diem illum secutura esset Salapiam uenturum: parati milites essent qui in praesidio erant, si quo opera eorum opus esset.

[¶29] 28.6. The men of Salapia were aware of the deception, and thinking that Hannibal, out of anger not only because of their revolt, but also for the slaughter of his cavalry, was seeking an excuse for punishing them, they sent back the messenger —he was, in fact, a Roman deserter —that the soldiers might do what they wished unobserved. And they posted men of the town along the walls and at favourable positions in the city in detachments on guard duty.

> Latin: 28.6. sensere Salapitani fraudem; et ab ira non defectionis modo sed etiam equitum interfectorum rati occasionem supplicii peti, remisso retro nuntio— perfuga autem Romanus erat—ut sine arbitro milites quae uellent agerent, oppidanos per muros urbisque opportuna loca in stationibus disponunt;

[¶30] 28.8. For that night they established guard-lines and sentries with more than usual care. Around the gate by which they thought the enemy would come they drew up the best men in the garrison. Hannibal approached the city about the fourth watch.

> Latin: 28.8. custodias uigiliasque in eam noctem intentius instruunt; circa portam qua uenturum hostem rebantur quod roboris in praesidio erat opponunt. Hannibal quarta uigilia ferme ad urbem accessit.

[¶31] 28.9. At the head of the column were the Roman deserters, and they had Roman arms. When they came up to the gate, all of them, speaking Latin, called out to the sentinels and bade them open the gate.

> Latin: 28.9. primi agminis erant perfugae Romanorum et arma Romana habebant. ii ubi ad portam est uentum Latine omnes loquentes excitant uigiles aperirique portam iubent: consulem adesse.

[¶32] 28.10. The consul, they said, was coming. The sentries, pretending to have been awakened by their outcry, were in a turmoil, excited and labouring to open the gate. The portcullis had been closed. Some raised it with levers, some hoisted it with ropes, just high enough for men to pass under it upright.

> Latin: 28.10. uigiles uelut ad uocem eorum excitati tumultuari trepidare moliri portam. cataracta [deiecta] clausa erat; eam partim uectibus leuant, partim funibus subducunt, in tantum altitudinis ut subire recti possent.

[¶33] 28.11. Hardly had the way been quite cleared, when the deserters vied with each other in dashing through the gate. And when about six hundred had entered and the rope by which it was held up had been let go, the portcullis fell with a great crash.

> Latin: 28.11. uixdum satis patebat iter cum perfugae certatim ruunt per portam; et cum sescenti ferme intrassent, remisso fune quo suspensa erat cataracta magno sonitu cecidit.

[¶34] 28.12. Some of the Salapians attacked the deserters, who fresh from their march were carrying arms carelessly slung from their shoulders, as if among peaceable people; others from towers of the gate and from the walls frightened off the enemy with stones, poles and javelins.

> Latin: 28.12. Salapitani alii perfugas neglegenter ex itinere suspensa humeris, ut inter pacatos, gerentes arma inuadunt, alii e turribus portae murisque saxis sudibus pilis absterrent hostem.

[¶35] 28.13. Thus Hannibal, having been ensnared by his own ruse, went away; and he set out to raise the siege of Locri, a city which Lucius Cincius was besieging with great violence by means of siege-works and with every sort of artillery brought from Sicily.

> Latin: 28.13. ita inde Hannibal suamet ipse fraude captus abiit, profectusque ad Locrorum soluendam obsidionem, qua <cingebat urbem L.> Cincius summa ui operibus tormentorumque omni genere ex Sicilia aduecto oppugnans.

[¶36] 28.14. For Mago, who no longer was confident that he would hold and defend the city, the first ray of hope came with the news of Marcellus' death.

> Latin: 28.14. Magoni iam haud ferme fidenti retenturum defensurumque se urbem, prima spes morte nuntiata Marcelli adfulsit.

[¶37] 28.15. Then followed the news that Hannibal had sent the Numidian cavalry in advance and was himself following with the infantry column, making all possible speed.

> Latin: 28.15. secutus inde nuntius Hannibalem Numidarum equitatu praemisso ipsum quantum adcelerare posset cum peditum agmine sequi.

[¶38] 28.16. Accordingly, as soon as Mago knew from signals given from watch-towers that the Numidians were approaching, he also suddenly opens a gate and sallies out confidently against the enemy. And at first it was a doubtful conflict, rather because his action had been unexpected than because he was a match in forces.

> Latin: 28.16. itaque ubi primum Numidas edito e speculis signo aduentare sensit, et ipse patefacta repente porta ferox in hostes erumpit. et primo, magis quia improuiso id fecerat quam quod par uiribus esset, anceps certamen erat;

[¶39] 28.17. Then when the Numidians came up, such terror was inspired among the Romans that they fled pell-mell to the sea and the ships, leaving siege-works and engines with which they were battering the walls. Thus by Hannibal's coming the siege of Locri was raised.

> Latin: 28.17. deinde ut superuenere Numidae, tantus pauor Romanis est iniectus ut passim ad mare ac naues fugerent relictis operibus machinisque quibus muros quatiebant. ita aduentu Hannibalis soluta Locrorum obsidio est.

[¶40] 29.1. Crispinus, on learning that Hannibal had set out for the country of the Bruttii, ordered Marcus Marcellus, tribune of the soldiers, to lead away to Venusia the army which his colleague had commanded.

> Latin: 29.1. Crispinus postquam in Bruttios profectum Hannibalem sensit, exercitum cui collega praefuerat M. Marcellum tribunum militum Uenusiam abducere iussit:

[¶41] 29.2. He himself set out with his legions for Capua, although on account of his serious wounds he was barely able to endure the motion of his litter.

> Latin: 29.2. ipse cum legionibus suis Capuam profectus uix lecticae agitationem prae grauitate uolnerum patiens, Romam litteras de morte collegae scripsit quantoque ipse in discrimine esset:

[¶42] 29.3. But he sent a letter to Rome in regard to the death of his colleague, stating also in what danger he was himself; that he was unable to come to Rome for the elections, because it seemed that he would not be able to endure the strain of the journey, also because he was concerned about Tarentum, lest Hannibal, leaving the land of the Bruttii, should head his column in that direction.

> Latin: 29.3. se comitiorum causa non posse Romam uenire quia nec uiae laborem passurus uideretur et de Tarento sollicitus esset ne ex Bruttiis Hannibal eo conuerteret agmen; legatos opus esse ad se mitti uiros prudentes cum quibus quae uellet de re publica loqueretur.

[¶43] 29.4. It was necessary, he wrote, that envoys be sent to him, men of foresight with whom he might say what he wished to say about the state. The reading of this letter caused at the same time great grief for the death of one consul and great fear in regard to the other. Accordingly they sent Quintus Fabius the son to the army at Venusia, and also three legates were sent to the consul, namely, Sextus Iulius Caesar, Lucius Licinius Pollio and Lucius Cincius Alimentus, the last named having returned from Sicily a few days before.

> Latin: 29.4. hae litterae recitatae magnum et luctum morte alterius consulis et metum de altero fecerunt. itaque et Q. Fabium filium ad exercitum Uenusiam miserunt, et ad consulem tres legati missi Sex. Iulius Caesar L. Licinius Pollio L. Cincius Alimentus cum paucis ante diebus ex Sicilia redisset.

[¶44] 29.5. These men were bidden to report to the consul that, if he could not come himself to Rome for the elections, he should on Roman territory name a dictator for the purpose of the elections;

> Latin: 29.5. hi nuntiare consuli iussi ut si ad comitia ipse uenire Romam non posset dictatorem in agro Romano diceret comitiorum causa;

[¶45] 29.6. that if the consul should go to Tarentum, it was the will of the senate that Quintus Claudius, the praetor, should lead his legions away to a region in which he could defend the greatest number of cities of the allies.

> Latin: 29.6. si consul Tarentum profectus esset, Q. Claudium praetorem placere in eam regionem inde abducere legiones in qua plurimas sociorum urbes tueri posset.

[¶46] 29.7. The same summer Marcus Valerius crossed over from Sicily to Africa with a fleet of a hundred ships, and making a landing at the city of Clupea, he ravaged the country far and wide, meeting hardly any armed men. Then the foragers were hurriedly brought back to the ships, because suddenly came the report that a Carthaginian fleet was approaching.

> Latin: 29.7. eadem aestate M. Ualerius cum classe centum nauium ex Sicilia in Africam tramisit, et ad Clupeam urbem escensione facta agrum late nullo ferme obuio armato uastauit. inde ad naues raptim praedatores recepti, quia repente fama accidit classem Punicam aduentare.

[¶47] 29.8. There were eighty-three ships. With these the Roman fought with success not far from Clupea. After capturing eighteen ships and putting the rest to flight, he returned to Lilybaeum with a great quantity of booty from the land and from the ships.

> Latin: 29.8. octoginta erant et tres naues. cum his haud procul Clupea prospere pugnat Romanus. duodeuiginti nauibus captis, fugatis aliis cum magna terrestri naualique praeda Lilybaeum rediit.

[¶48] 29.9. The same summer Philip, in response to their appeal, lent aid to the Achaeans, whom Machanidas, tyrant of Lacedaemon, was harassing with a war on their border, while the Aetolians also, sending their army on ships across the strait —the inhabitants call it Rhion —which flows between Naupactus and Patrae, had devastated their country.

> Latin: 29.9. eadem aestate et Philippus implorantibus Achaeis auxilium tulit, quos et Machanidas tyrannus Lacedaemoniorum finitimo bello urebat et Aetoli, nauibus per fretum quod Naupactum et Patras interfluit—Rhion incolae uocant— exercitu traiecto, depopulati erant.

[¶49] 29.10. Furthermore Attalus, King of Asia, it was reported, was about to cross over into Europe, since the Aetolians had at their last council conferred upon him the highest magistracy of their nation.

> Latin: 29.10. Attalum quoque regem Asiae, quia Aetoli summum gentis suae magistratum ad eum proximo †anno† concilio detulerant, fama erat in Europam traiecturum.

[¶50] 30.1. Consequently, as Philip was coming down into Greece, the Aetolians encountered him at the city of Lamia, their general being Pyrrhias, who along with the absent Attalus had been elected praetor for that year.

> Latin: 30.1. ob haec Philippo in Graeciam descendenti ad Lamiam urbem Aetoli duce Pyrrhia, qui praetor in eum annum cum absente Attalo creatus erat, occurrerunt.

[¶51] 30.2. They had with them auxiliary troops from Attalus and also about a thousand men sent by Publius Sulpicius from the Roman fleet. Against this general and these forces Philip fought twice with success. In each battle he slew fully a thousand of the enemy. Then, while the Aetolians, constrained by fear, remained inside the walls of the city of Lamia, Philip led his army back to Phalara. The place is on the Maliac Gulf, and was formerly populous on account of its remarkable harbour and safe roadsteads on this side and that and other advantages from the sea and the land.

> Latin: 30.2. habebant et ab Attalo auxilia secum et mille ferme ex Romana classe a P. Sulpicio missos. aduersus hunc ducem atque has copias Philippus bis prospero euentu pugnauit; mille admodum hostium utraque pugna occidit. inde cum Aetoli metu compulsi Lamiae urbis moenibus tenerent sese, Philippus ad Phalara exercitum duxit;

[¶52] 30.3. To that place came ambassadors from Ptolemy, King of Egypt, and from the Rhodians and Athenians and Chians, in order to bring to an end the war between Philip and the Aetolians.

> Latin: 30.3. in Maliaco sinu is locus est, quondam frequenter habitatus propter egregium portum tutasque circa stationes et aliam opportunitatem maritimam terrestremque.

[¶53] 30.4. A peacemaker from their neighbours also was brought in by the Aetolians, Amynander, King of the Athamanians. For all of them, however, it was not so much solicitude for the Aetolians, a race more warlike than comports with the character of Greeks, as it was the fear lest Philip and his kingdom might become involved in the affairs of Greece and become a menace to freedom.

> Latin: 30.4. eo legati ab rege Aegypti Ptolomaeo Rhodiisque et Atheniensibus et Chiis uenerunt ad dirimendum inter Philippum atque Aetolos bellum. adhibitus ab Aetolis et ex finitimis pacificator Amynander, rex Athamanum. omnium autem non tanta pro Aetolis cura erat, ferociori quam pro ingeniis Graecorum gente, quam ne Philippus regnumque eius rebus Graeciae, graue libertati futurum, immisceretur.

[¶54] 30.6. As for the peace, consideration was postponed until the council of the Achaeans, and for that council a place and also a fixed date were appointed. Meantime a truce for thirty days was obtained.

> Latin: 30.6. de pace dilata consultatio est in concilium Achaeorum, concilioque ei et locus et dies certa indicta; interim triginta dierum indutiae impetratae.

[¶55] 30.7. Setting out from thence King Philip came by way of Thessaly and Boeotia to Chalcis in Euboea, in order that he might prevent Attalus, who, he had heard, was about to make for Euboea with a fleet, from using the harbours and from landing on the shore.

> Latin: 30.7. profectus inde rex per Thessaliam Boeotiamque Chalcidem Euboeae uenit ut Attalum, quem classe Euboeam petiturum audierat, portibus et litorum adpulsu arceret.

[¶56] 30.8. And then, leaving a garrison against Attalus, in case he should cross over in the meantime, he set out himself with a few horsemen and light-armed and came to Argos.

> Latin: 30.8. inde praesidio relicto aduersus Attalum si forte interim traiecisset, profectus ipse cum paucis equitum leuisque armaturae Argos uenit.

[¶57] 30.9. There the direction of the games in honour of Hera and of the Nemean Games was conferred upon him by vote of the people, because the kings of the Macedonians claim that they sprang from that city. When the Heraea were over, immediately after the games he left for Aegium and the long since appointed council of his allies.

> Latin: 30.9. ibi curatione Heraeorum Nemeorumque suffragiis populi ad eum delata quia se Macedonum reges ex ea ciuitate oriundos referunt, Heraeis peractis ab ipso ludicro extemplo Aegium profectus est ad indictum multo ante sociorum concilium.

[¶58] 30.10. There they discussed the termination of the Aetolian war, that neither the Romans nor Attalus might have reason to enter Greece.

> Latin: 30.10. ibi de Aetolico finiendo bello actum ne causa aut Romanis aut Attalo intrandi Graeciam esset.

[¶59] 30.11. But all such plans, though the time of the truce had scarcely elapsed, were thrown into confusion by the Aetolians, when they heard that Attalus had reached Aegina and also that a Roman fleet was lying at Naupactus.

> Latin: 30.11. sed ea omnia uixdum indutiarum tempore circumacto Aetoli turbauere postquam et Attalum Aeginam uenisse et Romanam classem stare ad Naupactum audiuere.

[¶60] 30.12. For on being called into the council of the Achaeans, in which were also present the embassies which at Phalara had spoken on behalf of peace, they at first complained of certain small breaches of the agreement committed during the truce.

> Latin: 30.12. uocati enim in concilium Achaeorum, in quo et eae legationes erant quae ad Phalara egerant de pace, primum questi sunt quaedam parua contra fidem conuentionis tempore indutiarum facta;

[¶61] 30.13. Finally they asserted that the war could not be brought to an end unless the Achaeans should restore Pylus to the Messenians, and Atintania should be returned to the Romans, and the Ardiaei to Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus.

> Latin: 30.13. postremo negarunt dirimi bellum posse nisi Messeniis Achaei Pylum redderent, Romanis restitueretur Atintania, Scerdilaedo et Pleurato Ardiaei.

[¶62] 30.14. Philip, who thought it a perfect outrage for the vanquished actually to offer terms to him, the victor, said that on the former occasion also it was not with any hope that the Aetolians would keep quiet that he had either listened to pleas for peace or agreed to a truce, but in order to have all the allies witnesses that he had sought a ground for peace, the Aetolians a ground for war.

> Latin: 30.14. enimuero indignum ratus Philippus uictos uictori sibi ultro condiciones ferre, ne antea quidem se aut de pace audisse aut indutias pepigisse dixit spem ullam habentem quieturos Aetolos, sed uti omnes socios testes haberet se pacis, illos belli causam quaesisse.

[¶63] 30.15. So, with peace unachieved, he dismissed the council, leaving four thousand armed men to protect the Achaeans and receiving five warships from them. He had decided that, if he should add these to the Carthaginian fleet lately sent to him, and to the ships that were coming from Bithynia from King Prusias, he would attack the Romans, who had long commanded the sea in that region, in a naval battle.

> Latin: 30.15. ita infecta pace concilium dimisit quattuor milibus armatorum relictis ad praesidium Achaeorum et quinque longis nauibus acceptis, quas si adiecisset missae nuper ad se classi Carthaginiensium et ex Bithynia ab rege Prusia uenientibus nauibus, statuerat nauali proelio lacessere Romanos iam diu in regione ea potentes maris. ipse ab eo concilio Argos regressus;

[¶64] 30.17. As for himself, he returned from that council to Argos; for the time of the Nemean Games was at hand, and he wished them to be more festive because of his presence.

> Latin: 30.17. iam enim Nemeorum appetebat tempus, quae celebrari uolebat praesentia sua.

[¶65] 31.1. While the king was engaged in preparing for the games and relaxing during the festal days with more freedom than in war-times, Publius Sulpicius sailing from Naupactus put in with his fleet between Sicyon and Corinth and ravaged a region of the most noted fertility far and wide.

> Latin: 31.1. occupato rege apparatu ludorum et per dies festos licentius quam inter belli tempora remittente animum P. Sulpicius ab Naupacto profectus classem adpulit inter Sicyonem et Corinthum agrumque nobilissimae fertilitatis effuse uastauit.

[¶66] 31.2. The report of this called Philip away from the games; and setting out in haste with the cavalry, after ordering the infantry to follow, he attacked the Romans, who, fearing nothing of the kind, were widely scattered over the country and loaded down with their plunder, and he drove them to their ships.

> Latin: 31.2. fama eius rei Philippum ab ludis exciuit; raptimque cum equitatu profectus iussis subsequi peditibus, palatos passim per agros grauesque praeda ut qui nihil tale metuerent adortus Romanos compulit in naues.

[¶67] 31.3. The Roman fleet, not at all happy over its plunder, returned to Naupactus. For Philip the remainder of the games also had gained in festivity from the news of a victory, unimportant as it might be, but still over the Romans. And the festival was observed with immense rejoicing, all the more because, to be popular, he had removed his diadem and purple and other regal attire, and in appearance had put himself on the same plane as the others, than which nothing is more acceptable to free states.

> Latin: 31.3. classis Romana haudquaquam laeta praeda Naupactum redit: Philippo ludorum quoque qui reliqui erant celebritatem quantaecumque, de Romanis tamen, uictoriae partae fama auxerat, laetitiaque ingenti celebrati festi dies, eo magis etiam quod populariter dempto capitis insigni purpuraque atque alio regio habitu aequauerat ceteris se in speciem, quo nihil gratius est ciuitatibus liberis;

[¶68] 31.5. Also by doing so he would have offered them no uncertain hope of freedom, had he not degraded and debased everything by his insufferable lust. For with one or two companions he would roam day and night round the homes of married couples, and lowering himself to the level of a private citizen, the less he was observed the more unrestrained was he; and liberty, of which he had made but an empty show to others, for his purpose he had turned wholly to licence.

> Latin: 31.5. praebuissetque haud dubiam eo facto spem libertatis nisi omnia intoleranda libidine foeda ac deformia effecisset. uagabatur autem cum uno aut altero comite per maritas domos dies noctesque, et summittendo se in priuatum fastigium quo minus conspectus eo solutior erat, et libertatem, cum aliis uanam ostendisset, totam in suam licentiam uerterat.

[¶69] 31.7. For he did not obtain everything by purchase or cajoling, but even employed force to gain his shameful ends. And it was dangerous for both husbands and parents if they had delayed the royal lust by disobliging strictness.

> Latin: 31.7. neque enim omnia emebat aut eblandiebatur, sed uim etiam flagitiis adhibebat, periculosumque et uiris et parentibus erat moram incommoda seueritate libidini regiae fecisse;

[¶70] 31.8. Even from Aratus, one of the leading men of the Achaeans, his wife, named Polycratia, had been taken away and carried off into Macedonia with the prospect of a royal marriage.

> Latin: 31.8. uni etiam principi Achaeorum Arato adempta uxor nomine Polycratia ac spe regiarum nuptiarum in Macedoniam asportata fuerat.

[¶71] 31.9. After the festival of the Nemea had been completed in the midst of such shameful conduct, and he had added a few more days, he set out for Dymae, in order to expel the Aetolian garrison which had been summoned by the Eleans and admitted to their city.

> Latin: 31.9. per haec flagitia sollemni Nemeorum peracto paucisque additis diebus, Dymas est profectus ad praesidium Aetolorum quod ab Eleis accitum acceptumque in urbem erat eiciendum.

[¶72] 31.10. Cycliadas, who held the chief command, and the Achaeans met the king near Dymae, being not only inflamed with hatred of the Eleans because they were at odds with the rest of the Achaeans, but also hostile to the Aetolians, who, they believed, had stirred the Romans likewise to a war against them.

> Latin: 31.10. Cycliadas—penes eum summa imperii erat— Achaeique ad Dymas regi occurrere, et Eleorum accensi odio quod a ceteris Achaeis dissentirent, et infensi Aetolis quos Romanum quoque aduersus se mouisse bellum credebant.

[¶73] 31.11. Setting forth from Dymae and uniting their armies, they crossed the river Larisus, which separates the Elean territory from that of Dymae.

> Latin: 31.11. profecti ab Dymis coniuncto exercitu transeunt Larisum amnem, qui Eleum agrum ab Dymaeo dirimit.

[¶74] 32.1. The first day on which they entered the territory of the enemy they spent in devastation. On the next day, drawing up a battle-line, they approached the city, after sending the cavalry in advance; it was to ride up to the gates and provoke the Aetolians, a race of men alert for sallies.

> Latin: 32.1. primum diem quo fines hostium ingressi sunt populando absumpserunt; postero die acie instructa ad urbem accesserunt praemissis equitibus qui obequitando portis promptum ad excursiones genus lacesserent Aetolorum.

[¶75] 32.2. They did not know that Sulpicius with fifteen ships had crossed over from Naupactus to Cyllene, and landing four thousand armed men had entered Elis in the dead of night, so that the column should not be seen.

> Latin: 32.2. ignorabant Sulpicium cum quindecim nauibus ab Naupacto Cyllenen traiecisse et expositis in terram quattuor milibus armatorum silentio noctis ne conspici agmen posset intrasse Elim.

[¶76] 32.3. Consequently the surprise inspired great alarm, when they had recognized Roman standards and arms among the Aetolians and Eleans.

> Latin: 32.3. itaque improuisa res ingentem iniecit terrorem postquam inter Aetolos Eleosque Romana signa atque arma cognouere.

[¶77] 32.4. And at first the king had wished to recall his men; then, on seeing his own men hard pressed by the battle already begun between the Aetolians and the Tralles, an Illyrian race, the king also with his cavalry charged a Roman cohort.

> Latin: 32.4. et primo recipere suos uoluerat rex; deinde contracto iam inter Aetolos et Tralles—Illyriorum id est genus—certamine cum urgeri uideret suos, et ipse rex cum equitatu in cohortem Romanam incurrit.

[¶78] 32.5. There his horse was run through by a javelin and threw the king sprawling over his head, whereupon a fierce battle was kindled on both sides, as the Romans made an attack upon the king and at the same time the king's guards tried to protect him.

> Latin: 32.5. ibi equus pilo traiectus cum prolapsum super caput regem effudisset, atrox pugna utrimque accensa est, et ab Romanis impetu in regem facto et protegentibus regiis.

[¶79] 32.6. Conspicuous was his own fighting also, although he had been forced to go into battle on foot among horsemen. Then, when the combat was now one-sided and many were falling and being wounded around him, he was seized by his men, was lifted upon another horse, and fled.

> Latin: 32.6. insignis et ipsius pugna fuit cum pedes inter equites coactus esset proelium inire; dein cum iam impar certamen esset caderentque circa eum multi et uolnerarentur, raptus ab suis atque alteri equo iniectus fugit.

[¶80] 32.7. On that day he pitched camp five miles from the city of Elis. The next day he led out all his troops to a neighbouring fortress of the Eleans —they call it Pyrgus —into which he had heard that a great number of rustics, together with their flocks, had been driven by the fear of being robbed.

> Latin: 32.7. eo die castra quinque milia passuum ab urbe Eleorum posuit; postero die ad propinquum Eleorum castellum—Pyrgum uocant—copias omnes eduxit, quo agrestium multitudinem cum pecoribus metu populationum compulsam audierat.

[¶81] 32.8. That unorganized and unarmed multitude he at once captured in the first panic as he came up. And by that booty he had made good the disgrace he had suffered at Elis.

> Latin: 32.8. eam inconditam inermemque multitudinem primo statim terrore adueniens cepit; compensaueratque ea praeda quod ignominiae ad Elim acceptum fuerat.

[¶82] 32.9. As he was dividing the booty and the captives —there were in fact four thousand persons and about twenty thousand cattle of every kind —came the news from Macedonia that one Aëropus by bribing the commander of the citadel and garrison had captured Lychnidus, was holding some villages of the Dassaretii and also stirring up the Dardani.

> Latin: 32.9. diuidenti praedam captiuosque—fuere autem quattuor milia hominum, pecorisque omnis generis ad uiginti milia—nuntius ex Macedonia uenit Aeropum quendam corrupto arcis praesidiique praefecto Lychnidum cepisse; tenere et Dassaretiorum quosdam uicos et Dardanos etiam concire.

[¶83] 32.10. Consequently the king, dropping the Achaean and Aetolian war, but still leaving twenty-five hundred armed men of every sort with Menippus and Polyphantas as commanders to defend his allies, setting out from Dymae, made his way through Achaia and Boeotia and Euboea in ten day's marches to Demetrias in Thessaly.

> Latin: 32.10. omisso igitur Achaico atque Aetolico bello, relictis tamen duobus milibus et quingentis omnis generis armatorum cum Menippo et Polyphanta ducibus ad praesidium sociorum, profectus ab Dymis per Achaiam Boeotiamque et Euboeam decimis castris Demetriadem in Thessaliam peruenit.

[¶84] 33.1. There other messengers met him, bringing news of a greater inroad: that the Dardanians pouring into Macedonia were already holding Orestis and had come down into the Argestaean Plain; and that it was currently reported among the barbarians that Philip had been slain.

> Latin: 33.1. ibi alii maiorem adferentes tumultum nuntii occurrunt, Dardanos in Macedoniam effusos Orestidem iam tenere ac descendisse in Argestaeum campum, famamque inter barbaros celebrem esse Philippum occisum.

[¶85] 33.2. On that raid in which he fought near Sicyon with men who were ravaging the country, he was dashed against a tree by his charging horse, and broke off one of the two horns of his helmet against a projecting branch.

> Latin: 33.2. expeditione ea qua cum populatoribus agri ad Sicyonem pugnauit, in arborem inlatus impetu equi ad eminentem ramum cornu alterum galeae praefregit;

## 36. Book XXVII · chapters 33–42

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/36/#p-N

[¶0] 33.3. It was found by a certain Aetolian and carried into Aetolia to Scerdilaedus, who was acquainted with the ornament of the helmet, and this spread abroad the report that the king had been slain.

> Latin: 33.3. id inuentum ab Aetolo quodam perlatumque in Aetoliam ad Scerdilaedum, cui notum erat insigne galeae, famam interfecti regis uolgauit. post profectionem ex Achaia regis Sulpicius Aeginam classe profectus cum Attalo sese coniunxit.

[¶1] 33.5. After the departure of the king from Achaia, Sulpicius went with his fleet to Aegina and joined Attalus. The Achaeans fought a successful engagement with the Aetolians and Eleans not far from Messene.

> Latin: 33.5. Achaei cum Aetolis Eleisque haud procul Messene prosperam pugnam fecerunt. Attalus rex et P. Sulpicius Aeginae hibernarunt.

[¶2] 33.6. King Attalus and Publius Sulpicius spent the winter at Aegina. At the end of this year Titus Quinctius, the consul, after naming Titus Manlius Torquatus dictator for the purpose of holding elections and games, died of his wound.

> Latin: 33.6. exitu huius anni T. Quinctius consul, dictatore comitiorum ludorumque faciendorum causa dicto T. Manlio Torquato, ex uolnere moritur;

[¶3] 33.7. Some relate that he died at Tarentum, others in Campania. So two consuls —and this had happened in no previous war —losing their lives without a notable battle, had left the state as it were bereft. The dictator Manlius named Gaius Servilius, then a curule aedile, as master of the horse.

> Latin: 33.7. alii Tarenti, alii in Campania mortuum tradunt; ita quod nullo ante bello acciderat, duo consules sine memorando proelio interfecti uelut orbam rem publicam reliquerant. dictator Manlius magistrum equitum C. Seruilium —tum aedilis curulis erat—dixit.

[¶4] 33.8. The senate on the first day on which it sat ordered the dictator to conduct the great games which Marcus Aemilius, the city praetor, had conducted in the consulship of Gaius Flaminius and Gnaeus Servilius and had vowed for the fifth year thereafter. At this time the dictator conducted the games and also vowed them for the succeeding lustrum.

> Latin: 33.8. senatus quo die primum est habitus ludos magnos facere dictatorem iussit, quos M. Aemilius praetor urbanus C. Flaminio, Cn. Seruilio consulibus fecerat et in quinquennium uouerat; tum dictator et fecit ludos et in insequens lustrum uouit.

[¶5] 33.9. But inasmuch as two consular armies were so near the enemy without their commanders, the senate and the people, neglecting everything else, were possessed by one particular concern —to elect consuls at the first possible moment, and to elect especially men whose courage was quite safe against the Carthaginian wiles.

> Latin: 33.9. ceterum cum duo consulares exercitus tam prope hostem sine ducibus essent, omnibus aliis omissis una praecipua cura patres populumque incessit consules primo quoque tempore creandi et ut eos crearent potissimum quorum uirtus satis tuta a fraude Punica esset:

[¶6] 33.10. Not only throughout that war, they said, had the over-hasty, fiery temperament of the generals proved ruinous, but in that very year the consuls in their excessive eagerness to engage with the enemy had fallen unawares into a trap.

> Latin: 33.10. cum toto eo bello damnosa praepropera ac feruida ingenia imperatorum fuissent, tum eo ipso anno consules nimia cupiditate conserendi cum hoste manum in necopinatam fraudem lapsos esse;

[¶7] 33.11. But, they added, the immortal gods, taking pity upon the Roman people, had spared the innocent armies, and had punished the rashness of the consuls by the loss of their own lives.

> Latin: 33.11. ceterum deos immortales, miseritos nominis Romani, pepercisse innoxiis exercitibus, temeritatem consulum ipsorum capitibus damnasse.

[¶8] 34.1. While the fathers were casting about to see whom they should make consuls, pre-eminent above all the rest was Gaius Claudius Nero; their quest was for his colleague.

> Latin: 34.1. cum circumspicerent patres quosnam consules facerent, longe ante alios eminebat C. Claudius Nero.

[¶9] 34.2. And they considered Nero a remarkable man, to be sure, but more hasty and violent than the war situation and Hannibal as enemy demanded.

> Latin: 34.2. ei collega quaerebatur; et uirum quidem eum egregium ducebant, sed promptiorem acrioremque quam tempora belli postularent aut hostis Hannibal;

[¶10] 34.3. They thought his violent nature must be tempered by giving him as his colleague a man of moderation and foresight. There was Marcus Livius, who many years before, after his consulship, had been condemned by verdict of the people, and had been so indignant at that disgrace that he removed to the country and for many years absented himself from the city and also from every gathering of men.

> Latin: 34.3. temperandum acre ingenium [eius] moderato et prudenti uiro adiuncto collega censebant. M. Liuius erat, multis ante annis ex consulatu populi iudicio damnatus, quam ignominiam adeo aegre tulerat ut rus migrarit et per multos annos et urbe et omni coetu careret hominum.

[¶11] 34.5. About seven years after his condemnation Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the consuls, had brought him back into the city. But he wore old clothing and long hair and beard, revealing outwardly in countenance and garb a notable memory of the disgrace he had incurred, Lucius Veturius and Publius Licinius, the censors, compelled him to shave and lay aside his neglected appearance and to come into the senate and perform other public duties.

> Latin: 34.5. octauo ferme post damnationem anno M. Claudius Marcellus et M. Ualerius Laeuinus consules reduxerant eum in urbem; sed erat ueste obsoleta capilloque et barba promissa, prae se ferens in uoltu habituque insignem memoriam ignominiae acceptae.

[¶12] 34.6. Even then, however, he would either assent in a word or go over to the side of the mover, until the case of his relative, Marcus Livius Macatus, whose reputation was involved, obliged him to stand up and deliver his opinion in the senate.

> Latin: 34.6. L. Ueturius et P. Licinius censores eum tonderi et squalorem deponere et in senatum uenire fungique aliis publicis muneribus coegerunt;

[¶13] 34.7. When he was heard at that time after so long an interval, he attracted men's attention to himself and gave occasion for their saying that the people had wronged a man who did not deserve it, and that it had been a great loss that in so serious a war the state had not availed itself of the services and the advice of such a man; that neither Quintus Fabius nor Marcus Valerius Laevinus could be given to Gaius Nero as his colleague, because it was not lawful to elect two patricians;

> Latin: 34.7. sed tum quoque aut uerbo adsentiebatur aut pedibus in sententiam ibat donec cognati hominis eum causa M. Liuii Macati, cum fama eius ageretur, stantem coegit in senatu sententiam dicere. tunc ex tanto interuallo auditus conuertit ora hominum in se, causamque sermonibus praebuit indigno iniuriam a populo factam magnoque id damno fuisse quod tam graui bello nec opera nec consilio talis uiri usa res publica esset:

[¶14] 34.9. that the same reason applied to Titus Manlius, in addition to the fact that he had refused and would refuse the offer of a consulship.

> Latin: 34.9. C. Neroni neque Q. Fabium neque M. Ualerium Laeuinum dari collegam posse quia duos patricios creari non liceret;

[¶15] 34.10. An extraordinary pair of consuls it would be, if they should link Marcus Livius with Gaius Claudius as his colleague. And mention of the matter, beginning with the fathers, was not frowned upon by the people.

> Latin: 34.10. eandem causam in T. Manlio esse praeterquam quod recusasset delatum consulatum recusaturusque esset; egregium par consulum fore, si M. Liuium C. Claudio collegam adiunxissent.

[¶16] 34.11. The only one in the state who rejected it, accusing the citizens of inconsistency, was the man to whom the office was tendered.

> Latin: 34.11. nec populus mentionem eius rei ortam a patribus est aspernatus.

[¶17] 34.12. He said that, having shown no pity toward a defendant in mourning, they were offering the whitened toga to a reluctant man; honours and penalties were being heaped upon the same person.

> Latin: 34.12. unus eam rem in ciuitate is cui deferebatur honos abnuebat, leuitatem ciuitatis accusans: sordidati rei non miseritos candidam togam inuito offerre;

[¶18] 34.13. If they thought him a good man, why then had they condemned him as a bad man and a criminal? If they had found him a criminal, why then, after unfortunately entrusting a former consulship, were they now entrusting a second to him?

> Latin: 34.13. eodem honores poenasque congeri. si uirum bonum ducerent, quid ita pro malo ac noxio damnassent? si noxium comperissent, quid ita male credito priore consulatu alterum crederent?

[¶19] 34.14. When he made use of these and similar arguments and complaints, the fathers would rebuke him, and by reminding him that Marcus Furius, on being recalled from exile, had restored his native city when driven from her place —that, as in the case of parents, so the harshness of one's native city must be appeased by suffering and bearing it —through the united efforts of them all, they elected Marcus Livius consul with Gaius Claudius.

> Latin: 34.14. haec taliaque arguentem et querentem castigabant patres, et M. Furium memorantes reuocatum de exsilio patriam pulsam sede sua restituisse—ut parentium saeuitiam, sic patriae patiendo ac ferendo leniendam esse—, adnisi omnes cum <C.> Claudio M. Liuium consulem fecerunt.

[¶20] 35.1. On the third day after that the election of praetors took place. Lucius Porcius Licinus, Gaius Mamilius, Gaius Hostilius Cato and Aulus Hostilius Cato were elected praetors. After completing the elections and holding the games, the dictator and master of the horse abdicated office.

> Latin: 35.1. post diem tertium eius diei praetorum comitia habita. praetores creati L. Porcius Licinus C. Mamilius C. et A. Hostilii Catones. comitiis perfectis ludisque factis dictator et magister equitum magistratu abierunt.

[¶21] 35.2. Gaius Terentius Varro was sent into Etruria as propraetor, with the understanding that Gaius Hostilius should go from that province to Tarentum, to the army which Titus Quinctius, the consul, had had.

> Latin: 35.2. C. Terentius Uarro in Etruriam pro praetore missus ut ex ea prouincia C. Hostilius Tarentum ad eum exercitum iret quem T. Quinctius consul habuerat;

[¶22] 35.3. It was decreed also that Lucius Manlius should cross the sea as an emissary and ascertain what was going on there; at the same time, inasmuch as the Olympic Festival was to be held that summer —and, as they said, it was observed by a great multitude of Greeks —if he could be safe from the enemy, he should go to that gathering, so that such Sicilians as were there as refugees on account of the war, or citizens of Tarentum banished by Hannibal, might return and know that the Roman people was restoring to them all the possessions which they had held before the war.

> Latin: 35.3. et L. Manlius trans mare legatus iret uiseretque quae res ibi gererentur; simul quod Olympiae ludicrum ea aestate futurum erat quod maximo coetu Graeciae celebraretur, ut si tuto per hostem posset adiret id concilium ut qui Siculi bello ibi profugi aut Tarentini ciues relegati ab Hannibale essent, domos redirent scirentque sua omnia iis quae ante bellum habuissent reddere populum Romanum.

[¶23] 35.5. Inasmuch as a very dangerous year seemed impending, and the state had no consuls, everyone turned to the consuls-elect and wished that as soon as possible they should cast lots for their provinces and settle in advance what province and what enemy each of them was to have. Also a reconciliation between them was discussed in the senate, Quintus Fabius Maximus taking the initiative.

> Latin: 35.5. quia periculosissimus annus imminere uidebatur neque consules in re publica erant, in consules designatos omnes uersi quam primum eos sortiri prouincias et praesciscere quam quisque eorum prouinciam, quem hostem haberet uolebant.

[¶24] 35.6. Now between them was a well-known enmity, and for Livius his own downfall had embittered that enmity and made it more intolerable, because he believed that in that misfortune he had been treated with contempt.

> Latin: 35.6. de reconciliatione etiam gratiae eorum in senatu actum est principio facto a Q.

[¶25] 35.7. And so he was the more deaf to entreaty, and kept saying they had no need to be reconciled; that in every act each would show more spirit and alertness for fear an unfriendly colleague might have the opportunity to gain at his expense.

> Latin: 35.7. Fabio Maximo; inimicitiae autem nobiles inter eos erant et acerbiores eas indignioresque Liuio sua calamitas fecerat quod spretum se in ea fortuna credebat.

[¶26] 35.8. Nevertheless by the authority of the senate they were prevailed upon to lay aside their quarrels and to carry on the government with a common spirit and policy.

> Latin: 35.8. itaque is magis implacabilis erat et nihil opus esse reconciliatione aiebat: acrius et intentius omnia gesturos timentes ne crescendi ex se inimico collegae potestas fieret.

[¶27] 35.9. The provinces assigned to them were not locally indistinguishable, as in the preceding years, but separated by the whole length of Italy.

> Latin: 35.9. uicit tamen auctoritas senatus ut positis simultatibus communi animo consilioque administrarent rem publicam.

[¶28] 35.10. To the one was assigned the land of the Bruttii and Lucania facing Hannibal, to the other Gaul facing Hasdrubal, who was reported to be already nearing the Alps. Whichever of them should receive Gaul in the allotment was to choose the army he preferred out of the two that were in Gaul and in Etruria and the one at the city.

> Latin: 35.10. prouinciae iis non permixtae regionibus, sicut superioribus annis, sed diuersae extremis Italiae finibus, alteri aduersus Hannibalem Bruttii et Lucani, alteri Gallia aduersus Hasdrubalem quem iam Alpibus adpropinquare fama erat, decreta;

[¶29] 35.11. The consul to whom the land of the Bruttii should fall as his province was to enrol new legions for the city and take, at his own discretion, the army of one or the other of the consuls of the previous year.

> Latin: 35.11. exercitum e duobus qui in Gallia quique in Etruria esset addito urbano eligeret quem mallet, qui Galliam esset sortitus:

[¶30] 35.12. As for the army which was not taken by a consul, Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul, was to take it, and his command was to be for one year.

> Latin: 35.12. cui Bruttii prouincia euenisset, nouis legionibus urbanis scriptis utrius mallet consulum prioris anni exercitum sumeret;

[¶31] 35.13. And for Gaius Hostilius, for whom they had made a change of provinces, Tarentum in place of Etruria, they made a change of Capua instead of Tarentum.

> Latin: 35.13. relictum a consule exercitum Q. Fuluius proconsul acciperet eique in annum imperium esset.

[¶32] 35.14. One legion was assigned to him, that which in the previous year Fulvius had commanded. In regard to Hasdrubal's coming to Italy anxiety was daily increasing. First, ambassadors from Massilia had announced that he had passed over into Gaul, and that the Gauls were aroused by his coming, because he was said to have brought a great amount of gold in order to hire mercenaries.

> Latin: 35.14. et C. Hostilio, cui pro Etruria Tarentum mutauerant prouinciam, pro Tarento Capuam mutauerunt; legio una data cui Fuluius proximo anno praefuerat. de Hasdrubalis aduentu in Italiam cura in dies crescebat. Massiliensium primum legati nuntiauerant eum in Galliam transgressum erectosque aduentu eius, quia magnum pondus auri attulisse diceretur ad mercede auxilia conducenda, Gallorum animos. missi deinde cum iis legati ab Roma Sex.

[¶33] 36.3. After that, Sextus Antistius and Marcus Raecius, who were sent with them from Rome as ambassadors to look into the matter, had reported that with Massilians as guides they had sent men to ascertain all the facts through leading Gauls who were guestfriends of their guides, and to report;

> Latin: 36.3. Antistius et M. Raecius ad rem inspiciendam rettulerant misisse se cum Massiliensibus ducibus qui per hospites eorum principes Gallorum omnia explorata referrent;

[¶34] 36.4. that they had established that Hasdrubal with a huge army already concentrated would cross the Alps the next spring, and that at that time nothing else was detaining him than that the Alps were closed by the winter.

> Latin: 36.4. pro comperto habere Hasdrubalem ingenti iam coacto exercitu proximo uere Alpes traiecturum, nec tum eum quicquam aliud morari nisi quod clausae hieme Alpes essent.

[¶35] 36.5. In place of Marcus Marcellus as augur Publius Aelius Paetus was elected and installed; and Gnaeus Cornelius Dolabella was installed as rex sacrorum in place of Marcus Marcius, who had died two years before.

> Latin: 36.5. in locum M. Marcelli P. Aelius Paetus augur creatus inauguratusque, et Cn. Cornelius Dolabella rex sacrorum inauguratus est in locum M. Marci qui biennio ante mortuus erat.

[¶36] 36.6. Also in the same year the lustration was completed by the censors, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.

> Latin: 36.6. hoc eodem anno et lustrum conditum est a censoribus P. Sempronio Tuditano et M. Cornelio Cethego.

[¶37] 36.7. Enrolled in the census were 137,108 citizens, a considerably smaller number than it had been before the war. In that year for the first time since Hannibal had invaded Italy it is recorded that the Comitium was covered, and that the Roman Games were repeated for one day by the curule aediles, Quintus Metellus and Gaius Servilius.

> Latin: 36.7. censa ciuium capita centum triginta septem milia centum octo, minor aliquanto numerus quam qui ante bellum fuerat.

[¶38] 36.8. And at the Plebeian Games there was a repetition for two days by order of Gaius Mamilius and Marcus Caecilius Metellus, plebeian aediles.

> Latin: 36.8. eo anno primum ex quo Hannibal in Italiam uenisset comitium tectum esse memoriae proditum est, et ludos Romanos semel instauratos ab aedilibus curulibus Q. Metello et C. Seruilio.

[¶39] 36.9. And they likewise gave three statues at the Temple of Ceres. There was also a banquet for Jupiter on account of the festival. Later on Gaius Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius entered upon their consulship, the latter for the second time.

> Latin: 36.9. et plebeiis ludis biduum instauratum a C. Mamilio et M. Caecilio Metello aedilibus plebis; et tria signa ad Cereris iidem dederunt; et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

[¶40] 36.10. Because as consuls-elect they had already cast lots for their provinces, they ordered the praetors to cast lots.

> Latin: 36.10. consulatum inde ineunt C. Claudius Nero et M. Liuius iterum, qui quia iam designati prouincias sortiti erant, praetores sortiti iusserunt.

[¶41] 36.11. To Gaius Hostilius fell the city praetorship; the foreign praetorship also was assigned to him, to enable three praetors to go out to provinces. Sardinia fell to Aulus Hostilius, Sicily to Gaius Mamilius, Gaul to Lucius Porcius. The total of the legions was twenty-three, divided as follows among the provinces:

> Latin: 36.11. C. Hostilio iurisdictio urbana euenit; addita et peregrina, ut tres in prouincias exire possent. A. Hostilio Sardinia, C. Mamilio Sicilia, L. Porcio Gallia euenit. summa legionum trium et uiginti ita per prouincias diuisa:

[¶42] 36.12. the consuls were each to have two legions, Spain four, each of three praetors was to have two, in Sicily and Sardinia and Gaul, Gaius Terentius to have two in Etruria, Quintus Fulvius two in the land of the Bruttii, Quintus Claudius two in the vicinity of Tarentum and the Sallentini, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus one at Capua.

> Latin: 36.12. binae consulum essent, quattuor Hispania haberet, binas tres praetores, in Sicilia et Sardinia et Gallia, duas C.

[¶43] 36.13. Two city legions were to be enrolled. For the first four legions the people elected the tribunes, to the rest of the legions tribunes were sent by the consuls.

> Latin: 36.13. Terentius in Etruria, duas Q. Fuluius in Bruttiis, duas Q. Claudius circa Tarentum et Sallentinos, unam C. Hostilius Tubulus Capuae; duae urbanae ut scriberentur. primis quattuor legionibus populus tribunos creauit: in ceteras consules miserunt.

[¶44] 37.1. Before the consuls set out there were nine days of rites, because stones had rained from the sky at Veii.

> Latin: 37.1. priusquam consules proficiscerentur nouendiale sacrum fuit quia Ueiis de caelo lapidauerat.

[¶45] 37.2. Following mention of one prodigy, as usual, others also were reported: that at Minturnae the Temple of Jupiter and the grove of Marica, also at Atella the city wall and a gate had been struck by lightning.

> Latin: 37.2. sub unius prodigii, ut fit, mentionem alia quoque nuntiata: Minturnis aedem Iouis et lucum Maricae, item Atellae murum et portam de caelo tactam;

[¶46] 37.3. To make it more terrible, the men of Minturnae added that there had been a river of blood in the gate. And at Capua a wolf had entered a gate at night and mangled a sentry.

> Latin: 37.3. Minturnenses, terribilius quod esset, adiciebant sanguinis riuum in porta fluxisse; et Capuae lupus nocte portam ingressus uigilem laniauerat.

[¶47] 37.4. These prodigies were atoned for with full-grown victims, and a single day of prayer was observed by decree of the pontiffs. Then again the nine days of rites were repeated, because in the Armilustrum men saw a rain of stones.

> Latin: 37.4. haec procurata hostiis maioribus prodigia et supplicatio diem unum fuit ex decreto pontificum. inde iterum nouendiale instauratum quod in Armilustro lapidibus uisum pluere.

[¶48] 37.5. Relieved of their religious scruples, men were troubled again by the report that at Frusino there had been born a child as large as a four-year-old, and not so much a wonder for size as because, just as at Sinuessa two years before, it was uncertain whether male or female.

> Latin: 37.5. liberatas religione mentes turbauit rursus nuntiatum Frusinone natum esse infantem quadrimo parem nec magnitudine tam mirandum quam quod is quoque, ut Sinuessae biennio ante, incertus mas an femina esset natus erat.

[¶49] 37.6. In fact the soothsayers summoned from Etruria said it was a terrible and loathsome portent; it must be removed from Roman territory, far from contact with earth, and drowned in the sea.

> Latin: 37.6. id uero haruspices ex Etruria acciti foedum ac turpe prodigium dicere: extorrem agro Romano, procul terrae contactu, alto mergendum. uiuum in arcam condidere prouectumque in mare proiecerunt.

[¶50] 37.7. They put it alive into a chest, carried it out to sea and threw it overboard. The pontiffs likewise decreed that thrice nine maidens should sing a hymn as they marched through the city. While they were in the Temple of Jupiter Stator, learning that hymn, composed by Livius the poet, the Temple of Juno the Queen on the Aventine was struck by lightning.

> Latin: 37.7. decreuere item pontifices ut uirgines ter nouenae per urbem euntes carmen canerent. id cum in Iouis Statoris aede discerent conditum ab Liuio poeta carmen, tacta de caelo aedis in Auentino Iunonis reginae;

[¶51] 37.8. That this portent concerned the matrons was the opinion given by the soothsayers, and that the goddess must be appeased by a gift; whereupon the matrons domiciled in the city of Rome or within ten miles of it were summoned by an edict of the curule aediles to the Capitol. And from their own number they themselves chose twenty-five, to whom they should bring a contribution from their dowries.

> Latin: 37.8. prodigiumque id ad matronas pertinere haruspices cum respondissent donoque diuam placandam esse, aedilium curulium edicto in Capitolium conuocatae quibus in urbe Romana intraque decimum lapidem ab urbe domicilia essent, ipsae inter se quinque et uiginti delegerunt ad quas ex dotibus stipem conferrent;

[¶52] 37.10. Out of that a golden basin was made as a gift and carried to the Aventine, and the matrons after due purification offered sacrifice.

> Latin: 37.10. inde donum peluis aurea facta lataque in Auentinum, pureque et caste a matronis sacrificatum.

[¶53] 37.11. At once a day was appointed by the decemvirs for another sacrifice to the same goddess; and the order of procedure was as follows: from the Temple of Apollo two white cows were led through the Porta Carmentalis into the city; behind them were carried two statues of Juno the Queen in cypress wood.

> Latin: 37.11. confestim ad aliud sacrificium eidem diuae ab decemuiris edicta dies, cuius ordo talis fuit. ab aede Apollinis boues feminae albae duae porta Carmentali in urbem ductae; post eas duo signa cupressea Iunonis reginae portabantur;

[¶54] 37.12. Then the seven and twenty maidens in long robes marched, singing their hymn in honour of Juno the Queen, a song which to the untrained minds of that time may have deserved praise, but now, if repeated, would be repellent and uncouth.

> Latin: 37.12. tum septem et uiginti uirgines, longam indutae uestem, carmen in Iunonem reginam canentes ibant, illa tempestate forsitan laudabile rudibus ingeniis, nunc abhorrens et inconditum si referatur;

[¶55] 37.13. Behind the company of maidens followed the decemvirs wearing laurel garlands and purple-bordered togas.

> Latin: 37.13. uirginum ordinem sequebantur decemuiri coronati laurea praetextatique.

[¶56] 37.14. From the gate they proceeded along the Vicus Iugarius into the Forum. In the Forum the procession halted, and passing a rope from hand to hand the maidens advanced, accompanying the sound of the voice by beating time with their feet.

> Latin: 37.14. a porta Iugario uico in forum uenere; in foro pompa constitit et per manus reste data uirgines sonum uocis pulsu pedum modulantes incesserunt.

[¶57] 37.15. Then by way of the Vicus Tuscus and the Velabrum, through the Forum Boarium they made their way to the Clivus Publicius and the Temple of Juno the Queen. There the two victims were sacrificed by the decemvirs and the cypress statues borne into the temple.

> Latin: 37.15. inde uico Tusco Uelabroque per bouarium forum in cliuum Publicium atque aedem Iunonis reginae perrectum. ibi duae hostiae ab decemuiris immolatae et simulacra cupressea in aedem inlata.

[¶58] 38.1. After due appeasement of the gods the consuls conducted the levy more vigorously and more strictly than anyone remembered its conduct in previous years.

> Latin: 38.1. deis rite placatis dilectum consules habebant acrius intentiusque quam prioribus annis quisquam meminerat habitum;

[¶59] 38.2. For the terror of the war was doubled by the coming of a new enemy into Italy, and also there were fewer young men from whom to enlist soldiers.

> Latin: 38.2. nam et belli terror duplicatus noui hostis in Italiam aduentu et minus iuuentutis erat unde scriberent milites.

[¶60] 38.3. Accordingly they compelled even the men of the seaboard colonies, who, it was said, had an exemption that could not be touched, to furnish soldiers. When they refused, the consuls named a date for them to report to the senate on what basis each state had exemption.

> Latin: 38.3. itaque colonos etiam maritimos, qui sacrosanctam uacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant. quibus recusantibus edixere in diem certam ut quo quisque iure uacationem haberet ad senatum deferret.

[¶61] 38.4. On that day these came before the senate: Ostia, Alsium, Antium, Anxur, Minturnae, Sinuessa, and from the Upper Sea, Sena. Although each state read the evidence of its exemption, in no case except Antium and Ostia was exemption respected so long as the enemy was in Italy;

> Latin: 38.4. ea die ad senatum hi populi uenerunt, Ostiensis Alsiensis Antias Anxurnas Minturnensis Sinuessanus, et ab supero mari Senensis. cum uacationes suas quisque populus recitaret, nullius cum in Italia hostis esset praeter Antiatem Ostiensemque uacatio obseruata est;

[¶62] 38.5. and in the case of these colonies the younger men were made to swear that they would not pass the night outside the walls of their colony for more than thirty days, so long as the enemy was in Italy.

> Latin: 38.5. et earum coloniarum iuniores iure iurando adacti supra dies triginta non pernoctaturos se extra moenia coloniae suae donec hostis in Italia esset.

[¶63] 38.6. All the senators were indeed of the opinion that the consuls must take the field at the earliest possible moment. For they felt that Hasdrubal must be met as he came down from the Alps, to prevent his stirring up the Cisalpine Gauls or Etruria, which was already aroused to the hope of rebellion, and likewise that Hannibal must be kept busy with a war of his own, that he might not be able to leave the country of the Bruttii and go to meet his brother.

> Latin: 38.6. cum omnes censerent primo quoque tempore consulibus eundum ad bellum—nam et Hasdrubali occurrendum esse descendenti ab Alpibus ne Gallos Cisalpinos neue Etruriam erectam in spem rerum nouarum sollicitaret, et Hannibalem suo proprio occupandum bello ne emergere ex Bruttiis atque obuiam ire fratri posset—, Liuius cunctabatur parum fidens suarum prouinciarum exercitibus:

[¶64] 38.8. Nevertheless Livius was hesitating, having small confidence in the armies of his provinces, while his colleague, he thought, had his choice between two excellent consular armies and a third army which Quintus Claudius commanded at Tarentum. Livius had also mentioned a proposal to recall the slave volunteers to their standards.

> Latin: 38.8. collegam ex duobus consularibus egregiis exercitibus et tertio cui Q. Claudius Tarenti praeesset electionem habere; intuleratque mentionem de uolonibus reuocandis ad signa.

[¶65] 38.9. The senate gave the consuls unlimited power both to supplement from any source they pleased, and to choose out of all the armies men whom they preferred, and to exchange them, and to transfer them from their provinces whithersoever they thought to the advantage of the state.

> Latin: 38.9. senatus liberam potestatem consulibus fecit et supplendi unde uellent et eligendi de omnibus exercitibus quos uellent permutandique ex prouinciis quos e re publica censerent esse traducendos. ea omnia cum summa concordia consulum acta.

[¶66] 38.10. All of this was done with the greatest harmony on the part of the consuls.

> Latin: 38.10. uolones in undeuicensimam et uicensimam legiones scripti.

[¶67] 38.11. The slave volunteers were enrolled in the nineteenth and twentieth legions. Auxiliary forces of great strength, according to some of the authorities for this war, were sent from Spain as well to Marcus Livius by Publius Scipio, namely, eight thousand Spaniards and Gauls and two thousand legionary soldiers, one thousand eight' hundred cavalry, partly Numidians, partly Spanish.

> Latin: 38.11. magni roboris auxilia ex Hispania quoque a P. Scipione M. Liuio missa quidam ad id bellum auctores sunt, octo milia Hispanorum Gallorumque et duo milia de legione militum, equitum mille octingentos mixtos Numidas Hispanosque;

[¶68] 38.12. They report that Marcus Lucretius brought these troops by sea; and that about three thousand archers and slingers were sent from Sicily by Gaius Mamilius.

> Latin: 38.12. M. Lucretium has copias nauibus aduexisse; et sagittariorum funditorumque ad tria milia ex Sicilia C. Mamilium misisse.

[¶69] 39.1. At Rome the confusion was increased by the receipt of a letter from Gaul written by Lucius Porcius, the praetor, reporting that Hasdrubal had left his winter quarters and was already crossing the Alps; that eight thousand Ligurians, enrolled and armed, would join him after he had crossed into Italy, unless some one should be sent into Liguria to forestall them by a war; that he would himself advance, so far as he thought safe, with an army that was not strong.

> Latin: 39.1. auxerunt Romae tumultum litterae ex Gallia allatae ab L. Porcio praetore: Hasdrubalem mouisse ex hibernis et iam Alpes transire; octo milia Ligurum conscripta armataque coniunctura se transgresso in Italiam esse nisi mitteretur in Ligures qui eos bello occuparet; se cum inualido exercitu quoad tutum putaret progressurum.

[¶70] 39.3. This letter constrained the consuls to complete the levy in haste and to leave for their provinces earlier than they had planned, with this intention, that each of them should keep an enemy in his province, and not allow them to come together and combine their armies in one.

> Latin: 39.3. hae litterae consules raptim confecto dilectu maturius quam constituerant exire in prouincias coegerunt ea mente ut uterque hostem in sua prouincia contineret neque coniungi aut conferre in unum uires pateretur.

[¶71] 39.4. Of the greatest assistance in that direction was Hannibal's miscalculation. He had believed, indeed, that his brother would come over into Italy that summer; but when he recalled what he had himself endured during five months, in crossing first the Rhone, and then the Alps, in conflicts with men and the nature of the country, he looked forward to a crossing by no means so easy and so soon accomplished.

> Latin: 39.4. plurimum in eam rem adiuuit opinio Hannibalis quod, etsi ea aestate transiturum in Italiam fratrem crediderat, recordando quae ipse in transitu nunc Rhodani nunc Alpium cum hominibus locisque pugnando per quinque menses exhausisset, haudquaquam tam facilem maturumque transitum exspectabat;

[¶72] 39.5. This accounted for his slowness in leaving winter quarters.

> Latin: 39.5. ea tardius mouendi ex hibernis causa fuit.

[¶73] 39.6. But for Hasdrubal everything moved more quickly and more easily than had been expected by himself and others. For not only did the Arverni, and then in turn other Gallic and Alpine tribes, receive him, but they even followed him to war.

> Latin: 39.6. ceterum Hasdrubali et sua et aliorum spe omnia celeriora atque expeditiora fuere. non enim receperunt modo Aruerni eum deincepsque aliae Gallicae atque Alpinae gentes, sed etiam secutae sunt ad bellum;

[¶74] 39.7. And not merely was he leading an army through country for the most part made passable by his brother's crossing, although previously trackless, but, thanks to the opening up of the Alps by twelve years of habitual use, they were also crossing through tribes now less savagely disposed.

> Latin: 39.7. et cum per munita pleraque transitu fratris quae antea inuia fuerant ducebat, tum etiam duodecim annorum adsuetudine peruiis Alpibus factis inter mitiora iam transibant hominum ingenia.

[¶75] 39.8. For previously, being never seen by strange peoples and unaccustomed themselves to see a stranger in their own land, they were unfriendly to the human race in general. And at first, not knowing whither the Carthaginian was bound, they had believed that their own rocks and fastnesses and booty in cattle and men were the objects of attack.

> Latin: 39.8. inuisitati namque antea alienigenis nec uidere ipsi aduenam in sua terra adsueti, omni generi humano insociabiles erant; et primo ignari quo Poenus pergeret suas rupes suaque castella et pecorum hominumque praedam peti crediderant;

[¶76] 39.9. Then reports of the Punic war, with which Italy had been aflame for eleven years, had made it quite plain to them that the Alps were merely a route; that two very powerful cities, separated from each other by a wide expanse of sea and land, were contending for empire and supremacy. These were the reasons which had opened the Alps for Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 39.9. fama deinde Punici belli quo duodecimum annum Italia urebatur satis edocuerat uiam tantum Alpes esse; duas praeualidas urbes magno inter se maris terrarumque spatio discretas de imperio et opibus certare. hae causae aperuerant Alpes Hasdrubali.

[¶77] 39.10. But what had been gained by the rapidity of his march he lost by delaying before Placentia, in a futile blockade rather than a siege.

> Latin: 39.10. ceterum quod celeritate itineris profectum erat, id mora ad Placentiam dum frustra obsidet magis quam oppugnat corrupit.

[¶78] 39.12. He had believed that the storming of a town in the plain was easy, and the reputation of the colony had led him on, thinking that by the destruction of that city he would inspire great alarm in the others.

> Latin: 39.12. crediderat campestris oppidi facilem expugnationem esse, et nobilitas coloniae induxerat eum, magnum se excidio eius urbis terrorem ceteris ratum iniecturum.

[¶79] 39.13. Not only did he hinder himself by that siege, but he had kept back Hannibal, who was just preparing to leave winter quarters, on hearing so much sooner than he had expected news of his brother's crossing. For Hannibal recalled not only how slow was the besieging of cities, but also how vainly he had himself attempted to take that same colony, upon returning as a victor from the Trebia.

> Latin: 39.13. non ipse se solum ea oppugnatione impediit, sed Hannibalem post famam transitus eius tanto spe sua celeriorem iam mouentem ex hibernis continuerat, quippe reputantem non solum quam lenta urbium oppugnatio esset sed etiam quam ipse frustra eandem illam coloniam ab Trebia uictor regressus temptasset.

[¶80] 40.1. The setting out of the consuls from the city in opposite directions, as though for two wars at the same time, had drawn men's anxious thoughts both ways, while they not only remembered what disasters the first coming of Hannibal had brought into Italy, but also were tormented by this anxiety: what gods were to be so kindly disposed to the city and the empire that the state should meet with success at the same time in both quarters?

> Latin: 40.1. consules diuersis itineribus profecti ab urbe uelut in duo pariter bella distenderant curas hominum, simul recordantium quas primus aduentus Hannibalis intulisset Italiae clades, simul cum illa angeret cura, quos tam propitios urbi atque imperio fore deos ut eodem tempore utrobique res publica prospere gereretur?

[¶81] 40.2. It was with a balancing of defeats so far by victories, they thought, that matters had dragged on up to that time.

> Latin: 40.2. adhuc aduersa secundis pensando rem ad id tempus extractam esse.

[¶82] 40.3. When in Italy at Trasumennus and Cannae the Roman state had gone down to defeat, victorious campaigns in Spain had saved her from falling.

> Latin: 40.3. cum in Italia ad Trasumennum et Cannas praecipitasset Romana res, prospera bella in Hispania prolapsam eam erexisse;

[¶83] 40.4. Later, when in Spain one disaster after another had partially destroyed two armies with the loss of two extraordinary generals, many successes in Italy and Sicily had supported the tottering state.

> Latin: 40.4. postea, cum in Hispania alia super aliam clades duobus egregiis ducibus amissis duos exercitus ex parte delesset, multa secunda in Italia Siciliaque gesta quassatam rem publicam excepisse;

[¶84] 40.5. And the very distance, they said, in that one of the wars was fought in the remotest part of the world, had given time to recover breath.

> Latin: 40.5. et ipsum interuallum loci, quod in ultimis terrarum oris alterum bellum gereretur, spatium dedisse ad respirandum.

[¶85] 40.6. But now two wars had been admitted into Italy, two generals of the greatest celebrity were encircling the city of Rome, and upon one spot the whole mass, the entire weight of the danger had settled. Whichever of them was the first to win a victory would within a few days unite his camp with the other's. Alarm was caused also by the preceding year, saddened by the death of two consuls.

> Latin: 40.6. nunc duo bella in Italiam accepta, duo celeberrimi nominis duces circumstare urbem Romanam, et unum in locum totam periculi molem, omne onus incubuisse. qui eorum prior uicisset, intra paucos dies castra cum altero iuncturum.

[¶86] 40.7. Troubled by such anxieties men escorted the consuls as they parted, leaving for their provinces.

> Latin: 40.7. terrebat et proximus annus lugubris duorum consulum funeribus. his anxii curis homines digredientes in prouincias consules prosecuti sunt.

[¶87] 40.8. It is related that when Marcus Livius, still filled with resentment toward his fellow-citizens, was setting out for the war, and Quintus Fabius warned him not to engage the enemy rashly, before he had come to know their character, he replied that he would fight when he first caught sight of the enemy's column.

> Latin: 40.8. memoriae proditum est plenum adhuc irae in ciues M. Liuium ad bellum proficiscentem monenti Q. Fabio ne priusquam genus hostium cognosset temere manum consereret, respondisse ubi primum hostium agmen conspexisset pugnaturum.

[¶88] 40.9. When the question was asked what reason he had for haste, he said, “I shall win either great fame from the enemy, or from my defeated fellow-citizens a joy that surely is earned, even if not to my credit.”

> Latin: 40.9. cum quaereretur quae causa festinandi esset, 'aut ex hoste egregiam gloriam' inquit 'aut ex ciuibus uictis gaudium meritum certe, etsi non honestum, capiam'.

[¶89] 40.10. Before Claudius, the consul, reached his province, as Hannibal was leading his army along the very border of the territory of... into the country of the Sallentini, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus with cohorts unencumbered by baggage attacked him and caused terrible confusion in the straggling column.

> Latin: 40.10. priusquam Claudius consul in prouinciam perueniret per extremum finem agri †Larinatis ducentem in Sallentinos exercitum Hannibalem expeditis cohortibus adortus C. Hostilius Tubulus incomposito agmini terribilem tumultum intulit;

[¶90] 40.11. He slew about four thousand men and captured nine military standards. On hearing of the approach of the enemy, Quintus Claudius, who had his camps established near the various cities of the Sallentine territory, had left his winter quarters.

> Latin: 40.11. ad quattuor milia hominum occidit, nouem signa militaria cepit. mouerat ex hibernis ad famam hostis Q. Claudius, qui per urbes agri Sallentini castra disposita habebat.

[¶91] 40.12. Accordingly, not to engage two armies at the same time, Hannibal moved his camp out of the region of Tarentum by night and retired into the country of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 40.12. itaque ne cum duobus exercitibus simul confligeret Hannibal nocte castra ex agro Tarentino mouit atque in Bruttios concessit.

[¶92] 40.13. Claudius turned his column into the territory of the Sallentini, while Hostilius on his way to Capua met the consul Claudius near Venusia.

> Latin: 40.13. Claudius in Sallentinos agmen conuertit, Hostilius Capuam petens obuius ad Uenusiam fuit consuli Claudio.

[¶93] 40.14. There forty thousand infantry and twenty-five hundred horsemen were selected from both their armies, that with them the consul might campaign against Hannibal, As for the rest of the forces, Hostilius was ordered to lead them to Capua, to be handed over to Quintus Fulvius, the proconsul.

> Latin: 40.14. ibi ex utroque exercitu electa peditum quadraginta milia, duo milia et quingenti equites, quibus consul aduersus Hannibalem rem gereret: reliquas copias Hostilius Capuam ducere iussus ut Q. Fuluio proconsuli traderet.

[¶94] 41.1. Hannibal, after concentrating the army which he had kept in winter quarters or garrisons in the land of the Bruttii, came to Grumentum in Lucania, in the hope of recovering the towns which out of fear had gone over to the Romans.

> Latin: 41.1. Hannibal undique contracto exercitu quem in hibernis aut in praesidiis agri Bruttii habuerat, in Lucanos ad Grumentum uenit spe recipiendi oppida quae per metum ad Romanos defecissent.

[¶95] 41.2. The Roman consul hastened from Venusia to the same place, reconnoitring as he advanced, and pitched camp about fifteen hundred paces from the enemy.

> Latin: 41.2. eodem a Uenusia consul Romanus exploratis itineribus contendit et mille fere et quingentos passus castra locat ab hoste.

[¶96] 41.3. The Carthaginians' earthwork seemed almost in contact with the walls of Grumentum; the distance was only five hundred paces. Between the Punic camp and the Roman lay a plain.

> Latin: 41.3. Grumenti moenibus prope iniunctum uidebatur Poenorum uallum; quingenti passus intererant.

[¶97] 41.4. Bare hills overhung the left flank of the Carthaginians and the right flank of the Romans, without arousing suspicions for either army, because they had no woods nor any hiding-places for an ambush.

> Latin: 41.4. castra Punica ac Romana interiacebat campus: colles imminebant nudi sinistro lateri Carthaginiensium, dextro Romanorum, neutris suspecti quod nihil siluae neque ad insidias latebrarum habebant.

[¶98] 41.5. In the plain between them charges starting from outposts brought on engagements not important enough to be mentioned. It was evident that the Roman general's only object was not to allow the enemy to get away. But Hannibal in his eagerness to make his way out of the place would go down into battle-line with all his forces.

> Latin: 41.5. in medio campo ab stationibus procursantes certamina haud satis digna dictu serebant. id modo Romanum quaerere apparebat ne abire hostem pateretur: Hannibal inde euadere cupiens totis uiribus in aciem descendebat.

[¶99] 41.6. Then the consul, using the enemy's talent, all the more readily that on such exposed hills ambuscades could not be feared, commanded five cohorts, with five maniples in addition, to cross over the ridge in the night, and to post themselves on the farther side of the hills.

> Latin: 41.6. tum consul ingenio hostis usus, quo minus in tam apertis collibus timeri insidiae poterant, quinque cohortes additis quinque manipulis nocte iugum superare et in auersis collibus considere iubet:

[¶100] 41.7. As to the time for them to rise from ambush and attack the enemy he instructed Tiberius Claudius Asellus, tribune of the soldiers, and Publius Claudius, prefect of the allies, officers whom he was sending with them.

> Latin: 41.7. tempus exsurgendi ex insidiis et adgrediendi hostem Ti. Claudium Asellum tribunum militum et P. Claudium praefectum socium edocet, quos cum iis mittebat.

[¶101] 41.8. At daybreak he himself led out all his forces, infantry and cavalry, into battle-line. A little later the signal for battle was set up by Hannibal also, and a shout was raised in the camp as the men rushed in all directions to get their arms. Then cavalry and infantry in rivalry dashed out of the gates and, scattering over the plain, made haste to reach the enemy.

> Latin: 41.8. ipse luce prima copias omnes peditum equitumque in aciem eduxit. paulo post et ab Hannibale signum pugnae propositum est clamorque in castris ad arma discurrentium est sublatus; inde eques pedesque certatim portis ruere ac palati per campum properare ad hostes.

[¶102] 41.9. On seeing their disorder, the consul ordered Gaius Aurunculeius, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion, to send out the cavalry of the legion with all possible momentum against the enemy, saying that they had scattered so widely, like sheep, in disorder over the whole plain that they could be routed and crushed before they were drawn up in line.

> Latin: 41.9. quos ubi effusos consul uidet, tribuno militum tertiae legionis C. Aurunculeio imperat ut equites legionis quanto maximo impetu possit in hostem emittat: ita pecorum modo incompositos toto passim se campo fudisse ut sterni obterique priusquam instruantur possint.

[¶103] 42.1. Not yet had Hannibal left the camp when he heard the shouting of the combatants. Accordingly, being summoned by the uproar, he rapidly moved his troops up to the enemy.

> Latin: 42.1. nondum Hannibal e castris exierat cum pugnantium clamorem audiuit; itaque excitus tumultu raptim ad hostem copias agit.

[¶104] 42.2. Already the foremost had been seized with the panic caused by the cavalry. Of the Roman infantry also the first legion and the right ala were coming into battle. In disorder the enemy engaged, just as chance brought a man face to face with either a foot-soldier or a horseman.

> Latin: 42.2. iam primos occupauerat equestris terror; peditum etiam prima legio et dextra ala proelium inibat. incompositi hostes, ut quemque aut pediti aut equiti casus obtulit, ita conserunt manus.

[¶105] 42.3. The battle was enlarged by the reserves and increased by the numbers of men rushing into the fray. And while his men were actually fighting, in spite of the uproar and the panic, Hannibal would have drawn them up —a thing not easy except in a veteran army and for a veteran commander —if from the rear the sound of the shouting cohorts and maniples, as they dashed down the hillsides, had not inspired the fear of being cut off from the camp.

> Latin: 42.3. crescit pugna subsidiis et procurrentium ad certamen numero augetur; pugnantesque —quod nisi in uetere exercitu et duce ueteri haud facile est—inter tumultum ac terrorem instruxisset Hannibal, ni cohortium ac manipulorum decurrentium per colles clamor ab tergo auditus metum ne intercluderentur a castris iniecisset.

[¶106] 42.5. Thereupon they were panic-stricken and flight began on all sides. And the slaughter was less only because the nearness of the camp shortened flight for the routed. For the cavalry clung close to their rear; on the flank the cohorts, charging down the slope of the hills by an open, easy road, had attacked them.

> Latin: 42.5. inde pauor incussus et fuga passim fieri coepta est; minorque caedes fuit, quia propinquitas castrorum breuiorem fugam perculsis fecit. equites enim tergo inhaerebant; in transuersa latera inuaserant cohortes secundis collibus uia nuda ac facili decurrentes.

[¶107] 42.7. However, more than eight thousand men were slain, more than seven hundred captured; nine military standards were taken. Of the elephants also, of which no use had been made in a battle sudden and disorderly, four were slain, two captured.

> Latin: 42.7. tamen supra octo milia hominum occisa, [supra] septingenti capti; signa militaria nouem adempta; elephanti etiam, quorum nullus usus in repentina ac tumultuaria pugna fuerat, quattuor occisi, duo capti.

[¶108] 42.8. About five hundred Romans and allies fell although victorious. On the next day the Carthaginian remained inactive. The Roman led his forces out into line, and on seeing that no standard-bearer was advancing against him, ordered the spoils of the fallen enemies to be gathered and the bodies of his own men to be brought together and buried.

> Latin: 42.8. circa quingentos Romanorum sociorumque uictores ceciderunt. postero die Poenus quieuit: Romanus, in aciem copiis eductis postquam neminem signa contra efferre uidit, spolia legi caesorum hostium et suorum corpora conlata in unum sepeliri iussit.

[¶109] 42.9. Then for several days in succession he came up so close to the gates that he almost seemed to be advancing into the camp, until at the third watch Hannibal set out, leaving numerous fires and tents in that part of the camp which faced the enemy, also a few Numidians to show themselves on the earthwork and at the gates; and he pushed on toward Apulia.

> Latin: 42.9. inde insequentibus continuis diebus aliquot ita institit portis ut prope inferre signa uideretur, donec Hannibal tertia uigilia crebris ignibus tabernaculisque quae pars castrorum ad hostes uergebat et Numidis paucis qui in uallo portisque se ostenderent relictis profectus Apuliam petere intendit.

## 37. Book XXVII · chapters 42–51

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/37/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/37/#p-N

[¶0] 42.11. When day dawned, the Roman line came up to the earthwork, and the Numidians showed themselves a while, as arranged, at the gates and on the wall; then after deceiving the enemy for sometime, riding at full speed they overtook their own column.

> Latin: 42.11. ubi inluxit, successit uallo Romana acies, et Numidae ex composito paulisper in portis se ualloque ostentauere, frustratique aliquamdiu hostes citatis equis agmen suorum adsequuntur.

[¶1] 42.12. The consul, perceiving the stillness in the camp and not seeing anywhere even the few men who at daybreak had been strolling about, sent two horsemen in advance into the camp to reconnoitre.

> Latin: 42.12. consul ubi silentium in castris et ne paucos quidem qui prima luce obambulauerant parte ulla cernebat, duobus equitibus speculatum in castra praemissis postquam satis tuta omnia esse exploratum est, inferri signa iussit;

[¶2] 42.13. Then, once it had been ascertained that everything was quite safe, he ordered an advance into the camp. And after lingering there only long enough for the soldiers to scatter for plunder, he then sounded the recall, and long before nightfall led his troops back.

> Latin: 42.13. tantumque ibi moratus dum milites ad praedam discurrunt receptui deinde cecinit multoque ante noctem copias reduxit.

[¶3] 42.14. Setting out at dawn on the next day, in forced marches he followed reports of the enemy's column and its tracks and overtook them not far from Venusia.

> Latin: 42.14. postero die prima luce profectus magnis itineribus famam et uestigia agminis sequens haud procul Uenusia hostem adsequitur.

[¶4] 42.15. There also there was a disorderly battle; over two thousand Carthaginians were slain. Then, marching by night and in the mountains, to give no opportunity for battle, the Carthaginian made for Metapontum.

> Latin: 42.15. ibi quoque tumultuaria pugna fuit; supra duo milia Poenorum caesa. inde nocturnis montanisque itineribus Poenus ne locum pugnandi daret Metapontum petiit.

[¶5] 42.16. Thereupon Hanno, who had commanded the garrison of that place, was sent with a few men into the land of the Bruttii to muster a fresh army. Hannibal added Hanno's troops to his own, returned to Venusia by the same route by which he had come, and proceeded thence to Canusium.

> Latin: 42.16. Hanno inde—is enim praesidio eius loci praefuerat—in Bruttios cum paucis ad exercitum nouum comparandum missus: Hannibal copiis eius ad suas additis Uenusiam retro quibus uenerat itineribus repetit atque inde Canusium procedit.

[¶6] 42.17. Nero had never left the enemy's heels and, when setting out himself for Metapontum, he had summoned Quintus Fulvius into Lucania, in order that that region should not be without troops.

> Latin: 42.17. nunquam Nero uestigiis hostis abstiterat et Q. Fuluium, cum Metapontum ipse proficisceretur, in Lucanos ne regio ea sine praesidio esset arcessierat.

[¶7] 43.1. Meanwhile Hasdrubal, after abandoning the siege of Placentia, sent four Gallic horsemen and two Numidians with a letter to Hannibal. When they had already traversed nearly the whole length of Italy through the midst of the enemy, in following Hannibal as he withdrew to Metapontum they came by roads of which they were uncertain to Tarentum and were brought by Roman foragers who roamed about the country to Quintus Claudius, the propraetor.

> Latin: 43.1. inter haec ab Hasdrubale postquam a Placentiae obsidione abscessit quattuor Galli equites, duo Numidae cum litteris missi ad Hannibalem cum per medios hostes totam ferme longitudinem Italiae emensi essent, dum Metapontum cedentem Hannibalem sequuntur incertis itineribus Tarentum delati, a uagis per agros pabulatoribus Romanis ad Q. Claudium propraetorem deducuntur.

[¶8] 43.3. At first they tried to confuse him by vague answers, but when the fear of torture was brought to bear and compelled them to admit the truth, they informed him that they were carrying a letter from Hasdrubal to Hannibal.

> Latin: 43.3. eum primo incertis implicantes responsis ut metus tormentorum admotus fateri uera coegit, edocuerunt litteras se ab Hasdrubale ad Hannibalem ferre.

[¶9] 43.4. Together with the letter, still sealed as it was, they were turned over to Lucius Verginius, tribune of the soldiers, to be conducted to Claudius, the consul.

> Latin: 43.4. cum iis litteris, sicut erant, signatis L. Uerginio tribuno militum ducendi ad Claudium consulem traduntur;

[¶10] 43.5. At the same time two troops of Samnites were sent as an escort. When they had reached the consul, and the letter had been read by an interpreter and the captives questioned, Claudius thereupon judged that the situation of the state was not such that they should carry on the war by routine methods, each consul within the bounds of his own province, operating with his own armies against an enemy prescribed by the senate.

> Latin: 43.5. duae simul turmae Samnitium praesidii causa missae. qui ubi ad consulem peruenerunt litteraeque lectae per interpretem sunt et ex captiuis percontatio facta, tum Claudius non id tempus esse rei publicae ratus quo consiliis ordinariis prouinciae suae quisque finibus per exercitus suos

[¶11] 43.7. Rather must he venture to improvise something unforeseen, unexpected, something which in the beginning would cause no less alarm among citizens than among enemies, but if accomplished would convert great fear into great rejoicing.

> Latin: 43.7. cum hoste destinato ab senatu bellum gereret—audendum ac nouandum aliquid improuisum, inopinatum, quod coeptum non minorem apud ciues quam hostes terrorem faceret, perpetratum in magnam laetitiam ex magno metu uerteret—, litteris Hasdrubalis Romam ad senatum missis simul et ipse patres conscriptos quid pararet edocet;

[¶12] 43.8. Sending Hasdrubal's letter to the senate at Rome, he likewise informed the conscript fathers what he was himself intending to do. In view of Hasdrubal's writing to his brother that he would meet him in Umbria, the consul advised the senate to summon a legion from Capua to Rome, to conduct a levy at Rome, to confront the enemy at Narnia with the city troops.

> Latin: 43.8. monet ut cum in Umbria se occursurum Hasdrubal fratri scribat legionem a Capua Romam arcessant, dilectum Romae habeant, exercitum urbanum ad Narniam hosti opponant.

[¶13] 43.9. In such terms he wrote to the senate.

> Latin: 43.9. haec senatu scripta.

[¶14] 43.10. He sent also messengers in advance through the regions of Larinum, of the Marrucini, the Frentani, the Praetutii, along the line of his proposed march, that they should all carry from the farms and the cities provisions, ready for the soldiers to eat, down to the road, and should bring out horses and mules as well, that the weary might have no lack of vehicles. As for himself, out of the whole army he chose the best soldiers, citizens and allies, six thousand infantry, a thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 43.10. praemissi item per agrum Larinatem Marrucinum Frentanum Praetutianum, qua exercitum ducturus erat, ut omnes ex agris urbibusque commeatus paratos militi ad uescendum in uiam deferrent, equos iumentaque alia producerent ut uehiculorum fessis copia esset. ipse de toto exercitu ciuium sociorumque quod roboris erat delegit, sex milia peditum, mille equites;

[¶15] 43.11. He announced that he intended to seize the nearest city in Lucania and its Carthaginian garrison; that they must all be ready for the march. Setting out at night, he changed his direction to that of Picenum.

> Latin: 43.11. pronuntiat occupare se in Lucanis proximam urbem Punicumque in ea praesidium uelle; ut ad iter parati omnes essent. profectus nocte flexit in Picenum.

[¶16] 43.12. The consul in reality was leading his army to his colleague by the longest of forced marches, having left Quintus Catius, his lieutenant, to command the camp.

> Latin: 43.12. et consul quidem quantis maximis itineribus poterat ad collegam ducebat, relicto Q. Catio legato qui castris praeesset.

[¶17] 44.1. At Rome there was no less panic and confusion than there had been four years before, when a Carthaginian camp had been pitched before the Roman walls and gates. Nor was it quite clear to men's minds whether they should praise or blame so bold a march on the part of the consul.

> Latin: 44.1. Romae haud minus terroris ac tumultus erat quam fuerat quadriennio ante cum castra Punica obiecta Romanis moenibus portisque fuerant. neque satis constabat animis tam audax iter consulis laudarent uituperarentne;

[¶18] 44.2. It was plain that it would be praised or blamed according to the outcome, than which nothing is more unjust. They said that the camp had been left near an enemy who was Hannibal, without a general, with an army from which had been detached all its strength, all its flower. And the consul had indicated a march into Lucania, whereas he was heading for Picenum and Gaul, leaving a camp that was defended by nothing more than the deception of the enemy, who was unaware that the general and a part of his army were not there.

> Latin: 44.2. apparebat, quo nihil iniquius est, ex euentu famam habiturum: castra prope Hannibalem hostem relicta sine duce cum exercitu cui detractum foret omne quod roboris, quod floris fuerit; et consulem in Lucanos ostendisse iter cum Picenum et Galliam peteret, castra relinquentem nulla alia re tutiora quam errore hostis qui ducem inde atque exercitus partem abisse ignoraret.

[¶19] 44.4. What was to happen, if that became known and Hannibal should wish either with his whole army to pursue Nero, who had set out with only six thousand armed men, or else to attack the camp, abandoned to plunder, without proper forces, without its high command, without the auspices?

> Latin: 44.4. quid futurum, si id palam fiat et aut insequi Neronem cum sex milibus armatorum profectum Hannibal toto exercitu uelit aut castra inuadere praedae relicta, sine uiribus, sine imperio, sine auspicio?

[¶20] 44.5. The earlier disasters in that war, the death of two consuls in the preceding year, were still terrifying. And they said that all those misfortunes had befallen them when the enemy had but a single general, a single army, in Italy.

> Latin: 44.5. ueteres eius belli clades, duo consules proximo anno interfecti terrebant: et ea omnia accidisse cum unus imperator, unus exercitus hostium in Italia esset: nunc duo bella Punica facta, duos ingentes exercitus, duos prope Hannibales in Italia esse.

[¶21] 44.6. At present it had become two Punic wars, two mighty armies, two Hannibals, so to speak, in Italy. For Hasdrubal also was a son of the same father, Hamilcar, and an equally strenuous commander, trained for so many years in Spain by a war with Romans, famous too for a double victory, the destruction of two armies and generals of great distinction.

> Latin: 44.6. quippe et Hasdrubalem patre eodem Hamilcare genitum, aeque impigrum ducem, per tot annos in Hispania Romano exercitatum bello, gemina uictoria insignem, duobus exercitibus cum clarissimis ducibus deletis.

[¶22] 44.7. Certainly of the swiftness of his march from Spain, and of having aroused the Gallic tribes to war he could boast far more than Hannibal himself.

> Latin: 44.7. nam itineris quidem celeritate ex Hispania et concitatis ad arma Gallicis gentibus multo magis quam Hannibalem ipsum gloriari posse;

[¶23] 44.8. For he had gathered an army in the very region in which Hannibal had lost the larger part of his forces by hunger and cold, the most pitiable forms of death.

> Latin: 44.8. quippe in iis locis hunc coegisse exercitum quibus ille maiorem partem militum fame ac frigore, quae miserrima mortis genera sint, amisisset.

[¶24] 44.9. Furthermore, men acquainted with events in Spain repeatedly added that he would encounter in Gaius Nero no unknown general, but one whom he, when himself surprised, as it happened, in a difficult pass, had baulked and baffled like a child by the pretence of drawing up terms of peace.

> Latin: 44.9. adiciebant etiam periti rerum Hispaniae haud cum ignoto eum duce C. Nerone congressurum sed quem in saltu impedito deprensus forte haud secus quam puerum conscribendis fallacibus condicionibus pacis frustratus elusisset.

[¶25] 44.10. They reckoned all the enemy's forces even larger, their own less, than they were, since fear is an interpreter always inclined to the worse side.

> Latin: 44.10. omnia maiora etiam uero praesidia hostium, minora sua, metu interprete semper in deteriora inclinato, ducebant.

[¶26] 45.1. Nero, now that he had already made his distance from the enemy such that it was quite safe to reveal his plan, briefly addressed his soldiers. He said that no plan of any general had been in appearance more reckless, but in fact safer, than his. He was leading them to certain victory.

> Latin: 45.1. Nero postquam iam tantum interualli ab hoste fecerat ut detegi consilium satis tutum esset, paucis milites adloquitur. negat ullius consilium imperatoris in speciem audacius, re ipsa tutius fuisse quam suum:

[¶27] 45.2. For inasmuch as his colleague had set out for the war only when infantry and cavalry forces had been furnished by the senate to his own satisfaction —larger forces and better equipped than if he were marching even against Hannibal —if they should themselves with their troops add ever so small a makeweight, they would change the whole situation.

> Latin: 45.2. ad certam eos se uictoriam ducere; quippe ad quod bellum collega non ante quam ad satietatem ipsius peditum atque equitum datae ab senatu copiae fuissent, maiores instructioresque quam si aduersus ipsum Hannibalem iret, profectus sit, eos ipsos quantumcumque uirium momentum addiderint rem omnem inclinaturos.

[¶28] 45.4. The mere report along the battle-line —for he would see to it that they did not hear sooner —that a second consul and a second army had arrived would put their victory beyond a doubt.

> Latin: 45.4. auditum modo in acie—nam ne ante audiatur, daturum operam—alterum consulem et alterum exercitum aduenisse haud dubiam uictoriam facturum.

[¶29] 45.5. Hearsay, he said, decides a war and slight influences move men in the direction of hope and fear. Of the glory at least to be derived from success they would themselves reap almost the whole benefit.

> Latin: 45.5. famam bellum conficere et parua momenta in spem metumque impellere animos. gloriae quidem ex re bene gesta partae fructum prope omnem ipsos laturos;

[¶30] 45.6. Always what was the last to be added is felt to have brought with it the whole issue. They themselves could see by what throngs of people, by what admiration, by what approval, their march was acclaimed.

> Latin: 45.6. semper quod postremum adiectum sit id rem totam uideri traxisse. cernere ipsos quo concursu, qua admiratione, quo fauore hominum iter suum celebretur.

[¶31] 45.7. And in fact they were marching everywhere between lines of men and women who had poured out from the farms on every side, and amidst their vows and prayers and words of praise. Defenders of the state men called them, champions of the city of Rome and of the empire. In their weapons and their right hands, they said, were placed their own safety and freedom, and those of their children.

> Latin: 45.7. et hercule per instructa omnia ordinibus uirorum mulierumque undique ex agris effusorum inter uota ac preces et laudes ibant. illos praesidia rei publicae, uindices urbis Romanae imperiique appellabant: in illorum armis dextrisque suam liberorumque suorum salutem ac libertatem repositam esse.

[¶32] 45.8. They kept imploring all the gods and goddesses that the soldiers might have a successful march, a favourable battle, a prompt victory over the enemy, and that they might themselves be obliged to pay the vows they had made on their behalf; that, just as they were now anxiously escorting them, so after a few days they might with rejoicing go to meet them in the exultation of victory.

> Latin: 45.8. deos omnes deasque precabantur ut illis faustum iter, felix pugna, matura ex hostibus uictoria esset, damnarenturque ipsi uotorum quae pro iis suscepissent ut, quemadmodum nunc solliciti prosequerentur eos, ita paucos post dies laeti ouantibus uictoria obuiam irent.

[¶33] 45.10. Then they vied with each other in invitations and offers and in importuning them to take from them in preference to others whatever would serve the men themselves and their beasts; they heaped everything upon them generously.

> Latin: 45.10. inuitare inde pro se quisque et offerre et fatigare precibus ut quae ipsis iumentisque usui essent ab se potissimum sumerent; benigne omnia cumulata dare.

[¶34] 45.11. The soldiers competed in self-restraint, not to take more than they needed. There was no loitering, no straggling, no halt except while taking food; they marched day and night; they gave to rest hardly enough time for the needs of their bodies.

> Latin: 45.11. modestia certare milites ne quid ultra usum necessarium sumerent; nihil morari, nec ab signis absistere cibum capientes; diem ac noctem ire; uix quod satis ad naturale desiderium corporum esset quieti dare.

[¶35] 45.12. And men had been sent in advance by Nero to his colleague, to announce their coming and to inquire whether he wished them to come secretly or openly, by day or by night, to establish themselves in the same camp or in another. It was thought best that they should enter by night in secret.

> Latin: 45.12. et ad collegam praemissi erant qui nuntiarent aduentum percontarenturque clam an palam, interdiu an noctu uenire sese uellet, iisdem an aliis considere castris. nocte clam ingredi uisum est.

[¶36] 46.1. Orders had been sent by Livius, the consul, throughout the camp that tribune should receive tribune, centurion centurion, horseman horseman, foot-soldier foot-soldier; for to enlarge the camp was not to the purpose, he said, lest the enemy should know of the arrival of the other consul.

> Latin: 46.1. tessera per castra ab Liuio consule data erat ut tribunus tribunum, centurio centurionem, eques equitem, pedes peditem acciperet:

[¶37] 46.2. And to crowd in larger numbers of men in cramped quarters was to prove easier, because Claudius' army had brought with it on its expedition hardly anything besides its arms.

> Latin: 46.2. neque enim dilatari castra opus esse, ne hostis aduentum alterius consulis sentiret; et coartatio plurium in angusto tendentium facilior futura erat quod Claudianus exercitus nihil ferme praeter arma secum in expeditionem tulerat.

[¶38] 46.3. But in the very course of the march the column had been enlarged by volunteers; for not only did old soldiers who had already completed their service offer themselves of their own motion, but also young men who had vied with each other in giving in their names and whom Claudius had enrolled whenever their physical appearance and sound condition seemed suitable for military service.

> Latin: 46.3. ceterum in ipso itinere auctum uoluntariis agmen erat, offerentibus ultro sese et ueteribus militibus perfunctis iam militia et iuuenibus, quos certatim nomina dantes, si quorum corporis species roburque uirium aptum militiae uidebatur, conscripserat.

[¶39] 46.4. The other consul's camp was near Sena, and about five hundred paces away was Hasdrubal. Accordingly, as he was now approaching, Nero came to a halt under cover of the hills, in order not to enter the camp before night.

> Latin: 46.4. ad Senam castra alterius consulis erant, et quingentos ferme [inde] passus Hasdrubal aberat. itaque cum iam appropinquaret, tectus montibus substitit Nero ne ante noctem castra ingrederetur.

[¶40] 46.5. Silently they entered, each man being led to his tent by one of the same rank, and they were hospitably welcomed with great general rejoicing. On the next day a council of war was held, at which Lucius Porcius Licinus, the praetor, was present.

> Latin: 46.5. silentio ingressi ab sui quisque ordinis hominibus in tentoria abducti cum summa omnium laetitia hospitaliter excipiuntur. postero die consilium habitum, cui et L. Porcius Licinus praetor adfuit.

[¶41] 46.6. His camp adjoined that of the consuls, and before their arrival he had baffled the enemy by all the arts of war, leading his army on high ground, while at one time he would occupy a narrow pass, to block their way, at another would make sudden attacks upon the column from the flank or the rear. And now he was present at the council.

> Latin: 46.6. castra iuncta consulum castris habebat, et ante aduentum eorum per loca alta ducendo exercitum cum modo insideret angustos saltus ut transitum clauderet, modo ab latere aut ab tergo carperet agmen, ludificatus hostem omnibus artibus belli fuerat; is tum in consilio aderat.

[¶42] 46.7. The opinions of many inclined in the direction of postponing the time for battle, until Nero should refresh his troops, worn by the march and lack of sleep, and at the same time should take a few days to acquaint himself with the enemy.

> Latin: 46.7. multorum eo inclinant sententiae ut, dum fessum uia ac uigiliis reficeret militem Nero, simul et ad noscendum hostem paucos sibi sumeret dies, tempus pugnandi differretur.

[¶43] 46.8. But Nero began not merely to urge, but by all means also to implore them not to make his plan, which rapid movement had made safe, a reckless plan by delaying.

> Latin: 46.8. Nero non suadere modo sed summa ope orare institit ne consilium suum quod tutum celeritas fecisset temerarium morando facerent;

[¶44] 46.9. It was by a deception which would not last long, he said, that Hannibal, as though dazed, was not attacking his camp, left without its commander, and had not set his army in motion to pursue him; that before Hannibal should bestir himself, they could destroy Hasdrubal's army and return to Apulia.

> Latin: 46.9. errore qui non diuturnus futurus esset uelut torpentem Hannibalem nec castra sua sine duce relicta adgredi nec ad sequendum se iter intendisse. antequam se moueat deleri exercitum Hasdrubalis posse redirique in Apuliam.

[¶45] 46.10. Whoever by delaying gave the enemy time, was betraying the distant camp to Hannibal, at the same time opening the way into Gaul, so that unmolested he might join Hasdrubal whenever he pleased.

> Latin: 46.10. qui prolatando spatium hosti det, eum et illa castra prodere Hannibali et aperire in Galliam iter ut per otium ubi uelit Hasdrubali coniungatur.

[¶46] 46.11. At once, he said, the signal must be given and they must go out into battle-line and take advantage of the deception of their enemies, both the distant and those near at hand, while the one army was unaware that it had to do with smaller numbers, and the other that it had to deal with larger and stronger forces.

> Latin: 46.11. extemplo signum dandum et exeundum in aciem abutendumque errore hostium absentium praesentiumque dum neque illi sciant cum paucioribus nec hi cum pluribus et ualidioribus rem esse.

[¶47] 46.12. Dismissing the council they raised the signal for battle and forthwith went out into battle-line.

> Latin: 46.12. consilio dimisso signum pugnae proponitur confestimque in aciem procedunt.

[¶48] 47.1. Already the enemy were standing in line before the camp. Delay in beginning the battle was due to Hasdrubal, in that, riding out in front of the standards with a few horsemen, he observed among the enemy old shields which he had not seen before and very lean horses; and he thought the numbers also larger than was usual.

> Latin: 47.1. iam hostes ante castra instructi stabant. moram pugnae attulit quod Hasdrubal prouectus ante signa cum paucis equitibus scuta uetera hostium notauit quae ante non uiderat et strigosiores equos; multitudo quoque maior solita uisa est.

[¶49] 47.2. For, suspecting what had happened, he promptly sounded the recall and sent men to the river from which the Romans were drawing water, that some Romans might be captured there and scanned to see whether any chanced to be more sunburned, as though from a recent march.

> Latin: 47.2. suspicatus enim id quod erat, receptui propere cecinit ac misit ad flumen unde aquabantur ubi et excipi aliqui possent et notari oculis si qui forte adustioris coloris ut ex recenti uia essent;

[¶50] 47.3. At the same time he ordered men to ride round the camps at a distance, and to notice whether the earthworks had been somewhere enlarged, and to mark whether the trumpet sounded once in the camp or twice.

> Latin: 47.3. simul circumuehi procul castra iubet specularique num auctum aliqua parte sit uallum, et ut attendant semel bisne signum canat in castris.

[¶51] 47.4. All this having been duly reported, the fact that the camps had not been enlarged deceived him. There were two of them, as there had been before the coming of the second consul, one that of Marcus Livius, the other that of Lucius Porcius. In neither case had anything been added to the fortifications to give ampler space for the tents.

> Latin: 47.4. ea cum ordine relata omnia essent, castra nihil aucta errorem faciebant; bina erant, sicut ante aduentum consulis alterius fuerant, una M. Liui, altera L. Porci; neutris quicquam quo latius tenderetur ad munimenta adiectum.

[¶52] 47.5. The one thing that impressed an experienced general and one accustomed to a Roman enemy was their report that the trumpet had sounded once in the praetor's camp, twice in the consul's. There surely were two consuls, he thought, and sadly concerned he was how the one had got away from Hannibal.

> Latin: 47.5. illud ueterem ducem adsuetumque Romano hosti mouit quod semel in praetoriis castris signum, bis in consularibus referebant cecinisse; duos profecto consules esse, et quonam modo alter ab Hannibale abscessisset cura angebat.

[¶53] 47.6. Least of all could he suspect the fact-that Hannibal had been baffled and baulked to such an extent that he did not know where was the general, where was the army with which his camp was formerly in contact.

> Latin: 47.6. minime id quod erat suspicari poterat, tantae rei frustratione Hannibalem elusum ut ubi dux, ubi exercitus esset cum quo castra coniuncta habuerit ignoraret:

[¶54] 47.7. Surely he had been deterred by no common disaster, and had not dared to pursue. Hasdrubal greatly feared that after all was lost he had himself come too late to assist, and that the Romans would have the same good fortune in Italy as in Spain.

> Latin: 47.7. profecto haud mediocri clade absterritum insequi non ausum; magno opere uereri ne perditis rebus serum ipse auxilium uenisset Romanisque eadem iam fortuna in Italia quae in Hispania esset.

[¶55] 47.8. At times he believed his own letter had not reached Hannibal, and that the consul, upon intercepting it, had made haste, in order to overpower him. Troubled by these anxieties, he had the fires put out and orders given at the first watch that they should pack up their baggage in silence, and then he commanded the standards to advance.

> Latin: 47.8. interdum litteras suas ad eum non peruenisse credere interceptisque iis consulem ad sese opprimendum accelerasse. his anxius curis, exstinctis ignibus, uigilia prima dato signo ut taciti uasa conligerent, signa ferri iussit.

[¶56] 47.9. In the excitement and confusion of the night the guides were not closely watched, and one of them settled himself in a hiding-place he had previously determined upon, while the other swam across the river Metaurus, using a shallow place known to him. So the column, deserted by its guides, wandered at first about the country, and a considerable number, overcome by drowsiness and lack of sleep, threw themselves down anywhere and left few men with the standards.

> Latin: 47.9. in trepidatione et nocturno tumultu duces parum intente adseruati, alter in destinatis iam ante animo latebris subsedit, alter per uada nota Metaurum flumen tranauit. ita desertum ab ducibus agmen primo per agros palatur, fessique aliquot somno ac uigiliis sternunt corpora passim atque infrequentia relinquunt signa.

[¶57] 47.10. Hasdrubal ordered the standard-bearers to move along the bank of the river, until daylight should disclose a road. And having made little progress, while describing blind circles along the bends and curves of the twisting stream he halted, intending to cross the river as soon as daylight should show a favourable crossing.

> Latin: 47.10. Hasdrubal dum lux uiam ostenderet ripa fluminis signa ferri iubet, et per tortuosi amnis sinus flexusque cum errorem uoluens haud multum processisset, ubi prima lux transitum opportunum ostendisset transiturus erat.

[¶58] 47.11. But inasmuch as the farther he marched away from the sea the higher were the banks that confined the stream, and hence he could not find a ford, by wasting the day he gave the enemy time to overtake him.

> Latin: 47.11. sed cum, quantum a mari abscedebat, tanto altioribus coercentibus amnem ripis non inueniret uada, diem terendo spatium dedit ad insequendum sese hosti.

[¶59] 48.1. First Nero with all the cavalry arrived, then Porcius with the light-armed caught up with them.

> Latin: 48.1. Nero primum cum omni equitatu aduenit: Porcius deinde adsecutus cum leui armatura.

[¶60] 48.2. And while they made skirmishing attacks from every side and charged the weary column, and the Carthaginian, now abandoning a march which resembled a flight, was aiming to lay out a camp on the hill above the bank of the river, came Livius with all the infantry forces, not in marching order, but formed and armed to begin the battle at once.

> Latin: 48.2. qui cum fessum agmen carperent ab omni parte incursarentque, et iam omisso itinere quod fugae simile erat castra metari Poenus in tumulo super fluminis ripam uellet, aduenit Liuius peditum omnibus copiis non itineris modo sed ad conserendum extemplo proelium instructis armatisque.

[¶61] 48.4. But after they had combined all their troops and the line had been drawn up, Claudius on the right wing, Livius on the left, prepared for battle, while the command of the centre was assigned to the praetor.

> Latin: 48.4. sed ubi omnes copias coniunxerunt directaque acies est, Claudius dextro in cornu, Liuius ab sinistro pugnam instruit: media acies praetori tuenda data.

[¶62] 48.5. Hasdrubal, on seeing that he must fight, ceased fortifying his camp and placed his elephants in the front line before the standards. Flanking the elephants, on the left wing he placed the Gauls facing Claudius —not so much that he trusted them, as that he believed the enemy was afraid of them.

> Latin: 48.5. Hasdrubal omissa munitione castrorum postquam pugnandum uidit, in prima acie ante signa elephantos conlocat: circa eos laeuo in cornu aduersus Claudium Gallos opponit, haud tantum iis fidens quantum ab hoste timeri eos credebat:

[¶63] 48.6. The right wing facing Marcus Livius he took for himself and his Spanish troops, and above all he rested his hopes on these veteran soldiers.

> Latin: 48.6. ipse dextrum cornu aduersus M. Liuium sibi atque Hispanis—et ibi maxime in uetere milite spem habebat—sumpsit: Ligures in medio post elephantos positi.

[¶64] 48.7. The Ligurians were placed in the centre behind the elephants. But the battle-line was deep rather than widely extended. A projecting hill shielded the Gauls.

> Latin: 48.7. sed longior quam latior acies erat; Gallos prominens collis tegebat;

[¶65] 48.8. That part of the front which the Spaniards held clashed with the left wing of the Romans, whose whole right wing extended beyond the fighting and had nothing to do. The hill facing them prevented them from attacking either in front or on the flank.

> Latin: 48.8. ea frons quam Hispani tenebant cum sinistro Romanorum cornu concurrit: dextra omnis acies extra proelium eminens cessabat; collis oppositus arcebat ne aut a fronte aut ab latere adgrederentur.

[¶66] 48.9. Between Livius and Hasdrubal a mighty battle had begun, and a savage slaughter on both sides was in progress.

> Latin: 48.9. inter Liuium Hasdrubalemque ingens contractum certamen erat, atroxque caedes utrimque edebatur.

[¶67] 48.10. There both generals were engaged, there the greater part of the Roman infantry and cavalry, there the Spanish troops, the old soldiers, acquainted also with the Roman mode of fighting, and the Ligurians, a hardy race of warriors. To the same place came the elephants, which had thrown the front lines into confusion by their first charge and had by this time forced the standards back.

> Latin: 48.10. ibi duces ambo, ibi pars maior peditum equitumque Romanorum, ibi Hispani uetus miles peritusque Romanae pugnae, et Ligures durum in armis genus. eodem uersi elephanti, qui primo impetu turbauerant antesignanos et iam signa mouerant loco;

[¶68] 48.11. Then as the conflict and the shouting increased, they were no longer under control and roamed about between the two battle-lines, as though uncertain to whom they belonged, not unlike ships drifting without their steering-oars.

> Latin: 48.11. deinde crescente certamine et clamore impotentius iam regi et inter duas acies uersari uelut incerti quorum essent, haud dissimiliter nauibus sine gubernaculo uagis.

[¶69] 48.12. Claudius shouted to his soldiers, “Why then have we covered so long a march at headlong speed?” and endeavoured without success to lead his line up the hill. Thereupon, after discovering that they could not get to the enemy in that direction, he drew off a number of cohorts from the right wing, where he saw that they would be standing idly by instead of fighting.

> Latin: 48.12. Claudius 'quid ergo praecipiti cursu tam longum iter emensi sumus?' clamitans militibus cum in aduersum collem frustra signa erigere conatus esset, postquam ea regione penetrari ad hostem non uidebat posse, cohortes aliquot subductas e dextro cornu, ubi stationem magis segnem quam pugnam futuram cernebat,

[¶70] 48.14. He led them round behind the battle-line, and to the surprise not only of the enemy, but also of his own troops, charged into the enemy's right flank. And such was his speed that, soon after showing themselves on the flank, they were already attacking the rear. Thus from all sides, front, flank, rear, the Spaniards and Ligurians were slain, and the slaughter had now reached the Gauls.

> Latin: 48.14. post aciem circumducit, et non hostibus modo sed etiam suis inopinantibus in sinistrum <euectus in dextrum> hostium latus incurrit; tantaque celeritas fuit ut cum ostendissent se ab latere mox in terga iam pugnarent. ita ex omnibus partibus, ab fronte, ab latere, ab tergo, trucidantur Hispani Liguresque;

[¶71] 48.15. At that point there was the least fighting; for a large proportion of them were not with the standards, having slipped away in the night and lying asleep scattered over the fields. And further, those who were present, being exhausted by marching and lack of sleep, lusty, but utterly lacking in endurance, could scarcely carry their arms on their shoulders.

> Latin: 48.15. et ad Gallos iam caedes peruenerat. ibi minimum certaminis fuit; nam et pars magna ab signis aberant nocte dilapsi stratique somno passim per agros, et qui aderant itinere ac uigiliis fessi, intolerantissima laboris corpora, uix arma umeris gerebant;

[¶72] 48.17. And now it was midday, and thirst and heat exposed the gasping men to unlimited slaughter or capture.

> Latin: 48.17. et iam diei medium erat, sitisque et calor hiantes caedendos capiendosque adfatim praebebat.

[¶73] 49.1. More of the elephants were slain by their own drivers than by the enemy. These used to have a carpenter's chisel and a mallet. When the beasts began to grow wild and to dash into their own men, the keeper would place the chisel between the ears, precisely at the joint which connects the neck with the head, and would drive it in with all possible force.

> Latin: 49.1. elephanti plures ab ipsis rectoribus quam ab hoste interfecti. fabrile scalprum cum malleo habebant; id, ubi saeuire beluae ac ruere in suos coeperant, magister inter aures positum ipsa in compage qua iungitur capiti ceruix quanto maximo poterat ictu adigebat.

[¶74] 49.2. That had been found to be the quickest means of death in a brute of such size, when they got beyond the hope of control. And the first man to introduce the practice had been Hasdrubal, a general who was often notable at other times, but pre-eminently in that battle.

> Latin: 49.2. ea celerrima uia mortis in tantae molis belua inuenta erat ubi regendi spem ui uicissent, primusque id Hasdrubal instituerat, dux cum saepe alias memorabilis tum illa praecipue pugna.

[¶75] 49.3. It was he that by encouraging them and sharing the same dangers sustained his men in battle; he that fired them, now by entreating, now by upbraiding, the exhausted and those who because of weariness and over-exertion were giving up; he that recalled those who tried to flee and at not a few points revived the battle they were abandoning.

> Latin: 49.3. ille pugnantes hortando pariterque obeundo pericula sustinuit; ille fessos abnuentesque taedio et labore nunc precando, nunc castigando accendit; ille fugientes reuocauit omissamque pugnam aliquot locis restituit;

[¶76] 49.4. Finally, when fortune unquestionably was on the enemy's side, in order not to survive so large an army that had followed his fame, he spurred his horse and charged into a Roman cohort. There, in a manner worthy of his father Hamilcar and of Hannibal his brother, he fell fighting.

> Latin: 49.4. postremo cum haud dubie fortuna hostium esset, ne superstes tanto exercitui suum nomen secuto esset concitato equo se in cohortem Romanam immisit; ibi, ut patre Hamilcare et Hannibale fratre dignum erat, pugnans cecidit.

[¶77] 49.5. Never in a single battle of that war were so many of the enemy slain, and a disaster equal to that of Cannae, whether in the loss of the general or that of an army, seemed to have been inflicted in return.

> Latin: 49.5. nunquam eo bello una acie tantum hostium interfectum est, redditaque aequa Cannensi clades uel ducis uel exercitus interitu uidebatur.

[¶78] 49.6. Fifty-six thousand of the enemy were slain, fifty-four hundred captured. Great was the rest of the booty, both of every kind and of gold and silver as well.

> Latin: 49.6. quinquaginta septem milia hostium occisa, capta quinque milia et quadringenti; magna praeda alia cum omnis generis tum auri etiam argentique;

[¶79] 49.7. In addition, Roman citizens —over four thousand of them —who as captives were in the hands of the enemy were recovered. This was some compensation for the soldiers lost in the battle. For the victory was by no means bloodless. About eight thousand Romans and allies were slain, and to such an extent were even the victors sated with bloodshed and slaughter that on the next day, when word was brought to Livius, the consul, that the Cisalpine Gauls and Ligurians, who either had not been present in the battle, or had escaped in the midst of the carnage, were moving away in one column, with no trustworthy guide, no standards, no formation or high command, that they all could be wiped out, if a single regiment of cavalry should be sent, the consul said, “No!

> Latin: 49.7. ciuium etiam Romanorum qui capti apud hostes erant supra quattuor milia capitum recepta. id solatii fuit pro amissis eo proelio militibus. nam haudquaquam incruenta uictoria fuit: octo ferme milia Romanorum sociorumque occisa, adeoque etiam uictores sanguinis caedisque ceperat satias ut postero die cum esset nuntiatum Liuio consuli Gallos Cisalpinos Liguresque qui aut proelio non adfuissent aut inter caedem effugissent uno agmine abire sine certo duce sine signis sine ordine ullo aut imperio;

[¶80] 49.9. let there be some survivors, to carry the news both of the enemy's disaster and of our valour.”

> Latin: 49.9. posse, si una equitum ala mittatur, omnes deleri; 'quin supersint' inquit 'aliqui nuntii et hostium cladis et nostrae uirtutis.'

[¶81] 50.1. Nero on the night following the battle set out for Apulia, and with a column moving more rapidly than when he had come from that region, reached his permanent camp and the enemy on the sixth day.

> Latin: 50.1. Nero ea nocte quae secuta est pugnam <profectus in Apuliam> citatiore quam inde uenerat agmine, die sexto ad statiua sua atque ad hostem peruenit.

[¶82] 50.2. His march was attended by smaller throngs, because no messenger had come in advance, but by rejoicing so great that people were almost beside themselves for joy.

> Latin: 50.2. iter eius frequentia minore—nemo enim praecesserat nuntius— laetitia uero tanta uix ut compotes mentium prae gaudio essent celebratum est.

[¶83] 50.3. At Rome, of course, neither state of feeling can be sufficiently described and set forth, neither that in which the city had waited in suspense for the outcome, nor that in which it heard news of the victory.

> Latin: 50.3. nam Romae neuter animi habitus satis dici enarrarique potest, nec quo incerta exspectatione euentus ciuitas fuerat nec quo uictoriae famam accepit.

[¶84] 50.4. Not once in all the days since it was first reported that Claudius, the consul, had set out did a senator leave the Senate House and the magistrates from sunrise to sunset, nor did the people leave the Forum.

> Latin: 50.4. nunquam per omnes dies ex quo Claudium consulem profectum fama attulit ab orto sole ad occidentem aut senator quisquam a curia atque ab magistratibus abscessit aut populus e foro;

[¶85] 50.5. The matrons, being in themselves unable to help, resorted to prayers and supplications, and wandering from one to another of all the temples, importuned the gods with entreaties and vows.

> Latin: 50.5. matronae quia nihil in ipsis opis erat in preces obtestationesque uersae per omnia delubra uagae suppliciis uotisque fatigare deos.

[¶86] 50.6. While the city was in a state of such anxiety and suspense, came first a vague rumour that two horsemen of Narnia, coming from the battle, had reached the camp which had been placed to guard the gateway of Umbria, reporting that the enemy had been cut to pieces.

> Latin: 50.6. tam sollicitae ac suspensae ciuitati fama incerta primo accidit duos Narnienses equites in castra quae in faucibus Umbriae opposita erant uenisse ex proelio nuntiantes caesos hostes.

[¶87] 50.7. And at first men had heard it, rather than taken it in, as something too great and too joyous for them to grasp and quite believe. And the promptness was in itself an obstacle to belief, in that the battle was said to have been fought but two days before.

> Latin: 50.7. et primo magis auribus quam animis id acceptum erat, ut maius laetiusque quam quod mente capere aut satis credere possent; et ipsa celeritas fidem impediebat quod biduo ante pugnatum dicebatur.

[¶88] 50.8. Then came a letter sent by Lucius Manlius Acidinus from the camp in regard to the arrival of the Narnian horsemen.

> Latin: 50.8. litterae deinde ab L. Manlio Acidino missae ex castris adferuntur de Narniensium equitum aduentu.

[¶89] 50.9. This letter, carried through the Forum to the tribunal of the praetor, brought the senate out of the Curia. And with such rivalry and disorder did the people rush up to the doors of the Curia that the messenger could not get near, but was jostled by men asking questions and shouting that the letter should be read from the Rostra before the reading in the senate.

> Latin: 50.9. hae litterae per forum ad tribunal praetoris latae senatum curia exciuerunt; tantoque certamine ac tumultu populi ad fores curiae concursum est ut adire nuntius non posset, sed traheretur a percontantibus uociferantibusque ut in rostris prius quam in senatu litterae recitarentur.

[¶90] 50.10. Finally the rioters were pushed aside and restrained by magistrates, and the joy could be successively imparted to men unable to contain it.

> Latin: 50.10. tandem summoti et coerciti a magistratibus, dispensarique laetitia inter impotentes eius animos potuit.

[¶91] 50.11. The letter was read in the senate first, then in the assembly; and, according to each man's temperament, some felt a delight already well founded, others would have no assurance until they should hear the emissaries or a letter from the consuls.

> Latin: 50.11. in senatu primum, deinde in contione litterae recitatae sunt; et pro cuiusque ingenio aliis iam certum gaudium, aliis nulla ante futura fides erat quam legatos consulumue litteras audissent.

[¶92] 51.1. Next came word that the emissaries themselves were approaching. Then in truth all ages ran to meet them, everyone eager to be the first to take in a joy so great with eyes and ears.

> Latin: 51.1. ipsos deinde adpropinquare legatos allatum est. tunc enimuero omnis aetas currere obuii, primus quisque oculis auribusque haurire tantum gaudium cupientes.

[¶93] 51.2. An unbroken column reached all the way to the Mulvian Bridge.

> Latin: 51.2. ad Muluium usque pontem continens agmen peruenit.

[¶94] 51.3. The emissaries, who were Lucius Veturius Philo, Publius Licinius Varus and Quintus Caecilius Metellus, beset by a crowd of men of every class made their way into the Forum, while some were questioning the emissaries themselves, some their companions, as to what had happened.

> Latin: 51.3. legati —erant L. Ueturius Philo P. Licinius Uarus Q. Caecilius Metellus —circumfusi omnis generis hominum frequentia in forum peruenerunt, cum alii ipsos, alii comites eorum quae acta essent percontarentur;

[¶95] 51.4. And whenever a man heard that the army of the enemy and their general had been slain, that the Roman legions were intact, the consuls safe, forthwith he would share his delight with others.

> Latin: 51.4. et ut quisque audierat exercitum hostium imperatoremque occisum, legiones Romanas incolumes, saluos consules esse, extemplo aliis porro impertiebant gaudium suum.

[¶96] 51.5. After they had made their way with difficulty into the Senate House and with much more difficulty the crowd had been pushed aside, so as not to mingle with the senators, the letter was read in the senate.

> Latin: 51.5. cum aegre in curiam peruentum esset, multo aegrius summota turba ne patribus misceretur, litterae in senatu recitatae sunt. inde traducti in contionem legati.

[¶97] 51.6. Then the emissaries were led over into the assembly. Lucius Veturius, after the reading of the letter, himself set forth more clearly everything that had been done, with great approval and finally even shouting from the entire assembly, since they were barely able to contain their joy.

> Latin: 51.6. L. Ueturius litteris recitatis, ipse planius omnia quae acta erant exposuit cum ingenti adsensu, postremo etiam clamore uniuersae contionis cum uix gaudium animis caperent.

[¶98] 51.7. Then some hastened to one temple of the gods after another to return thanks, others to their homes, to share news so joyous with wives and children.

> Latin: 51.7. discursum inde ab aliis circa templa deum ut grates agerent, ab aliis domos ut coniugibus liberisque tam laetum nuntium impertirent.

[¶99] 51.8. The senate decreed that, whereas Marcus Livius and Gaius Claudius, the consuls, with their army safe, had slain the general and legions of the enemy, there should be a thanksgiving for three days. This thanksgiving was proclaimed before an assembly by Gaius Hostilius, the praetor, and observed by men and women.

> Latin: 51.8. senatus quod M. Liuius et C. Claudius consules incolumi exercitu ducem hostium legionesque occidissent supplicationem in triduum decreuit. eam supplicationem C. Hostilius praetor pro contione edixit, celebrataque a uiris feminisque est.

[¶100] 51.9. All the temples were uniformly crowded for all three days, while the matrons in their richest garments, together with their children, being relieved of every fear, just as if the war were already finished, returned thanks to the immortal gods.

> Latin: 51.9. omnia templa per totum triduum aequalem turbam habuere, cum matronae amplissima ueste cum liberis perinde ac si debellatum foret omni solutae metu deis immortalibus grates agerent.

[¶101] 51.10. Even the financial situation of the state was changed by that victory, so that from that time on, just as if in peace, they ventured to carry on business with one another, selling and buying, lending money and repaying loans.

> Latin: 51.10. statum quoque ciuitatis ea uictoria mouit, ut iam inde haud secus quam in pace res inter se contrahere uendendo, emendo, mutuum dando argentum creditumque soluendo auderent.

[¶102] 51.11. Gaius Claudius, the consul, having returned to his camp, ordered the head of Hasdrubal, which he had kept with care and brought with him, to be thrown in front of the enemy's outposts, II. 452. Contrast in Hannibal's favour xxviii. 1 fin. and XXV. xvii. 4-7. and that captured Africans should be displayed, as they were, in chains; furthermore that two of them, released from bonds, should go to Hannibal and relate to him what had happened.

> Latin: 51.11. C. Claudius consul cum in castra redisset, caput Hasdrubalis quod seruatum cum cura attulerat proici ante hostium stationes, captiuosque Afros uinctos ut erant ostendi, duos etiam ex iis solutos ire ad Hannibalem et expromere quae acta essent iussit.

[¶103] 51.12. Hannibal, under the blow of so great a sorrow, at once public and intimate, is reported to have said that he recognized the destiny of Carthage.

> Latin: 51.12. Hannibal tanto simul publico familiarique ictus luctu, adgnoscere se fortunam Carthaginis fertur dixisse;

[¶104] 51.13. And moving his camp away, with the intention to concentrate in that most distant part of Italy, the land of the Bruttii, all the forces which he was unable to defend if widely scattered, he removed the whole body of citizens of Metapontum, whom he had summoned to leave their homes, and such Lucanians also as were subject to him, into the Bruttian country.

> Latin: 51.13. castrisque inde motis ut omnia auxilia quae diffusa latius tueri non poterat in extremum Italiae angulum Bruttios contraheret, et Metapontinos ciuitatem uniuersam excitos sedibus suis et Lucanorum qui suae dicionis erant in Bruttium agrum traduxit.

## 38. Book XXVIII · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/38/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. WHILE the passage of Hasdrubal, by shifting the war to Italy, was felt to have lightened in proportion the burden for Spain, suddenly a war as dangerous as the former broke out again in that country.

> Latin: 1.1. cum transitu Hasdrubalis quantum in Italiam declinauerat belli tantum leuatae Hispaniae uiderentur, renatum ibi subito par priori bellum est.

[¶1] 1.2. Spanish territory was at that time occupied by Romans and Carthaginians as follows:

> Latin: 1.2. Hispanias ea tempestate sic habebant Romani Poenique: Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius ad Oceanum penitus Gadesque concesserat:

[¶2] 1.3. Hasdrubal son of Gisgo had retired all the way to the Ocean and Gades; the coast of Our Sea and nearly all of Spain facing eastward were under Scipio and Roman rule;

> Latin: 1.3. nostri maris ora omnisque ferme Hispania qua in orientem uergit Scipionis ac Romanae dicionis erat.

[¶3] 1.4. a new commander, Hanno, as successor to Hasdrubal Barca had crossed over from Africa with a new army, and uniting with Mago, had promptly armed men in large numbers in Celtiberia, which lies directly between the two seas.

> Latin: 1.4. nouus imperator Hanno in locum Barcini Hasdrubalis nouo cum exercitu ex Africa transgressus Magonique iunctus cum in Celtiberia, quae media inter duo maria est, breui magnum hominum numerum armasset, Scipio aduersus eum M.

[¶4] 1.5. Whereupon Scipio sent Marcus Silanus with not more than ten thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry against Hanno. Silanus made his marches as long as possible, being hampered, however, both by rough roads and narrow passes frequently hemmed in by wooded mountains, as is usual in Spain. Nevertheless he outstripped not only messengers reporting his approach but even rumours of it, and guided by deserters from the same Celtiberia he made his way to the enemy.

> Latin: 1.5. Silanum cum decem haud amplius milibus militum, equitibus quingentis misit. Silanus quantis maximis potuit itineribus—impediebant autem et asperitates uiarum et angustiae saltibus crebris, ut pleraque Hispaniae sunt, inclusae—tamen non solum nuntios sed etiam famam aduentus sui praegressus, ducibus indidem ex Celtiberia transfugis ad hostem peruenit.

[¶5] 1.7. From the same informants it was learned, when they were about ten miles from the enemy, that there were two camps, one on each side of the road along which they were moving; that, on the left lay the Celtiberians, a new army, over nine thousand men, on the right the Carthaginian camp;

> Latin: 1.7. eisdem auctoribus compertum est cum decem circiter milia ab hoste abessent bina castra circa uiam qua irent esse; laeua Celtiberos nouum exercitum, supra nouem milia hominum, dextra Punica tenere castra;

[¶6] 1.8. that this was strongly defended by outposts, sentries and all the protection usual in the field, while the other camp was lax and carelessly guarded, as belonging to barbarians who were raw recruits and less afraid because they were in their own country. Silanus, thinking this camp must be attacked first, ordered the standards to move as far to the left as possible, for fear he might be seen from somewhere by the Carthaginian outposts.

> Latin: 1.8. ea stationibus uigiliis omni iusta militari custodia tuta et firma esse: illa altera soluta neglectaque, ut barbarorum et tironum et minus timentium quod in sua terra essent. ea prius adgredienda ratus Silanus signa quam maxime ad laeuam iubebat ferri, necunde ab stationibus Punicis conspiceretur;

[¶7] 1.9. He sent scouts in advance and himself proceeded towards the enemy with a swiftly moving column.

> Latin: 1.9. ipse praemissis speculatoribus citato agmine ad hostem pergit.

[¶8] 2.1. He was some three miles away when not one of the enemy had yet noticed them; a rugged terrain and brush-covered hills kept them concealed.

> Latin: 2.1. tria milia ferme aberat, cum hauddum quisquam hostium senserat; confragosa loca, et obsiti uirgultis tegebant colles.

[¶9] 2.2. There in a deep valley that was consequently unseen he bade his soldiers sit down and take food. Meantime came the scouts confirming the deserters' reports.

> Latin: 2.2. ibi in caua ualle atque ob id occulta considere militem et cibum capere iubet; interim speculatores transfugarum dicta adfirmantes uenerunt;

[¶10] 2.3. Then the Romans piled their light baggage in the centre, took up their arms and advanced to fight in regular line of battle. They were a mile away when they were seen by the enemy, who suddenly began to show alarm. Mago too, leaving his camp at the first shouting and uproar, rode up at a gallop. In the army of the Celtiberians there were four thousand men with long shields and two hundred horsemen.

> Latin: 2.3. tum sarcinis in medium coniectis arma Romani capiunt acieque iusta in pugnam uadunt. mille passuum aberant, cum ab hoste conspecti sunt trepidarique repente coeptum; et Mago ex castris citato equo ad primum clamorem et tumultum aduehitur.

[¶11] 2.4. This complete legion —and they were the best of his troops —was placed in the front line. The rest, the light-armed, he posted as reserves.

> Latin: 2.4. erant in Celtiberorum exercitu quattuor milia scutata et ducenti equites; hanc iustam legionem—et id ferme roboris erat—in prima acie locat: ceteros leuem armaturam in subsidiis posuit.

[¶12] 2.5. While he was leading the men in that order out of their camp and they had scarcely got beyond the rampart, the Romans hurled their javelins at them.

> Latin: 2.5. cum ita instructos educeret e castris, uixdum in egressos uallo [eos] Romani pila coniecerunt.

[¶13] 2.6. The Spaniards squatted down to meet the enemy's volley; then they in turn rose to hurl their weapons. After the Romans in dense array, as usual, had received these on their shields held close together, men fought at close quarters and began to use swords.

> Latin: 2.6. subsidunt Hispani aduersus emissa tela ab hoste, inde ad mittenda ipsi consurgunt; quae cum Romani conferti, ut solent, densatis excepissent scutis, tum pes cum pede conlatus et gladiis geri res coepta est.

[¶14] 2.7. But the roughness of the ground made nimbleness of no use to the Celtiberians, whose custom it is to be skirmishers in battle, and at the same time it was not unfavourable for the Romans, accustomed to a static order of battle, except that restricted spaces and intervening thickets broke up their ranks, and they were forced to engage now singly, now in couples, as though with men paired against them. Whatever hampered the flight of the enemy exposed them to slaughter, as if they were fettered.

> Latin: 2.7. ceterum asperitas locorum et Celtiberis, quibus in proelio concursare mos est, uelocitatem inutilem faciebat, et haud iniqua eadem erat Romanis stabili pugnae adsuetis, nisi quod angustiae et internata uirgulta ordines dirimebant et singuli binique uelut cum paribus conserere pugnam cogebantur.

[¶15] 2.9. And now that nearly all the Celtiberian heavy infantry had been slain, the light-armed and the Carthaginians who had come to their aid from the other camp were being routed and cut down.

> Latin: 2.9. quod ad fugam impedimento hostibus erat, id ad caedem eos uelut uinctos praebebat;

[¶16] 2.10. Not more than two thousand infantry and all the cavalry escaped with Mago almost at the beginning of the battle.

> Latin: 2.10. et iam ferme omnibus scutatis Celtiberorum interfectis leuis armatura et Carthaginienses, qui ex alteris castris subsidio uenerant, perculsi caedebantur.

[¶17] 2.11. Hanno, the second in command, was captured alive with those who had been the last to arrive when the battle was nearly over. Almost all the cavalry and such old soldiers as there were in the infantry followed Mago in flight and on the tenth day reached Hasdrubal in the region of Gades.

> Latin: 2.11. duo haud amplius milia peditum et equitatus omnis uix inito proelio cum Magone effugerunt: Hanno alter imperator cum eis qui postremi iam profligato proelio aduenerant uiuus capitur.

[¶18] 2.12. The newly recruited Celtiberians slipped away into the neighbouring forests and thence scattered to their homes. This very timely victory had made a sudden end, not so much indeed of the war already in progress, as of the resources for some subsequent war, had it been possible for the Carthaginians, after calling out the Celtiberian nation, to entice other tribes also to take up arms.

> Latin: 2.12. Magonem fugientem equitatus ferme omnis et quod ueterum peditum erat secuti, decimo die in Gaditanam prouinciam ad Hasdrubalem peruenerunt: Celtiberi nouus miles in proximas dilapsi siluas inde domos diffugerunt. peropportuna uictoria nequaquam tantum iam conflatum bellum, quanta futuri materia belli, si licuisset iis Celtiberorum gente excita et alios ad arma sollicitare populos, oppressa erat.

[¶19] 2.14. Accordingly Scipio praised Silanus in generous terms and cherished the hope of ending the war if only he should not retard the fulfilment by his own delaying. Aiming to finish what remained of the war he proceeded into the farthest part of Spain against Hasdrubal. The Carthaginian, in order to ensure the loyalty of his allies, had his camp at that time, as it happened, in Baetica.

> Latin: 2.14. itaque conlaudato benigne Silano Scipio spem debellandi si nihil eam ipse cunctando moratus esset nactus, ad id quod reliquum belli erat in ultimam Hispaniam aduersus Hasdrubalem pergit.

[¶20] 2.15. Nevertheless he suddenly took up his standards and with the appearance of a flight rather than of a march led his men all the way to the Ocean and Gades.

> Latin: 2.15. Poenus cum castra tum forte in Baetica ad sociorum animos continendos in fide haberet, signis repente sublatis fugae magis quam itineris modo penitus ad Oceanum et Gades ducit.

[¶21] 2.16. But before taking ship along the strait to Gades, thinking he would be the object of attack so long as he kept his army together, he scattered his entire force among the cities in every direction, that they might defend themselves by walls and at the same time defend walled cities by their arms.

> Latin: 2.16. ceterum, quoad continuisset exercitum, propositum bello se fore ratus, antequam freto Gades traiceret exercitum omnem passim in ciuitates diuisit ut et muris se ipsi et armis muros tutarentur.

[¶22] 3.1. Scipio, observing that the field of operations was widely extended, and that to attack the cities one after another would be a protracted task, if not a great one, turned back.

> Latin: 3.1. Scipio ubi animaduertit dissipatum passim bellum, et circumferre ad singulas urbes arma diutini magis quam magni esse operis, retro uertit iter.

[¶23] 3.2. Not to leave the region, however, to the enemy, he sent his brother Lucius Scipio with ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry to besiege the wealthiest city in that country —Orongis the barbarians called it. It is situated in the territory of the Maesesses, a Bastetanian tribe. Its land is fruitful; the inhabitants mine silver also.

> Latin: 3.2. ne tamen hostibus eam relinqueret regionem, L. Scipionem fratrem cum decem milibus peditum, mille equitum ad oppugnandam opulentissimam in iis locis urbem—Orongin barbari appellabant—mittit. sita in Maesessum finibus est, Hispanae gentis;

[¶24] 3.3. That city had been a stronghold for Hasdrubal in making-raids among the tribes of the interior.

> Latin: 3.3. ager frugifer; argentum etiam incolae fodiunt. ea arx fuerat Hasdrubali ad excursiones circa mediterraneos populos faciendas.

[¶25] 3.4. Scipio pitched his camp near the city and before investing it sent men up to the gates to sound the inhabitants by speaking to them from a short distance, urging them to test the friendship of the Romans rather than their power.

> Latin: 3.4. Scipio castris prope urbem positis, priusquam circumuallaret urbem misit ad portas qui ex propinquo adloquio animos temptarent suaderentque ut amicitiam potius quam uim experirentur Romanorum.

[¶26] 3.5. When no peaceable replies were forthcoming, he surrounded the city with a trench and a double earthwork and divided his army into three parts, so that one third should always be attacking while two thirds in the meantime were resting.

> Latin: 3.5. ubi nihil pacati respondebatur, fossa duplicique uallo circumdata urbe in tres partes exercitum diuidit ut una semper pars quietis interim duabus oppugnaret.

[¶27] 3.6. When the first third essayed an attack there was, to be sure, a fierce battle and indecisive. It was not easy to come near the walls for the shower of missiles, nor to bring up ladders.

> Latin: 3.6. prima pars cum adorta †oppugnare est,† atrox sane et anceps proelium fuit; non subire, non scalas ferre ad muros prae incidentibus telis facile erat;

[¶28] 3.7. Some who had succeeded in raising their ladders against the walls were pushed down by forks made for that very purpose, others had iron grappling-hooks lowered upon them from above, so that they were in danger of being caught up and dragged to the top of the wall.

> Latin: 3.7. etiam qui erexerant ad murum scalas, alii furcis ad id ipsum factis detrudebantur, in alios lupi superne ferrei iniecti ut in periculo essent ne suspensi in murum extraherentur.

[¶29] 3.8. When Scipio noted that owing to the greatly inferior number of his men the struggle was evenly balanced, and that the enemy had an advantage already in fighting from the wall, he attacked the city with two thirds of his men at the same time, having recalled the first third.

> Latin: 3.8. quod ubi animaduertit Scipio nimia paucitate suorum exaequatum certamen esse et iam eo superare hostem quod ex muro pugnaret, duabus simul partibus prima recepta urbem est adgressus.

[¶30] 3.9. This inspired so much alarm among men already spent in fighting with the first to attack them that the townsmen in sudden flight abandoned the walls and for fear the city had been betrayed the Carthaginian garrison also left their posts and gathered in one place.

> Latin: 3.9. quae res tantum pauoris iniecit fessis iam cum primis pugnando, ut et oppidani moenia repentina fuga desererent et Punicum praesidium metu ne prodita urbs esset relictis stationibus in unum se conligeret.

[¶31] 3.10. Then the men of the town were possessed by the fear that, if the enemy should enter the city, those whom they happened to meet anywhere would be slain with no distinction between Carthaginian and Spaniard.

> Latin: 3.10. timor inde oppidanos incessit ne, si hostis urbem intrasset, sine discrimine Poenus an Hispanus esset obuii passim caederentur;

[¶32] 3.11. Accordingly they suddenly opened a gate and dashed out of the town in large numbers, holding their shields in front of them for fear weapons might be hurled at long range, but displaying their right hands empty, so that it should be clear that they had thrown away their swords.

> Latin: 3.11. itaque patefacta repente porta frequentes ex oppido sese eiecerunt, scuta prae se tenentes ne tela procul conicerentur, dextras nudas ostentantes ut gladios abiecisse appareret.

[¶33] 3.12. Whether this was not seen owing to distance, or whether some ruse was suspected, has not been ascertained. The Romans, making an attack upon the deserters, cut them down like an opposing battle-line; and by the same gate hostile units entered the city.

> Latin: 3.12. id utrum parum ex interuallo sit conspectum an dolus aliquis suspectus fuerit incompertum est; impetus hostilis in transfugas factus, nec secus quam aduersa acies caesi;

[¶34] 3.13. Elsewhere also gates were being hewed to pieces and broken open with hatchets and pickaxes, while a cavalryman on entering would ride ahead at full speed to seize the forum; for such were their orders. A detachment of triarii also had been assigned to support the cavalry.

> Latin: 3.13. eademque porta signa infesta urbi inlata. et aliis partibus securibus dolabrisque caedebantur portae et refringebantur, et ut quisque intrauerat eques, ad forum occupandum—ita enim praeceptum erat—citato equo pergebat.

[¶35] 3.14. The legionaries made their way through the other quarters of the city. They refrained from plundering and from slaying those they met, except when men defended themselves with arms.

> Latin: 3.14. additum erat et triariorum equiti praesidium; legionarii ceteras partes urbis peruadunt. direptione et caede obuiorum, nisi qui armis se tuebantur, abstinuerunt.

[¶36] 3.15. The Carthaginians were all put under guard, also about three hundred of the citizens who had closed the gates.

> Latin: 3.15. Carthaginienses omnes in custodiam dati sunt, oppidanorum quoque trecenti ferme qui clauserant portas;

[¶37] 3.16. The town was handed over to the rest and their property restored. About two thousand of the enemy were slain in the siege of the city, of the Romans not more than ninety.

> Latin: 3.16. ceteris traditum oppidum, suae redditae res. cecidere in urbis eius oppugnatione hostium duo milia ferme, Romanorum haud amplius nonaginta.

[¶38] 4.1. The storming of that city brought joy not only to those who took part in the exploit but also to the commander-in-chief and the rest of his army; and the troops made their approach an impressive sight, as they drove before them a great crowd of captives.

> Latin: 4.1. laeta et ipsis qui rem gessere urbis eius expugnatio fuit et imperatori ceteroque exercitui; et speciosum aduentum suum ingentem turbam captiuorum prae se agentes fecerunt.

[¶39] 4.2. Scipio warmly praised his brother, with the highest possible compliment placing his capture of Orongis on the same level as his own capture of (New) Carthage. Thereupon, and because winter was at hand, so that he was unable either to attack Gades or to follow up Hasdrubal's army, widely scattered throughout the province, he led all his forces back into Hither Spain.

> Latin: 4.2. Scipio conlaudato fratre cum quanto poterat uerborum honore Carthagini ab se captae captam ab eo Orongin aequasset, quia et hiemps instabat ut nec temptare Gades nec disiectum passim per prouinciam exercitum Hasdrubalis consectari posset, in citeriorem Hispaniam omnes suas copias reduxit;

[¶40] 4.4. After sending the legions away to their winter quarters and his brother Lucius Scipio to Rome, and with him Hanno, a general of the enemy, and the rest of the noble captives, he himself retired to Tarraco.

> Latin: 4.4. dimissisque in hiberna legionibus L. Scipione fratre Romam misso et Hannone hostium imperatore ceterisque nobilibus captiuis ipse Tarraconem concessit.

[¶41] 4.5. The same year a Roman fleet under Marcus Valerius Laevinus, the proconsul, was sent over from Sicily to Africa, and in the territory of Utica and Carthage they ravaged the country far and wide. Along the edge of the Carthaginian territory, close to the very walls of Utica, booty was carried off.

> Latin: 4.5. eodem anno classis Romana cum M. Ualerio Laeuino proconsule ex Sicilia in Africam transmissa in Uticensi Carthaginiensique agro late populationes fecit. extremis finibus Carthaginiensium circa ipsa moenia Uticae praedae actae sunt.

[¶42] 4.6. On their return voyage to Sicily a Carthaginian fleet of seventy warships encountered them. Seventeen of these were captured, four sunk at sea, the rest of the fleet routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 4.6. repetentibus Siciliam classis Punica—septuaginta erant longae naues—occurrit; septemdecim naues ex iis captae sunt, quattuor in alto mersae; cetera fusa ac fugata classis.

[¶43] 4.7. Victorious on land and sea, the Romans returned with ample plunder of every kind to Lilybaeum. Thereafter, as the sea was safe in consequence of the discomfiture of the enemy's ships, great supplies of grain were brought to Rome.

> Latin: 4.7. terra marique uictor Romanus cum magna omnis generis praeda Lilybaeum repetit. tuto inde mari pulsis hostium nauibus magni commeatus frumenti Romam subuecti.

[¶44] 5.1. At the beginning of the summer in which these events took place Publius Sulpicius, the proconsul, and King Attalus, after wintering at Aegina, as has been stated above, sailed across to Lemnus with their combined fleets, twenty-five Roman and thirty-five royal quinqueremes.

> Latin: 5.1. principio aestatis eius qua haec sunt gesta P. Sulpicius proconsul et Attalus rex cum Aeginae sicut ante dictum est hibernassent, Lemnum inde classe iuncta—Romanae quinque et uiginti quinqueremes, regiae quinque et triginta — transmiserunt.

[¶45] 5.2. And Philip, to be prepared for every effort of the enemy, whether he must be met on land or on sea, came down himself to the sea at Demetrias and appointed a day for the army to assemble at Larisa. From his allies all around deputations gathered at Demetrias on the first report of the king's coming.

> Latin: 5.2. et Philippus ut, seu terra seu mari obuiam eundum hosti foret, paratus ad omnes conatus esset, ipse Demetriadem ad mare descendit, Larisam diem ad conueniendum exercitui edixit.

[¶46] 5.3. For the Aetolians in consequence of their alliance with the Romans, and particularly after the arrival of Attalus, had been emboldened and were laying waste their neighbours' lands.

> Latin: 5.3. undique ab sociis legationes Demetriadem ad famam regis conuenerunt.

[¶47] 5.4. And not only were the Acarnanians and Boeotians and the inhabitants of Euboea greatly alarmed but also the Achaeans, who in addition to the Aetolian war were further terrified by Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, who had pitched his camp not far from the Argive frontier.

> Latin: 5.4. sustulerant enim animos Aetoli cum ab Romana societate tum post Attali aduentum finitimosque depopulabantur;

[¶48] 5.5. All these delegations stated the dangers impending by land and sea for their several cities and were imploring the aid of the king.

> Latin: 5.5. nec Acarnanes solum Boeotique et qui Euboeam incolunt in magno metu erant, sed Achaei quoque, quos super Aetolicum bellum Machanidas etiam Lacedaemonius tyrannus haud procul Argiuorum fine positis castris terrebat.

[¶49] 5.6. Even from his own kingdom the report was of no peaceful conditions: that Scerdilaedus and Pleuratus had taken the field;

> Latin: 5.6. hi omnes suis quisque urbibus quae pericula terra marique portenderentur memorantes auxilia regem orabant.

[¶50] 5.7. also that of the Thracians the Maedi in particular were ready to invade the nearest part of Macedonia if some distant war should engage the king's attention.

> Latin: 5.7. ne ex regno quidem ipsius tranquillae nuntiabantur res: et Scerdilaedum Pleuratumque motos esse, et Thracum maxime Maedos, si quod longinquum bellum regem occupasset, proxima Macedoniae incursuros.

[¶51] 5.8. In fact the Boeotians and inland Greek states reported that the pass of Thermopylae, where a narrow entrance hems in the road, was being closed with a ditch and an earthwork by the Aetolians, that it might not allow Philip a passage in order to defend the cities of his allies.

> Latin: 5.8. Boeoti quidem et interiores Graeciae populi Thermopylarum saltum, ubi angustae fauces coartant iter, fossa ualloque intercludi ab Aetolis nuntiabant ne transitum ad sociorum urbes tuendas Philippo darent.

[¶52] 5.9. Even a general lacking in spirit might have been aroused by so many alarms from all sides. Philip sent the deputations away with a promise that he would lend aid to them all as time and circumstances might permit.

> Latin: 5.9. uel segnem ducem tot excitare tumultus circumfusi poterant. legationes dimittit pollicitus prout tempus ac res sineret omnibus laturum auxilium.

[¶53] 5.10. As the urgency of the moment required, he sent to Peparēthus a garrison for the city, from which had come the news that Attalus, sending his fleet over from Lemnus, had ravaged all the country round the city.

> Latin: 5.10. in praesentia quae maxime urgebat res, Peparethum praesidium urbi mittit, unde allatum erat Attalum ab Lemno classe transmissa omnem circum urbem agrum depopulatum.

[¶54] 5.11. Philip sent Polyphantas with a force of moderate size into Boeotia; also one of his own generals, Menippus, to Chalcis with a thousand peltasts, whose shield is not unlike the caetra.

> Latin: 5.11. Polyphantam cum modica manu in Boeotiam, Menippum item quendam ex regiis ducibus cum mille peltatis—pelta caetrae haud dissimilis est—Chalcidem mittit;

[¶55] 5.12. Five hundred of the Agrianes were added, to enable Menippus to protect all parts of the island. The king himself set out for Scotussa and ordered that the Macedonian troops should march across from Larisa to the same place.

> Latin: 5.12. additi quingenti Agrianum ut omnes insulae partes tueri posset. ipse Scotussam est profectus eodemque ab Larisa Macedonum copias traduci iussit.

[¶56] 5.13. There the report reached him that a council had been appointed for the Aetolians at Heraclēa, and that King Attalus would attend for a consultation on the issues of the war.

> Latin: 5.13. eo nuntiatum est concilium Aetolis Heracleam indictum regemque Attalum ad consultandum de summa belli uenturum. hunc conuentum ut turbaret subito aduentu, magnis itineribus Heracleam duxit.

[¶57] 5.15. To break up this gathering by his sudden arrival Philip led his men by forced marches to Heraclēa. He arrived indeed after the council had been dismissed; but he destroyed crops which were now almost ripe, especially along the Gulf of the Aenianes, and led his troops back to Scotussa.

> Latin: 5.15. et concilio quidem dimisso [iam] uenit; segetibus tamen, quae iam prope maturitatem erant, maxime in sinu Aenianum euastatis Scotussam copias reducit. ibi exercitu omni relicto, cum cohorte regia Demetriadem sese recepit.

[¶58] 5.16. There he left the whole army and with his cohort of guards returned to Demetrias. From there, in order that he might meet every movement of his enemies, he sent men into Phocis and Euboea and to Peparethus, to select heights from which signal fires might be visible.

> Latin: 5.16. inde ut ad omnes hostium motus posset occurrere, in Phocidem atque Euboeam et Peparethum mittit qui loca alta eligerent unde editi ignes apparerent:

[¶59] 5.17. For himself he placed a watch-tower on Mount Tisaeus, whose peak rises to a great height, so that by fires on distant heights he might in an instant receive a message as to where his enemies were active. The Roman commander and King Attalus crossed from Peparethus to Nicaea.

> Latin: 5.17. ipse in Tisaeo —mons est in altitudinem ingentem cacuminis editi—speculam posuit ut ignibus procul sublatis signum, ubi quid molirentur hostes, momento temporis acciperet. Romanus imperator et Attalus rex a Peparetho Nicaeam traiecerunt;

[¶60] 5.18. From there they sailed over to Euboea in their fleet and to the city of Oreum, which is the first of the cities of Euboea situated on the left as one coming from the Gulf of Demetrias steers towards Chalcis and the Euripus.

> Latin: 5.18. inde classem in Euboeam ad urbem Oreum tramittunt, quae ab Demetriaco sinu Chalcidem et Euripum petenti ad laeuam prima urbium Euboeae posita est.

[¶61] 5.19. Between Attalus and Sulpicius it was agreed that the Romans should attack from the sea, the king's forces from the land.

> Latin: 5.19. ita inter Attalum ac Sulpicium conuenit ut Romani a mari, regii a terra oppugnarent.

[¶62] 6.1. In four days after the fleet came in they attacked the city. That time was spent in secret conversations with Plator, who had been put in command of the city by Philip.

> Latin: 6.1. quadriduo postquam adpulsa classis est, urbem adgressi sunt. id tempus occultis cum Platore, qui a Philippo praepositus urbi erat, conloquiis absumptum est.

[¶63] 6.2. The place has two citadels, one overhanging the sea; the other is in the centre of the city. From it a road leads down to the sea through a tunnel, and at the seaward end a tower having fie stories, a remarkable defensive work, used to close the road.

> Latin: 6.2. duas arces urbs habet, unam imminentem mari; altera urbis media est. cuniculo inde uia ad mare ducit, quam a mari turris quinque tabulatorum egregium propugnaculum claudebat.

[¶64] 6.3. There at first a very fierce engagement began, for the tower was provided with missiles of every kind, while artillery also and engines had been landed from the ships for an attack upon it.

> Latin: 6.3. ibi primo atrocissimum contractum est certamen, et turre instructa omni genere telorum et tormentis machinisque ad oppugnandam eam ex nauibus expositis.

[¶65] 6.4. When that conflict had diverted the attention and the eyes of all, Plator admitted the Romans through a gate in the citadel by the sea, and in an instant the citadel was seized.

> Latin: 6.4. cum omnium animos oculosque id certamen auertisset, porta maritimae arcis Plator Romanos accepit momentoque arx occupata est. oppidani pulsi inde in mediam urbem ad alteram tendere arcem;

[¶66] 6.5. The citizens being repulsed hastened to the heart of the city and the other citadel; and men had been posted there to close the gates. Being thus shut out they were surrounded and slain or captured.

> Latin: 6.5. et ibi positi erant qui fores portae obicerent. ita exclusi in medio caeduntur capiunturque.

[¶67] 6.6. The Macedonian garrison stood in a mass under the wall of the citadel, having neither taken to flight in disorder nor gone into battle with determination.

> Latin: 6.6. Macedonum praesidium conglobatum sub arcis muro stetit, nec fuga effuse petita nec pertinaciter proelio inito.

[¶68] 6.7. Plator, having gained permission from Sulpicius, embarked his men and landed them at Demetrium in Phthiotis, while he himself joined Attalus.

> Latin: 6.7. eos Plator uenia ab Sulpicio impetrata in naues impositos ad Demetrium Phthiotidis exposuit; ipse ad Attalum se recepit.

[¶69] 6.8. Sulpicius, inspired by a success so easily won at Oreum, sailed thence with his victorious fleet directly to Chalcis, where the result by no means matched his expectation.

> Latin: 6.8. Sulpicius tam facili ad Oreum successu elatus Chalcidem inde protinus uictrici classe petit, ubi haudquaquam ad spem euentus respondit.

[¶70] 6.9. The sea, which from a wide expanse on both sides is narrowed into a strait, might give one at first sight the appearance of a double harbour facing two entrances. But hardly any other anchorage is more dangerous for a fleet.

> Latin: 6.9. ex patenti utrimque coactum in angustias mare speciem intuenti primo gemini portus in ora duos uersi praebuerit; sed haud facile alia infestior classi statio est.

[¶71] 6.10. For sudden, squally winds blow down from very high mountains on either shore, and also the Euripus strait itself does not reverse its direction seven times a day at fixed times, as report has it, but with a current that like the wind changes irregularly, now this way, now that, it races along as a torrent dashes down from a steep mountain. Thus neither by night nor by day are ships given rest.

> Latin: 6.10. nam et uenti ab utriusque terrae praealtis montibus subiti ac procellosi deiciunt, et fretum ipsum Euripi non septiens die, sicut fama fert, temporibus statis reciprocat, sed temere in modum uenti nunc huc nunc illuc uerso mari, uelut monte praecipiti deuolutus torrens rapitur. ita nec nocte nec die quies nauibus datur.

[¶72] 6.11. Not only was the anchorage into which the fleet came so dangerous, but in addition the town was strong and impregnable, being protected on one side by the sea, on the other side, towards the land, extraordinarily fortified and secured by a strong garrison and in particular by the loyalty of its commanders and leading citizens, a quality which at Oreum had been uncertain and delusive.

> Latin: 6.11. cum classem tam infesta statio accepit, tum et oppidum, alia parte clausum mari, alia ab terra egregie munitum praesidioque ualido firmatum et praecipue fide praefectorum principumque, quae fluxa et uana apud Oreum fuerat, stabile atque inexpugnabile fuit.

[¶73] 6.12. It was wise on the part of the Roman, considering his rash undertaking, that after surveying the difficulties, in order not to waste time for nothing, he promptly gave up the attempt and with his fleet crossed over to Cynus in Locris, the mart of the city of Opus, which is situated a mile from the sea.

> Latin: 6.12. id prudenter, ut in temere suscepta re, Romanus fecit quod circumspectis difficultatibus ne frustra tempus tereret celeriter abstitit incepto classemque inde ad Cynum Locridis —emporium id est urbis Opuntiorum mille passuum a mari sitae—traiecit.

[¶74] 7.1. Philip had been warned also by fire-signals from Oreum, but through the treachery of Plator they were set too late on the watch-tower. Also, since he was no match in naval strength, approach to the island by a fleet was not easy.

> Latin: 7.1. Philippum et ignes ab Oreo editi monuerant sed serius Platoris fraude ex specula elati; et impari tum maritimis uiribus haud facilis erat in insulam classi accessus;

[¶75] 7.2. He let slip that project by delaying, and, on receiving the signal accordingly, set out with spirit to bring aid to Chalcis. For although Chalcis is likewise a city of the same island, still it is separated by a strait so narrow that the city is linked to the mainland by a bridge, and approach by land is easier than by sea.

> Latin: 7.2. ita re per cunctationem omissa ad Chalcidis auxilium, ubi signum accepit, impigre est motus. nam et ipsa Chalcis, quamquam eiusdem insulae urbs est, tamen adeo arto interscinditur freto, ut ponte continenti iungatur terraque aditum faciliorem quam mari habeat.

[¶76] 7.3. Accordingly Philip hastened from Demetrias to Scotussa, whence he set out in the third watch, dislodged the garrison and routed the Aetolians occupying the pass of Thermopylae. Then after driving the enemy in alarm into Heraclēa, he himself in a single day covered a distance of more than sixty miles to Elatīa in Phocis.

> Latin: 7.3. igitur Philippus ab Demetriade Scotussam, inde de tertia uigilia profectus, deiecto praesidio fusisque Aetolis qui saltum Thermopylarum insidebant cum trepidos hostes Heracleam compulisset, ipse uno die Phocidis Elatiam milia amplius sexaginta contendit.

[¶77] 7.4. On about the same day the captured city of Opus was being sacked by King Attalus. Its booty had been given up to the king by Sulpicius because Oreum had been sacked by Roman soldiers a few days before, while the king's troops had no share in it. When the Roman fleet had returned to Oreum, Attalus, unaware of the coming of Philip, was spending his time in exacting money from leading citizens.

> Latin: 7.4. eodem ferme die ab Attalo rege Opuntiorum urbs capta diripiebatur— concesserat eam regi praedam Sulpicius, quia Oreum paucos ante dies ab Romano milite, expertibus regiis, direptum fuerat. cum Romana classis Oreum sese recepisset, Attalus ignarus aduentus Philippi pecuniis a principibus exigendis terebat tempus, adeoque improuisa res fuit ut, nisi Cretensium quidam forte pabulatum ab urbe longius progressi agmen hostium procul conspexissent, opprimi potuerit.

[¶78] 7.7. And so unexpected was the attack that if some of the Cretans, who happened to have gone a long distance from the city to forage, had not caught sight of the enemy's column in the distance, the king could have been overpowered.

> Latin: 7.7. Attalus inermis atque incompositus cursu effuso mare ac naues petit, et molientibus ab terra naues Philippus superuenit tumultumque etiam ex terra nauticis praebuit.

[¶79] 7.8. Attalus' men, being unarmed and in disorder, rushed pellmell to the sea and their ships; and as they were struggling to cast off, Philip came upon them and from the shore caused further confusion among the sailors.

> Latin: 7.8. inde Opuntem rediit, deos hominesque accusans quod tantae rei fortunam ex oculis prope raptam amisisset.

[¶80] 7.9. Then he returned to Opus, accusing gods and men because he had lost so great an opportunity, snatched away almost before his eyes. The men of Opus also were no less angrily upbraided because, although they could have dragged out the siege until his coming, at the first sight of the enemy they had almost willingly surrendered.

> Latin: 7.9. Opuntii quoque ab eadem ira increpiti quod, cum trahere obsidionem in aduentum suum potuissent, uiso statim hoste prope in uoluntariam deditionem concessissent. compositis circa Opuntem rebus Toronen est profectus. et Attalus primo Oreum se recepit;

[¶81] 7.10. Having settled matters in the neighbourhood of Opus, he went to Thronium. Attalus also retired at first to Oreum; and then, when the report reached him that Prusias, King of Bithynia, had crossed into territory belonging to his kingdom, he sailed over to Asia, forsaking the Roman cause and the Aetolian war.

> Latin: 7.10. inde, cum fama accidisset Prusian Bithyniae regem in fines regni sui transgressum, omissis Romanis rebus atque Aetolico bello in Asiam traiecit. et Sulpicius Aeginam classem recipit, unde initio ueris profectus erat. haud maiore certamine quam Opuntem Attalus ceperat, Philippus Toronen cepit.

[¶82] 7.12. And Sulpicius withdrew with his fleet to Aegina, from which he had set out at the beginning of the spring. Philip captured Thronium with no greater struggle than Attalus had in capturing Opus. The inhabitants of the former were refugees from Thebes in Phthiotis.

> Latin: 7.12. incolebant urbem eam profugi ab Thebis Phthioticis; urbe sua capta a Philippo cum in fidem Aetolorum perfugissent, sedem iis Aetoli eam dederant urbis uastae ac desertae priore eiusdem Philippi bello.

[¶83] 7.13. When their city was taken by Philip they had sought refuge in the protection of the Aetolians, whereupon the Aetolians had given them an abiding-place in that city, desolated and abandoned in a previous war with the same Philip.

> Latin: 7.13. tum ab Torone, sicut paulo ante dictum est, recepta profectus Tithronion et Drumias, Doridis parua atque ignobilia oppida, cepit. inde Elatiam iussis ibi se opperiri Ptolomaei Rhodiorumque legatis uenit.

[¶84] 7.14. Then setting out from Thronium, which he had recovered, as has just been said, he captured Tithronion and Drumiae, small and unimportant towns in Doris. Then he came to Elatīa, having bidden the envoys of Ptolemy and of the Rhodians to wait for him there.

> Latin: 7.14. ubi cum de finiendo Aetolico bello ageretur—adfuerant enim legati nuper Heracleae concilio Romanorum Aetolorumque—nuntius adfertur Machanidam Olympiorum sollemne ludicrum parantes Eleos adgredi statuisse.

[¶85] 7.15. While they were there discussing how to end the Aetolian war —for the envoys had recently been present at the council of the Romans and Aetolians at Heraclēa —came the news that Machanidas had decided to attack the Eleans, who were making ready to celebrate the Olympic Games.

> Latin: 7.15. praeuertendum id ratus legatis cum benigno responso dimissis—se neque causam eius belli fuisse nec moram, si modo aequa et honesta condicione liceat, paci facturum—cum expedito agmine profectus per Boeotiam Megara atque inde Corinthum descendit, unde commeatibus sumptis Phliunta Pheneumque petit.

[¶86] 7.17. Thinking he must make that his first task, the king sent away the envoys with a friendly answer: that he had not been the cause of this war, and would not delay making peace, provided it was possible to do so on fair and honourable terms.

> Latin: 7.17. et iam cum Heraeam uenisset, audito Machanidam fama aduentus sui territum refugisse Lacedaemonem, Aegium se ad concilium Achaeorum recepit, simul classem Punicam, ut mari quoque aliquid posset accitam, ibi ratus se inuenturum.

[¶87] 7.18. Setting out with a light column he came down through Boeotia to Megara and then to Corinth, from which he took on supplies and marched to Phlīus and Phenĕus. And when he had already reached Heraea, he heard that Machanidas, alarmed by the report of his coming, had fled back to Sparta.

> Latin: 7.18. paucis ante diebus inde †Oxeas traiecerant Poeni, inde portus Acarnanum petierant, cum ab Oreo profectum Attalum Romanosque audissent, ueriti ne in se iretur et intra Rhium—fauces eae sunt Corinthii sinus—opprimerentur. Philippus maerebat quidem et angebatur cum ad omnia ipse raptim isset nulli tamen se rei in tempore occurrisse, et rapientem omnia ex oculis elusisse celeritatem suam fortunam;

[¶88] 8.2. Thereupon the king went to Aegium for the council of the Achaeans, at the same time thinking that there he would find the Carthaginian fleet which he had summoned that he might be able to accomplish something by sea as well. A few days earlier the Carthaginians had crossed over to the Oxēae, and then had made for the Acarnanian ports, on hearing that Attalus and the Romans had set sail from Oreum. They were afraid they might be pursued and overpowered inside of Rhium, the narrows, that is, of the Gulf of Corinth.

> Latin: 8.2. in concilio autem dissimulans aegritudinem elato animo disseruit, testatus deos hominesque se nullo loco nec tempore defuisse quin ubi hostium arma concrepuissent eo quanta maxima posset celeritate tenderet:

[¶89] 8.3. VIII. Philip was sorry indeed and vexed that, although he had himself made rapid marches in every direction, nevertheless he had not met a single situation at the right moment, and that fortune had mocked his speed by whisking everything out of his sight.

> Latin: 8.3. sed uix rationem iniri posse utrum a se audacius an fugacius ab hostibus geratur bellum. sic ab Opunte Attalum, sic Sulpicium ab Chalcide, sic eis ipsis diebus Machanidam e manibus suis elapsum.

[¶90] 8.4. In the council, however, concealing his vexation, he made a proud speech, calling gods and men to witness that at no place or time had he failed to hasten with all possible speed to any place where the din of enemies' arms had been heard.

> Latin: 8.4. sed non semper felicem esse fugam nec pro difficili id bellum habendum in quo, si modo congressus cum hoste sis, uiceris.

[¶91] 8.5. But it could scarcely be made out, he said, whether his audacity in carrying on the war was the greater, or his enemies' eagerness to run away. So from Opus Attalus had slipped out of his hands, so had Sulpicius from Chalcis, so in those very days had Machanidas.

> Latin: 8.5. quod primum esset, confessionem se hostium habere nequaquam pares esse sibi: breui et uictoriam haud dubiam habiturum, nec meliore euentu eos secum quam spe pugnaturos. laeti regem socii audierunt.

[¶92] 8.6. But not always was flight successful, nor must that be accounted a difficult war in which you are the victor if you have merely made contact with the enemy. What was of most significance, he said, he had the confession of his enemies that they were by no means his equals.

> Latin: 8.6. reddidit inde Achaeis Heraeam et Triphuliam, Alipheram autem Megalopolitis quod suorum fuisse finium satis probabant restituit.

[¶93] 8.7. Soon he would likewise have no uncertain victory, and they would fight against him with a result no better than they had hoped.

> Latin: 8.7. inde nauibus acceptis ab Achaeis—erant autem tres quadriremes et biremes totidem—Anticyram traiecit.

[¶94] 8.8. The allies rejoiced when they listened to the king. Thereupon he delivered Heraea and Triphylia to the Achaeans, but restored Aliphēra to Megalopolis, because the citizens of the latter gave sufficient proofs that it had belonged to their territory.

> Latin: 8.8. inde quinqueremibus septem et lembis uiginti amplius, quos ut adiungeret Carthaginiensium classi miserat in Corinthium sinum, profectus ad Eruthras Aetolorum, quae prope Eupalium sunt, escensionem fecit.

[¶95] 8.9. Then on receiving ships-they were three quadriremes and as many biremes-from the Achaeans, he sailed over to Anticyra. From there he set sail with seven quinqueremes and more than twenty light vessels previously sent by him into the Gulf of Corinth to be added to the Carthaginian fleet, and made a landing at Erythrae, in Aetolia and near Eupalium.

> Latin: 8.9. haud fefellit Aetolos; nam hominum quod aut in agris aut in propinquis castellis Potidaniae atque Apolloniae fuit in siluas montesque refugit:

[¶96] 8.10. He did not surprise the Aetolians, for all the men who were either on the farms or in the nearest strongholds, Potidania and Apollonia, fled into the forests and the mountains. Sheep and goats which in their haste could not be driven away were seized and loaded on the ships.

> Latin: 8.10. pecora quae inter festinationem abigi nequierant sunt direpta et in naues compulsa. cum iis ceteraque praeda Nicia praetore Achaeorum Aegium misso cum Corinthum petisset, pedestres inde copias per Boeotiam terra duci iussit:

[¶97] 8.11. With these and the rest of the booty Nicias, chief magistrate of the Achaeans, was sent to Aegium; and when the king had reached Corinth, he ordered his land forces to march from there overland across Boeotia.

> Latin: 8.11. ipse ab Cenchreis praeter terram Atticam super Sunium nauigans inter medias prope hostium classes, Chalcidem peruenit.

[¶98] 8.12. He himself sailing from Cenchreae along the coast of Attica round Sunium, almost through the midst of enemy fleets, came to Chalcis. Then, after praising their loyalty and courage, in that neither fear nor hope had swayed their spirit, and encouraging them to remain his allies with the same steadfastness for the future, if they preferred their own lot to that of the men of Oreum and Opus, he sailed from Chalcis to Oreum. Then entrusting the government and defence of the city to leading citizens who had preferred to flee after the capture of the city rather than to surrender to the Romans, he himself crossed over from Euboea to Demetrias, from which he had first set out to bring aid to his allies.

> Latin: 8.12. inde conlaudata fide ac uirtute quod neque timor nec spes flexisset eorum animos, hortatusque in posterum ut eadem constantia permanerent in societate si suam quam Oritanorum atque Opuntiorum fortunam mallent, ab Chalcide Oreum nauigat, principumque iis qui fugere capta urbe quam se Romanis tradere maluerant summa rerum et custodia urbis permissa ipse Demetriadem ab Euboea, unde primum ad opem ferendam sociis profectus erat, traiecit.

[¶99] 8.14. At Cassandrīa he then laid down the keels of a hundred war-ships and brought together a great number of ship-carpenters to complete the task. Having done so, inasmuch as peaceful conditions had been produced in Greece both by the departure of Attalus and by the timely aid which he had himself borne to his distressed allies, he withdrew into his own kingdom in order to wage war against the Dardanians.

> Latin: 8.14. Cassandreae deinde centum nauium longarum carinis positis contractaque ad effectum eius operis multitudine fabrorum naualium, quia res in Graecia tranquillas et profectio Attali fecerat et in tempore laborantibus sociis latum ab se auxilium, retro in regnum concessit ut Dardanis bellum inferret.

[¶100] 9.1. At the end of the summer in which these events took place in Greece, Quintus Fabius Maximus the son, as an emissary of Marcus Livius, the consul, reported to the senate at Rome that the consul considered Lucius Porcius with his legions a sufficient defence for Gaul, his own assignment; that he himself could retire from it and his consular army could be withdrawn.

> Latin: 9.1. extremo aestatis eius qua haec in Graecia gesta sunt, cum Q. Fabius Maximus filius legatus ab M. Liuio consule Romam ad senatum nuntiasset consulem satis praesidii Galliae prouinciae credere L. Porcium cum suis legionibus esse, decedere se inde ac deduci exercitum consularem posse, patres non M.

[¶101] 9.2. Thereupon the senators ordered that not merely Marcus Livius but also his colleague Gaius Claudius should return to the city.

> Latin: 9.2. Liuium tantum redire ad urbem sed collegam quoque eius C. Claudium iusserunt.

[¶102] 9.3. The only difference in the decree was that they ordered the return of the army of Marcus Livius, but that Nero's legions facing Hannibal should remain in that province. Between the consuls an agreement was made by letter that, just as they had carried on the war with one purpose only, so, although coming from opposite directions, they should approach the city at one and the same time. Whichever should first reach Praeneste was instructed to wait for his colleague there. It chanced that both reached Praeneste on the same day.

> Latin: 9.3. id modo in decreto interfuit quod M. Liui exercitum reduci, Neronis legiones Hannibali oppositas manere in prouincia iusserunt. inter consules ita per litteras conuenit ut, quemadmodum uno animo rem publicam gessissent, ita quamquam ex diuersis regionibus conuenirent uno tempore ad urbem accederent; Praeneste qui prior uenisset, collegam ibi opperiri iussus. forte ita euenit ut eodem die ambo Praeneste uenirent.

[¶103] 9.5. From there they sent in advance an edict that three days later the senate should meet with full attendance in the Temple of Bellona; and with the whole populace flocking out to meet them they drew near to the city.

> Latin: 9.5. inde praemisso edicto ut triduo post frequens senatus ad aedem Bellonae adesset, omni multitudine obuiam effusa ad urbem accessere.

[¶104] 9.6. Not only did everyone in the surrounding crowd greet them, but vying with one another in their desire to grasp the victorious right hands of the consuls some were congratulating them, others were offering thanks because by their services the state was safe.

> Latin: 9.6. non salutabant modo uniuersi circumfusi, sed contingere pro se quisque uictrices dextras consulum cupientes, alii gratulabantur, alii gratias agebant quod eorum opera incolumis res publica esset.

[¶105] 9.7. In the senate after the manner of all commanders-in-chief they stated their achievements and demanded that for a brave and successful conduct of the war honour should be paid to the immortal gods; likewise that they themselves should be permitted to enter the city in triumph. Whereupon the senators replied that they did indeed decree the granting of their demands with due recognition first of the gods, and then next to the gods, of the consuls. After a thanksgiving had been decreed in honour of them both and a triumph also to each, in order that they should not have separate triumphs after conducting the war with a common purpose, they came to an agreement as follows.

> Latin: 9.7. in senatu cum more omnium imperatorum expositis rebus ab se gestis postulassent ut pro re publica fortiter feliciterque administrata et dis immortalibus haberetur honos et ipsis triumphantibus urbem inire liceret, se uero ea quae postularent decernere patres merito deorum primum, dein secundum deos consulum responderunt; et supplicatione amborum nomine et triumpho utrique decreto, inter ipsos, ne cum bellum communi animo gessissent triumphum separarent, ita conuenit, quoniam et in prouincia M.

[¶106] 9.10. Inasmuch as the battle had been fought in the province of Marcus Livius, and on the day of the battle the auspices also, as it happened, had been his, and inasmuch as Livius' army had been brought back to Rome, while Nero's could not be brought back from his province, they agreed between them that Marcus Livius should enter the city in a four-horse chariot with his soldiers following him, and that Gaius Claudius should ride on horseback without his soldiers.

> Latin: 9.10. Liui res gesta esset et eo die quo pugnatum foret eius forte auspicium fuisset et exercitus Liuianus deductus Romam uenisset, Neronis deduci de prouincia non potuisset, ut M. Liuium quadrigis urbem ineuntem milites sequerentur, C. Claudius equo sine militibus inueheretur.

[¶107] 9.11. This sharing of the triumph added indeed to the glory of both, but even more so for the one who had yielded to his colleague in honour to the same degree that he surpassed him in his achievement.

> Latin: 9.11. ita consociatus triumphus cum utrique, tum magis ei qui quantum merito anteibat tantum honore collegae cesserat, gloriam auxit.

[¶108] 9.12. That man now on horseback in the space of six days had traversed the whole length of Italy, men kept saying, and had fought, standards against standards, with Hasdrubal in Gaul on a day on which Hannibal had believed the consul had his camp established facing his own in Apulia.

> Latin: 9.12. illum equitem aiebant sex dierum spatio transcurrisse longitudinem Italiae, et eo die cum Hasdrubale in Gallia signis conlatis pugnasse quo eum castra aduersus sese in Apulia posita habere Hannibal credidisset.

[¶109] 9.13. Thus a single consul in defence of both regions of Italy had confronted two armies and two generals, here with his strategy and there in person.

> Latin: 9.13. ita unum consulem pro utraque parte Italiae aduersus †duos duces† duos imperatores hinc consilium suum hinc corpus opposuisse.

[¶110] 9.14. Nero's name had been enough, they said, to keep Hannibal within his camp. As for Hasdrubal, what else than Nero's arrival had overwhelmed and destroyed him?

> Latin: 9.14. nomen Neronis satis fuisse ad continendum castris Hannibalem; Hasdrubalem uero qua alia re quam aduentu eius obrutum atque exstinctum esse?

[¶111] 9.15. Thus let the other consul drive standing erect in a chariot drawn, if he wished, by many horses. The truly triumphant progress through the city was on a single horse; and Nero, even if he went on foot, would be memorable, be it for the glory won in that war, or for his contempt of it in that triumph.

> Latin: 9.15. itaque iret alter consul sublimis curru multiiugis si uellet equis: uno equo per urbem uerum triumphum uehi, Neronemque etiamsi pedes incedat uel parta eo bello uel spreta eo triumpho gloria memorabilem fore.

[¶112] 9.16. Such was the talk of the spectators who accompanied Nero all the way to the Capitol. As for money, the consuls carried into the Treasury three million sesterces and eighty thousand asses.

> Latin: 9.16. hi sermones spectantium Neronem usque in Capitolium prosecuti sunt. pecuniae in aerarium tulerunt sestertium triciens, octoginta milia aeris.

[¶113] 9.17. To his soldiers Marcus Livius apportioned fifty-six asses apiece. Gaius Claudius promised the same amount to his absent soldiers when he should return to the army.

> Latin: 9.17. militibus M. Liuius quinquagenos senos asses diuisit; tantundem C. Claudius absentibus militibus suis est pollicitus cum ad exercitum redisset.

[¶114] 9.18. It has been remarked that in the jesting of the soldiers on that day more of their songs were levelled at Gaius Claudius than at their own consul;

> Latin: 9.18. notatum est eo die plura carmina militaribus iocis in C. Claudium quam in consulem suum iactata;

[¶115] 9.19. that the knights highly extolled Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the lieutenant-generals, and urged the commons to elect them consuls for the following year;

> Latin: 9.19. equites L. Ueturium et Q. Caecilium legatos magnis tulisse laudibus hortatosque esse plebem ut eos consules in proximum annum crearent;

[¶116] 9.20. also that to the knights' preliminary choice the consuls on the next day added their authority by an address to the people, stating what brave and faithful service they had had in particular from their two lieutenants.

> Latin: 9.20. adiecisse equitum praerogatiuae auctoritatem consules postero die in contione quam forti fidelique duorum praecipue legatorum opera usi essent commemorantes.

[¶117] 10.1. Inasmuch as the time for elections was approaching and it had been decided that the elections should be conducted by a dictator, the consul Gaius Claudius named his colleague Marcus Livius dictator, and Livius named Quintus Caecilius master of the horse.

> Latin: 10.1. cum comitiorum tempus appeteret et per dictatorem comitia haberi placuisset, C. Claudius consul M. Liuium collegam dictatorem dixit, Liuius Q. Caecilium magistrum equitum.

[¶118] 10.2. The consuls elected were announced by Marcus Livius as dictator, namely, Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius, the same being at the time master of the horse.

> Latin: 10.2. a M. Liuio dictatore creati consules L. Ueturius Q. Caecilius, is ipse qui tum erat magister equitum.

[¶119] 10.3. Then the elections of praetors were held. Elected were Gaius Servilius, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, Tiberius Claudius Asellus, Quintus Mamilius Turrinus, who was at the time a plebeian aedile.

> Latin: 10.3. inde praetorum comitia habita; creati C. Seruilius M. Caecilius Metellus Ti. Claudius Asellus Q. Mamilius Turrinus, qui tum aedilis plebis erat.

[¶120] 10.4. The elections being completed, the dictator, abdicating his office and discharging his army, set out in accordance with a decree of the senate for Etruria as his province, to conduct an investigation as to what communities among the Etruscans or Umbrians had discussed plans to revolt from the Romans to Hasdrubal upon his arrival, and which states had aided him with auxiliaries or supplies or any kind of assistance.

> Latin: 10.4. comitiis perfectis dictator, magistratu abdicato dimissoque exercitu, in Etruriam prouinciam ex senatus consulto est profectus ad quaestiones habendas qui Etruscorum Umbrorumue populi defectionis ab Romanis ad Hasdrubalem sub aduentum eius consilia agitassent quique eum auxiliis aut commeatu aut ope aliqua iuuissent.

[¶121] 10.5. Such were the events at home and in the field that year.

> Latin: 10.5. haec eo anno domi militiaeque gesta.

[¶122] 10.6. The Roman Games were repeated three times completely by the curule aediles, Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Servius Cornelius Lentulus.

> Latin: 10.6. ludi Romani ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus curulibus Cn. Seruilio Caepione Ser. Cornelio Lentulo;

[¶123] 10.7. Likewise the Plebeian Games were completely repeated once by the plebeian aediles, Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Mamilius Turrinus. In the thirteenth year of the Punic war, the consulship of Lucius Veturius Philo and Quintus Caecilius Metellus, the land of the Bruttii was assigned by decree to them both as their province, to carry on war with Hannibal. The praetors then received their assignments by lot, Marcus Caecilius Metellus the city praetorship, Quintus Mamilius the duties of praetor peregrinus; Gaius Servilius received Sicily and Tiberius Claudius Sardinia.

> Latin: 10.7. item ludi plebeii semel toti instaurati ab aedilibus plebis M. Pomponio Mathone et Q. Mamilio Turrino. tertio decimo anno Punici belli L. Ueturio Philone et Q. Caecilio Metello consulibus, Bruttii ambobus ut cum Hannibale bellum gererent prouincia decreta.

## 39. Book XXVIII · chapters 10–19

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/39/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/39/#p-N

[¶0] 10.9. The armies were divided as follows: to one of the consuls the army which Gaius Claudius had had as consul in the preceding year, to the other consul that which Quintus Claudius had had as propraetor; and these were of two legions each.

> Latin: 10.9. praetores exinde sortiti sunt M. Caecilius Metellus urbanam, Q. Mamilius peregrinam, C. Seruilius Siciliam, Ti. Claudius Sardiniam. exercitus ita diuisi: consulum alteri quem C. Claudius prioris anni consul, alteri quem Q. Claudius propraetor—eae binae legiones erant—habuisset exercitum: in Etruria duas uolonum legiones a C.

[¶1] 10.11. In Etruria Marcus Livius as proconsul, with his command continued for one year, was to take the two legions of slave-volunteers from Gaius Terentius, the propraetor;

> Latin: 10.11. Terentio propraetore M. Liuius proconsul, cui prorogatum in annum imperium erat, acciperet, et Q.

[¶2] 10.12. and it was decreed that Quintus Mamilius, handing over his judicial duties to his colleague, should have command of Gaul with the army which Lucius Porcius, the praetor, had commanded; and he was ordered to lay waste the lands of the Gauls who had revolted to the Carthaginians upon the coming of Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 10.12. Mamilius ut collegae iurisdictione tradita Galliam cum exercitu cui L. Porcius praetor praefuerat obtineret decretum est, iussusque populari agros Gallorum qui ad Poenos sub aduentum Hasdrubalis defecissent.

[¶3] 10.13. The defence of Sicily was given to Gaius Servilius with the two legions from Cannae, just as Gaius Mamilius had held it.

> Latin: 10.13. C. Seruilio cum Cannensibus duabus legionibus, sicut C. Mamilius tenuerat, Sicilia tuenda data.

[¶4] 10.14. From Sardinia the old army which Aulus Hostilius had commanded was withdrawn. A new legion which Tiberius Claudius should take across with him was enrolled by the consuls.

> Latin: 10.14. ex Sardinia uetus exercitus, cui A. Hostilius praefuerat, deportatus; nouam legionem quam Ti. Claudius traiceret secum consules conscripserunt.

[¶5] 10.15. Military authority was continued for the year for Quintus Claudius, to have Tarentum as his assignment, and for Gaius Hostilius Tubulus, who was to have Capua.

> Latin: 10.15. Q. Claudio ut Tarentum, C. Hostilio Tubulo ut Capuam prouinciam haberet prorogatum in annum imperium est.

[¶6] 10.16. Marcus Valerius, the proconsul, who had been in charge of the defence of the entire seacoast of Sicily, was ordered to turn over thirty ships to Gaius Servilius, the praetor, and to return to the city with all the rest of his fleet.

> Latin: 10.16. M. Ualerius proconsul, qui tuendae circa Siciliam maritimae orae praefuerat, triginta nauibus C. Seruilio praetori traditis cum cetera omni classe redire ad urbem iussus.

[¶7] 11.1. In the state perturbed by so critical a moment in the war, since men attributed to the gods the causes of everything fortunate and unfortunate, many portents were reported: that at Tarracina the temple of Jupiter, at Satricum that of Mater Matuta, had been struck by lightning.

> Latin: 11.1. in ciuitate tanto discrimine belli sollicita cum omnium secundorum aduersorumque causas in deos uerterent, multa prodigia nuntiabantur:

[¶8] 11.2. The people of Satricum were no less alarmed by two serpents that glided into the temple of Jupiter, actually through the doorway. From Antium it was reported that ears of grain appeared to the reapers to be blood-stained.

> Latin: 11.2. Tarracinae Iouis aedem, Satrici Matris Matutae de caelo tactam; Satricanos haud minus terrebant in aedem Iouis foribus ipsis duo perlapsi angues; ab Antio nuntiatum est cruentas spicas metentibus uisas esse;

[¶9] 11.3. At Caere a pig had been born with two heads and a lamb that was at the same time male and female; and at Alba they said that two suns were seen, and at Fregellae that light had appeared in the night;

> Latin: 11.3. Caere porcus biceps et agnus mas idem feminaque natus erat; et Albae duo soles uisos ferebant et nocte Fregellis lucem obortam;

[¶10] 11.4. and an ox was said to have spoken in the country about Rome, and the altar of Neptune in the Flaminian Circus to have been dripping with sweat;

> Latin: 11.4. et bos in agro Romano locutus et ara Neptuni multo manasse sudore in circo Flaminio dicebatur; et aedes Cereris Salutis Quirini de caelo tactae.

[¶11] 11.5. and the temples of Ceres and Salus and Quirinus to have been struck by lightning. The consuls were bidden to expiate the prodigies with full-grown victims and to have a single day of prayer observed.

> Latin: 11.5. prodigia consules hostiis maioribus procurare iussi et supplicationem unum diem habere—ea ex senatus consulto facta —:

[¶12] 11.6. Both orders were carried out in accordance with the decree of the senate. More terrifying to men than all the prodigies, whether reported from outside or seen in the city, was the extinction of the fire in the Temple of Vesta; and the Vestal who had been on duty that night was scourged by order of Publius Licinius, the pontifex.

> Latin: 11.6. plus omnibus aut nuntiatis peregre aut uisis domi prodigiis terruit animos hominum ignis in aede Uestae exstinctus, caesaque flagro est Uestalis cuius custodia eius noctis fuerat iussu P. Licini pontificis.

[¶13] 11.7. Although the thing had happened without a portent from the gods but by a mortal's negligence, it was nevertheless decided that it should be expiated by full-grown victims and that a day of prayer at the Temple of Vesta should be observed.

> Latin: 11.7. id quamquam nihil portendentibus dis ceterum neglegentia humana acciderat, tamen et hostiis maioribus procurari et supplicationem ad Uestae haberi placuit. priusquam proficiscerentur consules ad bellum moniti a senatu sunt ut in agros reducendae plebis curam haberent:

[¶14] 11.8. Before the consuls should leave for the field they were reminded by the senate that they should take care to restore the common people to their farms. By the favour of the gods the war had been removed, they said, from the city of Rome and from Latium, and it was possible to live on the farms without fear; it was illogical to give more attention to the cultivation of Sicily than of Italy.

> Latin: 11.8. deum benignitate summotum bellum ab urbe Romana et Latio esse et posse sine metu in agris habitari; minime conuenire Siciliae quam Italiae colendae maiorem curam esse. sed res haudquaquam erat populo facilis et liberis cultoribus bello absumptis et inopia seruitiorum et pecore direpto uillisque dirutis aut incensis;

[¶15] 11.9. But it was no easy matter for the people, since free farmers had been wiped out by the war, and there was a scarcity of slaves, while cattle had been stolen and farm-houses demolished or burned.

> Latin: 11.9. magna tamen pars auctoritate consulum compulsa in agros remigrauit.

[¶16] 11.10. A large proportion of the rustics, however, were constrained by the authority of the consuls to move back to their farms. The occasion for bringing up the matter had been the complaints of representatives of Placentia and Cremona that their territory was being raided and laid waste by neighbouring Gauls, and that a large part of their colonists had scattered, and that now they had sparsely peopled cities and land desolated and deserted.

> Latin: 11.10. mouerant autem huiusce rei mentionem Placentinorum et Cremonensium legati querentes agrum suum ab accolis Gallis incursari ac uastari, magnamque partem colonorum suorum dilapsam esse, et iam infrequentes se urbes, agrum uastum ac desertum habere.

[¶17] 11.11. Mamilius, the praetor, was ordered to protect the colonies from the enemy. The consuls in accordance with a decree of the senate proclaimed that all citizens of Cremona and Placentia should return to their colonies before a fixed date.

> Latin: 11.11. Mamilio praetori mandatum ut colonias ab hoste tueretur: consules ex senatus consulto edixerunt ut qui ciues Cremonenses atque Placentini essent ante certam diem in colonias reuerterentur. principio deinde ueris et ipsi ad bellum profecti sunt.

[¶18] 11.12. Then at the beginning of spring they also set out for the field. Quintus Caecilius, the consul, received his army from Gaius Nero; Lucius Veturius took his from Quintus Claudius, the propraetor, and recruited it with fresh soldiers whom he had himself enrolled.

> Latin: 11.12. Q. Caecilius consul exercitum ab C. Nerone, L. Ueturius a Q. Claudio propraetore accepit, nouisque militibus quos ipse conscripserat suppleuit.

[¶19] 11.13. The consuls led their army into the territory of Consentia and ravaged it far and wide. When the column was now laden with booty, they were so harried by Bruttians and Numidian spearmen in a narrow pass that not only the booty but also the troops were in danger. However, there was more commotion than battle; and sending the booty in advance the legions without loss made their way out into arable country.

> Latin: 11.13. in Consentinum agrum consules exercitum duxerunt, passimque depopulati, cum agmen iam graue praeda esset, in saltu angusto a Bruttiis iaculatoribusque Numidis turbati sunt ita ut non praeda tantum sed armati quoque in periculo fuerint. maior tamen tumultus quam pugna fuit, et praemissa praeda incolumes legiones in loca culta euasere.

[¶20] 11.15. Thence the consuls set out for Lucania. That entire nation returned without a struggle to its allegiance to the Roman people.

> Latin: 11.15. inde in Lucanos profecti; ea sine certamine tota gens in dicionem populi Romani rediit.

[¶21] 12.1. With Hannibal there was no campaigning that year. For neither did he invite attack, owing to his very recent wound, a blow national as well as personal, nor did the Romans provoke him so long as he remained inactive; such power they believed to be present in that one commander, even though everything else round him crashed.

> Latin: 12.1. cum Hannibale nihil eo anno rei gestum est. nam neque ipse se obtulit in tam recenti uolnere publico priuatoque neque lacessierunt quietum Romani; tantam inesse uim etsi omnia alia circa eum ruerent in uno illo duce censebant.

[¶22] 12.2. And I am inclined to think he was more marvellous in adversity than in success. For here he was, carrying on war in the enemy's land for thirteen years, so far from home with varying fortune, having an army not made up of his own citizens but a mixture of the offscourings of all nations, men who had in common no law, no custom, no language, differing from each other in bearing, in garb, in their arms, differing as to religious rites, sacred observances, one might almost say as to their gods.

> Latin: 12.2. ac nescio an mirabilior aduersis quam secundis rebus fuerit, quippe qui cum in hostium terra per annos tredecim, tam procul ab domo, uaria fortuna bellum gereret, exercitu non suo ciuili sed mixto ex conluuione omnium gentium, quibus non lex,

[¶23] 12.4. Yet he somehow bound them together by a single bond, so that no outbreak ensued among the men themselves nor any mutiny against their general. Yet in the enemy's country both money to pay them and supplies were often wanting —deficiencies which in the previous Punic war had given rise to many unspeakable acts on the part of commanders and soldiers.

> Latin: 12.4. non mos, non lingua communis, alius habitus, alia uestis, alia arma, alii ritus, alia sacra, alii prope di essent, ita quodam uno uinculo copulauerit eos ut nulla nec inter ipsos nec aduersus ducem seditio exstiterit, cum et pecunia saepe in stipendium et commeatus in hostium agro deesset, quorum inopia priore Punico bello multa infanda inter duces militesque commissa fuerant.

[¶24] 12.6. Certainly after the destruction of Hasdrubal's army with its commander-and on them he had rested all his hope of victory —, when by retiring into the remote land of the Bruttii he had given up the rest of Italy, who would not find it a marvel that there was no outbreak in his camp?

> Latin: 12.6. post Hasdrubalis uero exercitum cum duce in quibus spes omnis reposita uictoriae fuerat deletum cedendoque in angulum Bruttium cetera Italia concessum, cui non uideatur mirabile nullum motum in castris factum?

[¶25] 12.7. For added to everything else was this also, that he had no hope even of feeding his army except from the Bruttian region; and even supposing all of it to be under cultivation, it was nevertheless too small to feed so large an army.

> Latin: 12.7. nam ad cetera id quoque accesserat ut ne alendi quidem exercitus nisi ex Bruttio agro spes esset, qui ut omnis coleretur exiguus tamen tanto alendo exercitui erat;

[¶26] 12.8. Moreover a great part of the young men, drawn off from the farming of the land, had been claimed instead by the war and by their custom of training soldiers through brigandage, a practice viciously inbred in their nation.

> Latin: 12.8. tum magnam partem iuuentutis abstractam a cultu agrorum bellum occupauerat et mos uitio etiam insitus genti per latrocinia militiam exercendi;

[¶27] 12.9. Furthermore, nothing was being sent from home, since they were concerned about their hold upon Spain, as though everything was succeeding in Italy. In Spain the campaign was having an issue in part the same, in part very different: the same in that the Carthaginians, vanquished in battle with the loss of a general, had been forced to the farthest coast of Spain, even to the Ocean;

> Latin: 12.9. nec ab domo quicquam mittebatur, de Hispania retinenda sollicitis tamquam omnia prospera in Italia essent. in Hispania res quadam ex parte eandem fortunam, quadam longe disparem habebant;

[¶28] 12.10. on the other hand different in that Spain, owing to the nature of the country and its people, was better adapted not merely than Italy but than any other part of the world to preparing for another war.

> Latin: 12.10. eandem quod proelio uicti Carthaginienses duce amisso in ultimam Hispaniae oram usque ad Oceanum compulsi erant, disparem autem quod Hispania non quam Italia modo sed quam ulla pars terrarum bello reparando aptior erat locorum hominumque ingeniis.

[¶29] 12.12. In consequence, though the first of the provinces, at least of those on the mainland, to be entered by the Romans, it has been the last of all to be completely conquered, and not until our own times under the command and auspices of Augustus Caesar.

> Latin: 12.12. itaque ergo prima Romanis inita prouinciarum, quae quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium nostra demum aetate ductu auspicioque Augusti Caesaris perdomita est.

[¶30] 12.13. There Hasdrubal son of Gisgo, being the greatest and most distinguished general after the Barca family in that war, had at that time returned from Gades in the hope of renewing the war. After conducting levies in Farther Spain with the help of Mago the son of Hamilcar, he armed about fifty thousand infantry and four thousand five hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 12.13. ibi tum Hasdrubal Gisgonis, maximus clarissimusque eo bello secundum Barcinos dux, regressus ab Gadibus rebellandi spe, adiuuante Magone Hamilcaris filio dilectibus per ulteriorem Hispaniam habitis ad quinquaginta milia peditum, quattuor milia et quingentos equites armauit.

[¶31] 12.14. As to the cavalry forces there is substantial agreement among the authorities, but some writers state that seventy thousand foot-soldiers were brought to the city of Silpia.

> Latin: 12.14. de equestribus copiis ferme inter auctores conuenit: peditum septuaginta milia quidam adducta ad Silpiam urbem scribunt.

[¶32] 12.15. There in open plains the two Carthaginian generals established themselves, resolved not to refuse a battle.

> Latin: 12.15. ibi super campos patentes duo duces Poeni ea mente ne detractarent certamen consederunt.

[¶33] 13.1. Scipio, when the news reached him that they had got together so large an army, thought that with Roman legions alone he would be no match for such a multitude unless barbarian auxiliaries should confront them, at least for appearance' sake. Yet he felt that these must not compose so large a part of his forces that by changing sides —which had been the cause of disaster to his father and uncle —they might decide the outcome.

> Latin: 13.1. Scipio cum ad eum fama tanti comparati exercitus perlata esset, neque Romanis legionibus tantae se parem multitudini ratus ut non in speciem saltem opponerentur barbarorum auxilia, neque in iis tamen tantum uirium ponendum ut mutando fidem, quae cladis causa fuisset patri patruoque,

[¶34] 13.3. Accordingly he sent Silanus in advance to Culchas, who ruled over twenty-eight towns, in order to receive from him the cavalry and infantry which he had promised to enlist during the winter. Then Scipio himself set out from Tarraco, and gathering up as he went a moderate number of auxiliaries from the allies dwelling near the road, he arrived at Castulo.

> Latin: 13.3. magnum momentum facerent, praemisso Silano ad Culcham, duodetriginta oppidis regnantem, ut equites peditesque ab eo quos se per hiemem conscripturum pollicitus erat acciperet, ipse ab Tarracone profectus protinus ab sociis qui accolunt uiam modica contrahendo auxilia Castulonem peruenit.

[¶35] 13.5. Thither Silanus brought auxiliaries, three thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry. From there Scipio advanced to the city of Baecula with the entire army, forty-five thousand legionaries and allies, infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 13.5. eo adducta ab Silano auxilia, tria milia peditum et quingenti equites. inde ad Baeculam urbem processum cum omni exercitu ciuium, sociorum, peditum equitumque quinque et quadraginta milibus.

[¶36] 13.6. As they were pitching camp Mago and Masinissa with all their cavalry attacked them and would have thrown the men working on the fortifications into confusion, had not cavalry concealed by Scipio behind a hill favourably situated for the purpose unexpectedly charged them in their disorder.

> Latin: 13.6. castra ponentes eos Mago et Masinissa cum omni equitatu adgressi sunt, turbassentque munientes ni abditi post tumulum opportune ad id positum ab Scipione equites improuiso in effusos incurrissent.

[¶37] 13.7. These horsemen at the very beginning of the battle put to flight the most active and those who had been the first to ride up close to the earthwork and even among the men at work. With the rest, who had advanced under their standards and in marching order, the battle was more protracted and for a long time indecisive.

> Latin: 13.7. ii promptissimum quemque et proxime uallum atque in ipsos munitores primum inuectum uixdum proelio inito fuderunt: cum ceteris, qui sub signis atque ordine agminis incesserant, longior et diu ambigua pugna fuit.

[¶38] 13.8. But when light cohorts at first drawn off from the outposts, and then soldiers withdrawn from work on the fortifications and ordered to take up arms, came up in increasing number, and fresh to assist the weary, while by this time a long column of men under arms was dashing out from camp into battle, Carthaginians and Numidians thereupon faced about in unmistakable retreat.

> Latin: 13.8. sed cum ab stationibus primum expeditae cohortes, deinde ex opere deducti milites atque arma capere iussi plures usque et integri fessis subirent magnumque iam agmen armatorum a castris in proelium rueret, terga haud dubie uertunt Poeni Numidaeque.

[¶39] 13.9. And at first they were retiring by troops, while their ranks were not at all broken on account of fear or haste. Then when the Roman fell more fiercely upon their rear and the attack could not be withstood, no longer mindful of their ranks, they scattered in flight hither and thither, each taking the shortest way.

> Latin: 13.9. et primo turmatim abibant, nihil propter pauorem festinationemue confusis ordinibus; dein, postquam acrius ultimis incidebat Romanus neque sustineri impetus poterat, nihil iam ordinum memores passim qua cuique proximum fuit in fugam effunduntur.

[¶40] 13.10. And although the spirit of the Romans was notably higher in consequence of that battle and that of the enemy notably lowered, still for some days following there was never any respite from sudden attacks by cavalry and light-armed.

> Latin: 13.10. et quamquam eo proelio aliquantum et Romanis aucti et deminuti hostibus animi erant, tamen nunquam per aliquot insequentes dies ab excursionibus equitum leuisque armaturae cessatum est.

[¶41] 14.1. When his forces had been sufficiently tested by these skirmishes, Hasdrubal was the first to lead his troops out into battle-line; then the Roman also went forward.

> Latin: 14.1. ubi satis temptatae per haec leuia certamina uires sunt, prior Hasdrubal in aciem copias eduxit, deinde et Romani processere;

[¶42] 14.2. But each of the two lines stood drawn up in front of its earthwork, and when neither side had begun the battle and the day was now nearing sunset, the troops were led back into camp, first by the Carthaginian and then by the Roman. The same thing happened for a number of days.

> Latin: 14.2. sed utraque acies pro uallo stetit instructa, et cum ab neutris pugna coepta esset, iam die ad occasum inclinante a Poeno prius, deinde ab Romano in castra copiae reductae. hoc idem per dies aliquot factum.

[¶43] 14.3. Always the first to lead his troops out of camp, the first to sound the recall for his men weary of standing still, would be the Carthaginian. From neither side was there a charge, or a missile hurled, or any raising of a shout.

> Latin: 14.3. prior semper Poenus copias castris educebat, prior fessis stando signum receptui dabat; ab neutra parte procursum telumue missum aut uox ulla orta.

[¶44] 14.4. The centre was held on one side by the Romans, on the other by the Carthaginians combined with Africans, the wings by their allies, and for both armies these were Spanish troops.

> Latin: 14.4. mediam aciem hinc Romani illinc Carthaginienses mixti Afris, cornua socii tenebant—erant autem utrisque Hispani—; pro cornibus ante Punicam aciem elephanti castellorum procul speciem praebebant.

[¶45] 14.5. In front of the wings, in advance of the Punic line of battle, the elephants presented from a distance the appearance of forts.

> Latin: 14.5. iam hoc in utrisque castris sermonis erat, ita ut instructi stetissent pugnaturos; medias acies, Romanum Poenumque, quos inter belli causa esset, pari robore animorum armorumque concursuros.

[¶46] 14.6. Already it was common talk in both camps that they were to fight in the formation in which they had stood; that the centres, the Roman and Carthaginian troops, between whom lay the cause of the war, would clash, evenly matched in spirit and in arms.

> Latin: 14.6. Scipio ubi hoc obstinate credi animaduertit, omnia de industria in eum diem quo pugnaturus erat mutauit.

[¶47] 14.7. When Scipio observed that this was a persistent belief, he deliberately changed everything for the day on which he was to give battle. At evening he passed a written order through the camp that before daybreak the horses should be cared for and the men have breakfast, that the horsemen under arms should keep their mounts bridled and saddled. It was not yet quite daylight when he sent all his cavalry with the light-armed against the Punic outposts.

> Latin: 14.7. tesseram uesperi per castra dedit ut ante lucem uiri equique curati pransi essent, armatus eques frenatos instratosque teneret equos. uixdum satis certa luce equitatum omnem cum leui armatura in stationes Punicas immisit; inde confestim ipse cum graui agmine legionum procedit, praeter opinionem destinatam suorum hostiumque Romano milite cornibus firmatis, sociis in mediam aciem acceptis.

[¶48] 14.10. Immediately afterwards he himself with the heavy column of the legions went forward, and contrary to the fixed idea of his own men and of the enemy, he formed strong wings of his Roman soldiers, while the allies were taken into the centre.

> Latin: 14.10. Hasdrubal clamore equitum excitatus ut ex tabernaculo prosiluit tumultumque ante uallum et trepidationem suorum et procul signa legionum fulgentia plenosque hostium campos uidit, equitatum omnem extemplo in equites emittit;

[¶49] 14.11. When Hasdrubal, who was aroused by the shouts of the horsemen, sprang out of his tent and saw the uproar outside his earthwork and the excitement among his men, and in the distance the gleaming standards of the legions and the plain filled with the enemy, he forthwith sent out all his cavalry against the horsemen. As for himself, he marched out of the camp with the infantry column, and in drawing up his line made no change from the customary order.

> Latin: 14.11. ipse cum peditum agmine castris egreditur, nec ex ordine solito quicquam acie instruenda mutat. equitum iam diu anceps pugna erat nec ipsa per se decerni poterat quia pulsis, quod prope in uicem fiebat, in aciem peditum tutus receptus erat;

[¶50] 14.13. The cavalry engagement had long been uncertain, and by itself it could not be decisive because when repulsed —and this repeatedly happened almost by turns —they could safely retire into the infantry line.

> Latin: 14.13. sed ubi iam haud plus quingentos passus acies inter sese aberant, signo receptui dato Scipio patefactisque ordinibus equitatum omnem leuemque armaturam in medium acceptam diuisamque in partes duas in subsidiis post cornua locat.

[¶51] 14.14. But when the lines of battle were not more than half a mile apart, Scipio sounding the recall and opening his ranks admitted all the cavalry and the light-armed into the centre; and dividing them into two sections he posted them as a reserve behind the wings.

> Latin: 14.14. inde ubi incipiendae iam pugnae tempus erat, Hispanos— ea media acies fuit—presso gradu incedere iubet;

[¶52] 14.15. Then, when it was now time to begin the battle, he ordered the Spaniards —they formed the centre of the line-to advance at a slow pace. From the right wing —for he was himself in command there —he sent a message to Silanus and Marcius that they should prolong their wing towards the left, just as they had seen him pressing to the right, and with the light infantry and cavalry should engage the enemy before the centres could come together.

> Latin: 14.15. ipse e dextro cornu—ibi namque praeerat—nuntium ad Silanum et Marcium mittit ut cornu extenderent in sinistram partem quemadmodum se tendentem ad dextram uidissent, et cum expeditis peditum equitumque prius pugnam consererent cum hoste quam coire inter se mediae acies possent. ita diductis cornibus cum ternis peditum cohortibus ternisque equitum turmis, ad hoc uelitibus, citato gradu in hostem ducebant sequentibus in obliquum aliis;

[¶53] 14.18. Thus extending the wings, with three cohorts of infantry and three troops of cavalry on each wing, and with skirmishers in addition, they led at a rapid pace against the enemy, while the rest followed them obliquely. In the centre was a curve where the Spanish units were more slowly advancing. By this time the wings were already engaged, while the main strength of the enemy's line, the veteran Carthaginians and Africans, had not yet come within range, and did not dare to dash towards the wings to help the combatants, for fear of exposing the centre to the enemy directly advancing.

> Latin: 14.18. sinus in medio erat, qua segnius Hispanorum signa incedebant. et iam conflixerant cornua cum quod roboris in acie hostium erat, Poeni ueterani Afrique, nondum ad teli coniectum uenissent, neque in cornua ut adiuuarent pugnantes discurrere auderent ne aperirent mediam aciem uenienti ex aduerso hosti. cornua ancipiti proelio urgebantur; eques leuisque armatura ltacgt uelites circumductis alis in latera incurrebant: cohortes a fronte urgebant ut abrumperent cornua a cetera acie; et cum ab omni parte haudquaquam par pugna erat, tum quod turba Baliarium tironumque Hispanorum Romano Latinoque militi obiecta erat. et procedente iam die uires etiam deficere Hasdrubalis exercitum coeperant, oppressos matutino tumultu coactosque priusquam cibo corpora firmarent raptim in aciem exire; et ad id sedulo diem extraxerat Scipio ut sera pugna esset; nam ab septima demum hora peditum signa cornibus incucurrerunt;

[¶54] 15.4. The wings were being hard pressed by a double attack; cavalry and light-armed and skirmishers with enclosing wings were charging into their flanks, while the cohorts were pressing them in front, endeavouring to cut off the wings from the rest of the battle-line. XV. And not only was the battle in general far from being evenly matched, but especially because the horde of Baliares and Spanish recruits had been made to face Roman and Latin soldiers.

> Latin: 15.4. ad medias acies aliquanto serius peruenit pugna, ita ut prius aestus a meridiano sole laborque standi sub armis et simul fames sitisque corpora adficerent quam manus cum hoste consererent.

[¶55] 15.5. Besides, as the day now wore on their strength also began to fail Hasdrubal's soldiers, who had been surprised by an early morning onslaught and compelled to go out into line in haste before they could take food to sustain them.

> Latin: 15.5. itaque steterunt scutis innixi. iam super cetera elephanti etiam tumultuoso genere pugnae equitum uelitumque et leuis armaturae consternati e cornibus in mediam aciem sese intulerant.

[¶56] 15.6. And Scipio had deliberately dragged out the day, in order that the battle might be belated. For it was not until the seventh hour that the infantry units charged the wings.

> Latin: 15.6. fessi igitur corporibus animisque rettulere pedem, ordines tamen seruantes haud secus quam si imperio ducis cederet integra acies.

[¶57] 15.7. The battle reached the centre of the lines considerably later, so that the heat of the midday sun and the strain of standing under arms, and at the same time hunger and thirst, weakened their bodies before they engaged the enemy. Accordingly they stood resting on their shields. By this time, in addition to everything else, the elephants also took fright at the skirmishing tactics of cavalry and skirmishers and light-armed and had shifted from the wings into the centre. Weakened therefore in body and spirit the men retreated, keeping their ranks nevertheless, just as if by order of the general the line was giving way intact.

> Latin: 15.7. sed cum eo ipso acrius ubi inclinatam sensere rem uictores se undique inueherent, nec facile impetus sustineri posset quamquam retinebat obsistebatque cedentibus Hasdrubal ab tergo esse colles tutumque receptum si modice se reciperent clamitans, tamen uincente metu uerecundiam cum proximus quisque hostem cederet, terga extemplo data, atque in fugam sese omnes effuderunt. ac primo consistere signa in radicibus collium ac reuocare in ordines militem coeperant cunctantibus in aduersum collem erigere aciem Romanis; deinde ut inferri impigre signa uiderunt, integrata fuga in castra pauidi compelluntur.

[¶58] 15.10. But when the victors, on seeing that the tide of battle had turned, for that reason charged with more spirit from all sides, and it was not easy to withstand their attack, although Hasdrubal tried to hold his men back and confronted them as they gave way, shouting to them again and again that in the rear there were hills and a safe refuge if they retired slowly.

> Latin: 15.10. nec procul uallo Romanus aberat; cepissetque tanto impetu castra nisi ex uehementi sole, qualis inter graues imbre nubes effulget, tanta uis aquae deiecta esset ut uix in castra sua receperint se uictores, quosdam etiam religio ceperit ulterius quicquam eo die conandi.

[¶59] 15.11. Nevertheless, as fear overcame their respect for him and those nearest to the enemy were falling, at once they faced about and all took to flight. And at first the standard-bearers began to halt at the foot of the hills and to call the soldiers back into their ranks, while the Romans hesitated to advance their line up the hill. Then when the enemy saw the standards coming bravely on, they resumed their flight and were driven panic-stricken into camp. Not far from the earthwork were the Romans; and by such momentum they would have captured the camp if, after a blazing sun, such as shines out in the midst of clouds heavy with rain, there had not been so extraordinary a downpour that the victors with difficulty retired to their camp, and had not some been beset by scruples also against any further attempt that day.

> Latin: 15.11. Carthaginienses, quamquam fessos labore ac uolneribus nox imberque ad necessariam quietem uocabat, tamen quia metus et periculum cessandi non dabat tempus prima luce oppugnaturis hostibus castra, saxis undique circa ex propinquis uallibus congestis augent uallum, munimento sese quando in armis parum praesidii foret defensuri;

[¶60] 15.13. The Carthaginians, although night and pouring rain invited them to needed rest, being weak from exertion and wounds, nevertheless, because fear and danger gave them no time to be idle when the enemy would attack the camp at daybreak, raised their earthwork by gathering stones from near-by valleys all round, intending to defend themselves by a fortification, since in their arms they would have no sufficient protection. But the desertion of their allies made flight seem safer than delay.

> Latin: 15.13. sed transitio sociorum fuga ut tutior mora uideretur fecit. principium defectionis ab Attene regulo Turdetanorum factum est; is cum magna popularium manu transfugit; inde duo munita oppida cum praesidiis tradita a praefectis Romano;

[¶61] 15.15. Defection began with Attenes, prince of the Turdetani, who deserted with a large force of his tribesmen. Then two fortified towns were handed over with their garrisons to the Roman by their commanders. And for fear the mischief might spread farther, now that men were once disposed to change sides, Hasdrubal moved his camp in the silence of the following night. Scipio, when men on outpost duty reported at daylight that the enemy had left, sent his cavalry ahead and ordered the standards to advance.

> Latin: 15.15. et ne latius inclinatis semel ad defectionem animis serperet res, silentio proximae noctis Hasdrubal castra mouet. Scipio, ut prima luce qui in stationibus erant rettulerunt profectos hostes, praemisso equitatu signa ferri iubet;

[¶62] 16.2. The column also marched at such a pace that, if they had directly followed the enemy's track, they would undoubtedly have overtaken them. They believed the guides that there was another shorter road to the river Baetis, by which they might attack the enemy while crossing over.

> Latin: 16.2. adeoque citato agmine ducti sunt ut, si uia recta uestigia sequentes issent, haud dubie adsecuturi fuerint: ducibus est creditum breuius aliud esse iter ad Baetim fluuium ut transeuntes adgrederentur.

[¶63] 16.3. Hasdrubal, finding the passage of the river closed, turned aside towards the Ocean, and henceforward, scattering like fugitives, away they went. Thus he put a considerable distance between himself and the Roman legions.

> Latin: 16.3. Hasdrubal clauso transitu fluminis ad Oceanum flectit, et iam inde fugientium modo effusi abibant; itaque ab legionibus Romanis aliquantum interualli fecit.

[¶64] 16.4. Cavalry and light-armed, dashing upon them now from the rear, now on the flanks, kept wearing them out and delaying them. But when in view of the numerous clashes the standards came to a halt and the men were engaged now with cavalry, now with skirmishers and auxiliary infantry, the legions came up.

> Latin: 16.4. eques leuisque armatura nunc ab tergo nunc ab lateribus occurrendo fatigabat morabaturque, sed cum ad crebros tumultus signa consisterent et nunc equestria nunc cum uelitibus auxiliisque peditum proelia consererent, superuenerunt legiones.

[¶65] 16.6. Thereafter it was no longer a battle but a slaughter as of cattle, until the general, himself now approving their flight, escaped to the nearest hills with some six thousand half-armed men. The rest were slain or captured.

> Latin: 16.6. inde non iam pugna sed trucidatio uelut pecorum fieri donec ipse dux fugae auctor in proximos colles cum sex millibus ferme semermium euasit; ceteri caesi captique.

[¶66] 16.7. The Carthaginians hastily fortified an improvised camp on a very high hill and from it they defended themselves without difficulty, since the enemy had tried in vain to come up the steep slope.

> Latin: 16.7. castra tumultuaria raptim Poeni tumulo editissimo communiuerunt, atque inde cum hostis nequiquam subire iniquo adscensu conatus esset haud difficulter sese tutati sunt.

[¶67] 16.8. But in an exposed situation which furnished nothing a siege was scarcely endurable even for a few days. Accordingly there were repeated desertions to the enemy. Finally the general himself sent for ships — the sea was not far away —and leaving his army by night he escaped to Gades.

> Latin: 16.8. sed obsidio in loco nudo atque inopi uix in paucos dies tolerabilis erat; itaque transitiones ad hostem fiebant. postremo dux ipse nauibus accitis—nec procul inde aberat mare—nocte relicto exercitu Gades perfugit.

[¶68] 16.9. Scipio, learning of the flight of the enemy's general, left Silanus ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry to besiege the camp.

> Latin: 16.9. Scipio fuga ducis hostium audita decem milia peditum mille equites relinquit Silano ad castrorum obsidionem;

[¶69] 16.10. With the rest of the forces he himself returned to Tarraco in seventy days' marches, hearing the cases of chiefs and states as he proceeded, in order to bestow rewards according to the real worth of their services.

> Latin: 16.10. ipse cum ceteris copiis septuagensimis castris, protinus causis regulorum ciuitatiumque cognoscendis ut praemia ad ueram meritorum aestimationem tribui possent, Tarraconem rediit.

[¶70] 16.11. After his departure Masinissa conferred secretly with Silanus, then crossed over to Africa with a few of his countrymen, in order that in changing his policy he might count upon the obedience of his nation also. The reason for his sudden change was not so clear then as was later the evidence furnished by a loyalty unswerving down to extreme age, that even at that time he had not acted without a reasonable ground.

> Latin: 16.11. post profectionem eius Masinissa cum Silano clam congressus, ut ad noua consilia gentem quoque suam oboedientem haberet cum paucis popularibus in Africam traiecit, non tam euidenti eo tempore subitae mutationis causa quam documento post id tempus constantissimae ad ultimam senectam fidei ne tum quidem eum sine probabili causa fecisse.

[¶71] 16.13. Mago then reached Gades on the ships sent back by Hasdrubal. The rest, abandoned by their generals, were scattered, some by desertion, others by flight, among the neighbouring states; no force remained which was notable for its numbers or its strength.

> Latin: 16.13. Mago inde remissis ab Hasdrubale nauibus Gades petit; ceteri deserti ab ducibus, pars transitione, pars fuga dissipati per proximas ciuitates sunt, nulla numero aut uiribus manus insignis.

[¶72] 16.14. So much in general for the manner in which under the command and auspices of Publius Scipio the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain in the fourteenth year from the beginning of the war, the fifth after Publius Scipio received his province and army.

> Latin: 16.14. hoc maxime modo ductu atque auspicio P. Scipionis pulsi Hispania Carthaginienses sunt, quarto decimo anno post bellum initum, quinto quam P. Scipio prouinciam et exercitum accepit.

[¶73] 16.15. Not much later Silanus returned to Scipio at Tarraco, reporting the war at an end.

> Latin: 16.15. haud multo post Silanus debellatum referens Tarraconem ad Scipionem rediit.

[¶74] 17.1. Lucius Scipio with many noble captives was sent to Rome to announce the conquest of Spain.

> Latin: 17.1. L. Scipio cum multis nobilibus captiuis nuntius receptae Hispaniae Romam est missus.

[¶75] 17.2. And while everyone else was publishing the fact abroad with great rejoicing and high praise, the one man who had accomplished it was insatiable in his craving for merit and well-earned distinction. He considered the conquest of Spain insignificant compared with all that he had imagined in his high-minded hopes.

> Latin: 17.2. et cum ceteri laetitia gloriaque ingenti eam rem uolgo ferrent, unus qui gesserat, inexplebilis uirtutis ueraeque laudis, paruum instar eorum quae spe ac magnitudine animi concepisset receptas Hispanias ducebat.

[¶76] 17.3. Already his eye was upon Africa and the greater Carthage and the glory of such a war, as if accumulated to bring him honour and a name.

> Latin: 17.3. iam Africam magnamque Carthaginem et in suum decus nomenque uelut consummatam eius belli gloriam spectabat.

[¶77] 17.4. Accordingly, thinking that he must already make preparations and gain the goodwill of kings and tribes, he decided first to sound King Syphax.

> Latin: 17.4. itaque praemoliendas sibi ratus iam res conciliandosque regum gentiumque animos, Syphacem primum regem statuit temptare.

[¶78] 17.5. He was the king of the Masaesulians. A tribe bordering on the Mauri, the Masaesulians directly face the region of Spain in which lies New Carthage.

> Latin: 17.5. Masaesuliorum is rex erat. Masaesulii, gens adfinis Mauris, in regionem Hispaniae maxime qua sita Noua Carthago est spectant.

[¶79] 17.6. At that time the king had a treaty with the Carthaginians; and Scipio, thinking it would have for Syphax no more weight and sanctity than is usual for barbarians, with whom loyalty depends upon success, sent Gaius Laelius as an envoy to him with gifts.

> Latin: 17.6. foedus ea tempestate regi cum Carthaginiensibus erat, quod haud grauius ei sanctiusque quam uolgo barbaris, quibus ex fortuna pendet fides, ratus fore, oratorem ad eum C.

[¶80] 17.7. Delighted with these, and since at that time the situation was everywhere favourable for the Romans but for the Carthaginians unfavourable in Italy and now quite hopeless in Spain, the barbarian indicated that he would accept the friendship of the Romans; that for its confirmation he would neither give nor receive a pledge except in the actual presence of the Roman commander.

> Latin: 17.7. Laelium cum donis mittit. quibus barbarus laetus et quia res tum prosperae ubique Romanis, Poenis in Italia aduersae in Hispania nullae iam erant, amicitiam se Romanorum accipere adnuit: firmandae eius fidem nec dare nec accipere nisi cum ipso coram duce Romano.

[¶81] 17.9. So Laelius, having received from the king a promise to this effect only, that for the visit safety would be assured, returned to Scipio.

> Latin: 17.9. ita Laelius in id modo fide ab rege accepta tutum aduentum fore, ad Scipionem redit.

[¶82] 17.10. A factor of great importance in every respect for a man planning an attack upon Africa was Syphax, the richest king in that land and one who had already gained experience even of the Carthaginians in war, while boundaries of his kingdom were also well situated with reference to Spain in being separated from it by a narrow strait only.

> Latin: 17.10. magnum in omnia momentum Syphax adfectanti res Africae erat, opulentissimus eius terrae rex, bello iam expertus ipsos Carthaginienses, finibus etiam regni apte ad Hispaniam quod freto exiguo dirimuntur positis.

[¶83] 17.11. Consequently Scipio thought the matter deserved to be pursued even at a great risk, since it was otherwise impossible. Leaving Lucius Marcius at Tarraco and Marcus Silanus at New Carthage —to which he had come by land in long stages from Tarraco —that they might defend Spain, he himself sailed with Gaius Laelius and two quinqueremes from (New) Carthage. Using oars for the most part over a calm sea, while at times a gentle wind lent its help, he crossed over to Africa.

> Latin: 17.11. dignam itaque rem Scipio ratus quae, quoniam non aliter posset, magno periculo peteretur, L. Marcio Tarracone M. Silano Carthagine Noua, quo pedibus ab Tarracone itineribus magnis ierat, ad praesidium Hispaniae relictis ipse cum C. Laelio duabus quinqueremibus ab Carthagine profectus tranquillo mari plurimum remis, interdum et leni adiuuante uento, in Africam traiecit.

[¶84] 17.13. It so chanced that at the very same time Hasdrubal, who had been forced out of Spain and had sailed into the harbour with seven triremes and cast anchor, was bringing his ships to the shore when the two quinqueremes were sighted. No one had any doubt that they belonged to the enemy, and that they could be surprised by superior numbers before they entered the harbour. But they caused nothing more than uproar and excitement both among soldiers and sailors, as they made ready their arms and ships all to no purpose.

> Latin: 17.13. forte ita incidit ut eo ipso tempore Hasdrubal, pulsus Hispania, septem triremibus portum inuectus, ancoris positis terrae applicaret naues cum conspectae duae quinqueremes, haud cuiquam dubio quin hostium essent opprimique a pluribus priusquam portum intrarent possent, nihil aliud quam tumultum ac trepidationem simul militum ac nautarum nequiquam armaque et naues expedientium fecerunt.

[¶85] 17.15. For the sails, catching a slightly stronger wind from the open sea, brought the quinqueremes into the harbour before the Carthaginians could weigh anchor.

> Latin: 17.15. percussa enim ex alto uela paulo acriori uento prius in portum intulerunt quinqueremes quam Poeni ancoras molirentur;

[¶86] 17.16. Nor did anyone dare to make further disturbance in the king's harbour. So first Hasdrubal and then Scipio and Laelius disembarked and went to the king.

> Latin: 17.16. nec ultra tumultum ciere quisquam in regio portu audebat. ita in terram prior Hasdrubal, mox Scipio et Laelius egressi ad regem pergunt.

[¶87] 18.1. To Syphax it seemed a splendid thing —as indeed it was —that the generals of the two richest peoples of that time had come on the same day to ask for peace and friendship from him.

> Latin: 18.1. magnificumque id Syphaci—nec erat aliter—uisum duorum opulentissimorum ea tempestate duces populorum uno die suam pacem amicitiamque petentes uenisse.

[¶88] 18.2. He invited both of them to be his guests, and inasmuch as chance had ordained that they should be under one roof and in the same dwelling, he tried to draw them into a conference to put an end to their quarrels. Scipio indeed stated that neither as a private citizen had he any hatred toward the Carthaginian which might be ended by a conference, nor as regarded the state could he treat with an enemy without an order from the senate.

> Latin: 18.2. utrumque in hospitium inuitat, et quoniam fors eos sub uno tecto esse atque ad eosdem penates uoluisset, contrahere in conloquium dirimendarum simultatium causa est conatus, Scipione abnuente aut priuatim sibi ullum cum Poeno odium esse quod conloquendo finiret, aut de re publica quicquam se cum hoste agere iniussu senatus posse.

[¶89] 18.4. When the king kept insisting that he consent to come to the same feast for fear one of his guests should seem to have been excluded from his table, Scipio did not decline, and they dined together in the king's house.

> Latin: 18.4. illud magno opere tendente rege, ne alter hospitum exclusus mensa uideretur, ut in animum induceret ad easdem uenire epulas haud abnuit, cenatumque simul apud regem est;

[¶90] 18.5. On the same couch even, since the king would have it so, Scipio and Hasdrubal reclined.

> Latin: 18.5. eodem etiam lecto Scipio atque Hasdrubal quia ita cordi erat regi accubuerunt.

[¶91] 18.6. Moreover, such was the genial manner of Scipio, such his inborn cleverness in meeting every situation, that by his eloquent mode of address he won not Syphax only, the barbarian unacquainted with Roman ways, but his own bitterest enemy as well.

> Latin: 18.6. tanta autem inerat comitas Scipioni atque ad omnia naturalis ingenii dexteritas ut non Syphacem modo, barbarum insuetumque moribus Romanis, sed hostem etiam infestissimum facunde adloquendo sibi conciliarit.

[¶92] 18.7. Hasdrubal plainly showed that when he met him face to face, Scipio seemed even more marvellous than in his achievements in war, and that he did not doubt Syphax and his kingdom would soon be in the power of the Romans;

> Latin: 18.7. mirabiliorem sibi eum congresso coram uisum prae se ferebat quam bello rebus gestis, nec dubitare quin Syphax regnumque eius iam in Romanorum essent potestate;

[¶93] 18.8. such skill did the man possess in winning men over.

> Latin: 18.8. eam artem illi uiro ad conciliandos animos esse.

[¶94] 18.9. And so, he said, it was not so essential for the Carthaginians to inquire how their Spanish provinces had been lost as to consider how they were still to hold Africa.

> Latin: 18.9. itaque non quo modo Hispaniae amissae sint quaerendum magis Carthaginiensibus esse quam quo modo Africam retineant cogitandum.

[¶95] 18.10. It was not as a traveller, nor as one who idles along beautiful shores, that so great a Roman general had left a newly subdued province, had left his armies, and with only two ships had crossed over to Africa and entrusted himself to an enemy's land, to a king's power, to a man's untested honour; on the contrary he was cherishing a hope of conquering Africa.

> Latin: 18.10. non peregrinabundum neque circa amoenas oras uagantem tantum ducem Romanum, relicta prouincia nouae dicionis relictis exercitibus, duabus nauibus in Africam traiecisse et commisisse sese in hostilem terram, in potestatem regiam, in fidem inexpertam, sed potiundae Africae spem adfectantem.

[¶96] 18.11. It had long been Scipio's constant reflection, his open complaint, he added, that he was not waging war in Africa, as Hannibal was in Italy.

> Latin: 18.11. hoc eum iam pridem uolutare in animo, hoc palam fremere quod non quemadmodum Hannibal in Italia sic Scipio in Africa bellum gereret.

[¶97] 18.12. Scipio, after making a treaty with Syphax, set sail from Africa, and tossed in open sea by unsteady winds, mostly violent, he reached the harbour of New Carthage on the fourth day.

> Latin: 18.12. Scipio, foedere icto cum Syphace, profectus ex Africa dubiisque et plerumque saeuis in alto iactatus uentis die quarto Nouae Carthaginis portum tenuit.

[¶98] 19.1. Although the Spanish provinces were having a respite from a Carthaginian war, still it was evident that on account of a guilty conscience certain states were quiet out of fear rather than because of loyalty. Most conspicuous both for size and guilt among these were Iliturgi and Castulo.

> Latin: 19.1. Hispaniae sicut a bello Punico quietae erant, ita quasdam ciuitates propter conscientiam culpae metu magis quam fide quietas esse apparebat, quarum maxime insignes et magnitudine et noxa Iliturgi et Castulo erant.

[¶99] 19.2. Although in favourable times its citizens had been allies, Castulo, after the Scipios had been slain with their armies, had revolted to the Carthaginians. The men of Iliturgi, by betraying and slaying those who from that disaster had fled to them for refuge, had added a crime also to their revolt.

> Latin: 19.2. Castulo, cum prosperis rebus socii fuissent, post caesos cum exercitibus Scipiones defecerat ad Poenos: Iliturgitani prodendis qui ex illa clade ad eos perfugerant interficiendisque scelus etiam defectioni addiderant.

[¶100] 19.3. On Scipio's first coming, when the Spanish provinces were wavering, vengeance upon those states would have been deserved but not politic.

> Latin: 19.3. in eos populos primo aduentu cum dubiae Hispaniae essent merito magis quam utiliter saeuitum foret:

[¶101] 19.4. Now, however, since in a time of peace the moment for exacting the penalty seemed to have arrived, he summoned Lucius Marcius from Tarraco and sent him with a third of his forces to lay siege to Castulo. He himself with the rest of the army reached Iliturgi in about five stages.

> Latin: 19.4. tunc iam tranquillis rebus quia tempus expetendae poenae uidebatur uenisse, accitum ab Tarracone L. Marcium cum tertia parte copiarum ad Castulonem oppugnandum mittit, ipse cum cetero exercitu quintis fere ad Iliturgin castris peruenit.

[¶102] 19.5. The gates had been closed and everything disposed and prepared to resist an attack. So true was it that consciousness of what they knew they had deserved had meant as much for them as a declaration of war.

> Latin: 19.5. clausae erant portae omniaque instructa et parata ad oppugnationem arcendam; adeo conscientia quid se meritos scirent pro indicto eis bello fuerat.

[¶103] 19.6. With this point also Scipio opened his speech of encouragement to his soldiers, saying that the Spaniards by closing their gates had themselves shown what they had deserved to fear. Consequently, he said, they must wage war against them with much more animosity than against the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 19.6. hinc et hortari milites Scipio orsus est: ipsos claudendo portas indicasse Hispanos quid ut timerent meriti essent. itaque multo infestioribus animis cum eis quam cum Carthaginiensibus bellum gerendum esse;

[¶104] 19.7. With these it was a contest almost devoid of anger in pursuit of power and glory; from the Iliturgians they must exact the penalty for treachery and cruelty and crime.

> Latin: 19.7. quippe cum illis prope sine ira de imperio et gloria certari, ab his perfidiae et crudelitatis et sceleris poenas expetendas.

[¶105] 19.8. The time had come for them to avenge the atrocious slaughter of their comrades and the perfidy which would have been brought to bear against themselves if in flight they had reached the same city. It was time also for them by a severe example to ordain that no one should ever account a Roman citizen or soldier in any misfortune as fair game for ill treatment.

> Latin: 19.8. euenisse tempus quo et nefandam commilitonum necem et in semet ipsos, si eodem fuga delati forent, instructam fraudem ulciscerentur, et in omne tempus graui documento sancirent ne quis unquam Romanum ciuem militemque in ulla fortuna opportunum iniuriae duceret.

[¶106] 19.9. Immediately after this exhortation from their general the officers, thoroughly aroused, issued ladders to men picked out of one maniple after another, and dividing the army so that Laelius as lieutenant should command one half, they attacked the city in two places at the same time, causing a double alarm.

> Latin: 19.9. ab hac cohortatione ducis incitati scalas electis per manipulos uiris diuidunt, partitoque exercitu ita ut parti alteri Laelius praeesset legatus, duobus simul locis ancipiti terrore urbem adgrediuntur.

[¶107] 19.10. It was not a single commander or a number of leading men that urged the citizens gallantly to defend the city, but their own fear due to consciousness of guilt.

> Latin: 19.10. non dux unus aut plures principes oppidanos, sed suus ipsorum ex conscientia culpae metus ad defendendam impigre urbem hortatur.

[¶108] 19.11. They remembered and reminded one another also that the aim was their punishment, not victory; that when every man perished what mattered most was whether he did so in battle and in the line, where the fortune of the fray, making no distinctions, often lifted up the defeated and dashed down the victor, or whether later, when their city was in ashes and ruins, there before the faces of their captured wives and children, after enduring every outrage and indignity, they breathed their last under the scourge and in chains.

> Latin: 19.11. et meminerant et admonebant alios supplicium ex se non uictoriam peti: ubi quisque mortem oppeteret, id referre, utrum in pugna et in acie, ubi Mars communis et uictum saepe erigeret et adfligeret uictorem, an postmodo cremata et diruta urbe, ante ora captarum coniugum liberorumque, inter uerbera et uincula, omnia foeda atque indigna passi exspirarent.

[¶109] 19.13. Accordingly not merely those of military age or men alone, but women and children also helped beyond their powers of mind and body, bringing up weapons for the fighting men and carrying stones for the builders up to the wall.

> Latin: 19.13. igitur non militaris modo aetas aut uiri tantum, sed feminae puerique super animi corporisque uires adsunt, pugnantibus tela ministrant, saxa in muros munientibus gerunt.

[¶110] 19.14. The stake was not freedom only, which whets the courage of brave men alone, but all had before their eyes extreme penalties and a hideous death. Bravery was kindled by emulation in toil and danger and by the mere sight of one another.

> Latin: 19.14. non libertas solum agebatur, quae uirorum fortium tantum pectora acuit, sed ultima omnibus supplicia et foeda mors ob oculos erat. accendebantur animi et certamine laboris ac periculi atque ipso inter se conspectu.

[¶111] 19.15. And so the battle was begun with such heat that that famous army, the conqueror of all Spain, was repeatedly beaten back from the walls by the young men of a single town and thrown into disorder in an inglorious battle. When Scipio saw this, he was afraid that, owing to so many vain attempts made by his men, the enemy's spirits might be cheered and his own soldiers lose heart.

> Latin: 19.15. itaque tanto ardore certamen initum est ut domitor ille totius Hispaniae exercitus ab unius oppidi iuuentute saepe repulsus a muris haud satis decoro proelio trepidaret.

[¶112] 19.16. Thinking that he must himself make the attempt and claim a share in the danger, he berated the soldiers for their cowardice, ordered ladders to be brought up, and threatened that if the rest hesitated he would climb up himself.

> Latin: 19.16. id ubi uidit Scipio, ueritus ne uanis tot conatibus suorum et hostibus cresceret animus et segnior miles fieret, sibimet conandum ac partem periculi capessendam esse ratus increpita ignauia militum ferri scalas iubet et se ipsum si ceteri cunctentur escensurum minatur.

[¶113] 19.17. Already at no small risk he had come close to the walls when from all sides an outcry was made by the soldiers, who were concerned for their commander and began to set up ladders in many places at the same time; and on the other side Laelius pressed the attack.

> Latin: 19.17. iam subierat haud mediocri periculo moenia cum clamor undique ab sollicitis uicem imperatoris militibus sublatus, scalaeque multis simul partibus erigi coeptae;

## 40. Book XXVIII · chapters 19–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/40/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/40/#p-N

[¶0] 19.18. Then the resistance of the townsmen was broken and, once the defenders had been dislodged, the walls were occupied. The citadel also in the midst of the confusion was captured from the side on which it appeared to be impregnable.

> Latin: 19.18. et ex altera parte Laelius institit. tum uicta oppidanorum uis deiectisque propugnatoribus occupantur muri. arx etiam ab ea parte qua inexpugnabilis uidebatur inter tumultum capta est:

[¶1] 20.1. African deserters, who were at that time in the Roman auxiliaries, just when the townsmen had turned to the defence of places where the danger was evident, while at the same time the Romans kept coming up ... by any possible approach, caught sight of a very lofty part of the city lacking any kind of fortifications, lacking defenders as well, because it was protected by a very high cliff.

> Latin: 20.1. transfugae Afri, qui tum inter auxilia Romana erant, et oppidanis in ea tuenda unde periculum uidebatur uersis et Romanis subeuntibus qua adire poterant, conspexerunt editissimam urbis partem, quia rupe praealta tegebatur, neque opere ullo munitam et ab defensoribus uacuam.

[¶2] 20.3. Men of light build and nimble, thanks to much training, they carried iron spikes with them and climbed up wherever they could over the irregular projections of the cliff.

> Latin: 20.3. leuium corporum homines et multa exercitatione pernicium, clauos secum ferreos portantes, qua per inaequaliter eminentia rupis poterant scandunt.

[¶3] 20.4. Wherever they encountered rock too steep and smooth, by driving in spikes at suitable intervals they made something like steps.

> Latin: 20.4. sicubi nimis arduum et leue saxum occurrebat, clauos per modica interualla figentes cum uelut gradus fecissent, primi insequentes extrahentes manu, postremi subleuantes eos qui prae se irent, in summum euadunt.

[¶4] 20.5. Then while the first men with their hands drew up those who followed and the last pushed up those ahead of them, they made their way up to the summit. Thence they dashed down with a shout into the city already captured by the Romans. It was then in truth evident that the city had been attacked out of anger and hatred. No one thought of taking men alive, no one thought of booty, although every place was open for plunder. They slaughtered the unarmed and the armed alike, women as well as men; cruel anger went even so far as to slay infants.

> Latin: 20.5. inde decurrunt cum clamore in urbem iam captam ab Romanis. tum uero apparuit ab ira et ab odio urbem oppugnatam esse. nemo capiendi uiuos, nemo patentibus ad direptionem omnibus praedae memor est; trucidant inermes iuxta atque armatos, feminas pariter ac uiros; usque ad infantium caedem ira crudelis peruenit.

[¶5] 20.7. Then they threw firebrands into houses and demolished what could not be consumed by the flames. So delighted were they to destroy even the traces of the city and to blot out the memory of their enemies' abode.

> Latin: 20.7. ignem deinde tectis iniciunt ac diruunt quae incendio absumi nequeunt; adeo uestigia quoque urbis exstinguere ac delere memoriam hostium sedis cordi est.

[¶6] 20.8. Scipio then led his army to Castulo, a city defended not only by Spaniards from other places but also by remnants of the Carthaginian army after a scattering flight in every direction.

> Latin: 20.8. Castulonem inde Scipio exercitum ducit, quam urbem non Hispani modo conuenae sed Punici etiam exercitus ex dissipata passim fuga reliquiae tutabantur.

[¶7] 20.9. But Scipio's coming had been preceded by a report of the disaster at Iliturgi, and in consequence alarm and despair had taken possession.

> Latin: 20.9. sed aduentum Scipionis praeuenerat fama cladis Iliturgitanorum terrorque inde ac desperatio inuaserat;

[¶8] 20.10. Also as their interests were different, since everyone wished to be safeguarded himself without regard to any one else, at first unexpressed suspicion, then open discord produced a separation between Carthaginians and Spaniards.

> Latin: 20.10. et in diuersis causis cum sibi quisque consultum sine alterius respectu uellet, primo tacita suspicio, deinde aperta discordia secessionem inter Carthaginienses atque Hispanos fecit.

[¶9] 20.11. The latter were commanded by Cerdubelus, an open advocate of surrender, the Punic auxiliaries by Himilco. After receiving a secret promise Cerdubelus betrayed garrison and city to the Roman commander.

> Latin: 20.11. his Cerdubelus propalam deditionis auctor, Himilco Punicis auxiliaribus praeerat; quos urbemque clam fide accepta Cerdubelus Romano prodit.

[¶10] 20.12. More merciful was this victory. Not so serious a crime had been committed and voluntary surrender had greatly appeased their anger.

> Latin: 20.12. mitior ea uictoria fuit; nec tantundem noxae admissum erat et aliquantum irae lenierat uoluntaria deditio.

[¶11] 21.1. Marcius was thereupon sent to bring under Roman sway and authority any barbarians who had not yet been thoroughly subdued. Scipio returned to (New) Carthage to pay his vows to the gods and to conduct the gladiatorial show which he had prepared in honour of his deceased father and uncle. The exhibition of gladiators was not made up from the class of men which managers are in the habit of pitting against each other, that is, slaves sold on the platform and free men who are ready to sell their lives.

> Latin: 21.1. Marcius inde in barbaros si qui nondum perdomiti erant sub ius dicionemque redigendos missus. Scipio Carthaginem ad uota soluenda dis munusque gladiatorium, quod mortis causa patris patruique parauerat, edendum rediit. gladiatorum spectaculum fuit non ex eo genere hominum ex quo lanistis comparare mos est, seruorum de catasta ac liberorum qui uenalem sanguinem habent:

[¶12] 21.2. In every case the service of the men who fought was voluntary and without compensation.

> Latin: 21.2. uoluntaria omnis et gratuita opera pugnantium fuit.

[¶13] 21.3. For some were sent by their chieftains to display an example of the courage inbred in their tribe; some declared on their own motion that they would fight to please the general; in other cases rivalry and the desire to compete led them to challenge or, if challenged, not to refuse.

> Latin: 21.3. nam alii missi ab regulis sunt ad specimen insitae genti uirtutis ostendendum, alii ipsi professi se pugnaturos in gratiam ducis, alios aemulatio et certamen ut prouocarent prouocatique haud abnuerent traxit;

[¶14] 21.5. Some who had been unable or unwilling to end their differences by a legal hearing, after agreeing that the disputed property should fall to the victor, settled the matter with the sword.

> Latin: 21.5. quidam quas disceptando controuersias finire nequierant aut noluerant, pacto inter se ut uictorem res sequeretur, ferro decreuerunt.

[¶15] 21.6. Men also of no obscure family but conspicuous and distinguished, Corbis and Orsua, being cousins and competing for the post of chief of a city called Ibes, declared that they would contend with the sword. Corbis was the older in years.

> Latin: 21.6. neque obscuri generis homines sed clari inlustresque, Corbis et Orsua, patrueles fratres, de principatu ciuitatis quam Ibem uocabant ambigentes ferro se certaturos professi sunt.

[¶16] 21.7. Orsua's father had lately been chief, having succeeded to an elder brother's rank upon his death.

> Latin: 21.7. Corbis maior erat aetate: Orsuae pater princeps proxime fuerat a fratre maiore post mortem eius principatu accepto.

[¶17] 21.8. When Scipio desired to settle the question by a hearing and to calm their anger, they both said they had refused that request to their common relatives, and that they were to have as their judge no other god or man than Mars.

> Latin: 21.8. cum uerbis disceptare Scipio uellet ac sedare iras, negatum id ambo dicere cognatis communibus, nec alium deorum hominumue quam Martem se iudicem habituros esse.

[¶18] 21.9. The older man was confident in his strength, the younger in the bloom of his youth, each preferring death in the combat rather than to be subject to the rule of the other. Since they could not be made to give up such madness, they furnished the army a remarkable spectacle, demonstrating how great an evil among mortals is the ambition to rule.

> Latin: 21.9. robore maior, minor flore aetatis ferox, mortem in certamine quam ut alter alterius imperio subiceretur praeoptantes cum dirimi ab tanta rabie nequirent, insigne spectaculum exercitui praebuere documentumque quantum cupiditas imperii malum inter mortales esset.

[¶19] 21.10. The older man by his skill with arms and by his cunning easily mastered the brute strength of the younger. In addition to this gladiatorial show there were funeral games so far as the resources of the province and camp equipment permitted.

> Latin: 21.10. maior usu armorum et astu facile stolidas uires minoris superauit. huic gladiatorum spectaculo ludi funebres additi pro copia prouinciali et castrensi apparatu.

[¶20] 22.1. Meantime operations were carried on no less actively by the lieutenants. Marcius after crossing the river Baetis, which the inhabitants call Certis, accepted the surrender of two rich cities without an engagement.

> Latin: 22.1. res interim nihilo minus ab legatis gerebantur. Marcius superato Baete amni, quem incolae Certim appellant, duas opulentas ciuitates sine certamine in deditionem accepit. Astapa urbs erat Carthaginiensium semper partis;

[¶21] 22.2. There was the city of Astapa, always on the side of the Carthaginians; and this did not so much justify anger as that they bore a particular hatred against the Romans over and above the exigencies of war.

> Latin: 22.2. neque id tam dignum ira erat quam quod extra necessitates belli praecipuum in Romanos gerebant odium.

[¶22] 22.3. Nor did they have a city secure either by reason of its situation or fortifications to make them over-confident. But their natural delight in brigandage had impelled the inhabitants to make raids into adjoining territory of allies of the Roman people and to capture stray Roman soldiers and sutlers and merchants.

> Latin: 22.3. nec urbem aut situ aut munimento tutam habebant quae ferociores iis animos faceret; sed ingenia incolarum latrocinio laeta ut excursiones in finitimum agrum sociorum populi Romani facerent impulerant et uagos milites Romanos lixasque et mercatores exciperent.

[¶23] 22.4. Even a caravan —large because there had been too little safety for small numbers —crossing their territory had been entrapped in an unfavourable spot by an ambuscade and cut to pieces.

> Latin: 22.4. magnum etiam comitatum, quia paucis parum tutum fuerat, transgredientem fines positis insidiis circumuentum iniquo loco interfecerant.

[¶24] 22.5. When the army had been brought up to lay siege to this city, the men of the town, prompted by a guilty conscience, because neither surrender to an enemy so incensed seemed safe nor was there any hope of defending their lives by walls and arms, resolved to carry out against themselves and their families a brutal and barbarous act.

> Latin: 22.5. ad hanc urbem oppugnandam cum admotus exercitus esset, oppidani conscientia scelerum, quia nec deditio tuta ad tam infestos uidebatur neque spes moenibus aut armis tuendae salutis erat, facinus in se ac suos foedum ac ferum consciscunt.

[¶25] 22.6. A spot in the marketplace was selected where they were to bring together their most valuable possessions. Having ordered their wives and children to sit down upon that heap they piled up wood all around and threw on bundles of brush.

> Latin: 22.6. locum in foro destinant quo pretiosissima rerum suarum congererent. super eum cumulum coniuges ac liberos considere cum iussissent, ligna circa exstruunt fascesque uirgultorum coniciunt.

[¶26] 22.7. They then instructed fifty armed young men to keep guard at that place, so long as the issue of the battle was uncertain, over their treasures and over persons that were dearer than treasures.

> Latin: 22.7. quinquaginta deinde armatis iuuenibus praecipiunt ut, donec incertus euentus pugnae esset, praesidium eo loco fortunarum suarum corporumque quae cariora fortunis essent seruarent;

[¶27] 22.8. If they should see that the battle had gone against them and the city was on the point of being captured, they were to know that all those whom they now saw marching out to battle would meet death where they were fighting.

> Latin: 22.8. si rem inclinatam uiderent atque in eo iam esse ut urbs caperetur, scirent omnes quos euntes in proelium cernerent mortem in ipsa pugna obituros;

[¶28] 22.9. They implored them, they said, by the gods above and below to remember the freedom which must be brought to an end that day either by an honourable death or an infamous slavery, and leave nothing upon which an angry enemy might vent his fury.

> Latin: 22.9. illos se per deos superos inferosque orare ut memores libertatis, quae illo die aut morte honesta aut seruitute infami finienda esset, nihil relinquerent in quod saeuire iratus hostis posset;

[¶29] 22.10. Sword and firebrand were in their hands; let friendly and loyal hands destroy all that was doomed to perish, rather than have the enemy offer indignities with insolent mockery.

> Latin: 22.10. ferrum ignemque in manibus esse; amicae ac fideles potius ea quae peritura forent absumerent manus quam insultarent superbo ludibrio hostes.

[¶30] 22.11. To these exhortations they added a dreadful curse, in case hope or weakness of character should turn any one from their purpose. Then at the double they burst out of wide-open gates with a great uproar.

> Latin: 22.11. his adhortationibus exsecratio dira adiecta si quem a proposito spes mollitiaue animi flexisset. inde concitato agmine patentibus portis ingenti cum tumultu erumpunt;

[¶31] 22.12. And no outpost in sufficient strength had been stationed to face them, since nothing less could be feared than that the besieged should venture to sally out from the walls. A very few troops of cavalry and such light-armed infantry as were suddenly sent out of the camp for that very purpose encountered them.

> Latin: 22.12. neque erat ulla satis firma statio opposita, quia nihil minus quam ut egredi moenibus auderent timeri poterat. perpaucae equitum turmae leuisque armatura repente e castris ad id ipsum emissa occurrit.

[¶32] 22.13. The battle was fierce in courageous onslaught rather than regular in any formation. Accordingly the horsemen who had been the first to confront the enemy were beaten back and brought panic to the light-armed. The fighting would also have been directly outside the earthwork had not the heavy legionary infantry drawn up their line of battle in spite of the very short time given them to form.

> Latin: 22.13. acrior impetu atque animis quam compositior ordine ullo pugna fuit. itaque pulsus eques qui primus se hosti obtulerat terrorem intulit leui armaturae; pugnatumque sub ipso uallo foret, ni robur legionum perexiguo ad instruendum dato tempore aciem direxisset.

[¶33] 22.14. Even there for a short time there was some alarm in the front line, while men blinded by frenzy dashed on to meet wounds and steel with mad recklessness. Then the veteran soldiers, steadfast against rash attacks, by slaying the first men checked those who followed.

> Latin: 22.14. ibi quoque trepidatum parumper circa signa est cum caeci furore in uolnera ac ferrum uecordi audacia ruerent; dein uetus miles, aduersus temerarios impetus pertinax, caede primorum insequentes suppressit.

[¶34] 22.15. A little later, venturing to take the offensive, when they saw no one giving way and every man resolutely dying in his tracks, they extended their line, as superior numbers of armed men made it possible for them to do, outflanked the enemy, and as they fought in circular formation slew them to the last man.

> Latin: 22.15. conatus paulo post ultro inferre pedem, ut neminem cedere atque obstinatos mori in uestigio quemque suo uidit, patefacta acie, quod ut facere posset multitudo armatorum facile suppeditabat, cornua hostium amplexus, in orbem pugnantes ad unum omnes occidit.

[¶35] 23.1. Such slaughter, however, arose from the attack of a furious enemy, fighting at that moment according to the law of war against armed men resisting.

> Latin: 23.1. atque haec tamen hostium iratorum ltin moremgt ac tum maxime dimicantium iure belli in armatos repugnantesque edebantur:

[¶36] 23.2. More horrible was another butchery within the city, when their own citizens were slaying an unarmed, unresisting throng of women and children and throwing bodies, very often only half-dead, upon a pyre they had lighted, and streams of blood were putting out the rising flames. Finally the men, exhausted by the pitiful slaying of their own kin, threw themselves and their arms into the midst of the fire.

> Latin: 23.2. foedior alia in urbe trucidatio erat cum turbam feminarum puerorumque imbellem inermem ciues sui caederent et in succensum rogum semianima pleraque inicerent corpora riuique sanguinis flammam orientem restinguerent: postremo ipsi caede miseranda suorum fatigati cum armis medio incendio se iniecerunt.

[¶37] 23.3. The slaughter was already finished when the victorious Romans arrived. And at the first sight of so terrible a scene they stood for a little while stunned with amazement.

> Latin: 23.3. iam caedi perpetratae uictores Romani superuenerunt. ac primo conspectu tam foedae rei mirabundi parumper obstipuerunt;

[¶38] 23.4. Then, when gold and silver glistened in the heap of other objects and with the eagerness which is natural to man they were trying to snatch them from the flames, some caught fire themselves, others were scorched by the hot blast, since those in front had no way of escape, while the mass of men pressed upon them from the rear.

> Latin: 23.4. dein cum aurum argentumque cumulo rerum aliarum interfulgens auiditate ingenii humani rapere ex igni uellent, correpti alii flamma sunt, alii ambusti adflatu uaporis, cum receptus primis urgente ab tergo ingenti turba non esset.

[¶39] 23.5. Thus was Astapa destroyed by sword and fire without booty for the soldiers. Marcius, having received the surrender of all the other tribes of that region owing to their fear, led his victorious army back to Scipio at (New) Carthage.

> Latin: 23.5. ita Astapa sine praeda militum ferro ignique absumpta est. Marcius ceteris eius regionis metu in deditionem acceptis uictorem exercitum Carthaginem ad Scipionem reduxit.

[¶40] 23.6. About the same time came deserters from Gades promising to betray the city and the Punic garrison in that city and the commander of the garrison together with the fleet.

> Latin: 23.6. per eos ipsos dies perfugae a Gadibus uenerunt pollicentes urbem Punicumque praesidium quod in ea urbe esset et imperatorem praesidii cum classe prodituros.

[¶41] 23.7. Mago after his flight had halted there, and having assembled ships on the Ocean, he had gathered up a considerable force of auxiliaries both from the African coast across the strait and from the nearest places in Spain with the help of Hanno, the prefect.

> Latin: 23.7. Mago ibi ex fuga substiterat, nauibusque in Oceano conlectis aliquantum auxiliorum et trans fretum ex Africa ora et ex proximis Hispaniae locis per Hannonem praefectum coegerat.

[¶42] 23.8. Promises were received from the deserters and given them, and Marcius with cohorts lightly equipped and Laelius also with seven triremes and one quinquereme were sent thither, to carry on the campaign by land and sea with a single plan.

> Latin: 23.8. fide accepta dataque perfugis, et Marcius eo cum expeditis cohortibus et Laelius cum septem triremibus quinqueremi una est missus ut terra marique communi consilio rem gererent.

[¶43] 24.1. Scipio himself fell ill with an alarming malady, but still more alarming as reported, since everyone added something to what he had heard, with the inbred human passion for purposely magnifying rumours. His illness agitated the whole province and especially the distant parts of it.

> Latin: 24.1. Scipio ipse graui morbo implicitus, grauiore tamen fama cum ad id quisque quod audierat insita hominibus libidine alendi de industria rumores adiceret aliquid, prouinciam omnem ac maxime longinqua eius turbauit;

[¶44] 24.2. And how serious a situation would have been created if the fatality had been real was evident, since an empty report had stirred up such tempests. Allies did not remain loyal, nor the army mindful of duty.

> Latin: 24.2. apparuitque quantam excitatura molem uera fuisset clades cum uanus rumor tantas procellas exciuisset. non socii in fide, non exercitus in officio mansit.

[¶45] 24.3. Mandonius and Indibilis, because they had reckoned upon a kingdom of Spain for themselves when the Carthaginians should be expelled from it, and yet nothing to match their hopes had come to them, stirred up their countrymen —and they were Lacetani —called out the young men of the Celtiberians and ravaged the territory of the Suessetani and Sedetani, allies of the Roman people, in warlike fashion.

> Latin: 24.3. Mandonius et Indibilis, quibus quia regnum sibi Hispaniae pulsis inde Carthaginiensibus destinarant animis nihil pro spe contigerat, concitatis popularibus—Lacetani autem erant—et iuuentute Celtiberorum excita agrum Suessetanum Sedetanumque sociorum populi Romani hostiliter depopulati sunt. ciuilis alius furor in castris ad Sucronem ortus;

[¶46] 24.5. From citizens sprang a different outbreak in the camp near Sucro.

> Latin: 24.5. octo ibi milia militum erant, praesidium gentibus quae cis Hiberum incolunt impositum.

[¶47] 24.6. Eight thousand soldiers were there, posted as a garrison for the tribes dwelling on this side of the Ebro. Their disloyalty, however, was not just beginning when unsubstantiated reports of the general's imminent danger reached them, but existed even before, owing to the usual licence resulting from long inaction. It was also to some extent because men accustomed to live unrestrainedly on plunder in an enemy's territory felt the pinch of peace-time.

> Latin: 24.6. motae autem eorum mentes sunt non tum primum cum de uita imperatoris rumores dubii allati sunt, sed iam ante licentia ex diutino, ut fit, otio conlecta, et nonnihil quod in hostico laxius rapto suetis uiuere artiores in pace res erant.

[¶48] 24.7. And at first they merely engaged in secret conversations: If there was a war in the province, what were they doing among people already pacified? If the war was over now and the province set in order, why were they not transported back to Italy?

> Latin: 24.7. ac primo sermones tantum occulti serebantur: si bellum in prouincia esset, quid sese inter pacatos facere? si debellatum iam et confecta prouincia esset, cur in Italiam non reuehi?

[¶49] 24.8. They made demands also for their pay with more petulance than accorded with the customary self-control of the soldier; and sentries heaped reproaches on tribunes making the rounds of the guard, and at night some men had gone out for plunder into peaceful country all around. Finally by day and openly without permission they would leave their standards.

> Latin: 24.8. flagitatum quoque stipendium procacius quam ex more et modestia militari erat, et ab custodibus probra in circumeuntes uigilias tribunos iacta, et noctu quidam praedatum in agrum circa pacatum ierant; postremo interdiu ac propalam sine commeatu ab signis abibant.

[¶50] 24.9. Everything was being done in accordance with the whim and fancy of the soldiers, nothing according to the traditions and discipline of the service or the orders of superior officers.

> Latin: 24.9. omnia libidine ac licentia militum, nihil instituto aut disciplina militiae aut imperio eorum qui praeerant gerebatur.

[¶51] 24.10. The outward appearance, however, of a Roman camp was maintained in this alone, that, believing the tribunes, infected with their madness, would not fail to share their mutiny and revolt, they permitted them to hear cases before the headquarters, went to them for the password and did outpost and guard duty in succession.

> Latin: 24.10. forma tamen Romanorum castrorum constabat una ea spe quod tribunos ex contagione furoris haud expertes seditionis defectionisque rati fore, et iura reddere in principiis sinebant et signum ab eis petebant et in stationes ac uigilias ordine ibant;

[¶52] 24.11. Moreover, though they had robbed their command of power, yet they kept up a show of obedience while actually giving orders themselves.

> Latin: 24.11. et ut uim imperii abstulerant, ita speciem dicto parentium ultro sibi ipsi imperantes seruabant.

[¶53] 24.12. Then the mutiny broke out after they observed that the tribunes censured and disapproved of what was being done and were endeavouring actively to oppose it, also openly declaring that they would not be partners in their madness.

> Latin: 24.12. erupit deinde seditio, postquam reprehendere atque improbare tribunos ea quae fierent et conari obuiam ire et propalam abnuere furoris eorum se futuros socios senserunt.

[¶54] 24.13. Accordingly, chasing the tribunes out of the space before headquarters and soon after out of the camp, they by common consent bestowed the command upon the leaders of the mutiny, the privates Gaius Albius of Gales and Gaius Atrius, an Umbrian.

> Latin: 24.13. fugatis itaque ex principiis ac post paulo e castris tribunis ad principes seditionis gregarios milites C. Albium Calenum et C. Atrium Umbrum delatum omnium consensu imperium est;

[¶55] 24.14. These men, not at all satisfied with the distinguishing marks of tribunes, ventured to pollute the insignia of the very highest command, the fasces and axes. Nor did it occur to them that those rods and axes, which they caused to be carried before them to frighten others, were hanging over their own backs and their own necks.

> Latin: 24.14. qui nequaquam tribuniciis contenti ornamentis, insignia etiam summi imperii, fasces securesque, attractare ausi; neque eis uenit in mentem suis tergis suis ceruicibus uirgas illas securesque imminere quas ad metum aliorum praeferrent.

[¶56] 24.15. The unfounded belief in Scipio's death was the cause of their blindness and, once rumour of it should presently be spread abroad, they had no doubt that all Spain would be ablaze with war.

> Latin: 24.15. mors Scipionis falso credita occaecabat animos, sub cuius uolgatam iam famam non dubitabant totam Hispaniam arsuram bello:

[¶57] 24.16. In that uprising, they thought, money could be exacted from allies, and also neighbouring cities plundered; and in the confusion, when any man would dare anything, what they had themselves done would be less conspicuous.

> Latin: 24.16. in eo tumultu et sociis pecunias imperari et diripi propinquas urbes posse; et turbatis rebus cum omnia omnes auderent minus insignia fore quae ipsi fecissent.

[¶58] 25.1. While they waited from moment to moment for fresh news, expecting to hear not only of his death but even of his funeral, and yet none came and the groundless report was losing hold, then its first sponsors began to be sought out.

> Latin: 25.1. cum alios subinde recentes nuntios non mortis modo sed etiam funeris exspectarent, neque superueniret quisquam euanesceretque temere ortus rumor, tum primi auctores requiri coepti;

[¶59] 25.2. And as one after another drew back, that he might be thought to have rashly believed such a thing rather than to have invented it, the deserted leaders were now alarmed at their own insignia and, in place of the empty semblance of command which was theirs, at the real, duly bestowed authority that would presently turn against them.

> Latin: 25.2. et subtrahente se quoque ut credidisse potius temere quam finxisse rem talem uideri posset, destituti duces iam sua ipsi insignia et pro uana imagine imperii quod gererent ueram iustamque mox in se uersuram potestatem horrebant.

[¶60] 25.3. Thus when the mutiny was at a standstill and credible informants brought the news, first that Scipio was alive, and then that he was even well, seven tribunes of the soldiers arrived, being sent by Scipio himself.

> Latin: 25.3. stupente ita seditione cum uiuere primo, mox etiam ualere Scipionem certi auctores adferrent, tribuni militum septem ab ipso Scipione missi superuenerunt.

[¶61] 25.4. Upon their arrival there was at first irritation; soon after, as the tribunes themselves by mild words calmed acquaintances whom they had met, the men were less resentful.

> Latin: 25.4. ad quorum primum aduentum exasperati animi: mox ipsis placido sermone permulcentibus notos cum quibus congressi erant, leniti sunt.

[¶62] 25.5. For going round at first among the tents, then in the headquarters square and before the general's tent, where they saw groups talking together, they would speak to the men, asking them what was the reason for their anger and their sudden mania, instead of finding fault with them for what they had done.

> Latin: 25.5. circumeuntes enim tentoria primo, deinde in principiis praetorioque ubi sermones inter se serentium circulos uidissent adloquebantur, percontantes magis quae causa irae consternationisque subitae foret quam factum accusantes.

[¶63] 25.6. A common complaint was that their pay had not been given them on the proper date; also that, whereas at the time when the men of Iliturgi had committed their crime, after the slaughter of the two commanders-in-chief and the two armies, the Roman name had been defended and the province retained by their own courage, yet, while the Iliturgians now had a due punishment for their crime, there was no one to reward their own good deeds.

> Latin: 25.6. uolgo stipendium non datum ad diem iactabatur, et cum eodem tempore quo scelus Iliturgitanum exstitisset post duorum imperatorum duorumque exercituum stragem sua uirtute defensum nomen Romanum ac retenta prouincia esset, Iliturgitanos poenam noxae meritam habere, suis recte factis gratiam qui exsoluat non esse.

[¶64] 25.7. In reply the tribunes said that those who complained of such matters only were making just pleas, and they would report them to the commander-in-chief.

> Latin: 25.7. talia querentes aequa orare seque ea relaturos ad imperatorem respondebant; laetari quod nihil tristius nec insanabilius esset; et P. Scipionem deum benignitate et rem publicam esse gratiae referendae.

[¶65] 25.8. They were glad that there was nothing more serious nor more incurable; and by favour of the gods Scipio and the republic, they said, were in a position to show gratitude.

> Latin: 25.8. Scipionem, bellis adsuetum, ad seditionum procellas rudem, sollicitum habebat res ne aut exercitus peccando aut ipse puniendo modum excederet.

[¶66] 25.9. Scipio, who was familiar with wars but unacquainted with the gusts of mutinies, was kept in a state of concern lest either the army should go to excess in wrong-doing or he himself in punishing them.

> Latin: 25.9. in praesentia, ut coepisset, leniter agi placuit et missis circa stipendiarias ciuitates exactoribus stipendii spem propinquam facere;

[¶67] 25.10. For the present he decided to use gentle measures, as he had begun to do, and to bring the hope of pay nearer by sending collectors round the tributary states.

> Latin: 25.10. et edictum subinde propositum ut ad stipendium petendum conuenirent Carthaginem, seu carptim partes seu uniuersi mallent.

[¶68] 25.11. Next an edict was posted up that they should assemble at (New) Carthage to get their pay, whether they preferred to do so as separate units or all together. The mutiny, already of itself on the wane, was quelled by sudden peace on the part of the rebellious Spaniards.

> Latin: 25.11. tranquillam seditionem iam per se languescentem repentina quies rebellantium Hispanorum fecit; redierant enim in fines omisso incepto Mandonius et Indibilis, postquam uiuere Scipionem allatum est;

[¶69] 25.12. For Mandonius and Indibilis had abandoned their project and retired to their borders when they had news that Scipio was alive. Nor was there either a fellow-citizen or foreigner any longer with whom the soldiers might share their madness.

> Latin: 25.12. nec iam erat aut ciuis aut externus cum quo furorem suum consociarent. omnia circumspectantes [consilia] nihil reliqui habebant praeter unum tutissimum a malis consiliis receptum, ut imperatoris uel iustae irae uel non desperandae clementiae sese committerent:

[¶70] 25.13. On surveying all possible plans they had nothing left except a not altogether safe retreat from criminal designs, namely, to give themselves up either to the commander's well-grounded anger or to his mercy, as not beyond their hopes. He had pardoned even enemies, they said, with whom he had fought with the sword; their mutiny had been free from wounds, free from bloodshed, and neither in itself savage nor meriting a savage punishment. So unduly eloquent is human nature in minimizing one's own guilt.

> Latin: 25.13. etiam hostibus eum ignouisse cum quibus ferro dimicasset: suam seditionem sine uolnere, sine sanguine fuisse nec ipsam atrocem nec atroci poena dignam—ut ingenia humana sunt ad suam cuique leuandam culpam nimio plus facunda.

[¶71] 25.15. The only question was whether to go in separate cohorts to get their pay, or all together. Their decision was that all should go together, which they thought safer.

> Latin: 25.15. illa dubitatio erat singulaene cohortes an uniuersi ad stipendium petendum irent. inclinauit sententia, quod tutius censebant, uniuersos ire.

[¶72] 26.1. During the days on which they were thus deliberating there was a war-council in regard to them at (New) Carthage, and a conflict of opinions as to whether the leaders only of the mutiny —and they were not more than thirty-five in number — should be punished, or whether punishment of a larger number was required in penalizing, not a mutiny but rather a rebellion which set so terrible an example.

> Latin: 26.1. per eosdem dies quibus haec illi consultabant consilium de iis Carthagini erat, certabaturque sententiis utrum in auctores tantum seditionis—erant autem ii numero haud plus quam quinque et triginta—animaduerteretur, an plurium supplicio uindicanda tam foedi exempli defectio magis quam seditio esset.

[¶73] 26.3. The milder opinion prevailed, that punishment should be limited to those with whom the breach of discipline had begun, whereas for the mass a reprimand was enough.

> Latin: 26.3. uicit sententia lenior ut unde culpa orta esset ibi poena consisteret: ad multitudinem castigationem satis esse.

[¶74] 26.4. After the dismissal of the council, to give the impression that this was the matter discussed, an expedition against Mandonius and Indibilis was announced to the army which was at (New) Carthage, and they were ordered to make ready their rations for several days.

> Latin: 26.4. consilio dimisso, ut id actum uideretur, expeditio aduersus Mandonium Indibilemque edicitur exercitui qui Carthagine erat et cibaria dierum aliquot parare iubentur.

[¶75] 26.5. The seven tribunes who had already gone to Sucro to repress the mutiny and were now sent to meet the army had each of them the names of five leaders of the mutiny assigned him, to have them invited with kindly countenance and words by suitable men to be their guests, lulled to sleep by wine and then bound.

> Latin: 26.5. tribunis septem qui et antea Sucronem ad leniendam seditionem ierant obuiam exercitui missis quina nomina principum seditionis edita sunt, ut eos per idoneos homines benigno uoltu ac sermone in hospitium inuitatos sopitosque uino uincirent.

[¶76] 26.7. The mutineers were now not far from (New) Carthage when the news, heard from those they met, that on the next day the entire army would set out under Marcus Silanus against the Lacetani, not only relieved them of all fear which remained unexpressed in their minds, but caused great rejoicing that they would have the commander alone, rather than be themselves in his power.

> Latin: 26.7. haud procul iam Carthagine aberant cum ex obuiis auditum postero die omnem exercitum cum M. Silano in Lacetanos proficisci non metu modo omni qui tacitus insidebat animis liberauit eos, sed laetitiam ingentem fecit quod magis habituri solum imperatorem quam ipsi futuri in potestate eius essent.

[¶77] 26.8. At sunset they entered the city and saw the other army making every preparation for the march.

> Latin: 26.8. sub occasum solis urbem ingressi sunt exercitumque alterum parantem omnia ad iter uiderunt.

[¶78] 26.9. Received with studied words of welcome —that their coming was a happy and timely thing for the general, in that they had arrived at the very time the other army was leaving —they took refreshment and rest.

> Latin: 26.9. excepti sermonibus de industria compositis —laetum opportunumque aduentum eorum imperatori esse quod sub ipsam profectionem alterius exercitus uenissent— corpora curant.

[¶79] 26.10. The tribunes, without causing any commotion, had the promoters of the mutiny brought by suitable persons to their hospitable quarters, then seized and bound. At the fourth watch the baggage of the army which, it was pretended, was to march away began to take the road.

> Latin: 26.10. ab tribunis sine ullo tumultu auctores seditionis per idoneos homines perducti in hospitia comprensi ac uincti sunt.

[¶80] 26.11. By daybreak the standards were in motion, but at the gate the column was halted and guards were sent round to all the gates, that no one should leave the city.

> Latin: 26.11. uigilia quarta impedimenta exercitus cuius simulabatur iter proficisci coepere: sub lucem signa mota, et ad portam retentum agmen custodesque circa omnes portas missi ne quis urbe egrederetur.

[¶81] 26.12. Then the men who had arrived the day before, on being summoned to an assembly, rushed fiercely into the open space and up to the general's platform, intending actually to intimidate him by their interruptions.

> Latin: 26.12. uocati deinde ad contionem qui pridie uenerant, ferociter in forum ad tribunal imperatoris ut ultro territuri succlamationibus concurrunt.

[¶82] 26.13. At the same moment that the general mounted the platform the armed men brought back from the gates surrounded the unarmed assembly from the rear.

> Latin: 26.13. simul et imperator in tribunal escendit et reducti armati a portis inermi contioni se ab tergo circumfuderunt.

[¶83] 26.14. Then all their fierceness failed them and, as they afterwards admitted, nothing alarmed them so much as the unexpected strength and healthy colour of the general whom they had believed they would see as an invalid, also an expression of his face such as, they said, they never remembered even in battle.

> Latin: 26.14. tum omnis ferocia concidit et, ut postea fatebantur, nihil aeque eos terruit quam praeter spem robur et colos imperatoris, quem adfectum uisuros crediderant, uoltusque qualem ne in acie quidem aiebant meminisse.

[¶84] 26.15. He sat in silence for a moment, until the report reached him that the promoters of the mutiny had been brought into the open space and that everything was ready.

> Latin: 26.15. sedit tacitus paulisper donec nuntiatum est deductos in forum auctores seditionis et parata omnia esse.

[¶85] 27.1. Then, when the herald had enforced silence, Scipio began as follows: "Never have I supposed that language with which to address my army would fail me; not that I have ever occupied myself with words rather than deeds, but because, having lived in camps almost from boyhood, I was familiar with the minds of soldiers.

> Latin: 27.1. tum silentio per praeconem facto ita coepit: 'nunquam mihi defuturam orationem qua exercitum meum adloquerer credidi, non quo uerba unquam potius quam res exercuerim, sed quia prope a pueritia in castris habitus adsueram militaribus ingeniis:

[¶86] 27.3. But how to speak to you —for that both thoughts and language fail me. I do not know even by what name I ought to address you.

> Latin: 27.3. apud uos quemadmodum loquar nec consilium nec oratio suppeditat, quos ne quo nomine quidem appellare debeam scio.

[¶87] 27.4. Citizens? when you have revolted from your country? Or soldiers? when you have rejected the high command and the auspices, have broken the sanctity of your oath? Enemies?

> Latin: 27.4. ciues? qui a patria uestra descistis. an milites? qui imperium auspiciumque abnuistis, sacramenti religionem rupistis. hostes? corpora, ora, uestitum, habitum ciuium adgnosco: facta, dicta, consilia, animos hostium uideo.

[¶88] 27.5. I recognize the bodies, faces, clothing, appearance of citizens, but the deeds, the words, the plans, the spirit of enemies. For what else did you either wish or hope for but the same as the Ilergetes and the Lacetani? And yet they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, men of royal rank, as leaders in their madness. You conferred the auspices and high command upon the Umbrian Atrius and the Calenian Albius.

> Latin: 27.5. quid enim uos, nisi quod Ilergetes et Lacetani, aut optastis aliud aut sperastis? et illi tamen Mandonium atque Indibilem, regiae nobilitatis uiros, duces furoris secuti sunt: uos auspicium et imperium ad Umbrum Atrium et Calenum Albium detulistis.

[¶89] 27.6. Say that not all of you did that, soldiers, or wished it done; that it was the frenzy and folly of a few; I will gladly accept your denial. For the acts committed were such that, if they were shared by the entire army, they cannot be expiated without atonements on a great scale.

> Latin: 27.6. negate uos id omnes fecisse aut factum uoluisse, milites; paucorum eum furorem atque amentiam esse libenter credam, negantibus; nec enim ea sunt commissa quae, uolgata in omnem exercitum, sine piaculis ingentibus expiari possint. 'inuitus ea tamquam uolnera attingo;

[¶90] 27.7. "Unwillingly do I handle such misdeeds, as if they were wounds. But unless handled and treated they cannot be healed.

> Latin: 27.7. sed nisi tacta tractataque sanari non possunt.

[¶91] 27.8. As for myself, after the Carthaginians were driven out of Spain I did not believe there was in the entire province any place, any people, where my life was hated; so had I borne myself not only towards allies, but also towards enemies.

> Latin: 27.8. equidem pulsis Hispania Carthaginiensibus nullum locum tota prouincia nullos homines credebam esse ubi uita inuisa esset mea; sic me non solum aduersus socios gesseram sed etiam aduersus hostes:

[¶92] 27.9. Behold! here in my own camp —how mistaken I was! —a rumour of my death was not only believed but even waited for.

> Latin: 27.9. in castris en meis—quantum opinio fefellit.—fama mortis meae non accepta solum sed etiam exspectata est.

[¶93] 27.10. Not that I should wish the crime to be shared by all. For my part, if I believed that the whole of my army had desired my death I should die here at once before your eyes, nor would a life hated by my fellow-citizens and my soldiers give me pleasure.

> Latin: 27.10. non quod ego uulgari facinus per omnes uelim—equidem si totum exercitum meum mortem mihi optasse crederem hic statim ante oculos uestros morerer, nec me uita iuuaret inuisa ciuibus et militibus meis.

[¶94] 27.11. But every crowd is in itself motionless, as is the natural state of the sea; rather do winds and breezes ruffle it. So among you there is either calm or sudden storms. And the cause and source of every madness is chargeable to its promoters; your insanity came by contagion.

> Latin: 27.11. sed multitudo omnis sicut natura maris per se immobilis est, [et] uenti et aurae cient; ita aut tranquillum aut procellae in uobis sunt; et causa atque origo omnis furoris penes auctores est, uos contagione insanistis;

[¶95] 27.12. Even today you do not seem to me to know what a pitch of frenzy you have reached, what a crime you have dared to commit against me, against your country and parents and children, against the gods, witnesses of your oath, what a crime as regards the auspices under which: you are serving, or the custom of the service and the discipline of your ancestors, or the dignity of the supreme command!

> Latin: 27.12. qui mihi ne hodie quidem scire uidemini quo amentiae progressi sitis, quid facinoris in me, quid in patriam parentesque ac liberos uestros, quid in deos sacramenti testes, quid aduersus auspicia sub quibus militatis, quid aduersus morem militiae disciplinamque maiorum, quid aduersus summi imperii maiestatem ausi sitis.

[¶96] 27.13. "Of myself I say nothing, granting that you were hasty rather than eager in believing, granting in short that I am a man whose authority irks an army, and no wonder. But the country, what evil had she done you, when you were betraying her by sharing your designs with Mandonius and Indibilis?

> Latin: 27.13. 'de me ipso taceo—temere potius quam auide credideritis, is denique ego sim cuius imperii taedere exercitum minime mirandum sit—: patria quid de uobis meruerat, quam cum Mandonio et Indibili consociando consilia prodebatis?

[¶97] 27.14. What harm had the Roman people done you when you took away the command from tribunes elected by vote of the people and conferred it upon private persons, when, not even satisfied with having them as tribunes, you, a Roman army, bestowed the fasces of your commander upon men who had never had a slave to whom they might give orders?

> Latin: 27.14. quid populus Romanus, cum imperium ablatum ab tribunis suffragio populi creatis ad homines priuatos detulistis, cum eo ipso non contenti si pro tribunis illos haberetis, fasces imperatoris uestri ad eos quibus seruus cui imperarent nunquam fuerat, Romanus exercitus detulistis?

[¶98] 27.15. In the headquarters were lodged Albius and Atrius; at their tent sounded the trumpet, men came to them for the watchword; they sat on Publius Scipio's tribunal. A lictor attended them; the way was cleared before they proceeded; fasces with their axes were borne before them.

> Latin: 27.15. in praetorio tetenderunt Albius et Atrius; classicum apud eos cecinit; signum ab iis petitum est; sederunt in tribunali P. Scipionis; lictor apparuit; summoto incesserunt; fasces cum securibus praelatis sunt.

[¶99] 27.16. Showers of stones and thunderbolts hurled from the sky and animals bringing forth strange offspring you reckon portents; here we have a portent which cannot be expiated by any victims, by any set days of prayer, without the blood of those who have dared so great a crime.

> Latin: 27.16. lapides pluere et fulmina iaci de caelo et insuetos fetus animalia edere uos portenta esse putatis: hoc est portentum quod nullis hostiis nullis supplicationibus sine sanguine eorum qui tantum ausi facinus sunt expiari possit.

[¶100] 28.1. "And although no crime has a reasonable ground, nevertheless I should like to know what was your purpose, what your plan, seeing that we are dealing with a flagrant offence.

> Latin: 28.1. 'atque ego, quamquam nullum scelus rationem habet, tamen, ut in re nefaria, quae mens, quod consilium uestrum fuerit scire uelim.

[¶101] 28.2. A legion formerly sent as a garrison to Regium, after foully slaying the leading men of the state, held that wealthy city for ten years. For that crime the entire legion, four thousand men, were beheaded in the Forum at Rome. But in the first place they did not follow the lead of Atrius the Umbrian, half-soldier half-sutler, with an ominous name also, but of Decimus Vibellius, a tribune of the soldiers; neither did they ally themselves with Pyrrhus, nor with the Samnites and Lucanians, enemies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 28.2. Regium quondam in praesidium missa legio interfectis per scelus principibus ciuitatis urbem opulentam per decem annos tenuit, propter quod facinus tota legio, milia hominum quattuor, in foro Romae securi percussi sunt.

[¶102] 28.4. You have shared your plans with Mandonius and Indibilis and were to have been their comrades in arms as well. The legion would have held Regium as its permanent abode, just as the Campanians held Capua, wrested away from its former Etruscan inhabitants, just as the Mamertines held Messana in Sicily; and it would not have gone so far as to attack the Roman people or allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 28.4. sed illi primum non Atrium Umbrum semilixam, nominis etiam abominandi ducem, sed D. Uibellium tribunum militum secuti sunt, nec cum Pyrrho nec cum Samnitibus aut Lucanis, hostibus populi Romani, se coniunxerunt: uos cum Mandonio et Indibili et consilia communicastis et arma consociaturi fuistis.

[¶103] 28.6. Was Sucro to have been your domicile? If I had left you there when as general-in-command I was retiring from my province completely subdued, it would have been right for you to implore the help of gods and men because you were not returning to your wives and children. "But granted that you have banished their memory also from your minds, as you have that of your country and of myself, I wish to follow up the outcome of your plan, a criminal one but not utterly insane.

> Latin: 28.6. illi, sicut Campani Capuam Tuscis ueteribus cultoribus ademptam, Mamertini in Sicilia Messanam, sic Regium habituri perpetuam sedem erant, nec populum Romanum nec socios populi Romani ultro lacessituri bello: Sucronemne uos domicilium habituri eratis? ubi si uos decedens confecta prouincia imperator relinquerem, deum hominumque fidem implorare debebatis quod non redieritis ad coniuges liberosque uestros. 'sed horum quoque memoriam, sicut patriae meique, eieceritis ex animis uestris: uiam consilii scelerati sed non ad ultimum dementis exsequi uolo;

[¶104] 28.9. If I lived and the rest of the army was intact with which I captured (New) Carthage in a single day and with which I routed, put to flight, drove out of Spain, four generals, four armies of the Carthaginians, would you —eight thousand men, all of you certainly of less consequence than Albius and Atrius, to whom you submitted yourselves —would you really have intended to wrest the province of Spain from the Roman people?

> Latin: 28.9. mene uiuo et cetero incolumi exercitu, cum quo ego die uno Carthaginem cepi, cum quo quattuor imperatores quattuor exercitus Carthaginiensium fudi, fugaui, Hispania expuli, uos octo milia hominum, minoris certe omnes pretii quam Albius et Atrius sunt quibus uos subiecistis, Hispaniam prouinciam populo Romano erepturi eratis?

[¶105] 28.10. Suppose I take no account whatever of my name — granted that I have not been wronged by you except in your readiness to believe me dead, tell me, if I had been dying would the state have breathed its last with me, would the empire of the Roman people have fallen with me?

> Latin: 28.10. amolior et amoueo nomen meum; nihil ultra facile creditam mortem meam a uobis uiolatus sim: quid?

[¶106] 28.11. May Jupiter the best and greatest forbid that the city, founded with due auspices and favour of the gods to endure forever, should live no longer than this frail, mortal body!

> Latin: 28.11. si ego morerer, mecum exspiratura res publica, mecum casurum imperium populi Romani erat? ne istuc Iuppiter optimus maximus sirit, urbem auspicato dis auctoribus in aeternum conditam huic fragili et mortali corpori aequalem esse.

[¶107] 28.12. Although Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Postumius Albinus, Marcus Marcellus, Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Gnaeus Fulvius, my Scipios —so many generals and so distinguished —have perished in one war, the Roman people survives and will survive, although a thousand others die, now by the sword, now by disease. At my funeral —one man's —would the republic have been borne to its tomb?

> Latin: 28.12. Flaminio, Paulo, Graccho, Postumio Albino, M. Marcello, T. Quinctio Crispino, Cn. Fuluio, Scipionibus meis, tot tam praeclaris imperatoribus uno bello absumptis superstes est populus Romanus, eritque mille aliis nunc ferro nunc morbo morientibus: meo unius funere elata esset res publica?

[¶108] 28.13. You yourselves here in Spain, after the slaying of my father and uncle, two generals, appointed Septimus Marcius as your commander against the Carthaginians, who were overjoyed by their recent victory. And I am speaking just as if the Spanish provinces would have been without a commander.

> Latin: 28.13. uos ipsi hic in Hispania patre et patruo meo duobus imperatoribus interfectis Septimum Marcium ducem uobis aduersus exsultantes recenti uictoria Poenos delegistis. et sic loquor tamquam sine duce Hispaniae futurae fuerint:

[¶109] 28.14. But would Marcus Silanus, who was sent with me into the province with the same authority, the same command, would my brother Lucius Scipio and Gaius Laelius, my lieutenants, have failed to avenge the dignity of the high command? Could army have been compared with army, or generals with generals?

> Latin: 28.14. M. Silanus eodem iure eodem imperio mecum in prouinciam missus, L. Scipio frater meus et C. Laelius legati, uindices maiestatis imperii deessent?

[¶110] 28.15. Could rank or cause have been matched? If in all these respects you had been superior, would you have borne arms against your country, against your fellow-citizens? Would you have wished Africa to rule over Italy, Carthage over the city of Rome? For what offence on the part of your country?

> Latin: 28.15. utrum exercitus exercitui, an duces ducibus, an dignitas, an causa comparari poterat? quibus si omnibus superiores essetis, arma contra patriam contra ciues uestros ferretis? Africam Italiae, Carthaginem urbi Romanae imperare uelletis? quam ob noxam patriae?

[¶111] 29.1. Coriolanus was once impelled by an unjust condemnation, a wretched and undeserved banishment, to set out to besiege his native city. Nevertheless family devotion recalled him from foul treason to the state. In your case what grievance, what anger spurred you on?

> Latin: 29.1. Coriolanum quondam damnatio iniusta, miserum et indignum exsilium ut iret ad oppugnandam patriam impulit; reuocauit tamen a publico parricidio priuata pietas: uos qui dolor, quae ira incitauit?

[¶112] 29.2. Was delay of a few days in receiving your pay owing to the illness of your general a sufficient reason why you should declare war on your country, why you should revolt from the Roman people to the Ilergetes, why not one thing divine or human should be to you inviolable?

> Latin: 29.2. stipendiumne diebus paucis imperatore aegro serius numeratum satis digna causa fuit cur patriae indiceretis bellum, cur ad Ilergetes descisceretis a populo Romano, cur nihil diuinarum humanarumue rerum inuiolatum uobis esset?

[¶113] 29.3. “Insane you surely were, soldiers, and no more critical ailment attacked my body than your minds. I shrink from recalling what men believed, what they hoped, what they desired.”

> Latin: 29.3. 'insanistis profecto, milites, nec maior in corpus meum uis morbi quam in uestras mentes inuasit.

[¶114] 29.4. “Let forgetfulness carry away and cancel everything if possible; if not, let silence somehow cover it all.”

> Latin: 29.4. horret animus referre quid crediderint homines, quid sperauerint, quid optauerint: auferat omnia inrita obliuio, si potest: si non, utcumque silentium tegat.

[¶115] 29.5. “I would not deny that my speech has seemed to you severe and cruel; how much more cruel do you believe your acts are than my words? And you think I ought patiently to bear what you have done: on your side can you not bear patiently even the telling of the whole story? But even those acts themselves will not be the subject of further reproaches. May you forget them as easily as I shall forget them!”

> Latin: 29.5. non negauerim tristem atrocemque uobis uisam orationem meam: quanto creditis facta uestra atrociora esse quam dicta mea? et me ea quae fecistis pati aequum censetis: uos ne dici quidem omnia aequo animo fertis? sed ne ea quidem ipsa ultra exprobrabuntur.

[¶116] 29.6. “Accordingly, so far as the mass of you are concerned, if you repent of your mistake, that is to me a quite sufficient punishment.”

> Latin: 29.6. utinam tam facile uos obliuiscamini eorum quam ego obliuiscar.

[¶117] 29.7. “Albius of Cales and Atrius the Umbrian and the rest of those who brought about a wicked mutiny will atone with their blood for what they have done.”

> Latin: 29.7. itaque quod ad uniuersos uos attinet, si erroris paenitet, satis superque poenarum habeo: Albius Calenus et Atrius Umber et ceteri nefariae seditionis auctores sanguine luent quod admiserunt.

[¶118] 29.8. “To you the spectacle of their punishment, if your minds have returned to health, ought not only to bring no bitterness but even joy. For there are no men whom they have treated in a more hostile and unfriendly spirit than yourselves.”

> Latin: 29.8. uobis supplicii eorum spectaculum non modo non acerbum sed laetum etiam, si sana mens rediit, debet esse; de nullis enim quam de uobis infestius aut inimicius consuluerunt.'

[¶119] 29.9. Scarcely had he made an end of speaking when, in accordance with previous orders, their eyes and ears were assailed by terrifying sights and sounds everywhere. The troops who had encircled the assembly crashed swords against shields.

> Latin: 29.9. uix finem dicendi fecerat cum ex praeparato simul omnium rerum terror oculis auribusque est offusus.

[¶120] 29.10. The herald's voice was heard, calling out the names of those condemned in the war-council.

> Latin: 29.10. exercitus, qui corona contionem circumdederat, gladiis ad scuta concrepuit; praeconis audita uox citantis nomina damnatorum in consilio;

[¶121] 29.11. They were being dragged out into the centre stripped, and at the same time everything requisite for punishment was being brought out. Bound to a stake they were scourged and beheaded, while the spectators were so paralysed by fear that not only was no fierce protest against the severity of the punishment heard, but not even a groan.

> Latin: 29.11. nudi in medium protrahebantur et simul omnis apparatus supplicii expromebatur. deligati ad palum uirgisque caesi et securi percussi, adeo torpentibus metu qui aderant ut non modo ferocior uox aduersus atrocitatem poenae sed ne gemitus quidem exaudiretur.

## 41. Book XXVIII · chapters 29–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/41/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/41/#p-N

[¶0] 29.12. Then all the bodies were dragged away from the centre, and after the ground had been cleansed the soldiers, summoned by name, in the presence of the military tribunes, swore allegiance to Publius Scipio; and as each man was called his pay was counted out to him. Such was the end and outcome of the mutiny of the soldiers which began at Sucro.

> Latin: 29.12. tracti inde de medio omnes, purgatoque loco citati milites nominatim apud tribunos militum in uerba P. Scipionis iurarunt stipendiumque ad nomen singulis persolutum est. hunc finem exitumque seditio militum coepta apud Sucronem habuit.

[¶1] 30.1. About the same time along the Baetis River Hanno, Mago's prefect, who-had been sent from Gades with a small force of Africans, enlisting Spaniards for pay, armed about four thousand young men.

> Latin: 30.1. per idem tempus ad Baetim fluuium Hanno praefectus Magonis missus a Gadibus cum parua manu Afrorum, mercede Hispanos sollicitando ad quattuor milia iuuenum armauit.

[¶2] 30.2. Then stripped of his camp by Lucius Marcius, while the largest part of his troops were lost in the confusion of its capture, some also lost in the flight, since the cavalry pursued the scattered fugitives, Hanno himself with a small number only escaped.

> Latin: 30.2. castris deinde exutus ab L. Marcio, maxima parte militum inter tumultum captorum castrorum, quibusdam etiam in fuga amissis, palatos persequente equite, cum paucis ipse effugit.

[¶3] 30.3. While these things were going on along the Baetis River, Laelius meantime sailed down the strait into the Ocean and came with his fleet to Carteia. This city is situated on the coast of the Ocean, where the sea begins to open out after the narrow entrance.

> Latin: 30.3. dum haec ad Baetim fluuium geruntur, Laelius interim freto in Oceanum euectus ad Carteiam classe accessit. urbs ea in ora Oceani sita est, ubi primum e faucibus angustis panditur mare.

[¶4] 30.4. Of Gades, as has been said above, he had hoped without a battle to gain possession by betrayal, since men actually came into the Roman camp to make such a promise. But the betrayal was prematurely revealed, and Mago arrested all the conspirators and turned them over to Adherbal, the magistrate, to be transported to Carthage.

> Latin: 30.4. Gades sine certamine per proditionem recipiendi, ultro qui eam rem pollicerentur in castra Romana uenientibus, spes, sicut ante dictum est, fuerat. sed patefacta immatura proditio est, comprensosque omnes Mago Adherbali praetori Carthaginem deuehendos tradit.

[¶5] 30.5. Adherbal placed the conspirators on a quinquereme and after sending it in advance, because it was slower than a trireme, himself followed with eight triremes at no great distance.

> Latin: 30.5. Adherbal coniuratis in quinqueremem impositis praemissaque ea, quia tardior quam triremis erat, ipse cum octo triremibus modico interuallo sequitur.

[¶6] 30.6. The quinquereme was already entering the strait when Laelius, also on a quinquereme, sailed out from the harbour of Carteia followed by seven triremes, and steered for Adherbal and his triremes, feeling quite sure that the quinquereme, caught in the swift current of the strait, could not reverse its course in the face of the tide. The Carthaginian in the unexpected situation was troubled for the moment and uncertain whether to follow his quinquereme or to turn his prows towards the enemy.

> Latin: 30.6. iam fretum intrabat quinqueremis cum Laelius et ipse in quinqueremi ex portu Carteiae sequentibus septem triremibus euectus in Adherbalem ac triremes inuehitur, quinqueremem satis credens deprensam rapido in freto in aduersum aestum reciprocari non posse.

[¶7] 30.7. That hesitation in itself deprived him of the power to refuse a battle; for they were already within range and the enemy was pressing them from all sides.

> Latin: 30.7. Poenus in re subita parumper incertus trepidauit utrum quinqueremem sequeretur an in hostes rostra conuerteret. ipsa cunctatio facultatem detractandae pugnae ademit;

[¶8] 30.8. The tide also had deprived them of control of their ships. Nor was the fight like a naval battle; for here there was no initiative, no skill or strategy.

> Latin: 30.8. iam enim sub ictu teli erant et undique instabant hostes. aestus quoque arbitrium moderandi naues ademerat; neque erat nauali pugna similis, quippe ubi nihil uoluntarium, nihil artis aut consilii esset.

[¶9] 30.9. The nature of the strait and its tide alone controlled the entire engagement, carrying men, vainly struggling to row in the opposite direction, against their own ships or those of the enemy. And one might have seen a fleeing ship swung about by a swirl and borne against the victors, and a pursuing ship, if it chanced upon an opposite current, turning away as if in flight.

> Latin: 30.9. una natura freti aestusque totius certaminis potens suis, alienis nauibus nequiquam remigio in contrarium tendentes inuehebat; et fugientem nauem uideres, uertice retro intortam uictoribus inlatam, et sequentem, si in contrarium tractum incidisset maris, fugientis modo sese auertentem.

[¶10] 30.10. In actual combat now one ship, aiming to ram a ship of the enemy with its beak, turning aslant would itself receive the blow of the other's beak. Another ship, exposing its beam to the enemy, would suddenly be swung and turned bow foremost.

> Latin: 30.10. iam in ipsa pugna haec cum infesta rostro peteret hostium nauem, obliqua ipsa ictum alterius rostri accipiebat: illa cum transuersa obiceretur hosti, repente intorta in proram circumagebatur.

[¶11] 30.11. While- between the triremes an indecisive battle controlled by chance was in progress, the Roman quinquereme, whether because she was steadier by reason of her weight or more easily steered as her more numerous banks of oars cleft the whirling waters, sank two triremes and shooting past another swept away the oars on one side.

> Latin: 30.11. cum inter triremes fortuna regente anceps proelium misceretur, quinqueremis Romana seu pondere tenacior seu pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus uertices cum facilius regeretur, duas triremes suppressit, unius, praelata impetu, lateris alterius remos detersit;

[¶12] 30.12. In addition she would have seriously damaged the rest of the ships with which she had closed, had not: Adherbal with five remaining ships crossed over to Africa under sail.

> Latin: 30.12. ceterasque quas indepta esset mulcasset, ni cum reliquis quinque nauibus Adherbal uelis in Africam transmisisset.

[¶13] 31.1. Laelius as victor sailed back to Carteia, and on hearing of the occurrences at Gades —that the betrayal had been revealed and the conspirators sent to Carthage;

> Latin: 31.1. Laelius uictor Carteiam reuectus. auditis quae acta Gadibus erant—patefactam proditionem coniuratosque missos Carthaginem, spem ad inritum redactam qua uenissent—nuntiis ad L.

[¶14] 31.2. that the hope in which they had come to him had been frustrated —he sent messengers to Lucius Marcius, saying that unless they wished to waste time to no purpose in idling before Gades, they must return to the commander-in-chief. As Marcius agreed, they both returned after a few days to (New) Carthage.

> Latin: 31.2. Marcium missis nisi si terere frustra tempus sedendo ad Gades uellent redeundum ad imperatorem esse, adsentiente Marcio paucos post dies ambo Carthaginem rediere.

[¶15] 31.3. Upon their departure Mago was not only relieved, since he was beset by a two-fold source of alarm, by sea and by land, but when he heard of the defection of the Ilergetes he conceived the hope also of recovering Spain. Accordingly he sent messengers to the senate at Carthage, to exaggerate at the same time both the mutiny of citizens in the Roman camp and the rebellion of allies, and to urge them to send auxiliaries, by whose help rule over Spain, which they had inherited from their fathers, could be recovered.

> Latin: 31.3. ad quorum discessum non respirauit modo Mago cum terra marique ancipiti metu urgeretur, sed etiam audita rebellione Ilergetum spem reciperandae Hispaniae nanctus nuntios Carthaginem ad senatum mittit qui simul seditionem ciuilem in castris Romanis simul defectionem sociorum in maius uerbis extollentes hortentur ut auxilia mitterent quibus traditum a patribus imperium Hispaniae repeti posset.

[¶16] 31.5. Mandonius and Indibilis returned into their own territory and for a time remained quietly on the alert, until they should know what decision was reached in regard to the mutiny, not without confidence that, if a misunderstanding on the part of Roman citizens should be pardoned, they themselves also might possibly be pardoned.

> Latin: 31.5. Mandonius et Indibilis in fines regressi paulisper dum quidnam de seditione statueretur scirent suspensi quieuerunt, si ciuium errori ignosceretur non diffidentes sibi quoque ignosci posse.

[¶17] 31.6. After the harsh punishment came to be generally known, they thought that their guilt likewise was reckoned as deserving the same penalty. Recalling the men of their tribe to arms and assembling their previous auxiliaries, with twenty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry they crossed into the land of the Sedetani, where they had maintained a permanent camp at the beginning of the rebellion.

> Latin: 31.6. postquam uolgata est atrocitas supplicii suam quoque noxam pari poena aestimatam rati, uocatis rursus ad arma popularibus contractisque quae ante habuerant auxiliis, in Sedetanum agrum, ubi principio defectionis statiua habuerant, cum uiginti milibus peditum duobus milibus equitum et quingentis transcenderunt.

[¶18] 32.1. Scipio by his conscientiousness in paying all his men, guilty and innocent alike, and more by his countenance and speech showing no resentment against any one, easily won the hearts of his soldiers. Before moving his camp away from (New) Carthage he summoned an assembly.

> Latin: 32.1. Scipio cum fide soluendi pariter omnibus noxiis innoxiisque stipendii tum uoltu ac sermone in omnes placato facile reconciliatis militum animis, priusquam castra ab Carthagine moueret contione aduocata multis uerbis in perfidiam rebellantium regulorum inuectus,

[¶19] 32.3. There after inveighing at great length against the treachery of the chiefs in rebellion, he declared that in order to punish their crime he was setting out in a very different spirit from that in which he recently cured a misunderstanding on the part of citizens.

> Latin: 32.3. nequaquam eodem animo se ire professus est ad uindicandum id scelus quo ciuilem errorem nuper sanauerit.

[¶20] 32.4. At that time, he said, with sighing and tears, just as though he were cutting into his own vital organs, he had atoned by the lives of thirty men for the folly, or it might be the guilt, of eight thousand.

> Latin: 32.4. tum se haud secus quam uiscera secantem sua cum gemitu et lacrimis triginta hominum capitibus expiasse octo milium seu imprudentiam seu noxam: nunc laeto et erecto animo ad caedem Ilergetum ire.

[¶21] 32.5. But now with joy and exaltation of spirit he was advancing to the slaughter of the Ilergetes. For they had not been born in the same land, nor were they linked by any alliance with himself.

> Latin: 32.5. non enim eos neque natos in eadem terra nec ulla secum societate iunctos esse; eam quae sola fuerit fidei atque amicitiae ipsos per scelus rupisse.

[¶22] 32.6. The only bond which once existed, that of loyalty and friendship, they had themselves broken by their crime. As for his own army, he was stirred on seeing all the men in it citizens or allies and Latins, and also because there was hardly a soldier who had not been brought from Italy either by his uncle Gnaeus Scipio, who was the first of the Romans to come into that province, or by his father as consul, or by himself.

> Latin: 32.6. in exercitu suo se, praeterquam quod omnes ciues aut socios Latinique nominis uideat, etiam eo moueri quod nemo fere sit miles qui non aut a patruo suo Cn. Scipione, qui primus Romani nominis in eam prouinciam uenerit, aut a patre consule aut a se sit ex Italia aduectus.

[¶23] 32.7. They were all of them accustomed to the name and auspices of the Scipios, being men whom he would like to bring home to their country for a well-earned triumph, men who he hoped would support his canvass for the consulship, just as if an honour shared by all alike were at stake.

> Latin: 32.7. Scipionum nomini auspiciisque omnes adsuetos, quos secum in patriam ad meritum triumphum deducere uelit, quos consulatum petenti uelut si omnium communis agatur honos adfuturos speret.

[¶24] 32.8. So far as concerned the enterprise now impending, he said, any man who considered it a war was forgetting their own achievements. Mago surely, who fled with a few ships beyond the known world to an island surrounded by the Ocean, was a greater concern to him than the Ilergetes.

> Latin: 32.8. quod ad expeditionem attineat quae instet, immemorem esse rerum suarum gestarum qui id bellum ducat. Magonis hercule sibi qui extra orbem terrarum in circumfusam Oceano insulam cum paucis perfugerit nauibus maiorem curam esse quam Ilergetum;

[¶25] 32.9. For there it was a Carthaginian general and also a Punic force however small; here there were brigands and brigand chiefs, who might, to be sure, have considerable strength for ravaging the lands of neighbouring tribes and for burning houses and stealing cattle, but none at all in battle-line and when standards faced standards. In battle they would rely more upon swiftness in flight than upon arms.

> Latin: 32.9. quippe illic et ducem Carthaginiensem et quantumcumque Punicum praesidium esse, hic latrones latronumque duces, quibus ut ad populandos finitimorum agros tectaque urenda et rapienda pecora aliqua uis sit, ita in acie ac signis conlatis nullam esse; magis uelocitate ad fugam quam armis fretos pugnaturos esse.

[¶26] 32.10. Accordingly it was not because he saw any danger from them or the seed of a greater war, that he had thought the Ilergetes must be overpowered before he left his province. It was in the first place in order that so criminal a rebellion might not go unpunished, and then that it might not possibly be said that any enemy had been left in a province which had been thoroughly conquered by such courage combined with such success.

> Latin: 32.10. itaque non quod ullum inde periculum aut semen maioris belli uideat, ideo se priusquam prouincia decedat opprimendos Ilergetes duxisse, sed primum ne impunita tam scelerata defectio esset, deinde ne quis in prouincia simul uirtute tanta et felicitate perdomita relictus hostis dici posset.

[¶27] 32.12. Wherefore with the kind aid of the gods let them follow him, not so much to carry on a war —for it was no conflict with a well-matched enemy —as to exact punishment from criminals.

> Latin: 32.12. proinde dis bene iuuantibus sequerentur, non tam ad bellum gerendum—neque enim cum pari hoste certamen esse—quam ad expetendas ab hominibus scelestis poenas.

[¶28] 33.1. Dismissing them after this speech, he ordered them to make ready for the march on the morrow; and setting out he came in ten stages to the river Hiberus. Then crossing the river, he pitched camp on the fourth day in sight of the enemy.

> Latin: 33.1. ab hac oratione dimissos ad iter se comparare in diem posterum iubet profectusque decimis castris peruenit ad Hiberum flumen. inde superato amni die quarto in conspectu hostium posuit castra.

[¶29] 33.2. In front was level ground hemmed in on this side and that by mountains. Into that valley Scipio first ordered men to drive cattle —mostly booty from the enemy's own farms-to tempt the barbarians' love of pillage, and then sent light —armed troops to their assistance. When these had begun the battle with a charge, he ordered Laelius to make an attack with cavalry from an ambush.

> Latin: 33.2. campus ante montibus circa saeptus erat. in eam uallem Scipio cum pecora rapta pleraque ex ipsorum hostium agris propelli ad inritandam feritatem barbarorum iussisset, uelites subsidio misit, a quibus ubi per procursationem commissa pugna esset Laelium cum equitatu impetum ex occulto facere iubet.

[¶30] 33.4. A hill conveniently projecting concealed the ambsucade of cavalry, and the battle began without delay. The Spaniards, catching sight of cattle in the distance, dashed upon them, the light-armed upon the Spaniards busy with their plunder.

> Latin: 33.4. mons opportune prominens equitum insidias texit nec ulla mora pugnae facta est. Hispani in conspecta procul pecora, uelites in Hispanos praeda occupatos incurrere.

[¶31] 33.5. At first they inspired alarm by their missiles; then abandoning their light weapons, which could provoke rather than decide the battle, they drew their swords and began fighting at close quarters. And the infantry battle would have remained doubtful if the cavalry had not arrived.

> Latin: 33.5. primo missilibus territauere; deinde missis leuibus telis, quae inritare magis quam decernere pugnam poterant, gladios nudant et conlato pede res coepta geri est; ancepsque pedestre certamen erat ni equites superuenissent.

[¶32] 33.6. Not only did they trample down those they met by a frontal attack, but some also rode round along the lowest part of the slope and made an attack in the rear, so that they cut off a good many; and the slaughter was greater than unimportant skirmishes usually cause. This defeat kindled the anger of the barbarians, instead of diminishing their courage.

> Latin: 33.6. neque ex aduerso tantum inlati obuios obtriuere, sed circumuecti etiam quidam per infima cliui ab tergo se ut plerosque intercluderent obiecerunt, maiorque caedes fuit quam quantam edere leuia per excursiones proelia solent.

[¶33] 33.7. Consequently, not to appear daunted, they went out into battle-line at daybreak the next day. The valley being narrow, as stated above, had no room for all the forces.

> Latin: 33.7. ira magis accensa aduerso proelio barbaris est quam imminuti animi. itaque ne perculsi uiderentur prima luce postero die in aciem processere.

[¶34] 33.8. About two-thirds of the infantry and all the cavalry came down into line. The remainder of their infantry they stationed on the slope of the hill. Scipio, who thought the limited space was to his advantage, both because a battle at close range seemed likely to be better suited to the Roman than to the Spanish soldier, also because the enemy's line had been enticed down into a position which did not have room for all of their multitude, turned his attention to a further new plan.

> Latin: 33.8. non capiebat omnes copias angusta, sicut ante dictum est, ualles; duae ferme peditum partes omnis equitatus in aciem descendit: quod reliquum peditum erat obliquo constituerunt colle.

[¶35] 33.9. He could not place his cavalry on the wings, he thought, in so limited a space, and the enemy would have no use of the cavalry they had brought down with their infantry.

> Latin: 33.9. Scipio pro se esse loci angustias ratus et quod in arto pugna Romano aptior quam Hispano militi futura uidebatur et quod in eum locum detracta hostium acies esset qui non omnem multitudinem eorum caperet, nouo etiam consilio adiecit animum;

[¶36] 33.10. Therefore he ordered Laelius to lead his cavalry about over the hills, taking the road that was best hidden, and to separate the cavalry battle, so far as he could, from that of the infantry.

> Latin: 33.10. equitem nec se posse circumdare cornibus in tam angusto spatio, et hosti, quem cum pedite deduxisset inutilem fore. itaque imperat Laelio ut per colles quam occultissimo itinere circumducat equites segregetque quantum possit equestrem a pedestri pugnam:

[¶37] 33.12. As for himself, he made all his infantry units face the enemy; four cohorts he placed in the front line, since he was unable to extend his line to a greater length.

> Latin: 33.12. ipse omnia signa peditum in hostes uertit; quattuor cohortes in fronte statuit quia latius pandere aciem non poterat.

[¶38] 33.13. He did not delay beginning the engagement, in order to divert attention by the battle itself from the sight of the cavalry crossing over the hills; and they were not aware that the horsemen had outflanked them until they heard the din of a cavalry battle in their rear.

> Latin: 33.13. moram pugnandi nullam fecit ut ipso certamine auerteret ab conspectu transeuntium per colles equitum; neque ante circumductos sensere quam tumultum equestris pugnae ab tergo accepere. ita duo diuersa proelia erant;

[¶39] 33.14. Thus there were two distinct battles; two infantry lines, two cavalry forces, were fighting down the length of the level ground, since the narrow space did not permit a battle that combined both arms.

> Latin: 33.14. duae peditum acies, duo equitatus per longitudinem campi, quia misceri ex genere utroque proelium angustiae non patiebantur, pugnabant.

[¶40] 33.15. On the Spanish side neither did infantry aid cavalry nor cavalry infantry; the foot-soldiers, who in reliance upon the cavalry had been rashly posted on the level ground, were cut to pieces; the cavalry, being outflanked, were neither withstanding Roman infantry in front —for their own infantry were already overwhelmed —nor Roman cavalry in the rear. Consequently the horsemen also, after they had formed a circle and with their horses at a standstill had defended themselves for a long time, were all slain to a man; and not one of their foot or horse that fought in the valley survived.

> Latin: 33.15. Hispanorum cum neque pedes equiti neque eques pediti auxilio esset, pedes fiducia equitis temere commissus campo caederetur, eques circumuentus nec peditem a fronte—iam enim stratae pedestres copiae erant—nec ab tergo equitem sustineret, et ipsi cum diu in orbem sese stantibus equis defendissent ad unum omnes caesi sunt, nec quisquam peditum equitumue superfuit qui in ualle pugnauerunt.

[¶41] 33.16. Only a third of them, having stood on the hill, to look on in safety rather than to take part in the battle, had both a suitable position and time for flight.

> Latin: 33.16. tertia pars, quae in colle ad spectaculum magis tutum quam ad partem pugnae capessendam steterat, et locum et tempus ad fugiendum habuit.

[¶42] 33.17. Among them the princes also fled, having slipped away in the confusion before the entire line should be surrounded.

> Latin: 33.17. inter eos et reguli ipsi fugerunt priusquam tota circumueniretur acies inter tumultum elapsi.

[¶43] 34.1. The camp of the Spaniards was captured the same day, with about three thousand men in addition to other booty.

> Latin: 34.1. castra eodem die Hispanorum, praeter ceteram praedam, cum tribus ferme milibus hominum capiuntur.

[¶44] 34.2. Of the Romans and allies about twelve hundred fell in that battle; more than three thousand men were wounded. The victory would have been less bloody if the battle had been fought on a more open ground affording an easy escape.

> Latin: 34.2. Romani sociique ad mille et ducenti in eo proelio ceciderunt; uolnerata amplius tria milia hominum. minus cruenta uictoria fuisset si patentiore campo et ad fugam capessendam facili foret pugnatum.

[¶45] 34.3. Indibilis, having discarded his plans for war, thought no refuge safer in his distress than Scipio's honesty and mercy, of which he had had experience, and sent his brother Mandonius to him.

> Latin: 34.3. Indibilis abiectis belli consiliis nihil tutius in adflictis rebus experta fide et clementia Scipionis ratus, Mandonium fratrem ad eum mittit;

[¶46] 34.4. Mandonius, clasping Scipio's knees, laid the blame upon the fateful madness of a time in which some pestilent epidemic had frenzied not merely the Ilergetes and Lacetani but also a Roman camp.

> Latin: 34.4. qui aduolutus genibus fatalem rabiem temporis eius accusat cum uelut contagione quadam pestifera non Ilergetes modo et Lacetani sed castra quoque Romana insanierint.

[¶47] 34.5. As for himself, -indeed, and his brother and the rest of their countrymen, such was their situation that they should either give back to Publius Scipio, if he approved, the life they had received also from him, or, if spared twice, they should perpetually devote to him the lives they owed to him alone. Formerly, when they had as yet no experience of his mercy, they had confidence in their cause.

> Latin: 34.5. suam quidem et fratris et reliquorum popularium eam condicionem esse ut aut, si ita uideatur, reddant spiritum P. Scipioni ab eodem illo acceptum, aut seruati bis uni debitam uitam pro eo in perpetuum deuoueant.

[¶48] 34.6. Now, however, they had no hope, he said, in their cause, but rested it all on the pity of the victor.

> Latin: 34.6. antea in causa sua fiduciam sibi fuisse nondum experta clementia eius: nunc contra nullam in causa, omnem in misericordia uictoris spem positam habere.

[¶49] 34.7. The old custom of the Romans in establishing peaceful relations with a people neither on the basis of a treaty nor on equal terms had been this: not to exert its authority over that people, as now pacified, until it had surrendered everything divine and human, until hostages had been received, arms taken away and garrisons posted in its cities.

> Latin: 34.7. mos uetustus erat Romanis, cum quo nec foedere nec aequis legibus iungeretur amicitia, non prius imperio in eum tamquam pacatum uti quam omnia diuina humanaque dedidisset, obsides accepti, arma adempta, praesidia urbibus imposita forent.

[¶50] 34.8. Scipio, however, after inveighing at length against Mandonius, who was present, and the absent Indibilis, said that in consequence of their own misdeeds they had surely deserved to die; that they should live by his kindness and that of the Roman people.

> Latin: 34.8. Scipio multis inuectus in praesentem Mandonium absentemque Indibilem uerbis, illos quidem merito perisse ipsorum maleficio ait, uicturos suo atque populi Romani beneficio.

[¶51] 34.9. But he would not take away their arms nor demand hostages; for those were the pledges for men who feared a rebellion, whereas he was leaving them their arms without restriction, their minds relieved of fear. And if they should revolt his wrath would be directed, not against innocent hostages, but against themselves, and he would exact punishment, not from an unarmed, but from an armed enemy.

> Latin: 34.9. ceterum se neque arma iis adempturum ltneque obsides imperaturumgt—quippe ea pignera timentium rebellionem esse: se libera arma relinquere, solutos animos—neque [se] in obsides innoxios sed in ipsos, si defecerint, saeuiturum, nec ab inermi sed ab armato hoste poenas expetiturum.

[¶52] 34.10. As they had known both kinds of fortune, he gave them their choice, whether they preferred to find the Romans kindly disposed or angry.

> Latin: 34.10. utramque fortunam expertis permittere sese utrum propitios an iratos habere Romanos mallent.

[¶53] 34.11. Thus Mandonius was dismissed with no other demand than money, that the soldiers might receive their pay.

> Latin: 34.11. ita dimissus Mandonius pecunia tantummodo imperata ex qua stipendium militi praestari posset.

[¶54] 34.12. After sending Marcius ahead into Farther Spain and Silanus back to Tarraco, Scipio delayed a few days for the Ilergetes to pay the whole amount demanded, and then with an unencumbered force overtook Marcius as he was now approaching the Ocean.

> Latin: 34.12. ipse Marcio in ulteriorem Hispaniam praemisso, Silano Tarraconem remisso paucos moratus dies dum imperatam pecuniam Ilergetes pernumerarent, cum expeditis Marcium iam adpropinquantem Oceano adsequitur.

[¶55] 35.1. Dealings which had to do with Masinissa, begun even before this time, had been postponed on one pretext or another because the Numidian desired in any case to meet Scipio in person and to ratify the agreement by clasping his hand. That was Scipio's reason at this time for a march so long and so circuitous.

> Latin: 35.1. incohata res iam ante de Masinissa aliis atque aliis de causis dilata erat, quod Numida cum ipso utique congredi Scipione uolebat atque eius dextra fidem sancire; ea tum itineris tam longi ac tam deuii causa Scipioni fuit.

[¶56] 35.2. Masinissa, being at Gades and informed by Marcius of Scipio's approach, pretended that the horses, being shut up on an island, were deteriorating and not only causing a general scarcity for the rest but also themselves suffering from it. Adding that the horsemen were losing their vigour from inaction, he prevailed upon Mago to permit him to cross over to the mainland in order to lay waste the nearest lands in Spain.

> Latin: 35.2. Masinissa cum Gadibus esset, certior aduentare eum a Marcio factus, causando corrumpi equos inclusos in insula penuriamque omnium rerum et facere ceteris et ipsos sentire, ad hoc equitem marcescere desidia, ltMagonemgt perpulit ut se traicere in continentem ad depopulandos proximos Hispaniae agros pateretur.

[¶57] 35.4. After crossing over he sent three prominent Numidians in advance to fix a time and place for a conference. He gave instructions that two were to be kept by Scipio as hostages. When the third had been sent back to conduct Masinissa to the place indicated in the order, they came with a small escort to the conference.

> Latin: 35.4. transgressus tres principes Numidarum praemittit ad tempus locumque conloquio statuendum. duos pro obsidibus retineri ab Scipione iubet: remisso tertio qui quo iussus erat adduceret Masinissam, cum paucis in conloquium uenerunt.

[¶58] 35.5. The Numidian had already been filled with admiration for the man in consequence of his reported achievements, and had conjured up in mind an ideal figure, tall and stately.

> Latin: 35.5. ceperat iam ante Numidam ex fama rerum gestarum admiratio uiri, substitueratque animo speciem quoque corporis amplam ac magnificam;

[¶59] 35.6. But greater still was the reverence that possessed him for the man in his presence; and while Scipio had great natural dignity, long hair added charm, as did a general appearance not due to studied elegance, but truly masculine and soldierly; and his age was exactly at the height of physical strength, amplified and made more dazzling by the youthful bloom which appeared to have been renewed after his illness.

> Latin: 35.6. ceterum maior praesentis ueneratio cepit, et praeterquam quod suapte natura multa maiestas inerat, adornabat promissa caesaries habitusque corporis non cultus munditiis sed uirilis uere ac militaris, et aetas erat in medio uirium robore, quod plenius nitidiusque ex morbo uelut renouatus flos iuuentae faciebat.

[¶60] 35.8. Almost dazed by merely meeting him, the Numidian thanked him for sending home his nephew. From that time on, he said, he had sought the opportunity which he did not let slip when at last it was. presented him by the favour of the immortal gods.

> Latin: 35.8. prope attonitus ipso congressu Numida gratias de fratris filio remisso agit. ex eo tempore adfirmat eam se quaesisse occasionem quam tandem oblatam deum immortalium beneficio non omiserit.

[¶61] 35.9. He was eager to give such services to Scipio and the Roman people that no individual foreigner would have aided the Roman state with more ardour.

> Latin: 35.9. cupere se illi populoque Romano operam nauare ita ut nemo unus externus magis enixe adiuuerit rem Romanam.

[¶62] 35.10. That aid, although he had long wished to give it, he had been unable to furnish in Spain, a foreign and unknown land. But in the land in which he had been born and brought up in the hope of inheriting his father's kingdom, he would easily furnish it.

> Latin: 35.10. id se, etiamsi iam pridem uellet, minus praestare in Hispania terra aliena atque ignota potuisse; in qua autem genitus educatusque in spem paterni regni esset, facile praestaturum.

[¶63] 35.11. If indeed the Romans should send Scipio as commander into Africa as well he was quite confident that Carthage would be very short-lived.

> Latin: 35.11. si quidem eundem Scipionem ducem in Africam Romani mittant, satis sperare perbreuis aeui Carthaginem esse.

[¶64] 35.12. Scipio was glad to see and hear him, since he knew that in the entire cavalry of the enemy Masinissa had been the soul of everything, and in himself the young man showed clear evidence of his spirit. After giving and receiving promises Scipio set out on the return to Tarraco.

> Latin: 35.12. laetus eum Scipio uidit audiuitque cum caput rerum in omni hostium equitatu Masinissam fuisse sciret, et ipse iuuenis specimen animi prae se ferret. fide data acceptaque profectus retro Tarraconem est.

[¶65] 35.13. Masinissa by permission of the Romans, that he might not appear to have crossed to the mainland without reason, devastated the nearest lands and returned to Gades.

> Latin: 35.13. Masinissa permissu Romanorum ne sine causa traiecisse in continentem uideretur populatus proximos agros, Gades rediit.

[¶66] 36.1. Just as Mago, who had despaired of success in Spain —a hope to which first the mutiny of the soldiers and then the rebellion of Indibilis had raised his spirits —was preparing to cross over to Africa, word reached him from Carthage that the senate commanded him to take the fleet which he had at Gades over to Italy.

> Latin: 36.1. Magoni desperatis in Hispania rebus, in quarum spem seditio primum militaris, deinde defectio Indibilis animos eius sustulerant, paranti traicere in Africam nuntiatum ab Carthagine est iubere senatum ut classem quam Gadibus haberet in Italiam traiceret;

[¶67] 36.2. There he was ordered to hire the greatest possible number of young Gauls and Ligurians, to join Hannibal and not permit a war that had been begun with the greatest vigour and even greater good fortune to decline now.

> Latin: 36.2. conducta ibi Gallorum ac Ligurum quanta maxima posset iuuentute coniungeret se Hannibali neu senescere bellum maximo impetu maiore fortuna coeptum sineret.

[¶68] 36.3. For that purpose money was brought to Mago from Carthage, and in addition he himself exacted all that he could from the citizens of Gades by plundering not merely their treasury but also the temples, and by compelling all private owners to contribute gold and silver to the public funds.

> Latin: 36.3. ad eam rem et a Carthagine pecunia Magoni aduecta est, et ipse quantam potuit a Gaditanis exegit, non aerario modo eorum sed etiam templis spoliatis et priuatim omnibus coactis aurum argentumque in publicum conferre.

[¶69] 36.4. As he was sailing along the coast of Spain he landed soldiers not far from New Carthage and laid waste the nearest farms; then he brought his fleet up to the city.

> Latin: 36.4. cum praeterueheretur Hispaniae oram, haud procul Carthagine Noua expositis in terram militibus proximos depopulatur agros;

[¶70] 36.5. There after keeping the soldiers on shipboard during the day, he landed them on the shore by night and led them to that part of the wall where (New) Carthage had been stormed by the Romans. For he thought the city was not held by a garrison of sufficient strength, also that with the prospect of changing sides many of the townspeople would take an active part.

> Latin: 36.5. inde ad urbem classem adpulit. ibi cum interdiu milites in nauibus tenuisset, nocte in litus expositos ad partem eam muri qua capta Carthago ab Romanis fuerat ducit, nec praesidio satis ualido urbem teneri ratus et aliquos oppidanorum ad spem nouandi res aliquid moturos.

[¶71] 36.6. But messengers coming in alarm from the country had brought news at the same time of lands laid waste and farmers fleeing and the enemy approaching.

> Latin: 36.6. ceterum nuntii ex agris trepidi simul populationem agrestiumque fugam et hostium aduentum attulerant, et uisa interdiu classis erat, nec sine causa electam ante urbem stationem apparebat;

[¶72] 36.7. By day the fleet also had been seen, and it was evident that an anchorage before the city had not been chosen without reason.

> Latin: 36.7. itaque instructi armatique intra portam ad stagnum ac mare uersam continebantur.

[¶73] 36.8. Accordingly the men were kept drawn up under arms inside the gate which faced the lagoon and the sea. When the enemy pouring out of the ships —a mob of sailors mingling with the soldiers —approached the walls with an uproar out of proportion to their power the Romans suddenly opened the gate and burst out with a shout, threw the enemy into confusion, routed them at the first charge and the first volley of their missiles and pursued them down to the shore with great slaughter.

> Latin: 36.8. ubi effusi hostes, mixta inter milites naualis turba, ad muros tumultu maiore quam ui subierunt, patefacta repente porta Romani cum clamore erumpunt, turbatosque hostes et ad primum incursum coniectumque telorum auersos usque ad litus cum multa caede persequuntur; nec nisi naues litori adpulsae trepidos accepissent superfuisset fugae aut pugnae quisquam.

[¶74] 36.11. And if the ships moored to the shore had not received them in their alarm not a man would have survived the flight and the battle.

> Latin: 36.11. in ipsis quoque trepidatum nauibus est dum ne hostes cum suis simul inrumperent trahunt scalas, orasque et ancoras ne in moliendo mora esset praecidunt;

[¶75] 36.12. Even on the ships also there was confusion while, to prevent the enemy from dashing on board along with their own men, they were drawing in the ladders and cutting hawsers and cables, to avoid delay in getting away. And many perished miserably while swimming towards the ships, as in the darkness it was not clear what they should make for and what they should avoid. On the next day, when the fleet had slipped away, returning towards the Ocean from which it had come, about eight hundred bodies and some two thousand weapons were found between the wall and the shore. XXXVII. Mago, upon his return to Gades finding himself shut out of the city, put in with his fleet to Cimbii, a place not far from Gades. He sent emissaries and complained because the gates had been closed against him, an ally and friend.

> Latin: 36.12. multique adnantes nauibus, incerto prae tenebris quid aut peterent aut uitarent, foede interierunt. postero die cum classis inde retro ad Oceanum unde uenerat fugisset, ad octingenti homines caesi inter murum litusque et ad duo milia armorum inuenta. Mago cum Gades repetisset, exclusus inde ad Cimbios —haud procul a Gadibus is locus abest—classe adpulsa, mittendis legatis querendoque quod portae sibi socio atque amico clausae forent, purgantibus iis multitudinis concursu factum infestae ob direpta quaedam ab conscendentibus naues militibus, ad conloquium sufetes eorum, qui summus Poenis est magistratus, cum quaestore elicuit, laceratosque uerberibus cruci adfigi iussit.

[¶76] 37.3. The Gaditani tried to excuse themselves, saying it was done by a mob enraged on account of some looting committed by the soldiers as they were embarking.

> Latin: 37.3. inde nauibus ad Pityusam insulam centum milia ferme a continenti—Poeni tum eam incolebant—traiecit.

[¶77] 37.4. He thereupon enticed their sufĕtes —the highest magistrates among the Phoenicians —together with the treasurer to a conference and ordered them to be scourged and crucified. Then he crossed over on his ships to the island of Pityusa, about a hundred miles from the mainland.

> Latin: 37.4. itaque classis bona cum pace accepta est, nec commeatus modo benigne praebiti sed in supplementum classis iuuentus armaque data; quorum fiducia Poenus in Baliares insulas—quinquaginta inde milia absunt —tramisit. duae sunt Baliares insulae, maior altera atque opulentior armis uirisque;

[¶78] 37.5. Carthaginians at that time inhabited the island; consequently the fleet was received on friendly terms, and not only were supplies generously furnished but young men to recruit the fleet, and arms also were given.

> Latin: 37.5. et portum habet, ubi commode hibernaturum se—et iam extremum autumni erat—censebat.

[¶79] 37.6. Relying upon these the Carthaginian crossed over to the Balearic Islands, fifty miles away. There are two Balearic Islands, one larger and richer in arms and men. It has a harbour also, where Mago —and it was now the end of autumn —believed he could winter comfortably. But an attack was made on the fleet, just as if the inhabitants of the island were Romans.

> Latin: 37.6. ceterum haud secus quam si Romani eam insulam incolerent hostiliter classi occursum est. fundis ut nunc plurimum, ita tum solo eo telo utebantur, nec quisquam alterius gentis unus tantum ea arte quantum inter omnes alios Baliares excellunt.

[¶80] 37.7. The sling, now their most used weapon, was then their only one, and not a single man in any other tribe so excels in the art of using it as do all the Balearic Islanders in comparison with other peoples. Accordingly such a volley of stones, like the densest hail, was rained upon the fleet now approaching land that, not venturing to enter the harbour, they headed their ships out to sea.

> Latin: 37.7. itaque tanta uis lapidum creberrimae grandinis modo in propinquantem iam terrae classem effusa est ut intrare portum non ausi auerterent in altum naues.

[¶81] 37.8. Thereupon they crossed over to the smaller of the Balearic Islands, fertile in its land, not so strong in men and arms.

> Latin: 37.8. in minorem inde Baliarium insulam traiecerunt, fertilem agro, uiris armis haud aeque ualidam.

[¶82] 37.9. Disembarking, therefore, they pitched camp in a strong position above the harbour. And having gained possession of the city and its territory without a battle they enlisted two thousand auxiliaries from there, sent them to Carthage and beached their ships to spend the winter.

> Latin: 37.9. itaque egressi nauibus super portum loco munito castra locant; ac sine certamine urbe agroque potiti, duobus milibus auxiliarium inde conscriptis missisque Carthaginem, ad hibernandum naues subduxerunt.

[¶83] 37.10. After Mago's retirement from the coast of the Ocean Gades surrendered to the Romans.

> Latin: 37.10. post Magonis ab Oceani ora discessum Gaditani Romanis deduntur.

[¶84] 38.1. Such were the results in Spain under the command and auspices of Publius Scipio. Turning over the province to Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, the propraetors, Scipio himself returned to Rome with ten ships. And when a session of the senate was granted him in the Temple of Bellona outside the city, he set forth his achievements in Spain; how many times he had fought pitched battles; how many towns he had taken by force from the enemy; what tribes he had subjected to the sway of the Roman people.

> Latin: 38.1. haec in Hispania P. Scipionis ductu auspicioque gesta. ipse L. Lentulo et L. Manlio Acidino propraetoribus prouincia tradita decem nauibus Romam rediit, et senatu extra urbem dato in aede Bellonae quas res in Hispania gessisset disseruit, quotiens signis conlatis dimicasset, quot oppida ex hostibus ui cepisset, quas gentes in dicionem populi Romani redegisset;

[¶85] 38.3. He had gone to Spain, he said, against four generals-in-command, against four victorious armies; he had left not a Carthaginian in that country.

> Latin: 38.3. aduersus quattuor se imperatores, quattuor uictores exercitus in Hispaniam isse; neminem Carthaginiensem in iis terris reliquisse.

[¶86] 38.4. For these achievements he sought the desired triumph but did not make an insistent demand, because it was established that down to that time no one who had commanded without being a magistrate had triumphed.

> Latin: 38.4. ob has res gestas magis temptata est triumphi spes quam petita pertinaciter, quia neminem ad eam diem triumphasse qui sine magistratu res gessisset constabat.

[¶87] 38.5. The senate having adjourned, he entered the city on foot, and before him he caused fourteen thousand three hundred and forty-two pounds of silver to be carried to the treasury, and a great number of silver coins.

> Latin: 38.5. senatu misso urbem est ingressus, argentique prae se in aerarium tulit quattuordecim milia pondo trecenta quadraginta duo et signati argenti magnum numerum.

[¶88] 38.6. Then an election for the choice of consuls was conducted by Lucius Veturius Philo, and all the centuries with great enthusiasm named Publius Cornelius Scipio consul. As his colleague he was given Publius Licinius Crassus, the pontifex maximus.

> Latin: 38.6. comitia inde creandis consulibus habuit L. Ueturius Philo, centuriaeque omnes ingenti fauore P. Cornelium Scipionem consulem dixerunt; collega additur ei P. Licinius Crassus pontifex maximus.

[¶89] 38.7. The election was thronged, it is further related, by greater numbers than any other during that war.

> Latin: 38.7. ceterum comitia maiore quam ulla per id bellum celebrata frequentia proditum memoriae est.

[¶90] 38.8. From every side they had come together, not only to vote but also to get a sight of Publius Scipio, and they flocked in large numbers both to his house and to him on the Capitol as he was sacrificing, offering up to Jupiter the hundred oxen he had vowed in Spain.

> Latin: 38.8. conuenerant undique non suffragandi modo sed etiam spectandi causa P. Scipionis, concurrebantque et domum frequentes et in Capitolium ad immolantem eum cum centum bubus uotis in Hispania Ioui sacrificaret;

[¶91] 38.9. They promised themselves also that, just as Gaius Lutatius had finished the former Punic war, so Publius Cornelius would finish the war that was upon them;

> Latin: 38.9. spondebantque animis, sicut C. Lutatius superius bellum Punicum finisset, ita id quod instaret P. Cornelium finiturum, atque uti Hispania omni Poenos expulisset, sic Italia pulsurum esse;

[¶92] 38.10. and that as he had driven the Carthaginians entirely out of Spain, so he would drive them out of Italy; further assuring themselves that Africa should be his province, just as if the war in Italy were over.

> Latin: 38.10. Africamque ei perinde ac debellatum in Italia foret prouinciam destinabant. praetoria inde comitia habita.

[¶93] 38.11. Then the election of praetors was held. Two who at that time were plebeian aediles were elected, Spurius Lucretius and Gnaeus Octavius, and from private life Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Lucius Aemilius Papus.

> Latin: 38.11. creati duo qui tum aediles plebis erant, Sp. Lucretius et Cn. Octauius, et ex priuatis Cn. Seruilius Caepio et L. Aemilius Papus.

[¶94] 38.12. In the fourteenth year of the Punic war, at the time Publius Cornelius Scipio and Publius Licinius Crassus entered upon their consulship, the consuls' provinces were designated, Sicily for Scipio — without casting lots, as his colleague gave way because the charge of religious rites kept a pontifex maximus in Italy —and the land of the Bruttians for Crassus.

> Latin: 38.12. quarto decimo anno Punici belli P. Cornelius Scipio et P. Licinius Crassus ut consulatum inierunt, nominatae consulibus prouinciae sunt, Sicilia Scipioni extra sortem, concedente collega quia cura sacrorum pontificem maximum in Italia retinebat, Bruttii Crasso.

[¶95] 38.13. Then the praetorian assignments were determined by lot. The city praetorship fell to Gnaeus Servilius, Ariminum —so they used to designate Gaul —to Spurius Lucretius, Sicily to Lucius Aemilius, Sardinia to Gnaeus Octavius. The senate met on the Capitol.

> Latin: 38.13. tum praetoriae prouinciae in sortem coniectae. urbana Cn. Seruilio obtigit, Ariminum —ita Galliam appellabant— Sp. Lucretio, Sicilia L. Aemilio, Cn. Octauio Sardinia. senatus in Capitolio habitus.

[¶96] 38.14. There, the question being raised by Publius Scipio, a decree of the senate was passed that the games which he had vowed during the mutiny of the soldiers in Spain should be celebrated by him, drawing upon the money which he had himself brought into the treasury.

> Latin: 38.14. ibi referente P. Scipione senatus consultum factum est ut quos ludos inter seditionem militarem in Hispania uouisset, ex ea pecunia quam ipse in aerarium detulisset faceret.

[¶97] 39.1. Thereupon he presented the ambassadors from Saguntum. The eldest of these spoke as follows: "Although no calamity exists which goes beyond what we have suffered, conscript fathers, in our desire to keep our faith with you to the very end, nevertheless, such have been your services and those of your generals towards us that we do not regret our disasters.

> Latin: 39.1. tum Saguntinorum legatos in senatum introduxit. ex eis maximus natu: 'etsi nihil ultra malorum est, patres conscripti, quam quod passi sumus ut ad ultimum fidem uobis praestaremus, tamen ea uestra merita imperatorumque uestrorum erga nos fuerunt ut nos cladium nostrarum non paeniteat.

[¶98] 39.2. You undertook the war on our account; having undertaken it you have carried it on with such persistence through thirteen years that often you yourselves reached the extreme of danger and brought the Carthaginian people often to the same pass.

> Latin: 39.2. bellum propter nos suscepistis; susceptum quartum decimum annum tam pertinaciter geritis ut saepe ad ultimum discrimen et ipsi ueneritis et populum Carthaginiensem adduxeritis.

[¶99] 39.3. Although in Italy you had so terrible a war and Hannibal as your enemy, you sent a consul with his army into Spain, as if to gather up the flotsam of our shipwreck.

> Latin: 39.3. cum in Italia tam atrox bellum et Hannibalem hostem haberetis, consulem cum exercitu in Hispaniam uelut ad conciliandas reliquias naufragii nostri misistis.

[¶100] 39.4. Publius Cornelius and Gnaeus Cornelius from the time when they came into the province never ceased doing what was in our favour and against our enemies.

> Latin: 39.4. P. et Cn. Cornelii ex quo in prouinciam uenerunt nullo tempore destiterunt quae nobis secunda quaeque aduersa hostibus nostris essent facere.

[¶101] 39.5. First of all they restored our city to us; they sent men all over Spain in search of our citizens who had been sold and out of slavery restored them to freedom.

> Latin: 39.5. iam omnium primum oppidum nobis restituerunt; per omnem Hispaniam ciues nostros uenum datos, dimissis qui conquirerent, ex seruitute in libertatem restituerunt.

[¶102] 39.6. When now we had almost attained an enviable lot after the utmost misery, Publius Cornelius and Gnaeus Cornelius, your generals, brought almost more sorrow to us than to you by their death.

> Latin: 39.6. cum iam prope esset ut optabilem ex miserrima fortunam haberemus, P. et Cn. Cornelii imperatores uestri luctuosius nobis prope quam uobis perierunt.

[¶103] 39.7. ."Then indeed we seemed to ourselves to have been dragged back from distant places to our former abode merely to perish again and to witness a second destruction of our native city. We were thinking also that there was no need whatever of a Carthaginian general or army for our ruin, that we could be wiped out by the Turduli, our oldest enemies, who had been responsible for our former destruction as well, when suddenly and unexpectedly you sent us this Publius Scipio.

> Latin: 39.7. 'tum uero ad hoc retracti ex distantibus locis in sedem antiquam uidebamur ut iterum periremus et alterum exci- dium patriae uideremus—nec ad perniciem nostram Carthaginiensi utique aut duce aut exercitu opus esse: ab Turdulis nos ueterrimis hostibus, qui prioris quoque excidii causa nobis fuerant,

[¶104] 39.9. In seeing him declared consul and in reporting, as we intend, to our citizens that we have seen him, our hope, our help, our safety, so elected we deem ourselves the most fortunate of all the Saguntines.

> Latin: 39.9. exstingui posse—cum ex insperato repente misistis nobis hunc P. Scipionem, quem fortunatissimi omnium Saguntinorum uidemur quia consulem declaratum uidemus ac uidisse nos ciuibus nostris renuntiaturi sumus, spem, opem, salutem nostram;

[¶105] 39.10. On capturing many cities of your enemies in Spain he everywhere separated Saguntines from the number of captives and sent them back to their native city. Finally, as for Turdetania, which was so hostile to us that Saguntum could not stand if that tribe was preserved, he so crushed it in war that not only we, but even our descendants do not need to fear it —without boasting be it said! We see the ruined city of a people to favour whom Hannibal had destroyed Saguntum.

> Latin: 39.10. qui cum plurimas hostium uestrorum cepisset in Hispania urbes, ubique ex captorum numero excretos Saguntinos in patriam remisit; postremo Turdetaniam, adeo infestam nobis ut illa gente incolumi stare Saguntum non posset, ita bello adflixit ut non modo nobis sed—absit uerbo inuidia—ne posteris quidem timenda nostris esset.

[¶106] 39.12. We receive from their territory a revenue which is not more welcome to us as income than as vengeance. For these things —and we could not hope or pray for greater things from the immortal gods —the senate and people of Saguntum have sent us, ten ambassadors, to you to express our thanks, at the same time to congratulate you because for these years you have so conducted the war in Spain

> Latin: 39.12. deletam urbem cernimus eorum quorum in gratiam Saguntum deleuerat Hannibal; uectigal ex agro eorum capimus quod nobis non fructu iucundius est quam ultione. ob haec, quibus maiora nec sperare nec optare ab dis immortalibus poteramus, gratias actum nos decem legatos Saguntinus senatus populusque ad uos misit;

[¶107] 39.14. and in Italy that you hold Spain subdued by arms, not merely so far as the river Hiberus, but even where Ocean sets bounds to the most distant lands, and have left the Carthaginian only so much of Italy as the fortification of his camp encircles.

> Latin: 39.14. simul gratulatum quod ita res hos annos in Hispania atque Italia gessistis ut Hispaniam non Hibero amne tenus sed qua terrarum ultimas finit Oceanus domitam armis habeatis, Italiae nisi quatenus uallum castrorum cingit nihil reliqueritis Poeno.

[¶108] 39.15. To Jupiter greatest and best, defender of the Capitoline citadel, we have been bidden not merely to render thanks for all this but with your permission to carry this gift of a golden wreath also to the Capitol on account of your victory. We beg you to permit this, and if it seems best to you, that you ratify and perpetuate by your authority those advantages which your generals have bestowed upon us.

> Latin: 39.15. Ioui optimo maximo, praesidi Capitolinae arcis, non grates tantum ob haec agere iussi sumus sed donum hoc etiam, si uos permitteretis, coronam auream in Capitolium uictoriae ergo ferre.

[¶109] 39.16. The senate replied to the Saguntine ambassadors that the destruction and restoration of Saguntum would be to all nations an example of a loyalty which both allies have maintained;

> Latin: 39.16. id uti permittatis quaesumus, utique, si uobis ita uidetur, quae nobis imperatores uestri commoda tribuerunt, ea rata atque perpetua auctoritate uestra faciatis.'

[¶110] 39.17. that its generals had been entirely right and had complied with the wish of the senate in restoring Saguntum and rescuing the citizens of Saguntum from slavery;

> Latin: 39.17. senatus legatis Saguntinis respondit et dirutum et restitutum Saguntum fidei socialis utrimque seruatae documentum omnibus gentibus fore;

[¶111] 39.18. and that where ever the generals had treated them with consideration the senate had approved of such action; that they permitted them to deposit their gift on the Capitol. It was then ordered that lodgings and comforts be provided for the ambassadors, and that to each of them be presented not less than ten thousand asses as a gift.

> Latin: 39.18. suos imperatores recte et ordine et ex uoluntate senatus fecisse quod Saguntum restituerint ciuesque Saguntinos seruitio exemerint; quaeque alia eis benigne fecerint, ea senatum ita uoluisse fieri; donum permittere ut in Capitolio ponerent.

[¶112] 39.19. Then the rest of the embassies were introduced into the senate and had their hearing.

> Latin: 39.19. locus inde lautiaque legatis praeberi iussa et muneris ergo in singulos dari ne minus dena milia aeris.

[¶113] 39.20. And upon request of the Saguntines that they might make a tour of Italy so far as they could safely do so, guides were furnished them and letters sent to the different towns, bidding them to receive the Spaniards hospitably.

> Latin: 39.20. legationes deinde ceterae in senatum introductae auditaeque; et petentibus Saguntinis ut quatenus tuto possent Italiam spectatum irent, duces dati litteraeque per oppida missae ut Hispanos comiter acciperent.

[¶114] 39.22. Thereupon the senate took up matters concerning the state, the enrolment of armies, the assignment of posts.

> Latin: 39.22. tum de re publica, de exercitibus scribendis, de prouinciis relatum.

[¶115] 40.1. While it was commonly reported that without casting lots Africa was to be assigned to Publius Scipio as a new province, he himself, no longer satisfied with moderate fame, kept saying that he had been named consul not only to carry on the war but also to finish it. This was impossible unless he should himself transport his army to Africa, he said, openly declaring that he would accomplish that result by popular vote if the senate should oppose.

> Latin: 40.1. cum Africam nouam prouinciam extra sortem P. Scipioni destinari homines fama ferrent, et ipse nulla iam modica gloria contentus non ad gerendum modo bellum sed ad finiendum diceret se consulem declaratum, neque id aliter fieri posse quam si ipse in Africam exercitum transportasset, et acturum se id per populum aperte ferret si senatus aduersaretur,—id consilium haudquaquam primoribus patrum cum placeret, ceteri per metum aut ambitionem mussarent,

## 42. Book XXVIII · chapters 40–46

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/42/#p-N

[¶0] 40.3. This plan being by no means approved by the leading senators, while because of fear or else to curry favour, all the rest failed to speak out, Quintus Fabius Maximus, when asked his opinion, said: "I know that many of you, conscript fathers, hold that we are today debating a closed question, and that whoever expresses an opinion on Africa as a province, just as if it were an open question, will be speaking to no purpose.

> Latin: 40.3. Q. Fabius Maximus rogatus sententiam: 'scio multis uestrum uideri, patres conscripti, rem actam hodierno die agi et frustra habiturum orationem qui tamquam de integra re de Africa prouincia sententiam dixerit.

[¶1] 40.4. For myself, however, in the first place I do not understand how Africa is already definitely assigned to that brave and energetic man, the consul, since neither has the senate voted nor the people commanded that it be a province for this year.

> Latin: 40.4. ego autem primum illud ignoro quemadmodum iam certa prouincia Africa consulis, uiri fortis ac strenui, sit, quam nec senatus censuit in hunc annum prouinciam esse nec populus iussit.

[¶2] 40.5. In the second place, if it is his, I think that the consul who mocks the senate by pretending to bring before the house business upon which action has been taken is at fault, not a senator who in his proper order states his opinion on the matter under consideration.

> Latin: 40.5. deinde, si est, consulem peccare arbitror qui de re transacta simulando se referre senatum ludibrio habet, non senatorem qui de quo consulitur suo loco dicit sententiam.

[¶3] 40.6. And I am quite certain that in opposing such haste to cross over into Africa I must expose myself to two charges, first, of an inborn habit of delay, which young men are free to call fear and lack of spirit, provided there are as yet no regrets that other men's policies have always appeared at first sight more attractive, mine the better in practice.

> Latin: 40.6. atque ego certum habeo dissentienti mihi ab ista festinatione in Africam traiciendi duarum rerum subeundam opinionem esse, unius, insitae ingenio meo cunctationis, quam metum pigritiamque homines adulescentes sane appellent, dum ne paeniteat adhuc aliorum speciosiora primo adspectu consilia semper uisa, mea usu meliora;

[¶4] 40.8. Secondly, they will accuse me of carping criticism and envy towards the daily increasing fame of a very brave consul.

> Latin: 40.8. alterius, obtractationis atque inuidiae aduersus crescentem in dies gloriam fortissimi consulis.

[¶5] 40.9. From this suspicion if neither my past life and my character nor my dictatorship and five consulships can defend me, together with so much glory won in the field and at home that I tend to be sated rather than to crave it, may my years at least bring exemption. For what rivalry can I have with a man who is not even my son's contemporary?

> Latin: 40.9. a qua suspicione si me neque uita acta et mores mei neque dictatura cum quinque consulatibus tantumque gloriae belli domique partae uindicat ut propius fastidium eius sim quam desiderium, aetas saltem liberet. quae enim mihi aemulatio cum eo esse potest qui ne filio quidem meo aequalis sit?

[¶6] 40.10. In my dictatorship, although I was still at the height of my powers and in the stream of great events, no one heard me refuse either in the senate or before the people to have the command of my master of the horse, who was inveighing against me, made equal to mine, a thing which never had been heard of before.

> Latin: 40.10. me dictatorem cum uigerem adhuc uiribus et in cursu maximarum rerum essem recusantem nemo aut in senatu aut apud populum audiuit quo minus insectanti me magistro equitum, quod fando nunquam ante auditum erat, imperium mecum aequaretur;

[¶7] 40.11. By acts rather than words I preferred to gain this result, that one who by the verdict of other men had been made my colleague should presently by his own admission place me above himself.

> Latin: 40.11. rebus quam uerbis adsequi malui ut qui aliquorum iudicio mihi comparatus erat sua mox confessione me sibi praeferret;

[¶8] 40.12. Much less would I, who have filled the high offices, set before me competition and rivalry with a young man in the very flower of his youth, with the intention, of course, of having Africa, if it be denied him, awarded as a province to me, who am now worn out by mere living, not only by cares of state.

> Latin: 40.12. nedum ego perfunctus honoribus certamina mihi atque aemulationem cum adulescente florentissimo proponam;

[¶9] 40.13. With such glory as has been already earned must I live and die. I have prevented Hannibal from conquering, in order that you men whose powers are still strong might even conquer him.

> Latin: 40.13. uidelicet ut mihi iam uiuendo non solum rebus gerendis fesso, si huic negata fuerit, Africa prouincia decernatur. cum ea gloria quae parta est uiuendum atque moriendum est. uincere ego prohibui Hannibalem ut a uobis quorum uigent nunc uires etiam uinci posset.

[¶10] 41.1. "One thing it will be right, Publius Cornelius, for you to pardon me —inasmuch as in my own case I have never rated what men say more highly than the state —namely, if I do not prefer your glory, either, to the welfare of the state.

> Latin: 41.1. 'illud te mihi ignoscere, P. Corneli, aequum erit, si cum in me ipso nunquam pluris famam hominum quam rem publicam fecerim, ne tuam quidem gloriam bono publico praeponam.

[¶11] 41.2. If, however, there were no war in Italy, or if the enemy were one from whose defeat no glory was to be earned, only then could a man who kept you in Italy, even if he did so with advantage to the state, be thought to have been bent on taking away the war from you and with it your opportunity for fame.

> Latin: 41.2. quamquam si aut bellum nullum in Italia aut is hostis esset ex quo uicto nihil gloriae quaereretur, qui te in Italia retineret, etsi id bono publico faceret, simul cum bello materiam gloriae tuae isse ereptum uideri posset.

[¶12] 41.3. But since Hannibal as an enemy with army intact is occupying Italy for the fourteenth year, will you be dissatisfied with your fame, Publius Cornelius, if in your consulship you shall have driven out of Italy the enemy who has caused us so many losses, so many disasters, and if you shall have the distinction of finishing the present war, just as Gaius Lutatius had that of ending the former Punic war?

> Latin: 41.3. cum uero Hannibal hostis incolumi exercitu quartum decimum annum Italiam obsideat, paenitebit te, P. Corneli, gloriae tuae si hostem eum qui tot funerum tot cladium nobis causa fuit tu consul Italia expuleris et, sicut penes C. Lutatium prioris Punici perpetrati belli titulus fuit, ita penes te huius fuerit?

[¶13] 41.4. Unless Hamilcar is to be rated above Hannibal as a general, or that war above this one, or unless that victory was greater and more famous than this one is to be, if only it be our good fortune to win in your consulship.

> Latin: 41.4. nisi aut Hamilcar Hannibali dux est praeferendus aut illud bellum huic, aut uictoria illa maior clariorque quam haec—modo contingat ut te consule uincamus — futura est?

[¶14] 41.5. Would you rather have dragged Hamilcar away from Drepana or down from Eryx than have driven the Carthaginians and Hannibal out of Italy?

> Latin: 41.5. a Drepanis aut Eryce detraxisse Hamilcarem quam Italia expulisse Poenos atque Hannibalem malis?

[¶15] 41.6. Although you take more delight in glory already won than in glory hoped for, even you would not boast of having rid Spain of the war rather than Italy.

> Latin: 41.6. ne tu quidem, etsi magis partam quam speratam gloriam amplecteris, Hispania potius quam Italia bello liberata gloriatus fueris.

[¶16] 41.7. "Not yet has Hannibal reached such a pass that the man who preferred some other war would not seem to have feared rather than despised him. Therefore gird yourself for this war, and not employing your roundabout method —crossing first to Africa, and then hoping Hannibal will follow you thither —but rather by a direct march from here aim your campaign at the region where Hannibal is, if you seek your glorious palm for bringing the Punic war to an end.

> Latin: 41.7. 'nondum is est Hannibal, quem non magis timuisse uideatur quam contempsisse qui aliud bellum maluerit. quin igitur ad hoc accingeris nec per istos circuitus, ut cum in Africam traieceris secuturum te illuc Hannibalem speres, potius quam recto hinc itinere, ubi Hannibal est, eo bellum intendis? egregiam istam palmam belli Punici patrati petis?

[¶17] 41.9. This is also the natural order: first to defend your own possessions, then to proceed to attack those of others. First peace in Italy, then be it war-in Africa! and let our fear abate before we use fear as an offensive weapon against others.

> Latin: 41.9. hoc et natura prius est, tua cum defenderis aliena ire oppugnatum. pax ante in Italia quam bellum in Africa sit, et nobis prius decedat timor quam ultro aliis inferatur.

[¶18] 41.10. If both can be done under your lead and your auspices, after defeating Hannibal here, storm Carthage over there. If one or the other of these two victories must be left to new consuls, the earlier will prove not only greater and more celebrated but the cause as well of the later victory.

> Latin: 41.10. si utrumque tuo ductu auspicioque fieri potest, Hannibale hic uicto, illic Carthaginem expugna: si alterautra uictoria nouis consulibus relinquenda est, prior cum maior clariorque tum causa etiam insequentis fuerit.

[¶19] 41.11. For at the present time, not to mention that the treasury cannot support two widely separated armies, in Italy and in Africa, not to mention that no resources remain out of which we may maintain fleets, out of which we may be able to furnish supplies, pray tell me, who does not see how great is the danger involved?

> Latin: 41.11. nam nunc quidem, praeterquam quod et in Italia et in Africa duos diuersos exercitus alere aerarium non potest, praeterquam quod unde classes tueamur unde commeatibus sufficiamus praebendis nihil reliqui est, quid?

[¶20] 41.12. Publius Licinius will carry on the war in Italy, Publius Scipio in Africa.

> Latin: 41.12. periculi tandem quantum adeatur quem fallit? P. Licinius in Italia, P. Scipio bellum in Africa geret.

[¶21] 41.13. Tell me, if a victorious Hannibal —may all the gods avert the omen! and my mind even shudders to mention it; but what has happened can happen —if he shall advance towards the city, then and not before, are we to summon you as consul out of Africa, as we summoned Quintus Fulvius from Capua?

> Latin: 41.13. quid? si—quod omnes di omen auertant et dicere etiam reformidat animus, sed quae acciderunt accidere possunt—uictor Hannibal ire ad urbem perget, tum demum te consulem ex Africa, sicut Q. Fuluium a Capua, arcessemus?

[¶22] 41.14. What of it that in Africa also the fortune of war will make no distinctions? Let your own house be a warning, your father and uncle, slain with their armies within thirty days, and that in a land where for some years by very great achievements on land and sea they won a most honourable name among foreign nations for the Roman people and for your family.

> Latin: 41.14. quid? quod in Africa quoque Mars communis belli erit? domus tibi tua, pater patruusque intra triginta dies cum exercitibus caesi documento sint, ubi per aliquot annos maximis rebus terra marique gerendis amplissimum nomen apud exteras gentes populi Romani uestraeque familiae fecerant.

[¶23] 41.16. Time would fail me if I should attempt to enumerate the kings and generals who have rashly invaded the land of their enemies with disastrous defeats for themselves and their armies.

> Latin: 41.16. dies me deficiat si reges imperatoresque temere in hostium terram transgressos cum maximis cladibus suis exercituumque suorum enumerare uelim.

[¶24] 41.17. The Athenians, although their state had great foresight, leaving a war at home crossed over to Sicily with a great fleet under the leadership of a young man as energetic as he was noble, and in a single naval battle permanently ruined their prosperous state.

> Latin: 41.17. Athenienses, prudentissima ciuitas, bello domi relicto, auctore aeque impigro ac nobili iuuene, magna classe in Siciliam tramissa, una pugna nauali florentem rem publicam suam in perpetuum adflixerunt.

[¶25] 42.1. "Foreign examples are these that I am recalling and too ancient. Let that same Africa of yours and Marcus Atilius, a striking example of good fortune and bad, be a lesson to us.

> Latin: 42.1. 'externa et nimis antiqua repeto. Africa eadem ista et M. Atilius, insigne utriusque fortunae exemplum, nobis documento sint.

[¶26] 42.2. Verily, Publius Cornelius, when you sight Africa from the sea your Spanish provinces will seem to you to have been mere child's play.

> Latin: 42.2. ne tibi, P. Corneli, cum ex alto Africam conspexeris, ludus et iocus fuisse Hispaniae tuae uidebuntur. quid enim simile?

[¶27] 42.3. For what is there that is comparable? Over an unmolested sea you sailed along the coast of Italy and Gaul, and put in with your fleet at Emporiae, a city of our allies.

> Latin: 42.3. pacato mari praeter oram Italiae Galliaeque uectus Emporias in urbem sociorum classem adpulisti; expositos milites per tutissima omnia ad socios et amicos populi Romani Tarraconem duxisti;

[¶28] 42.4. Landing your troops you led them through country everywhere perfectly safe and reached allies and friends of the Roman people at Tarraco. From Tarraco it was then a march from one Roman post to another.

> Latin: 42.4. ab Tarracone deinde iter per praesidia Romana; circa Hiberum exercitus patris patruique tui post amissos imperatores ferociores calamitate ipsa facti, et dux tumultuarius quidem ille L.

[¶29] 42.5. Along the Hiberus were the armies of your father and uncle, which after losing their generals had gained more spirit even from disaster. Their commander also was the well-known Lucius Marcius, irregularly appointed, to be sure, being chosen for an emergency by vote of the soldiers, but if nobility and the normal magistracies added their distinction, equal to famous generals in all the arts of war.

> Latin: 42.5. Marcius et militari suffragio ad tempus lectus, ceterum si nobilitas ac iusti honores adornarent, claris imperatoribus qualibet arte belli par; oppugnata per summum otium Carthago nullo trium Punicorum exercituum socios defendente;

[¶30] 42.6. (New) Carthage was taken without any interference, since none of the three Punic armies came to the defence of their allies. The rest of your campaign —and I do not belittle it —cannot, however, be compared in any way with a war in Africa, where there is no harbour open to our fleet, no subjugated territory, no allied city, no friendly king, no place anywhere to hold your ground, no place to advance, while wherever you look, the country all about you will be hostile and dangerous.

> Latin: 42.6. cetera—neque ea eleuo—nullo tamen modo Africo bello comparanda, ubi non portus ullus classi nostrae apertus, non ager pacatus, non ciuitas socia, non rex amicus, non consistendi usquam locus, non procedendi;

[¶31] 42.7. "Can it be that you trust Syphax and the Numidians? Let it suffice to have trusted them once. Not always is rashness successful, and treachery seeks in small matters to ensure trustfulness, so that when it becomes worth while, it may deceive with great profit. The enemy did not overpower your father and uncle by force of arms until the Celtiberian allies had done so by treachery.

> Latin: 42.7. quacumque circumspexeris hostilia omnia atque infesta. 'an Syphaci Numidisque credis? satis sit semel creditum; non semper temeritas est felix, et fraus fidem in paruis sibi praestruit ut, cum operae pretium sit, cum mercede magna fallat. non hostis patrem patruumque tuum armis prius quam Celtiberi socii fraude circumuenerunt; nec tibi ipsi a Magone et Hasdrubale hostium ducibus quantum ab Indibili et Mandonio in fidem acceptis periculi fuit.

[¶32] 42.9. Nor in your own case was there as much danger from Mago and Hasdrubal, generals of the enemy, as from Indibilis and Mandonius, who had come under your protection. Can you trust the Numidians after experiencing a mutiny of your own soldiers?

> Latin: 42.9. Numidis tu credere potes, defectionem militum tuorum expertus? et Syphax et Masinissa se quam Carthaginienses malunt potentissimos in Africa esse, Carthaginienses quam quemquam alium.

[¶33] 42.10. Both Syphax and Masinissa prefer that they themselves rather than the Carthaginians should be supreme in Africa, and the Carthaginians rather than anyone else. At present rivalry between them and all possible reasons for contention spur them on because the foreigners whom they fear are far away.

> Latin: 42.10. nunc illos aemulatio inter sese et omnes causae certaminum acuunt quia procul externus metus est: ostende Romana arma et exercitum alienigenam; iam uelut ad commune restinguendum incendium concurrent.

[¶34] 42.11. Show them Roman arms and a foreign-born army, and now they will rush, as it were, to put out a fire that concerns them all.

> Latin: 42.11. aliter iidem illi Carthaginienses Hispaniam defenderunt, aliter moenia patriae, templa deum, aras et focos defendent cum euntes in proelium pauida prosequetur coniunx et parui liberi occursabunt.

[¶35] 42.12. In one fashion those same Carthaginians have defended Spain; in quite another fashion will they defend the walls of their native city, the temples of the gods, their altars and hearths, when as they go out to battle a frightened wife will escort them and little children will throw themselves in their way. "Furthermore, what if the Carthaginians, confidently relying upon the united spirit of Africa, the loyalty of the allied kings, and their own walls, shall take the initiative themselves when they have seen Italy stripped of protection from yourself and your army?

> Latin: 42.12. 'quid porro, si satis confisi Carthaginienses consensu Africae, fide sociorum regum, moenibus suis, cum tuo exercitusque tui praesidio nudatam Italiam uiderint, ultro ipsi nouum exercitum in Italiam aut ex Africa miserint, aut Magonem, quem a Baliaribus classe transmissa iam praeter oram Ligurum Alpinorum uectari constat, Hannibali se coniungere iusserint?

[¶36] 42.14. What if they either send a new army into Italy from Africa, or order Mago —and it is known that he has crossed from the Balearic Islands on his fleet and is already sailing along the coast held by the Alpine Ligurians —to unite with Hannibal?

> Latin: 42.14. nempe in eodem terrore erimus in quo nuper fuimus cum Hasdrubal in Italiam transcendit, quem tu, qui non solum Carthaginem sed omnem Africam exercitu tuo es clausurus, e manibus tuis in Italiam emisisti. uictum a te dices;

[¶37] 42.15. Surely we shall be in the same panic as we were recently when Hasdrubal crossed into Italy —the man whom you, who are about to invest not merely Carthage but all Africa by your army, allowed to slip out of your hands into Italy. He had been defeated by you, you will say; all the more do I regret —and this for your own sake, not merely for that of the state — that a passage into. Italy was allowed to the defeated.

> Latin: 42.15. eo quidem minus uellem—et id tua non rei publicae solum causa—iter datum uicto in Italiam esse. patere nos omnia quae prospera tibi ac populi Romani imperio euenere tuo consilio adsignare, aduersa casibus incertis belli et fortunae relegare:

[¶38] 42.16. Permit us to attribute to your strategy all that resulted favourably for you and the empire of the Roman people, to ascribe the unfavourable to the uncertainties of war and to fortune. The better and braver man you are the more do your native city and all Italy keep their hold upon so capable a defender.

> Latin: 42.16. quo melior fortiorque es, eo magis talem praesidem sibi patria tua atque uniuersa Italia retinet. non potes ne ipse quidem dissimulare, ubi Hannibal sit, ibi caput atque arcem huius belli esse, quippe qui prae te feras eam tibi causam traiciendi in Africam esse ut Hannibalem eo trahas.

[¶39] 42.17. You are unable even yourself to conceal the fact that where Hannibal is, there is the centre and stronghold of this war, since you declare that your reason for crossing over to Africa is in order to draw Hannibal thither. Therefore, be it here, be it there, you will have Hannibal to deal with. “Will you, therefore, be stronger, pray, -in Africa when alone, or here, uniting your army with that of your colleague? Do not Claudius also and Livius, the consuls, by a very recent instance prove how great a difference that ” “makes?

> Latin: 42.17. siue igitur hic siue illic, cum Hannibale est tibi futura res. 'utrum tandem ergo firmior eris in Africa solus an hic tuo collegaeque exercitu coniuncto? ne Claudius quidem et Liuius consules tam recenti exemplo quantum id intersit documento sunt?

[¶40] 42.18. And tell me, pray, will the remote and secluded Bruttian territory make Hannibal stronger in arms and men, when he: has long been begging in vain for auxiliaries from home, or rather Carthage near at hand and all Africa her ” “ally?

> Latin: 42.18. quid? Hannibalem utrum tandem extremus angulus agri Bruttii, frustra iam diu poscentem ab domo auxilia, an propinqua Carthago et tota socia Africa potentiorem armis uirisque faciet?

[¶41] 42.19. What is that plan of yours, to prefer to decide the issue just where your forces are reduced by one-half, the forces of the enemy greatly increased, rather than where two armies have to fight against one exhausted by so many battles and a service so long and so ” “hard?

> Latin: 42.19. quod istud consilium est, ibi malle decernere ubi tuae dimidio minores copiae sint, hostium multo maiores, quam ubi duobus exercitibus aduersus unum tot proeliis et tam diuturna ac graui militia fessum pugnandum sit?

[¶42] 42.20. Reflect how different is your plan from that of your father. He as consul had set out for Spain, but he returned to Italy from his province in order to meet Hannibal as he came down from the ” “Alps. You, although Hannibal is in Italy, are preparing to leave Italy, not because you think it to the advantage of the state, but because you hold it great and glorious for yourself. It was thus that leaving province and army, unauthorized by any law or decree of the senate, you, a commanding general of the Roman people, entrusted to two ships the fortune of the state and majesty of the empire, which were at that time endangered in your ” “person.

> Latin: 42.20. quam compar consilium tuum parentis tui consilio sit reputa. ille consul profectus in Hispaniam, ut Hannibali ab Alpibus descendenti occurreret in Italiam ex prouincia rediit: tu cum Hannibal in Italia sit relinquere Italiam paras, non quia rei publicae utile sed quia tibi id amplum et gloriosum censes esse—sicut cum prouincia et exercitu relicto sine lege sine senatus consulto duabus nauibus populi Romani imperator fortunam publicam et maiestatem imperii, quae tum in tuo capite periclitabantur, commisisti.

[¶43] 42.22. My opinion is that Publius Cornelius was elected consul for the republic and for us, not for himself and his personal ends, and that armies were enlisted for the defence of the city and Italy, not that consuls in the arrogant manner of tyrants may transport them to whatever lands they choose.”

> Latin: 42.22. ego, patres conscripti, P. Cornelium rei publicae nobisque, non sibi ipsi priuatim creatum consulem existimo, exercitusque ad custodiam urbis atque Italiae scriptos esse, non quos regio more per superbiam consules quo terrarum uelint traiciant.'

[¶44] 43.1. When Fabius by a speech adapted to the situation, but especially by his prestige and long-established reputation for foresight, had stirred a large part of the senate and in particular the older members, and while more were praising the wisdom of the veteran than the confident spirit of the young man, Scipio is said to have spoken as follows:

> Latin: 43.1. cum oratione ad tempus parata Fabius, tum auctoritate et inueteratae prudentiae fama magnam partem senatus et seniores maxime ltcumgt mouisset, pluresque consilium senis quam animum adulescentia ferocem laudarent, Scipio ita locutus fertur:

[¶45] 43.2. "Even Quintus Fabius himself at the beginning of his speech, conscript fathers, stated that in his expression of opinion captious criticism might be suspected.

> Latin: 43.2. 'et ipse Q. Fabius principio orationis, patres conscripti, commemorauit in sententia sua posse obtractationem suspectam esse;

[¶46] 43.3. Far as I should be from venturing to bring that charge against so great a man, nevertheless such suspicion has certainly not been cleared away, be it the speech or the subject that is at fault.

> Latin: 43.3. cuius ego rei non tam ipse ausim tantum uirum insimulare quam ea suspicio, uitio orationis an rei, haud sane purgata est.

[¶47] 43.4. For he has highly extolled his offices and the fame of his achievements in order to refute the charge of envy, just as if it were from men of the lowest rank that there is danger of rivalry for me, and not rather from one who because he rises above all others —a distinction towards which I do not deny that I also am striving —is unwilling to have me compared with himself.

> Latin: 43.4. sic enim honores suos et famam rerum gestarum extulit uerbis ad exstinguendum inuidiae crimen tamquam mihi ab infimo quoque periculum sit ne mecum aemuletur, et non ab eo qui, quia super ceteros excellat, quo me quoque niti non dissimulo, me sibi aequari nolit.

[¶48] 43.5. He has represented himself as an old man and one who has played his part, and me as younger even than his son, just as if the desire for glory did not reach farther than the span of human life and project in fullest measure into the memory of posterity.

> Latin: 43.5. sic senem se perfunctumque et me infra aetatem filii etiam sui posuit tamquam non longius quam quantum uitae humanae spatium est cupiditas gloriae extendatur maximaque pars eius in memoriam ac posteritatem promineat. maximo cuique id accidere animo certum habeo ut se non cum praesentibus modo sed cum omnis aeui claris uiris comparent.

[¶49] 43.7. Of the greatest minds it is true, I am sure, that they compare themselves not only with the living but with eminent men in every age. For my part I do not deny, Quintus Fabius, that I wish not only to attain to your fame but also —by your good leave —if possible to surpass it.

> Latin: 43.7. equidem haud dissimulo me tuas, Q. Fabi, laudes non adsequi solum uelle sed—bona uenia tua dixerim—, si possim, etiam exsuperare.

[¶50] 43.8. Let us not have such a spirit —you towards me, I towards younger men — that we should be unwilling to have any fellowcitizen come to be like us. For that would be a loss affecting, not only those whom we have envied, but the state also and almost the entire human race.

> Latin: 43.8. illud nec tibi in me nec mihi in minoribus natu animi sit ut nolimus quemquam nostri similem euadere ciuem; id enim non eorum modo quibus inuiderimus sed rei publicae et paene omnis generis humani detrimentum est.

[¶51] 43.9. "He called to mind how great a danger I should encounter if I were to cross over to Africa, so that he seemed concerned for me also, not merely for the state and the army.

> Latin: 43.9. 'commemorauit quantum essem periculi aditurus si in Africam traicerem, ut meam quoque, non solum rei publicae et exercitus uicem uideretur sollicitus.

[¶52] 43.10. Whence has come this sudden solicitude about me? When my father and uncle had been slain, when their two armies had been all but annihilated, when the Spanish provinces had been lost, when four armies of Carthaginians and four generals held the whole country in the grip of fear and arms, when, though sought for, no commanding general presented himself for that war except myself, no one had dared to put forward his name, when the Roman people had bestowed upon me at the age of twenty-four years its high command, why in such circumstances did no one at that time call to

> Latin: 43.10. unde haec repente cura de me exorta? cum pater patruusque meus interfecti, cum duo exercitus eorum prope occidione occisi essent, cum amissae Hispaniae, cum quattuor exercitus Poenorum quattuorque duces omnia metu armisque tenerent, cum quaesitus ad id bellum imperator nemo se ostenderet praeter me, nemo profiteri nomen ausus esset, cum mihi quattuor et uiginti annos nato detulisset imperium populus Romanus, quid ita tum nemo aetatem meam, uim hostium, difficultatem belli, patris patruique recentem cladem commemorabat?

[¶53] 43.12. mind my youth, the might of the enemy, the difficulty of the war, the recent disaster to my father and my uncle?

> Latin: 43.12. utrum maior aliqua nunc in Africa calamitas accepta est quam tunc in Hispania erat?

[¶54] 43.13. Has some greater catastrophe now befallen us in Africa than had been suffered then in Spain? Or are there now larger armies in Africa and more generals and better than there were then in Spain? Or was my age then riper for the conduct of war than it is now?

> Latin: 43.13. an maiores nunc sunt exercitus in Africa et duces plures melioresque quam tunc in Hispania fuerunt? an aetas mea tunc maturior bello gerendo fuit quam nunc est?

[¶55] 43.14. Or is it more suitable to wage war with a Carthaginian enemy in Spain than in Africa? It is easy to disparage my achievements after the rout and flight of four Punic armies, after the storming of so many cities or their subjugation through fear, after a thorough and complete conquest all the way to the Ocean —so many princes, so many warlike nations — after the recovery of all Spain so that no trace of war remains.

> Latin: 43.14. an cum Carthaginiensi hoste in Hispania quam in Africa bellum geri aptius est? facile est post fusos fugatosque quattuor exercitus Punicos, post tot urbes ui captas aut metu subactas in dicionem, post perdomita omnia usque ad Oceanum, tot regulos, tot saeuas gentes, post receptam totam Hispaniam ita ut uestigium belli nullum reliquum sit,

[¶56] 43.16. It will indeed be just as easy if I return as a victor from Africa to disparage precisely the same things which now, in order to hold me back, are magnified by the speaker to make them appear terrible. "He denies that we have any access to Africa, he denies that any harbours are open to us.

> Latin: 43.16. eleuare meas res gestas, tam hercule quam, si uictor ex Africa redierim, ea ipsa eleuare quae nunc retinendi mei causa ut terribilia eadem uideantur uerbis extolluntur. 'negat aditum esse in Africam, negat ullos patere portus.

[¶57] 43.17. He states that Marcus Atilius was captured in Africa, as if Marcus Atilius met disaster upon his first landing in Africa. Also he does not recall that even that unfortunate general found the harbours of Africa nevertheless open to him and conducted a remarkable campaign in his first year, and so far as Carthaginian generals are concerned, remained undefeated to the end. You shall not frighten me, therefore, by the example you give.

> Latin: 43.17. M. Atilium captum in Africa commemorat, tamquam M. Atilius primo accessu ad Africam offenderit, neque recordatur illi ipsi tam infelici imperatori patuisse tamen portus Africae, et res egregie primo anno gessisse et quantum ad Carthaginienses duces attinet inuictum ad ultimum permansisse. nihil igitur me isto exemplo terrueris.

[¶58] 43.18. If that disaster had been incurred in this war, not in the former war, if recently and not forty years ago, why after Regulus' capture should I hesitate to cross over to Africa any more than to Spain after the Scipios had fallen?

> Latin: 43.18. si hoc bello non priore, si nuper et non annis ante quadraginta ista ita clades accepta foret, qui ego minus in Africam Regulo capto quam Scipionibus occisis in Hispaniam traicerem?

[¶59] 43.19. I should not admit that the Spartan Xanthippus' birth had been more fortunate for Carthage than mine for my native city; and my confidence would be increased by the mere possibility of such weight in the ability of a single man.

> Latin: 43.19. nec felicius Xanthippum Lacedaemonium Carthagini quam me patriae meae sinerem natum esse, cresceretque mihi ex eo ipso fiducia quod possit in hominis unius uirtute tantum momenti esse.

[¶60] 43.20. But we must hear likewise of the Athenians, how neglecting a war at home they crossed rashly to Sicily.

> Latin: 43.20. at etiam Athenienses audiendi sunt temere in Siciliam omisso domi bello transgressi.

[¶61] 43.21. Why then, since you have time to tell Greek tales, do you not prefer to relate how Agathocles, King of Syracuse, after Sicily had long been ablaze with a Punic war, crossed over into this same Africa and diverted the war to the country from which it had come?

> Latin: 43.21. cur ergo, quoniam Graecas fabulas enarrare uacat, non Agathoclem potius, Syracusanum regem, cum diu Sicilia Punico bello ureretur, transgressum in hanc eandem Africam auertisse eo bellum unde uenerat refers?

[¶62] 44.1. "But what is the need of calling to mind by old and foreign examples what it means to make fear an offensive weapon against the enemy, and removing danger from yourself to bring another into peril?

> Latin: 44.1. 'sed quid, ultro metum inferre hosti et ab se remoto periculo alium in discrimen adducere quale sit, ueteribus externisque exemplis admonere opus est?

[¶63] 44.2. Can there be any greater and more effective example than Hannibal? A great difference it makes whether you are seeing the land of others ravaged or your own being burned over and devastated.

> Latin: 44.2. maius praesentiusue ullum exemplum esse quam Hannibal potest? multum interest alienos populere fines an tuos uri exscindi uideas; plus animi est inferenti periculum quam propulsanti.

[¶64] 44.3. More spirit has an aggressor than a defender. Besides there is greater dread of things unknown; on entering the territory of the enemy you have a near view of their advantages and disadvantages.

> Latin: 44.3. ad hoc maior ignotarum rerum est terror: bona malaque hostium ex propinquo ingressus fines adspicias.

[¶65] 44.4. Hannibal had not hoped that so many states in Italy would come over to his side as did so after the disaster at Cannae. How much less is anything in Africa to be strong and steadfast for the Carthaginians, faithless as allies, oppressive and arrogant as masters!

> Latin: 44.4. non sperauerat Hannibal fore ut tot in Italia populi ad se deficerent: defecerunt post Cannensem cladem: quanto minus quicquam in Africa Carthaginiensibus firmum aut stabile est infidis sociis, grauibus ac superbis dominis.

[¶66] 44.5. Furthermore, even when deserted by our allies, we kept our footing by our own forces, our Roman soldiers. The Carthaginians have no forces of their own citizens. They have mercenaries, Africans and Numidians, very inconstant by nature and ready to change their allegiance.

> Latin: 44.5. ad hoc nos, etiam deserti ab sociis, uiribus nostris milite Romano stetimus: Carthaginiensi nihil ciuilis roboris est: mercede paratos milites habent, Afros Numidasque, leuissima fidei mutandae ingenia.

[¶67] 44.6. If only there is no delay here, at the same moment you will hear that I have crossed and that Africa is ablaze with war, and Hannibal casting off from here, and Carthage blockaded. Look for more cheering news from Africa and more frequent than you used to receive from Spain.

> Latin: 44.6. hic modo nihil morae sit, una et traiecisse me audietis et ardere bello Africam et molientem hinc Hannibalem et obsideri Carthaginem. laetiores et frequentiores ex Africa exspectate nuntios quam ex Hispania accipiebatis.

[¶68] 44.7. Inspiring these hopes in me are the fortune of the Roman people, the gods who witnessed the treaty violated by the enemy, the kings, Syphax and Masinissa, on whose honour I shall rely —but so as to be well protected against treachery. "Many things which, owing to distance, are not now evident the war will reveal.

> Latin: 44.7. has mihi spes subicit fortuna populi Romani, di foederis ab hoste uiolati testes, Syphax et Masinissa reges quorum ego fidei ita innitar ut bene tutus a perfidia sim. 'multa quae nunc ex interuallo non apparent bellum aperiet:

[¶69] 44.8. It is the part of a man and a general not to prove wanting when fortune presents herself, and to fit what is offered by chance into his plan.

> Latin: 44.8. id est uiri et ducis, non deesse fortunae praebenti se et oblata casu flectere ad consilium.

[¶70] 44.9. I shall have Hannibal as the antagonist you assign me, Quintus Fabius; but I shall draw him after me, not let him hold me back. In his own land will I compel him to fight, and Carthage is to be the reward of victory, not the half-ruined strongholds of the Bruttians.

> Latin: 44.9. habebo, Q. Fabi, parem quem das Hannibalem; sed illum ego potius traham quam ille me retineat. in sua terra cogam pugnare eum, et Carthago potius praemium uictoriae erit quam semiruta Bruttiorum castella.

[¶71] 44.10. Meantime, while I am crossing over, while landing my army in Africa, while moving my camp up to Carthage, let the republic suffer no harm here. That service you, Quintus Fabius, were able to guarantee while everywhere in Italy the victorious Hannibal flitted about.

> Latin: 44.10. ne quid interim dum traicio, dum expono exercitum in Africa, dum castra ad Carthaginem promoueo, res publica hic detrimenti capiat, quod tu, Q. Fabi, cum uictor tota uolitaret Italia Hannibal potuisti praestare, hoc uide ne contumeliosum sit concusso iam et paene fracto Hannibale negare posse P.

[¶72] 44.11. Would it not be insulting, with Hannibal now shaken and almost broken, to claim that Publius Licinius, the consul —a very brave man who took no part in the allotment of so distant a province, solely that as pontifex maximus he might not be absent from religious ceremonies —cannot do the same?

> Latin: 44.11. Licinium consulem, uirum fortissimum, praestare, qui ne a sacris absit pontifex maximus ideo in sortem tam longinquae prouinciae non uenit.

[¶73] 44.12. If in truth the war were not completed any more promptly by the method which I propose, it would nevertheless conduce to the dignity of the Roman people and its reputation among kings and foreign nations to let it be seen that we have the spirit not only to defend Italy but also to invade Africa. Likewise not to have it believed and published abroad that what Hannibal has dared no Roman general dares, and that in the former Punic war, at a time when the stake was Sicily, Africa was attacked so many times by our armies and fleets, but that now, when Italy is the stake, Africa is at peace.

> Latin: 44.12. si hercules nihilo maturius hoc quo ego censeo modo perficeretur bellum, tamen ad dignitatem populi Romani famamque apud reges gentesque externas pertinebat, non ad defendendam modo Italiam sed ad inferenda etiam Africae arma uideri nobis animum esse, nec hoc credi uolgarique quod Hannibal ausus sit neminem ducem Romanum audere, et priore Punico bello tum cum de Sicilia certaretur totiens Africam ab nostris exercitibusque et classibus oppugnatam, nunc cum de Italia certetur Africam pacatam esse.

[¶74] 44.14. Let Italy, so long harried, at length have rest; let Africa in turn be burned over and laid waste.

> Latin: 44.14. requiescat aliquando uexata tam diu Italia: uratur euasteturque in uicem Africa.

[¶75] 44.15. Let Roman camps threaten the gates of Carthage; better so than that we should see the enemy's earthworks from our walls for the second time. Let Africa be the theatre of the remainder of the war. In that direction may terror and flight be diverted, the devastation also of farms, the desertion of allies, and the other calamities of war which for fourteen years have assailed us.

> Latin: 44.15. castra Romana potius Carthaginis portis immineant quam nos iterum uallum hostium ex moenibus nostris uideamus. Africa sit reliqui belli sedes; illuc terror fugaque, populatio agrorum, defectio sociorum, ceterae belli clades, quae in nos per quattuordecim annos ingruerunt, uertantur.

[¶76] 44.16. “It is enough to have spoken of matters concerning the state and the war now in progress and the provinces which are in question.”

> Latin: 44.16. 'quae ad rem publicam pertinent et bellum quod instat et prouincias de quibus agitur dixisse satis est:

[¶77] 44.17. “A long speech it would be and one of no concern to you senators if, after the manner in which Quintus Fabius has disparaged my achievements in Spain, I on my part should be minded to scoff at his fame and to enlarge upon my own.”

> Latin: 44.17. illa longa oratio nec ad uos pertinens sit, si quemadmodum Q. Fabius meas res gestas in Hispania eleuauit sic ego contra gloriam eius eludere et meam uerbis extollere uelim.

[¶78] 44.18. “I will do neither, conscript fathers, and if in no other respect, in modesty at least and in control of my tongue I, who am young, will outstrip the older man. Such have been my life and achievements that, although silent, I am quite content with the opinion which of your own accord you have formed and retain.”

> Latin: 44.18. neutrum faciam, patres conscripti, et si nulla alia re, modestia certe et temperando linguae adulescens senem uicero. ita et uixi et gessi res ut tacitus ea opinione quam uestra sponte conceptam animis haberetis facile contentus essem.'

[¶79] 45.1. Scipio met with a less favourable hearing because it had been generally reported that, if he should not carry his point in the senate and have Africa decreed him as his province, he would at once bring a bill before the people.

> Latin: 45.1. minus aequis animis auditus est Scipio quia uolgatum erat si apud senatum non obtinuisset ut prouincia Africa sibi decerneretur, ad populum extemplo laturum.

[¶80] 45.2. And so Quintus Fulvius, who had been consul four times and censor, demanded of the consul that he should frankly state in the senate whether he would permit the senators to make a decree in regard to the provinces and would stand by their vote, or was intending to bring a bill before the people.

> Latin: 45.2. itaque Q. Fuluius, qui consul quater et censor fuerat, postulauit a consule ut palam in senatu diceret permitteretne patribus ut de prouinciis decernerent staturusque eo esset quod censuissent an ad populum laturus.

[¶81] 45.3. When Scipio replied that he would act for the best interests of the state, Fulvius said:

> Latin: 45.3. cum Scipio respondisset se quod e re publica esset facturum, tum Fuluius:

[¶82] 45.4. “I was not unaware, when I asked my question, of the answer you would give or of what you would do, since you make it plain that you are sounding the senate rather than consulting it, and since, unless we at once decree for you the province which you have desired, you have a bill ready.”

> Latin: 45.4. 'non ego ignarus quid responsurus facturusue esses quaesiui, quippe cum prae te feras temptare te magis quam consulere senatum et ni prouinciam tibi quam uolueris extemplo decernamus paratam rogationem habeas.

[¶83] 45.5. “Accordingly, tribunes of the people ” he said “I demand of you that you come to my defence if I decline to express an opinion for the reason that, even in case our vote by division should favour a motion of mine, the consul will not consider it valid.”

> Latin: 45.5. itaque a uobis, tribuni plebis, postulo' inquit 'ut sententiam mihi ideo non dicenti quod, etsi in meam sententiam discedatur, non sit ratum habiturus consul auxilio sitis.'

[¶84] 45.6. Then arose a dispute, the consul maintaining that it was not right for the tribunes to use their veto to excuse a senator from stating his opinion when called upon in his regular order.

> Latin: 45.6. inde altercatio orta cum consul negaret aequum esse tribunos intercedere quo minus suo quisque loco rogatus sententiam diceret.

[¶85] 45.7. The tribunes made this decree: “If the consul permits the senate to assign the provinces, we decide that he must stand by the vote of the senate, and we will not allow a bill touching that matter to be brought before the people.”

> Latin: 45.7. tribuni ita decreuerunt: 'si consul senatui de prouinciis permittit, stari eo quod senatus censuerit placet, nec de ea re ferri ad populum patiemur; si non permittit, qui de ea re sententiam recusabit dicere auxilio erimus.' consul diem ad conloquendum cum collega petit;

[¶86] 45.8. “If he does not permit, we will come to the defence of a man who refuses to express an opinion on that matter.” The consul begged for one day to confer with his colleague; on the next day he gave the senate his permission.

> Latin: 45.8. postero die permissum senatui est. prouinciae ita decretae: alteri consuli Sicilia et triginta rostratae naues quas C. Seruilius superiore anno habuisset; permissumque ut in Africam, si id e re publica esse censeret, traiceret;

[¶87] 45.9. The provinces were assigned by decree as follows: to one of the consuls Sicily and the thirty war-ships which Gius Servilius had commanded in the previous year; and permission to cross over to Africa was given, if he should consider that to be to the advantage of the state; to the other consul the land of the Bruttians and the war with Hannibal, together with the army which he preferred.

> Latin: 45.9. alteri Bruttii et bellum cum Hannibale, cum eo exercitu quem††. L. Ueturius et Q. Caecilius sortirentur inter se compararentue uter in Bruttiis duabus legionibus quas consul reliquisset rem gereret, imperiumque in annum prorogaretur cui ea prouincia euenisset.

[¶88] 45.10. Lucius Veturius and Quintus Caecilius were to decide between them by lot or by arrangement which of them was to wage war in the Bruttian land with the two legions which the consul should leave there, and whichever should have that province assigned to him was to have his command continued for one year.

> Latin: 45.10. et ceteris †praeter consules praetoresque qui exercitibus prouinciisque praefuturi† erant prorogata imperia. Q. Caecilio sorti euenit ut cum consule in Bruttiis aduersus Hannibalem bellum gereret.

[¶89] 45.12. And for the rest who were to command armies and provinces —apart from consuls and praetors —their commands were continued. It fell to Quintus Caecilius by lot to wage war together with the consul in the Bruttian land against Hannibal. Scipio's games were then held with great crowds and great approval on the part of the spectators.

> Latin: 45.12. ludi deinde Scipionis magna frequentia et fauore spectantium celebrati. legati Delphos ad donum ex praeda Hasdrubalis portandum missi M. Pomponius Matho et Q. Catius. tulerunt coronam auream ducentum pondo et simulacra spoliorum ex mille pondo argenti facta.

[¶90] 45.13. As ambassadors Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Catius were sent to Delphi to carry a gift from the spoils of Hasdrubal. They took a golden wreath weighing two hundred pounds and representations of spoils made of a thousand pounds of silver.

> Latin: 45.13. Scipio cum ut dilectum haberet neque impetrasset neque magnopere tetendisset, ut uoluntarios ducere sibi milites liceret tenuit et, quia impensae negauerat rei publicae futuram classem, ut quae ab sociis darentur ad nouas fabricandas naues acciperet.

[¶91] 45.14. Although he had neither gained consent to hold a levy, nor had been especially insistent, Scipio obtained permission to take volunteers and to receive whatever should be given by the allies towards the construction of new ships, —this because he had stated that the fleet would not be an expense to the state. First the Etruscan communities promised that they would aid the consul, each according to its own resources. The men of Caere promised grain for the crews and supplies of every kind, the men of Populonium iron, Tarquinii linen for sails, Volaterrae the interior fittings of ships, also grain.

> Latin: 45.14. Etruriae primum populi pro suis quisque facultatibus consulem adiuturos polliciti: Caerites frumentum sociis naualibus commeatumque omnis generis, Populonenses ferrum, Tarquinienses lintea in uela, Uolaterrani interamenta nauium et frumentum, Arretini tria milia scutorum, galeas totidem, pila gaesa hastas longas, milium quinquaginta summam pari cuiusque generis numero expleturos,

[¶92] 45.17. Arretium promised three thousand shields, an equal number of helmets; and that they would furnish a total of fifty thousand javelins, short spears and lances, with an equal proportion of each type; also axes, shovels, sickles, baskets and hand-mills, as many as were needed for forty war-ships;

> Latin: 45.17. secures rutra falces alueolos molas quantum in quadraginta longas naues opus esset, tritici centum uiginti milia modium et in uiaticum decurionibus remigibusque conlaturos;

[¶93] 45.18. a hundred and twenty thousand pecks of wheat also; and that they would contribute allowances for petty officers and oarsmen. Perusia, Clusium and Rusellae promised fir for shipbuilding and a great quantity of grain.

> Latin: 45.18. Perusini Clusini Rusellani abietem in fabricandas naues et frumenti magnum numerum; abiete ltetgt ex publicis siluis est usus.

[¶94] 45.19. He used fir also from forests belonging to the state. The communities of Umbria and in addition Nursia and Reate and Amiternum and the whole Sabine district promised soldiers.

> Latin: 45.19. Umbriae populi et praeter hos Nursini et Reatini et Amiternini Sabinusque omnis ager milites polliciti. Marsi Paeligni Marrucinique multi uoluntarii nomina in classem dederunt.

[¶95] 45.20. Marsians, Paelignians and Marrucini in large numbers gave in their names as volunteers for the fleet.

> Latin: 45.20. Camertes cum aequo foedere cum Romanis essent cohortem armatam sescentorum hominum miserunt.

[¶96] 45.21. Camerinum, although it treated with the Romans on an equal footing, sent an armed cohort of six hundred men. After thirty keels had been laid down, twenty quinqueremes and ten quadriremes, Scipio so pushed the work that on the forty-fifth day after the timber had been brought from the forests the ships, rigged and equipped, were launched.

> Latin: 45.21. triginta nauium carinae, uiginti quinqueremes decem quadriremes, cum essent positae ipse ita institit operi ut die quadragensimo quinto quam ex siluis detracta materia erat naues instructae armataeque in aquam deductae sint.

[¶97] 46.1. He set out for Sicily on thirty war-ships after embarking some seven thousand volunteers.

> Latin: 46.1. profectus in Siciliam est triginta nauibus longis, uoluntariorum septem ferme milibus in naues impositis.

[¶98] 46.2. And Publius Licinius came to the two consular armies in the land of the Bruttians. Of these he took the army which Lucius Veturius had commanded as consul.

> Latin: 46.2. et P. Licinius in Bruttios ad duos exercitus consulares uenit. ex iis eum sibi sumpsit quem L. Ueturius consul habuerat:

[¶99] 46.3. He allowed Metellus to command the same legions which he had previously commanded, for he thought Metellus would more easily carry on the war with men accustomed to his authority. The praetors also set out in different directions to their provinces.

> Latin: 46.3. Metello ut quibus praefuisset legionibus iis praeesset, facilius cum adsuetis imperio rem gesturum ratus, permisit. et praetores diuersi in prouincias profecti.

[¶100] 46.4. And because there was a lack of money for the war the quaestors were ordered to sell a region of Campania extending from the Fossa Graeca to the sea, it being permitted also to give information as to any land which had belonged to a Campanian citizen, so that it might become public land of the Roman people.

> Latin: 46.4. et quia pecunia ad bellum deerat, agri Campani regionem a fossa Graeca ad mare uersam uendere quaestores iussi, indicio quoque permisso qui ager ciuis Campani fuisset, uti is publicus populi Romani esset;

[¶101] 46.5. For the informant one-tenth of the price of the land reported was established as a reward.

> Latin: 46.5. indici praemium constitutum, quantae pecuniae ager indicatus esset pars decima.

[¶102] 46.6. And to Gnaeus Servilius, the city praetor, was assigned the task of seeing to it that Campanian citizens should dwell only where in accordance with a decree of the senate it was permitted them severally to dwell, and of punishing those who were dwelling elsewhere.

> Latin: 46.6. et Cn. Seruilio praetori urbano negotium datum ut Campani ciues, ubi cuique ex senatus consulto liceret habitare, ibi habitarent, animaduerteretque in eos qui alibi habitarent.

[¶103] 46.7. In the same summer Mago the son of Hamilcar embarked upon his fleet picked young men from the smaller of the Balearic Islands, where he had wintered, and brought across to Italy on some thirty war-ships and many transports twelve thousand infantry and about two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 46.7. eadem aestate Mago Hamilcaris filius ex minore Baliarium insula, ubi hibernarat, iuuentute lecta in classem imposita in Italiam triginta ferme rostratis nauibus et multis onerariis duodecim milia peditum duo ferme equitum traiecit, Genuamque nullis praesidiis maritimam oram tutantibus repentino aduentu cepit.

[¶104] 46.8. Upon his sudden arrival he also captured Genua, since no forces were guarding the sea-coast. Then he put in with his fleet to the coast belonging to the Alpine Ligurians, in the hope of causing some uprising there.

> Latin: 46.8. inde ad oram Ligurum Alpinorum, si quos ibi motus facere posset, classem adpulit.

[¶105] 46.9. The Ingauni, a Ligurian tribe, were at that time carrying on a war with the Epanterii Montani.

> Latin: 46.9. Ingauni—Ligurum ea gens est—bellum ea tempestate gerebant cum Epanteriis Montanis.

[¶106] 46.10. Accordingly the Carthaginian, depositing his plunder at Savo, a town at the foot of the Alps, and leaving ten war-ships at anchor to protect it, sent the rest to Carthage to defend the sea-coast, because there was a report that Scipio would cross over.

> Latin: 46.10. igitur Poenus Sauone oppido Alpino praeda deposita et decem longis nauibus in statione ad praesidium relictis, ceteris Carthaginem missis adtuendam maritimam oram quia fama erat Scipionem traiecturum, ipse societate cum Ingaunis quorum gratiam malebat composita Montanos instituit oppugnare.

[¶107] 46.11. Mago himself made an alliance with the Ingauni, whose friendship he preferred, and set about attacking the Montani. And his army was daily increasing because the Gauls on hearing his name flocked together from all sides.

> Latin: 46.11. et crescebat exercitus in dies ad famam nominis eius Gallis undique confluentibus.

[¶108] 46.12. This fact, when it was made known to the senators through a letter of Spurius Lucretius, kindled great anxiety among them, for fear they had rejoiced in vain two years before over the destruction of Hasdrubal and his army, if another equally serious war with only a change of commander should break out from that quarter.

> Latin: 46.12. ea ltresgt litteris cognita Sp. Lucreti, ne frustra Hasdrubale cum exercitu deleto biennio ante forent laetati si par aliud inde bellum duce tantum mutato oreretur, curam ingentem accendit patribus.

[¶109] 46.13. So they ordered Marcus Livius, the proconsul, to bring his army of slave-volunteers from Etruria to Ariminum. Also they assigned to Gnaeus Servilius, the praetor, if he thought it to the advantage of the state, the duty of appointing at his discretion a commander for the two city legions and ordering them to be brought up from the city. Marcus Valerius Laevinus brought these legions to Arretium.

> Latin: 46.13. itaque et M. Liuium proconsulem ex Etruria uolonum exercitum admouere Ariminum iusserunt, et Cn. Seruilio praetori negotium datum ut, si e re publica censeret esse, duas urbanas legiones imperio cui uideretur dato ex urbe duci iuberet. M. Ualerius Laeuinus Arretium eas legiones duxit.

[¶110] 46.14. Just at that time about eighty Carthaginian transports were captured off Sardinia by Gnaeus Octavius, who was in command of that province. Coelius states that they were laden with grain sent to Hannibal and with provisions, Valerius that they were captured while carrying Etruscan booty and captive Ligurians and Montani to Carthage. In the land of the Bruttians virtually nothing notable was done that year.

> Latin: 46.14. iisdem diebus naues onerariae Poenorum ad octoginta circa Sardiniam ab Cn. Octauio, qui prouinciae praeerat, captae; eas Coelius frumento misso ad Hannibalem commeatuque onustas, Ualerius praedam Etruscam Ligurumque et Montanorum captiuos Carthaginem portantes captas tradit. in Bruttiis nihil ferme anno eo memorabile gestum.

[¶111] 46.15. An epidemic, equally disastrous to both, had attacked Romans and Carthaginians, with this difference that in addition to disease hunger also weakened the Carthaginian army.

> Latin: 46.15. pestilentia incesserat pari clade in Romanos Poenosque, nisi quod Punicum exercitum super morbum etiam fames adfecit.

[¶112] 46.16. Hannibal spent the summer near the temple of Juno Lacinia, and there he erected an altar and dedicated it together with a great record of his achievements in a Punic and Greek inscription.

> Latin: 46.16. propter Iunonis Laciniae templum aestatem Hannibal egit, ibique aram condidit dedicauitque cum ingenti rerum ab se gestarum titulo Punicis Graecisque litteris insculpto.

## 43. Book XXIX · chapters 1–10

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/43/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/43/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Scipio, now that he had reached Sicily, assigned his volunteers to their ranks and centuries.

> Latin: 1.1. Scipio postquam in Siciliam uenit, uoluntarios milites ordinauit centuriauitque.

[¶1] 1.2. Three hundred of them, young men in the bloom of their youth and conspicuous for their physical strength, he kept about him unarmed and ignorant of the purpose for which they were being reserved without being organized in centuries or furnished with arms.

> Latin: 1.2. ex iis trecentos iuuenes, florentes aetate et uirium robore insignes, inermes circa se habebat, ignorantes quem ad usum neque centuriati neque armati seruarentur.

[¶2] 1.3. Then he chose out of the number of the younger men of all Sicily three hundred horsemen, men of high rank and of wealth, to cross over with him into Africa.

> Latin: 1.3. tum ex totius Siciliae iuniorum numero principes genere et fortuna trecentos equites qui secum in Africam traicerent legit, diemque iis qua equis armisque instructi atque ornati adessent edixit.

[¶3] 1.4. He appointed a day also on which they were to present themselves equipped and furnished with horses and arms. Such service far from home seemed to them formidable and likely to bring many hardships and great dangers on land and sea. And concern on this account troubled not merely the men themselves but also their parents and relations.

> Latin: 1.4. grauis ea militia, procul domo, terra marique multos labores magna pericula allatura uidebatur; neque ipsos modo sed parentes cognatosque eorum ea cura angebat.

[¶4] 1.5. When the day which had been appointed came the men displayed their arms and horses. Then Scipio said reports were coming to him that some of the Sicilian horsemen shrank from that service as formidable and difficult.

> Latin: 1.5. ubi dies quae dicta erat aduenit, arma equosque ostenderunt. tum Scipio renuntiari sibi dixit quosdam equites Siculorum tamquam grauem et duram horrere eam militiam:

[¶5] 1.6. If any were of that mind he preferred that they should confess it to him at once, rather than complain later and prove spiritless soldiers and useless for the state. Let them declare what was their mind; he would give them a kindly hearing.

> Latin: 1.6. si qui ita animati essent, malle eos sibi iam tum fateri quam postmodo querentes segnes atque inutiles milites rei publicae esse; expromerent quid sentirent; cum bona uenia se auditurum.

[¶6] 1.7. When one of them ventured to say that if he was free to choose whichever he wished he did not wish to serve at all, thereupon Scipio said to him:

> Latin: 1.7. ubi ex iis unus ausus est dicere se prorsus, si sibi utrum uellet liberum esset, nolle militare, tum Scipio ei:

[¶7] 1.8. “Accordingly, since you have not concealed what your mind is, young man, I will furnish a substitute for you, and to him you shall hand over your arms and horse and the other equipment for the service, and forthwith shall take him away with you to your home, train him and see that he is taught horsemanship and the use of arms.”

> Latin: 1.8. 'quoniam igitur, adulescens, quid sentires non dissimulasti, uicarium tibi expediam cui tu arma equumque et cetera instrumenta militiae tradas et tecum hinc extemplo domum ducas exerceas docendum cures equo armisque.'

[¶8] 1.9. As the man gladly accepted the terms Scipio turned over to him one of the three hundred unarmed men that-he had. When the others saw the horseman thus discharged with the consent of the commander, every man excused himself and took a substitute.

> Latin: 1.9. laeto condicionem accipienti unum ex trecentis quos inermes habebat tradit. ubi hoc modo exauctoratum equitem cum gratia imperatoris ceteri uiderunt, se quisque excusare et uicarium accipere.

[¶9] 1.10. Thus three hundred Sicilians were replaced by Roman horsemen without expense to the state. Of their training and drilling the Sicilians were in charge, because the general's order was that any man who failed to do so should himself serve.

> Latin: 1.10. ita trecentis Siculis Romani equites substituti sine publica impensa. docendorum atque exercendorum curam Siculi habuerunt, quia edictum imperatoris erat ipsum militaturum qui ita non fecisset. egregiam hanc alam equitum euasisse ferunt multisque proeliis rem publicam adiuuisse.

[¶10] 1.12. They say that this cavalry squadron proved excellent and was of value to the state in many battles. Then while mustering the legions he chose out of them soldiers who had served for the greatest number of campaigns, especially those who had done so under Marcellus as commander, believing them to have been schooled by the best training and in particular to be most skilled in besieging cities in consequence of the long siege of Syracuse.

> Latin: 1.12. legiones inde cum inspiceret, plurimorum stipendiorum ex iis milites delegit, maxime qui sub duce Marcello militauerant, quos cum optima disciplina institutos credebat tum etiam ab longa Syracusarum obsidione peritissimos esse urbium oppugnandarum;

[¶11] 1.13. For he was planning nothing small, but already the destruction of Carthage.

> Latin: 1.13. nihil enim paruum sed Carthaginis iam excidia agitabat animo.

[¶12] 1.14. Thereupon he distributed his army among the towns, requisitioned grain from the Sicilian cities, spared the grain imported from Italy. He repaired the old ships, and with these sent Gaius Laelius to Africa for plunder. The new ships he beached at Panormus, that they might winter out of the water, since they had been built in haste of green timber.

> Latin: 1.14. inde exercitum per oppida dispertit; frumentum Siculorum ciuitatibus imperat, ex Italia aduecto parcit; ueteres naues reficit et cum iis C. Laelium in Africam praedatum mittit; nouas Panhormi subducit, quia ex uiridi materia raptim factae erant, ut in sicco hibernarent.

[¶13] 1.15. Every preparation for the war having been made, he came to Syracuse, which was not yet quite peaceful after the great unsettlement due to the war.

> Latin: 1.15. praeparatis omnibus ad bellum Syracusas, nondum ex magnis belli motibus satis tranquillas, uenit.

[¶14] 1.16. The Greeks were making their claims to properties granted them by the senate against certain Italians who were holding on with the same use of force with which they had seized the property during the war.

> Latin: 1.16. Graeci res a quibusdam Italici generis eadem ui qua per bellum ceperant retinentibus, concessas sibi ab senatu repetebant.

[¶15] 1.17. Thinking it of the utmost importance to keep a promise given by the state, Scipio restored their property to the Syracusans, partly by an edict, partly also by granting hearings against those who persisted in maintaining an unlawful possession.

> Latin: 1.17. omnium primum ratus tueri publicam fidem, partim edicto, partim iudiciis etiam in pertinaces ad obtinendam iniuriam redditis suas res Syracusanis restituit. non ipsis tantum ea res sed omnibus Siciliae populis grata fuit, eoque enixius ad bellum adiuuerunt.

[¶16] 1.19. This act was acceptable not only to the owners themselves but to all the communities of Sicily as well, and all the more energetically did they render assistance for the war. In the same summer a great war broke out in Spain, instigated by Indibilis of the Ilergetes for no other reason than because contempt for other generals sprang from admiration for Scipio.

> Latin: 1.19. eadem aestate in Hispania coortum ingens bellum conciente Ilergete Indibili nulla alia de causa quam per admirationem Scipionis contemptu imperatorum aliorum orto:

[¶17] 1.20. He thought that Scipio was the one general left to the Romans, the rest having been killed by Hannibal; that consequently after the slaying of the Scipios they had no one else to send to Spain, and had also, once the war grew more serious in Italy, summoned him to face Hannibal; that, besides having merely nominal commanders in Spain, the Romans had taken away the veteran army also.

> Latin: 1.20. eum superesse unum ducem Romanis ceteris ab Hannibale interfectis [rebantur]; eo nec in Hispaniam caesis Scipionibus alium quem mitterent habuisse, et postquam in Italia grauius bellum urgeret, aduersus Hannibalem eum arcessitum. praeterquam quod nomina tantum ducum in Hispania Romani habeant, exercitum quoque inde ueterem deductum;

[¶18] 1.21. There was nothing but confusion and an untrained mob of recruits.

> Latin: 1.21. trepida omnia et inconditam turbam tironum esse.

[¶19] 1.22. Never would there be such an opportunity for the liberation of Spain.

> Latin: 1.22. nunquam talem occasionem liberandae Hispaniae fore.

[¶20] 1.23. Slaves they had been down to that time, either to Carthaginians or to Romans, and not by turns to the one people or the other but at times to both at once.

> Latin: 1.23. seruitum ad eam diem aut Carthaginiensibus aut Romanis, nec in uicem his aut illis sed interdum utrisque simul.

[¶21] 1.24. The Carthaginians had been driven out by the Romans; the Spaniards, if they should agree, were able to drive out the Romans, so that, free from all foreign authority, Spain might return permanently to its ancestral customs and usages.

> Latin: 1.24. pulsos ab Romanis Carthaginienses: ab Hispanis, si consentirent, pelli Romanos posse, ut ab omni externo imperio soluta in perpetuum Hispania in patrios rediret mores ritusque.

[¶22] 1.25. By these and similar utterances he stirred up not only his own countrymen but also the Ausetani, a neighbouring tribe, and other peoples adjoining his territory and theirs.

> Latin: 1.25. haec taliaque dicendo non populares modo sed Ausetanos quoque, uicinam gentem, concitat et alios finitimos sibi atque illis populos.

[¶23] 1.26. And thus within a few days thirty thousand infantry and about four thousand horse came together in the territory of the Sedetani, in accordance with their instructions.

> Latin: 1.26. itaque intra paucos dies triginta milia peditum quattuor ferme equitum in Sedetanum agrum, quo edictum erat, conuenerunt.

[¶24] 2.1. The Roman commanders on their part, Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, for fear the war might grow more serious from neglect of the first hostile acts, likewise united their armies, and leading their soldiers through the Ausetanian territory with restraint on an enemy's soil, as though it were friendly, they reached the place where their enemies had concentrated and pitched camp three miles away from their camp.

> Latin: 2.1. Romani quoque imperatores L. Lentulus et L. Manlius Acidinus, ne glisceret prima neglegendo bellum, iunctis et ipsi exercitibus per agrum Ausetanum hostico tamquam pacato clementer ductis militibus ad sedem hostium peruenere et trium milium spatio procul a castris eorum posuerunt castra.

[¶25] 2.2. At first a vain effort was made through envoys to make them abandon fighting.

> Latin: 2.2. primo per legatos nequiquam temptatum ut discederetur ab armis;

[¶26] 2.3. Then when an attack was suddenly made upon Roman foragers by Spanish horse and from a Roman outpost horsemen were sent to the rescue, there was a cavalry battle with no success for either side worth mentioning.

> Latin: 2.3. dein cum in pabulatores Romanos impetus repente ab equitibus Hispanis factus esset, summisso ab statione Romana equitatu equestre proelium fuit haud sane memorando in partem ullam euentu.

[¶27] 2.4. At sunrise on the following day, under arms and drawn up, all of them displayed their battle-line at a distance of about a mile from the Roman camp.

> Latin: 2.4. sole oriente postero die armati instructique omnes mille ferme passus procul a castris Romanis aciem ostendere.

[¶28] 2.5. The Ausetani were in the centre; of the wings the Ilergetes occupied the right, unimportant Spanish tribes the left. Between the wings and the centre they had made spaces broad enough to send the cavalry through when the time came.

> Latin: 2.5. medii Ausetani erant; cornua dextrum Ilergetes, laeuum ignobiles tenebant Hispani populi; inter cornua et mediam aciem interualla patentia satis late fecerant qua equitatum, ubi tempus esset, emitterent.

[¶29] 2.6. And the Romans, having drawn up their army in the customary fashion, imitated this feature only of the enemy's line, that they likewise left broad spaces between the legions for the passage of cavalry.

> Latin: 2.6. et Romani more suo exercitum cum instruxissent, id modo hostium imitati sunt ut inter legiones et ipsi patentes equiti relinquerent uias.

[¶30] 2.7. But Lentulus thought that whichever side should first send its cavalry out into the enemy's line with its gaping intervals would use its cavalry to advantage.

> Latin: 2.7. ceterum Lentulus ei parti usum equitis fore ratus quae prior in dehiscentem interuallis hostium aciem equites emisisset, Ser.

[¶31] 2.8. He therefore ordered Servius Cornelius, a tribune of the soldiers, to command his cavalry to give their horses free rein through the broad openings in the battle-line of the enemy.

> Latin: 2.8. Cornelio tribuno militum imperat equites per patentes in hostium acie uias permittere equos iubeat.

[¶32] 2.9. Lentulus himself, after the infantry battle had begun without success, delayed only long enough to bring up the thirteenth legion from the reserves into the front line to support the twelfth legion, which had been placed on the left wing facing the Ilergetes and was giving way.

> Latin: 2.9. ipse coepta parum prospere pedestri pugna tantum moratus dum cedenti duodecimae legioni, quae in laeuo cornu aduersus Ilergetes locata erat, tertiam decimam legionem ex subsidiis in primam aciem firmamentum ducit, postquam aequata ibi pugna est, ad L.

[¶33] 2.10. Now that the battle was evenly balanced there, he came up to Lucius Manlius, who was in the foremost ranks, encouraging the men and bringing up reserves to such positions as the case required.

> Latin: 2.10. Manlium inter prima signa hortantem ac subsidia quibus res postulabat locis inducentem uenit;

[¶34] 2.11. He informed him that all was secured on the left wing; that he had already sent Servius Cornelius to surround the enemy with a whirlwind attack of cavalry.

> Latin: 2.11. indicat tuta ab laeuo cornu esse; iam missum ab se Cornelium procella equestri hostes circumfusurum.

[¶35] 2.12. Scarcely had Lentulus said this when the Roman horse, charging into the midst of the enemy, threw the infantry lines into confusion and at the same time closed for the Spanish cavalry the route by which they might launch their attack.

> Latin: 2.12. uix haec dicta dederat cum Romani equites in medios inuecti hostes simul pedestres acies turbarunt, simul equitibus Hispanorum uiam immittendi equos clauserunt.

[¶36] 2.13. Accordingly the Spaniards gave up the cavalry battle and dismounted. The Roman generals, on seeing the broken ranks of the enemy, and their fright and alarm and the wavering standards, exhorted and implored their soldiers to attack the discouraged enemy and not allow the line to re-form.

> Latin: 2.13. itaque omissa pugna equestri ad pedes Hispani descenderunt. Romani imperatores ut turbatos hostium ordines et trepidationem pauoremque et fluctuantia uiderunt signa, hortantur orant milites ut perculsos inuadant neu restitui aciem patiantur.

[¶37] 2.14. The barbarians would have failed to withstand so impetuous an attack, had not even their prince, Indibilis, exposed himself with the dismounted cavalry in front of the first units of the infantry. At that point a fierce battle continued for some time.

> Latin: 2.14. non sustinuissent tam infestum impetum barbari, ni regulus ipse Indibilis cum equitibus ad pedes degressis ante prima signa peditum se obiecisset.

[¶38] 2.15. Finally, when those who kept on fighting round the prince, who resisted though half-dead, but was pinned to the ground by a javelin, were overwhelmed by missile weapons and fell, at that moment began a flight pell-mell.

> Latin: 2.15. ibi aliquamdiu atrox pugna stetit; tandem postquam ii qui circa regem seminecem restantem deinde pilo terrae adfixum pugnabant obruti telis occubuerunt, tum fuga passim coepta.

[¶39] 2.16. Greater numbers were slain because the horsemen had left no room to mount their horses, and because the Romans made a spirited attack upon the terrified. And they did not withdraw until they had routed the enemy out of his camp as well.

> Latin: 2.16. plures caesi, quia equos conscendendi equitibus spatium non fuerat, et quia perculsis acriter institerunt Romani; nec ante abscessum est quam castris quoque exuerunt hostem.

[¶40] 2.17. Thirteen thousand Spaniards were slain that day, about one thousand eight hundred captured. Of the Romans and their allies little more than two hundred fell, mainly on the left wing.

> Latin: 2.17. tredecim milia Hispanorum caesa eo die, mille octingenti ferme capti: Romanorum sociorumque paulo amplius ducenti, maxime in laeuo cornu, ceciderunt.

[¶41] 2.18. Those of the Spaniards who were driven out of their camp or had escaped from the battle scattered at first over the country and then returned to their respective communities.

> Latin: 2.18. pulsi castris Hispani aut qui ex proelio effugerant, sparsi primo per agros, deinde in suas quisque ciuitates redierunt.

[¶42] 3.1. Then they were summoned by Mandonius to a council, and there, after lamenting their heavy losses and berating those who were responsible for the war, they voted that envoys should be sent to arrange for a surrender of arms and a capitulation.

> Latin: 3.1. tum a Mandonio euocati in concilium conquestique ibi clades suas increpitis auctoribus belli legatos mittendos ad arma tradenda deditionemque faciendam censuere.

[¶43] 3.2. When the envoys laid the blame upon Indibilis as responsible-for the war and upon the rest of their leading men, most of whom, they said, had fallen in the battle, and offered to deliver their arms and surrender, the answer given them was: that their surrender would be accepted only in case they should deliver Mandonius and the other instigators of the war alive.

> Latin: 3.2. quibus culpam in auctorem belli Indibilem ceterosque principes quorum plerique in acie cecidissent conferentibus tradentibusque arma et dedentibus sese, responsum est in deditionem ita accipi eos si Mandonium ceterosque belli concitores tradidissent uiuos;

[¶44] 3.3. If not, the generals said they would lead their army into the lands of the Ilergetes and Ausetani and the other tribes one after another.

> Latin: 3.3. si minus, exercitum se in agrum Ilergetum Ausetanorumque et deinceps aliorum populorum inducturos. haec dicta legatis renuntiataque in concilium.

[¶45] 3.4. Such was the reply given to the legates and reported by them to the council.

> Latin: 3.4. ibi Mandonius ceterique principes comprehensi et traditi ad supplicium.

[¶46] 3.5. Thereupon Mandonius and the other leaders were seized and handed over to be punished. For the peoples of Spain peace was restored, a double tribute for that year and grain for six months exacted, also cloaks and togas for the army; and hostages were accepted from about thirty tribes.

> Latin: 3.5. Hispaniae populis reddita pax; stipendium eius anni duplex et frumentum sex mensum imperatum sagaque et togae exercitui, et obsides ab triginta ferme populis accepti.

[¶47] 3.6. Thus a rebellious uprising in Spain was incited and suppressed within a few days with no serious consequences, and alarm was completely shifted to Africa.

> Latin: 3.6. ita Hispaniae rebellantis tumultu haud magno motu intra paucos dies concito et compresso, in Africam omnis terror uersus.

[¶48] 3.7. Gaius Laelius, having reached Hippo Regius by night, led out his soldiers and marines under their standards at daybreak to lay the country waste. Since everybody was free from concern, as if in peace-time, great losses were inflicted.

> Latin: 3.7. C. Laelius nocte ad Hipponem Regium cum accessisset, luce prima ad populandum agrum sub signis milites sociosque in auxilium nauales duxit.

[¶49] 3.8. And excited messengers filled Carthage with great alarm, reporting that the Roman fleet and Scipio as commander-in-chief had arrived. In fact it had been previously rumoured that he had already crossed over to Sicily.

> Latin: 3.8. omnibus pacis modo incuriose agentibus magna clades inlata; nuntiique trepidi Carthaginem terrore ingenti compleuere classem Romanam Scipionemque imperatorem—et fama fuerat iam in Siciliam transgressum—aduenisse.

[¶50] 3.9. Lacking exact information also as to how many ships the messengers had seen and how large a force was laying waste the country, they exaggerated every report under the stimulus of fear. Accordingly alarm and panic at first, then dejection came over their spirits.

> Latin: 3.9. nec quot naues uidissent nec quanta manus agros popularetur satis gnari omnia in maius metu augente accipiebant. itaque primo terror pauorque, dein maestitia animos incessit:

[¶51] 3.10. So far, they said, had fortune changed that those who as victors had but lately had their own army before the walls of Rome and, after laying low so many armies of the enemy, had by force or by voluntary action received the surrender of all the peoples of Italy, with the shifting fortune of war were now destined to see the devastation of Africa and a siege of Carthage, when they had no such strength as the Romans had possessed to endure all that.

> Latin: 3.10. tantum fortunam mutasse ut qui modo ipsi exercitum ante moenia Romana habuissent uictores stratisque tot hostium exercitibus omnes Italiae populos aut ui aut uoluntate in deditionem accepissent, ii uerso Marte Africae populationes et obsidionem Carthaginis uisuri forent, nequaquam pari ad patienda ea robore ac Romani fuissent.

[¶52] 3.12. For them, they said, the Roman populace, for them Latium had always furnished a greater and more numerous body of young men growing up in place of so many armies slain.

> Latin: 3.12. illis Romanam plebem, illis Latium iuuentutem praebuisse maiorem semper frequentioremque pro tot caesis exercitibus subolescentem:

[¶53] 3.13. As for their own populace, they were unwarlike in the city, unwarlike in the country. Hireling auxiliaries were being recruited from the Africans, a race shifting with every fickle breath of hope and lacking in loyalty.

> Latin: 3.13. suam plebem imbellem in urbe, imbellem in agris esse; mercede parari auxilia ex Afris, gente ad omnem auram spei mobili atque infida.

[¶54] 3.14. Of the kings, moreover, Syphax had been alienated after his conference with Scipio, they said, and Masinissa by open defection had shown himself their bitterest enemy. Nowhere was there any hope, nowhere any aid.

> Latin: 3.14. iam reges, Syphacem post conloquium cum Scipione alienatum, Masinissam aperta defectione infestissimum hostem. nihil usquam spei, nihil auxilii esse.

[¶55] 3.15. Mago was neither setting in motion any uprising on the part of Gaul, nor uniting with Hannibal; and Hannibal himself by this time was on the decline both in repute and in strength.

> Latin: 3.15. nec Magonem ex Gallia mouere tumultus quicquam nec coniungere sese Hannibali, et Hannibalem ipsum iam et fama senescere et uiribus.

[¶56] 4.1. Such were the laments into which men had fallen in consequence of the recent news when impending alarm roused them again to deliberate how they should meet the dangers of the moment.

> Latin: 4.1. in haec deflenda prolapsos ab recenti nuntio animos rursus terror instans reuocauit ad consultandum quonam modo obuiam praesentibus periculis iretur.

[¶57] 4.2. It was decided to hold levies speedily in city and country; to send men to hire African auxiliaries; to fortify the city, to bring in grain, to provide arms offensive and defensive, to equip ships and send them to Hippo to face the Roman fleet.

> Latin: 4.2. dilectus raptim in urbe agrisque haberi placet; mittere ad conducenda Afrorum auxilia; munire urbem, frumentum conuehere, tela arma parare; instruere naues ac mittere ad Hipponem aduersus Romanam classem.

[¶58] 4.3. While they were already thus employed the news at last came that Laelius, not Scipio, had sailed across and only sufficient forces to raid the farms; that the bulk of the main army was still in Sicily.

> Latin: 4.3. iam haec agentibus nuntius tandem uenit Laelium non Scipionem, copiasque quantae ad incursiones agrorum satis sint transuectas; summae belli molem adhuc in Sicilia esse.

[¶59] 4.4. So there was a breathing spell, and they set about sending embassies to Syphax and other princes, to cement an alliance. To Philip also envoys were sent to promise him two hundred talents of silver, on condition that he should cross over into Sicily or Italy.

> Latin: 4.4. ita respiratum mittique ad Syphacem legationes aliosque regulos firmandae societatis causa coeptae. ad Philippum quoque missi qui ducenta argenti talenta pollicerentur ut in Siciliam aut in Italiam traiceret.

[¶60] 4.5. Men were sent likewise to their own commanders in Italy, that by every sort of alarm they should keep Scipio there.

> Latin: 4.5. missi et ad suos imperatores in Italiam ut omni terrore Scipionem retinerent;

[¶61] 4.6. Not only envoys were sent to Mago but twenty-five war-ships, six thousand infantry, eight hundred horsemen, seven elephants, and in addition a large sum of money to hire auxiliaries. Relying upon these resources he was to advance nearer to the city of Rome with his army and unite with Hannibal.

> Latin: 4.6. ad Magonem non legati modo sed uiginti quinque longae naues, sex milia peditum, octingenti equites, septem elephanti, ad hoc magna pecunia ad conducenda auxilia quibus fretus propius urbem Romanam exercitum admoueret coniungeretque se Hannibali.

[¶62] 4.7. Such were their plans and deliberations at Carthage when Masinissa, aroused by the report of a Roman fleet, came with a few horsemen to Laelius, who was carrying off a vast amount of booty from territory that lacked troops and garrisons.

> Latin: 4.7. haec Carthagini parabant agitabantque, cum ad Laelium praedas ingentes ex agro inermi ac nudo praesidiis agentem Masinissa fama Romanae classis excitus cum equitibus paucis uenit.

[¶63] 4.8. Masinissa complained that Scipio was conducting the war without spirit in not having already transported his army to Africa, while the Carthaginians were panic-stricken and Syphax was entangled in wars with neighbours. He was certain, he said, that if Syphax should be given time to settle his affairs to his own satisfaction, there would be no real loyalty in his dealings with the Romans.

> Latin: 4.8. is segniter rem agi ab Scipione questus, quod non exercitum iam in Africam traiecisset perculsis Carthaginiensibus, Syphace impedito finitimis bellis; quem certum habere, si spatium ad sua ut uelit componenda detur, nihil sincera fide cum Romanis acturum.

[¶64] 4.9. Laelius should exhort and spur Scipio on to avoid delay. For himself, although he had been driven out of his kingdom, he would assist with no inconsiderable forces of infantry and cavalry. Laelius also must not tarry in Africa. A fleet, he believed, had sailed from Carthage, and with that fleet it was unsafe to engage in the absence of Scipio.

> Latin: 4.9. hortaretur stimularet Scipionem ne cessaret; se, quamquam regno pulsus esset, cum haud contemnendis copiis adfuturum peditum equitumque. nec ipsi Laelio morandum in Africa esse; classem credere profectam a Carthagine cum qua absente Scipione non satis tutum esset contrahi certamen.

[¶65] 5.1. Directly after this conversation Laelius sent Masinissa away, and on the following day he weighed anchor at Hippo, his ships booty-laden, and sailing back to Sicily delivered Masinissa's messages to Scipio.

> Latin: 5.1. ab hoc sermone dimisso Masinissa Laelius postero die naues praeda onustas ab Hippone soluit, reuectusque in Siciliam mandata Masinissae Scipioni exposuit.

[¶66] 5.2. About the same time the ships which had been sent to Mago from Carthage came into port between Ligurian Albingaunum and Genua.

> Latin: 5.2. iisdem ferme diebus naues quae ab Carthagine ad Magonem missae erant inter Albingaunos Ligures Genuamque accesserunt.

[¶67] 5.3. In that region, as it happened, Mago had his fleet at the time. On hearing the words of the envoys, who urged him to get together the largest possible armies, he at once held a council of Gauls and Ligurians; for great numbers of both nations were present.

> Latin: 5.3. in iis locis tum forte Mago tenebat classem; qui legatorum auditis uerbis iubentium exercitus quam maximos comparare, extemplo Gallorum et Ligurum—namque utriusque gentis ingens ibi multitudo erat—concilium habuit;

[¶68] 5.4. And he told them that he had been sent to restore their liberty, and that forces were being sent to him from home, as they themselves saw; but with what resources, with how large an army that war was to be waged depended upon themselves.

> Latin: 5.4. et missum se ad eos uindicandos in libertatem ait et, ut ipsi cernant, mitti sibi ab domo praesidia; sed quantis uiribus quanto exercitu id bellum geratur, in eorum potestate esse.

[¶69] 5.5. There were two Roman armies, he said, one in Gaul, the other in Etruria. He was sure that Spurius Lucretius would unite with Marcus Livius; that many thousands must be armed for resistance to two generals, two Roman armies.

> Latin: 5.5. duos exercitus Romanos, unum in Gallia, alterum in Etruria esse; satis scire Sp. Lucretium se cum M. Liuio iuncturum; multa milia armanda esse ut duobus ducibus duobus exercitibus Romanis resistatur.

[¶70] 5.6. The Gauls said that they were entirely willing to do so, but that since they had almost before their eyes one Roman camp within their borders and another in the neighbouring land of Etruria, if it should become known that they had aided the Carthaginian by furnishing auxiliaries, forthwith hostile armies would invade their territory from both directions. From Gauls he should require such support as could be given in secret.

> Latin: 5.6. Galli summam ad id suam uoluntatem esse dicere; sed cum una castra Romana intra fines, altera in finitima terra Etruria prope in conspectu habeant, si palam fiat auxiliis adiutum ab sese Poenum, extemplo infestos utrimque exercitus in agrum suum incursuros. ea ab Gallis desideraret quibus occulte adiuuari posset:

[¶71] 5.7. Ligurians were free to act, they said, since Roman camps were far from their land and their cities; it was right that they should arm their young men and take their proper share in the war.

> Latin: 5.7. Liguribus, quod procul agro urbibusque eorum castra Romana sint, libera consilia esse; illos armare iuuentutem et capessere pro parte bellum aequum esse. Ligures haud abnuere:

[¶72] 5.8. The Ligurians did not refuse, but simply asked for two months' time to hold levies. Meanwhile Mago by sending men secretly through their territory hired Gauls as soldiers. Supplies also of every kind were coming to him in secret from the Gallic nations.

> Latin: 5.8. tempus modo duorum mensum petere ad dilectus habendos. interim Mago milites Gallos dimissis clam per agros eorum mercede conducere; commeatus quoque omnis generis occulte ad eum a Gallicis populis mittebantur.

[¶73] 5.9. Marcus Livius led his army of slave-volunteers over from Etruria into Gaul and, having united with Lucretius, prepared to confront Mago, should he move out of Liguria towards the city; but should the Carthaginian quietly remain in a distant region at the foot of the Alps, he too would remain where he was, near Ariminum, for the defence of Italy.

> Latin: 5.9. M. Liuius exercitum uolonum ex Etruria in Galliam traducit, iunctusque Lucretio, si se Mago ex Liguribus propius urbem moueat, obuiam ire parat, si Poenus sub angulo Alpium quietus se contineat, et ipse in eadem statione circa Ariminum Italiae praesidio futurus.

[¶74] 6.1. After the return of Gaius Laelius from Africa Scipio was spurred on by Masinissa's encouragement, and the soldiers seeing booty from the land of the enemy being brought ashore from an entire fleet, were likewise fired with a desire to cross over as soon as possible. The greater design, however, was interrupted by a lesser, that of recovering the city of Locri, which in the rebellion of Italy had also gone over to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 6.1. post reditum ex Africa C. Laeli et Scipione stimulato Masinissae adhortationibus et militibus praedam ex hostium terra cernentibus tota classe efferri accensis ad traiciendum quam primum, interuenit maiori minor cogitatio Locros urbem recipiendi, quae sub defectionem Italiae desciuerat et ipsa ad Poenos.

[¶75] 6.2. Bright hopes of accomplishing that purpose, moreover, arose from a petty circumstance. There was brigandage rather than normal war operations in the country of the Bruttii, where a beginning had been made by the Numidians, and the Bruttians fell in with that practice not more on account of their Punic alliance than of their own nature.

> Latin: 6.2. spes autem adfectandae eius rei ex minima re adfulsit. latrociniis magis quam iusto bello in Bruttiis gerebantur res, principio ab Numidis facto et Bruttiis non societate magis Punica quam suopte ingenio congruentibus in eum morem;

[¶76] 6.3. Finally the Roman soldiers also from a kind of infection now delighted in plunder, making raids upon the enemy's farms just as far as their commanders permitted.

> Latin: 6.3. postremo Romani quoque milites iam contagione quadam rapto gaudentes, quantum per duces licebat, excursiones in hostium agros facere.

[¶77] 6.4. They had overpowered certain Locrians straying from the city and had carried them off to Regium. In the number of these captives were some artisans who, as it happened, were in the habit of plying their trade for hire among the Carthaginians in the citadel of Locri.

> Latin: 6.4. ab iis egressi quidam urbe Locrenses circumuenti Regiumque abstracti fuerant. in eo captiuorum numero fabri quidam fuere, adsueti forte apud Poenos mercede opus in arce Locrorum facere.

[¶78] 6.5. These men were recognized by leading Locrians who, on being driven out by the opposing party, which had surrendered Locri to Hannibal, had retired to Regium. On being asked the questions usually put by men long absent, the artisans first told them what was going on at home, and then inspired the hope that, if ransomed and sent back, they would betray the citadel to them.

> Latin: 6.5. hi cogniti ab Locrensium principibus qui pulsi ab aduersa factione, quae Hannibali Locros tradiderat, Regium se contulerant, cum cetera percontantibus, ut mos est qui diu absunt, quae domi agerentur exposuissent, spem fecerunt si redempti ac remissi forent arcem se iis tradituros;

[¶79] 6.6. It was there, they said, that they dwelt and among the Carthaginians were trusted in everything.

> Latin: 6.6. ibi se habitare fidemque sibi rerum omnium inter Carthaginienses esse.

[¶80] 6.7. Accordingly the leading men, being tormented by home-sickness and at the same time fired with a desire for vengeance on their enemies, at once ransomed the artisans and sent them back after agreeing upon a plan of action and signals for the display of which in the distance they should be on the watch. They themselves went to Scipio at Syracuse, with whom were some of the exiles. There they reported the promises of the captives and inspired in the consul a hope which gave good prospect of success.

> Latin: 6.7. itaque, ut qui simul desiderio patriae angerentur simul cupiditate inimicos ulciscendi arderent, redemptis extemplo iis remissisque cum ordinem agendae rei composuissent signaque quae procul edita obseruarent, ipsi ad Scipionem Syracusas profecti, apud quem pars exsulum erat, referentes ibi promissa captiuorum cum spem ab effectu haud abhorrentem consuli fecissent,

[¶81] 6.9. Consequently Marcus Sergius and Publius Matienus, tribunes of the soldiers, were sent with them and ordered to take three thousand soldiers from Regium to Locri. And a written order was sent to the propraetor Quintus Pleminius to assist in carrying out the project.

> Latin: 6.9. tribuni militum cum iis M. Sergius et P. Matienus missi iussique ab Regio tria milia militum Locros ducere; et Q. Pleminio propraetori scriptum ut rei agendae adesset.

[¶82] 6.10. Setting out from Regium, carrying ladders constructed for the height of the citadel as reported, about midnight they set a signal for the betrayers of the citadel from the place agreed upon.

> Latin: 6.10. profecti ab Regio, scalas ad editam altitudinem arcis fabricatas portantes, media ferme nocte ex eo loco unde conuenerat signum dedere proditoribus arcis;

[¶83] 6.11. These men were ready and alert, and after they on their part also had lowered ladders made for that very purpose and at several different places at the same time had admitted scaling parties, before any outcry could arise came the attack upon the Carthaginian guards, who in the absence of any such fear naturally were asleep.

> Latin: 6.11. qui parati intentique et ipsi scalas ad id ipsum factas cum demisissent pluribusque simul locis scandentes accepissent, priusquam clamor oreretur in uigiles Poenorum, ut in nullo tali metu sopitos, impetus est factus.

[¶84] 6.12. At first it was the groans of the dying indistinctly heard; then sudden terror on awaking, and confused action, since the reason was unknown; finally greater certainty as they awakened one another.

> Latin: 6.12. quorum gemitus primo morientium exauditus, deinde subita consternatio ex somno et tumultus cum causa ignoraretur, postremo certior res aliis excitantibus alios.

[¶85] 6.13. By this time every man was shouting his loudest “To arms!” that enemies were on the citadel and guards being cut down. And the Romans, who were by no means equal in numbers, would have been overpowered, had not an outcry raised by the men who were outside the citadel made it uncertain from what quarter the sounds came, while everything they imagined was intensified by the uproar in the dark.

> Latin: 6.13. iamque ad arma pro se quisque uocabat: hostes in arce esse et caedi uigiles; oppressique forent Romani nequaquam numero pares, ni clamor ab iis qui extra arcem erant sublatus incertum unde accidisset omnia uana augente nocturno tumultu fecisset.

[¶86] 6.14. Accordingly the Carthaginians, supposing the citadel to be already filled with the enemy, were terrified, gave up fighting and fled to the other citadel; for there are two not far apart.

> Latin: 6.14. itaque uelut plena iam hostium arce territi Poeni omisso certamine in alteram arcem—duae sunt haud multum inter se distantes—confugiunt.

[¶87] 6.15. The inhabitants were holding the city, set between combatants as a prize for the victors. From the two citadels came slight engagements every day.

> Latin: 6.15. oppidani urbem habebant, uictoribus praemium in medio positam; ex arcibus duabus proeliis cottidie leuibus certabatur.

[¶88] 6.16. Quintus Pleminius commanded the Roman, Hamilcar the Carthaginian garrison. Summoning reinforcements from neighbouring places they kept increasing their numbers.

> Latin: 6.16. Q. Pleminius Romano, Hamilcar Punico praesidio praeerat. arcessentes ex propinquis locis subsidia copias augebant:

[¶89] 6.17. Finally Hannibal himself was on the way, and the Romans would not have held out if the mass of the Locrians, embittered by the arrogance and greed of the Carthaginians, had not taken the side of the Romans.

> Latin: 6.17. ipse postremo ueniebat Hannibal, nec sustinuissent Romani nisi Locrensium multitudo, exacerbata superbia atque auaritia Poenorum, ad Romanos inclinasset.

[¶90] 7.1. Scipio, on being informed that the situation at Locri had become more critical and that Hannibal himself was approaching, was afraid to take risks for the garrison as well, since it was not easy to retire from the place.

> Latin: 7.1. Scipioni ut nuntiatum est in maiore discrimine Locris rem uerti ipsumque Hannibalem aduentare, ne praesidio etiam periclitaretur haud facili inde receptu, et ipse a Messana L.

[¶91] 7.2. Accordingly he too set out from Messana, after leaving his brother Lucius Scipio there in command of the garrison; and as soon as the strait shifted with the tide, he cast off with... ships while the current favoured. And Hannibal sent a messenger from the river Bulotus —it is not far from the city of Locri —ordering his men to engage in battle with the Romans and Locrians with the utmost violence at daybreak, while, when all eyes were turned in the direction of that conflict, he should himself attack the city unawares from the rear. When he came upon the battle, already begun at daybreak, he did not wish to shut himself in the citadel, where he would have clogged a cramped space by his numbers, and on the other hand he had not brought ladders for scaling city walls. After making a pile of the soldiers' baggage and displaying his line of battle at no great distance from the walls to frighten the enemy, while ladders and other requisites for an assault were being prepared, he rode round the city with his Numidian horsemen, to discover just where to make the attack.

> Latin: 7.2. Scipione fratre in praesidio ibi relicto cum primum aestu fretum inclinatum est †naues mari secundo misit. et Hannibal a Buloto amni—haud procul is ab urbe Locris abest—nuntio praemisso ut sui luce prima summa ui proelium cum Romanis ac Locrensibus consererent dum ipse auersis omnibus in eum tumultum ab tergo urbem incautam adgrederetur, ubi luce coeptam inuenit pugnam, ipse nec in arcem se includere, turba locum artum impediturus, uoluit, neque scalas quibus scanderet muros attulerat.

[¶92] 7.5. He had approached the wall when a man who happened to stand nearest to him was struck by a missile from a scorpion. Frightened away by an occurrence so dangerous, he thereupon ordered the recall to be sounded and fortified a camp beyond the range of missiles.

> Latin: 7.5. sarcinis in aceruum coniectis cum haud procul muris ad terrorem hostium aciem ostendisset, cum equitibus Numidis circumequitabat urbem, dum scalae quaeque alia ad oppugnandum opus erant parantur, ad uisendum qua maxime parte adgrederetur:

[¶93] 7.6. The Roman fleet sailing from Messana reached Locri while several hours of daylight remained. All were landed from the ships and before sunset they entered the city. On the following day a battle was begun by the Carthaginians from their citadel, and Hannibal, having made ready the ladders and everything else for the assault, was coming close to the walls when suddenly the Romans opened a gate and sallied out against an enemy who feared anything but that.

> Latin: 7.6. progressus ad murum scorpione icto qui proximus eum forte steterat, territus inde tam periculoso casu receptui canere cum iussisset, castra procul ab ictu teli communit. classis Romana a Messana Locros aliquot horis multo die superante accessit; expositi omnes e nauibus et ante occasum solis urbem ingressi sunt.

[¶94] 7.8. In making this surprise attack they slew about two hundred. As for the rest, Hannibal on learning that the consul was there withdrew them to his camp, and sending word to the men in the citadel to shift for themselves, he broke camp in the night and marched away.

> Latin: 7.8. postero die coepta ex arce a Poenis pugna, et Hannibal iam scalis aliisque omnibus ad oppugnationem paratis subibat muros cum repente in eum nihil minus quam tale quicquam timentem patefacta porta erumpunt Romani.

[¶95] 7.9. And the men in the citadel set fire to the houses which they were occupying, that the commotion might delay the enemy, and with a speed that resembled flight overtook their own column before nightfall. Scipio, seeing that the citadel had been abandoned by the enemy and the site of the camp deserted, summoned the Locrians to an assembly and stoutly upbraided them for their revolt.

> Latin: 7.9. ad ducentos, improuidos cum inuasissent, occidunt: ceteros Hannibal, ut consulem adesse sensit, in castra recipit, nuntioque misso ad eos qui in arce erant ut sibimet ipsi consulerent nocte motis castris abiit. et qui in arce erant igni iniecto tectis quae tenebant ut is tumultus hostem moraretur, agmen suorum fugae simili cursu ante noctem adsecuti sunt. Scipio ut et arcem relictam ab hostibus et uacua uidit castra, uocatos ad contionem Locrenses grauiter ob defectionem incusauit;

[¶96] 8.2. He punished those who had prompted it and bestowed their property upon the leaders of the other party in view of their conspicuous loyalty towards the Romans.

> Latin: 8.2. de auctoribus supplicium sumpsit bonaque eorum alterius factionis principibus ob egregiam fidem aduersus Romanos concessit.

[¶97] 8.3. As regards their state, he said he would neither grant the Locrians anything nor take anything away.

> Latin: 8.3. publice nec dare nec eripere se quicquam Locrensibus dixit; Romam mitterent legatos; quam senatus aequum censuisset, eam fortunam habituros.

[¶98] 8.4. They should send envoys to Rome; and whatever lot the senate thought it proper for them to have would be theirs. Even though they had deserved ill of the Roman people, of this he was certain, that they would be in a better position under angry Romans than they were under friendly Carthaginians.

> Latin: 8.4. illud satis scire, etsi male de populo Romano meriti essent, in meliore statu sub iratis Romanis futuros quam sub amicis Carthaginiensibus fuerint.

[¶99] 8.5. Leaving Pleminius, his lieutenant, to defend the city with the force which had captured the citadel, Scipio crossed over to Messana with the troops with which he had come.

> Latin: 8.5. ipse Pleminio legato praesidioque quod arcem ceperat ad tuendam urbem relicto, cum quibus uenerat copiis Messanam traiecit.

[¶100] 8.6. With such arrogance and cruelty had the Locrians been treated by the Carthaginians after their revolt from the Romans that they could bear minor wrongs not only calmly but almost willingly.

> Latin: 8.6. ita superbe et crudeliter habiti Locrenses ab Carthaginiensibus post defectionem ab Romanis fuerant ut modicas iniurias non aequo modo animo pati sed prope libenti possent;

[¶101] 8.7. In actual fact, however, so far did Pleminius surpass Hamilcar, commandant of the garrison, so far did the Roman soldiers in the garrison surpass the Carthaginians in villainy and greed that they seemed to be competing not in arms but in vices.

> Latin: 8.7. uerum enimuero tantum Pleminius Hamilcarem praesidii praefectum, tantum praesidiarii milites Romani Poenos scelere atque auaritia superauerunt ut non armis sed uitiis uideretur certari.

[¶102] 8.8. Of all the things that make the power of the stronger odious to the helpless man not one was overlooked by commander and soldiers in dealing with the townspeople. Unutterable insults were practised upon their own persons, upon their children, upon their wives.

> Latin: 8.8. nihil omnium quae inopi inuisas opes potentioris faciunt praetermissum in oppidanos est ab duce aut a militibus; in corpora ipsorum, in liberos, in coniuges infandae contumeliae editae.

[¶103] 8.9. It goes without saying that their avarice did not refrain from despoiling even sacred things. And not only were other temples desecrated, but also the treasure chambers of Proserpina, untouched in every age except that they were said to have been despoiled by Pyrrhus, who met with a signal punishment and restored the plunder gained by his sacrilege.

> Latin: 8.9. iam auaritia ne sacrorum quidem spoliatione abstinuit; nec alia modo templa uiolata sed Proserpinae etiam intacti omni aetate thesauri, praeterquam quod a Pyrrho, qui cum magno piaculo sacrilegii sui manubias rettulit, spoliati dicebantur.

[¶104] 8.10. Consequently, just as formerly the king's ships, battered and wrecked, had landed nothing intact but the goddess' sacred money which they were trying to carry away, so on this occasion also, with a different kind of disaster that same money visited insanity upon all who had shared in that desecration of the temple, and mutually turned commander against commander, soldier against soldier, with the frenzy of enemies.

> Latin: 8.10. ergo sicut ante regiae naues laceratae naufragiis nihil in terram integri praeter sacram pecuniam deae quam asportabant extulerant, tum quoque alio genere cladis eadem illa pecunia omnibus contactis ea uiolatione templi furorem obiecit atque inter se ducem in ducem, militem in militem rabie hostili uertit.

[¶105] 9.1. The chief command belonged to Pleminius. Part of the soldiers whom he had brought from Regium were under him, part under the tribunes.

> Latin: 9.1. summae rei Pleminius praeerat; militum pars sub eo quam ipse ab Regio adduxerat, pars sub tribunis erat.

[¶106] 9.2. Having stolen a silver cup from the house of a citizen, a fleeing soldier of Pleminius was being pursued by the owners when he chanced to meet Sergius and Matienus, tribunes of the soldiers.

> Latin: 9.2. rapto poculo argenteo ex oppidani domo Plemini miles fugiens sequentibus quorum erat, obuius forte Sergio et Matieno tribunis militum fuit;

[¶107] 9.3. By order of the tribunes the cup was taken away from the man. Thereupon angry words followed and shouting, finally a battle between Pleminius' soldiers and those of the tribunes, while numbers and rioting increased in proportion as one side or the other gained a timely arrival.

> Latin: 9.3. cui cum iussu tribunorum ademptum poculum esset, iurgium inde et clamor, pugna postremo orta inter Plemini milites tribunorumque, ut suis quisque opportunus aduenerat multitudine simul ac tumultu crescente.

[¶108] 9.4. The soldiers of Pleminius were worsted, and when they came running to him displaying bloody wounds, not without angry shouts as they reported insults that had been heaped even upon him in an altercation, he was inflamed with anger, dashed out of his house, summoned the tribunes and ordered them to be stripped and the rods made ready.

> Latin: 9.4. uicti Plemini milites cum ad Pleminium cruorem ac uolnera ostentantes non sine uociferatione atque indignatione concurrissent probra in eum ipsum iactata in iurgiis referentes, accensus ira domo sese proripuit uocatosque tribunos nudari ac uirgas expediri iubet.

[¶109] 9.5. While time was being taken to strip them —for they resisted and called upon the soldiers to help them — suddenly soldiers, flushed by their recent victory, came running from every quarter, just as if there had been a call to arms against the enemy.

> Latin: 9.5. dum spoliandis iis—repugnabant enim militumque fidem implorabant—tempus teritur, repente milites feroces recenti uictoria ex omnibus locis, uelut aduersus hostes ad arma conclamatum esset, concurrerunt;

[¶110] 9.6. And when they caught sight of the tribunes' backs already welted by the rods, upon that they were indeed suddenly fired to a much more uncontrollable madness, and after roughly handling the lictors in shameful fashion, without regard even for humanity, not to say for the dignity of his rank, they assaulted the legatus.

> Latin: 9.6. et cum uiolata iam uirgis corpora tribunorum uidissent, tum uero in multo impotentiorem subito rabiem accensi sine respectu non maiestatis modo sed etiam humanitatis, in legatum impetum lictoribus prius indignum in modum mulcatis faciunt.

[¶111] 9.7. Then, having separated and cut him off from his men, they slashed him as if an enemy and, mutilating his nose and ears, left him almost lifeless.

> Latin: 9.7. tum ipsum ab suis interceptum et seclusum hostiliter lacerant et prope exsanguem naso auribusque mutilatis relinquunt.

[¶112] 9.8. These acts being reported at Messana, Scipio a few days later sailed to Locri on a hexēris. Then having heard the case of Pleminius and the tribunes, he discharged Pleminius as innocent and left him in command of the same place, while the tribunes were adjudged guilty and put in chains, to be sent to the senate at Rome; whereupon he returned to Messana and thence to Syracuse.

> Latin: 9.8. his Messanam nuntiatis Scipio post paucos dies Locros hexere aduectus cum causam Plemini et tribunorum audisset, Pleminio noxa liberato relictoque in eiusdem loci praesidio, tribunis sontibus iudicatis et in uincla coniectis ut Romam ad senatum mitterentur, Messanam atque inde Syracusas rediit.

[¶113] 9.9. Pleminius was beside himself with rage, thinking the wrong done to him had been overlooked by Scipio and treated as too trivial; also that no one else was capable of naming a penalty for the offence except a man who had known its barbarity by suffering. Accordingly he ordered the tribunes to be brought before him, and had them mangled by every torture which any human body can endure and then put to death.

> Latin: 9.9. Pleminius impotens irae, neglectam ab Scipione et nimis leuiter latam suam iniuriam ratus nec quemquam aestimare alium eam litem posse nisi qui atrocitatem eius patiendo sensisset, tribunos attrahi ad se iussit, laceratosque omnibus quae pati corpus ullum potest suppliciis interfecit, nec satiatus uiuorum poena insepultos proiecit.

[¶114] 9.11. Not satisfied with a penalty paid by the living either, he threw them out unburied. The like cruelty was used by him against leading men of the Locrians who, he learned, had gone to Publius Scipio to complain of the outrages.

> Latin: 9.11. simili crudelitate et in Locrensium principes est usus quos ad conquerendas iniurias ad P. Scipionem profectos audiuit;

[¶115] 9.12. Then in anger he multiplied the shameful acts which, prompted previously by lust and greed, he had perpetrated upon the allies, and brought infamy and odium not only upon himself but also upon his general.

> Latin: 9.12. et quae antea per libidinem atque auaritiam foeda exempla in socios ediderat, tunc ab ira multiplicia edere, infamiae atque inuidiae non sibi modo sed etiam imperatori esse.

[¶116] 10.1. The time for the elections was already at hand when a letter from Publius Licinius, the consul, reached Rome, reporting that he and his army were suffering from a serious malady, and that they could not have held out if an equally violent or even more serious disease had not been visited upon the enemy.

> Latin: 10.1. iam comitiorum appetebat tempus cum a P. Licinio consule litterae Romam allatae se exercitumque suum graui morbo adflictari, nec sisti potuisse ni eadem uis mali aut grauior etiam in hostes ingruisset;

## 44. Book XXIX · chapters 10–19

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/44/#p-N

[¶0] 10.2. Accordingly, since he was unable to come in person to the elections, he would name Quintus Caecilius Metellus dictator to hold the elections, if the senators approved.

> Latin: 10.2. itaque quoniam ipse uenire ad comitia non posset, si ita patribus uideretur, se Q. Caecilium Metellum dictatorem comitiorum causa dicturum. exercitum Q. Caecili dimitti e re publica esse;

[¶1] 10.3. It was to the interest of the state, he said, that the army of Quintus Caecilius should be discharged; for at present his army had nothing to do, since Hannibal had already withdrawn his troops into winter quarters; and so violent a malady had befallen Caecilius' camp that, unless the troops were promptly disbanded, not one man, it seemed, would survive. The consul was permitted by the senate to do whatever he thought consistent with the public interest and his own conscience.

> Latin: 10.3. [nam] neque usum eius ullum in praesentia esse, cum Hannibal iam in hiberna suos receperit, et tanta incesserit in ea castra uis morbi ut nisi mature dimittantur nemo omnium superfuturus uideatur. ea consuli a patribus facienda ut e re publica fideque sua duceret permissa.

[¶2] 10.4. At that time religious scruples had suddenly assailed the citizens because in the Sibylline books, which were consulted on account of the frequent showers of stones that year, an oracle was found that, if ever a foreign foe should invade the land of Italy, he could be driven out of Italy and defeated if the Idaean Mother should be brought from Pessinus to Rome.

> Latin: 10.4. ciuitatem eo tempore repens religio inuaserat inuento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis, quandoque hostis alienigena terrae Italiae bellum intulisset eum pelli Italia uincique posse si mater Idaea a Pessinunte Romam aduecta foret.

[¶3] 10.6. The discovery of that oracle by the decemvirs impressed the senators all the more because the ambassadors also who had carried a gift to Delphi reported that, when they offered sacrifices themselves to Pythian Apollo, the omens had been favourable, and that likewise from the sanctum there had come a response that a much greater victory was in prospect for the Roman people than that from spoils of which they were bringing gifts.

> Latin: 10.6. id carmen ab decemuiris inuentum eo magis patres mouit quod et legati qui donum Delphos portauerant referebant et sacrificantibus ipsis Pythio Apollini omnia laeta fuisse et responsum oraculo editum maiorem multo uictoriam quam cuius ex spoliis dona portarent adesse populo Romano.

[¶4] 10.7. To the facts supporting that same hope the senators added Publius Scipio's state of mind, virtually forecasting the end of the war, in that he demanded Africa as his province.

> Latin: 10.7. in eiusdem spei summam conferebant P. Scipionis uelut praesagientem animum de fine belli quod depoposcisset prouinciam Africam.

[¶5] 10.8. And so, that they might the sooner be in possession of the victory which foreshadowed itself in oracles, forecasts and responses, they planned and discussed what should be the method of transporting the goddess to Rome.

> Latin: 10.8. itaque quo maturius fatis ominibus oraculisque portendentis sese uictoriae compotes fierent, id cogitare atque agitare quae ratio transportandae Romam deae esset.

[¶6] 11.1. In Asia the Roman people had as yet no allied states. They bore in mind, however, that Aesculapius also had been summoned once upon a time from Greece on account of an epidemic, while there was as yet no treaty of alliance; that at present on account of a joint war against Philip they had already entered into friendly relations with King Attalus.

> Latin: 11.1. nullasdum in Asia socias ciuitates habebat populus Romanus; tamen memores Aesculapium quoque ex Graecia quondam hauddum ullo foedere sociata ualetudinis populi causa arcessitum, tunc iam cum Attalo rege propter commune aduersus Philippum bellum coeptam amicitiam esse —

[¶7] 11.3. Thinking that he would do what he could for the sake of the Roman people, they decided to send ambassadors to him. These were Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had been twice consul and had held a command in Greece, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, an ex-praetor, Servius Sulpicius Galba, an ex-aedile, and two former quaestors, Gnaeus Tremelius Flaccus and Marcus Valerius Falto.

> Latin: 11.3. facturum eum quae posset populi Romani causa—, legatos ad eum decernunt M. Ualerium Laeuinum qui bis consul fuerat ac res in Graecia gesserat, M. Caecilium Metellum praetorium, Ser. Sulpicium Galbam aedilicium, duos quaestorios Cn. Tremelium Flaccum et M. Ualerium Faltonem.

[¶8] 11.4. For them they voted five quinqueremes, that in keeping with the dignity of the Roman people they might visit lands where the highest respect for the Roman name was to be won.

> Latin: 11.4. iis quinque naues quinqueremes ut ex dignitate populi Romani adirent eas terras ad quas concilianda maiestas nomini Romano esset decernunt.

[¶9] 11.5. The ambassadors on the voyage to Asia made their way up to Delphi and consulted the oracle, enquiring what hope of accomplishing the task for which they had been sent from home it foresaw for themselves and the Roman people.

> Latin: 11.5. legati Asiam petentes protinus Delphos cum escendissent, oraculum adierunt consulentes ad quod negotium domo missi essent perficiendi eius quam sibi spem populoque Romano portenderet.

[¶10] 11.6. The response, they say, was that they should gain what they sought with the help of King Attalus; that after conveying the goddess to Rome they were then to make sure that the best man at Rome should hospitably welcome her.

> Latin: 11.6. responsum esse ferunt per Attalum regem compotes eius fore quod peterent: cum Romam deam deuexissent, tum curarent ut eam qui uir optimus Romae esset hospitio exciperet. Pergamum ad regem uenerunt.

[¶11] 11.7. They came to the king at Pergamum. He courteously received the ambassadors and, escorting them to Pessĭnus in Phrygia, presented them with the sacred stone which the inhabitants said was the Mother of the Gods, and bade them carry it away to Rome.

> Latin: 11.7. is legatos comiter acceptos Pessinuntem in Phrygiam deduxit sacrumque iis lapidem quam matrem deum esse incolae dicebant tradidit ac deportare Romam iussit.

[¶12] 11.8. Sent on in advance by the ambassadors, Marcus Valerius Falto brought the news that they were bringing the goddess; they must seek out the best man in the state to receive her with due hospitality.

> Latin: 11.8. praemissus ab legatis M. Ualerius Falto nuntiauit deam apportari; quaerendum uirum optimum in ciuitate esse qui eam rite hospitio acciperet.

[¶13] 11.9. Quintus Caecilius Metellus was named, by the consul who was in the land of the Bruttians, dictator for the purpose of holding the elections, and Metellus' army was disbanded.

> Latin: 11.9. Q. Caecilius Metellus dictator ab consule in Bruttiis comitiorum causa dictus exercitusque eius dimissus, magister equitum L. Ueturius Philo. comitia per dictatorem habita.

[¶14] 11.10. Lucius Veturius Philo was named master of the horse. The elections were held by the dictator.

> Latin: 11.10. consules facti M. Cornelius Cethegus P. Sempronius Tuditanus absens cum prouinciam Graeciam haberet.

[¶15] 11.11. Marcus Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus were elected consuls, the latter in his absence, since he had Greece as his province. Then Tiberius Claudius Nero, Marcus Marcius Ralla, Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Pomponius Matho were elected praetors. The elections being completed, the dictator abdicated his office.

> Latin: 11.11. praetores inde creati Ti. Claudius Nero M. Marcius Ralla L. Scribonius Libo M. Pomponius Matho. comitiis peractis dictator sese magistratu abdicauit. ludi Romani ter, plebeii septiens instaurati.

[¶16] 11.12. The Roman Games were repeated for three of the days, the Plebeian Games for seven. The curule aediles were Gnaeus and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus.

> Latin: 11.12. curules erant aediles Cn. et L. Cornelii Lentuli. Lucius Hispaniam prouinciam habebat; absens creatus absens eum honorem gessit.

[¶17] 11.13. Lucius was in charge of the province of Spain; being elected in absence he was aedile in absence. Tiberius Claudius Asellus and Marcus Iunius Pennus were plebeian aediles. The Temple of Valour at the Porta Capena was dedicated that year by Marcus Marcellus, in the seventeenth year after it had been vowed at Clastidium in Gaul by his father in his first consulship.

> Latin: 11.13. Ti. Claudius Asellus et M. Iunius Pennus plebeii aediles fuerunt. aedem Uirtutis eo anno ad portam Capenam M. Marcellus dedicauit septimo decimo anno postquam a patre eius primo consulatu uota in Gallia ad Clastidium fuerat.

[¶18] 11.14. And the flamen of Mars, Marcus Aemilius Regillus, died that year.

> Latin: 11.14. et flamen Martialis eo anno est mortuus M. Aemilius Regillus.

[¶19] 12.1. In Greece the situation had been ignored in the last two years. Consequently when the Aetolians were abandoned by the Romans, the one defence in which they trusted, Philip compelled them to sue for peace and make a treaty on terms of his own choosing.

> Latin: 12.1. neglectae eo biennio res in Graecia erant. itaque Philippus Aetolos desertos ab Romanis, cui uni fidebant auxilio, quibus uoluit condicionibus ad petendam et paciscendam subegit pacem.

[¶20] 12.2. Had he not used every effort to bring that about promptly, he would have been surprised while still making war upon the Aetolians by Publius Sempronius, the proconsul, who with ten thousand infantry and a thousand cavalry and thirty-five warships had been sent as Sulpicius' successor in command and was no small factor in bringing aid to the allies.

> Latin: 12.2. quod nisi omni ui perficere maturasset, bellantem eum cum Aetolis P. Sempronius proconsul, successor imperii missus Sulpicio cum decem milibus peditum et mille equitibus et triginta quinque rostratis nauibus, haud paruum momentum ad opem ferendam sociis, oppressisset.

[¶21] 12.3. Scarcely had peace been made when word came to the king that the Romans had arrived at Dyrrachium, and that the Parthini and other neighbouring tribes were aroused to the hope of revolution and that Dimallum was besieged.

> Latin: 12.3. uixdum pace facta nuntius regi uenit Romanos Dyrrachium uenisse Parthinosque et propinquas alias gentes motas esse ad spem nouandi res Dimallumque oppugnari.

[¶22] 12.4. To that place the Romans had turned aside from helping the Aetolians, to whom they had been sent. They were angry because without Roman consent and contrary to the treaty the Aetolians had made peace with the king.

> Latin: 12.4. eo se auerterant Romani ab Aetolorum quo missi erant auxilio, irati quod sine auctoritate sua aduersus foedus cum rege pacem fecissent.

[¶23] 12.5. On hearing of this Philip, fearing some greater disturbance might begin among neighbouring tribes and peoples, hastened by forced marches to Apollonia, to which Sempronius had withdrawn after sending Laetorius, his lieutenant, with a part of his troops and fifteen ships into Aetolia to survey the situation and, if possible, to disturb the peace.

> Latin: 12.5. ea cum audisset Philippus ne qui motus maior in finitimis gentibus populisque oreretur magnis itineribus Apolloniam contendit, quo Sempronius se receperat misso Laetorio legato cum parte copiarum et quindecim nauibus in Aetoliam ad uisendas res pacemque si posset turbandam.

[¶24] 12.6. Philip laid waste the farms of the Apollonians and, moving his troops up to the city, gave the Roman an opportunity to engage. As soon as he saw that they remained inactive, merely defending the walls, Philip, who had not sufficient confidence in his forces to assault the city and was desirous of peace with the Romans also, if possible, just as with the Aetolians, but if not, of making an armistice, retired to his own kingdom without provoking any further animosities by a fresh conflict.

> Latin: 12.6. Philippus agros Apolloniatium uastauit et ad urbem admotis copiis potestatem pugnae Romano fecit; quem postquam quietum muros tantummodo tueri uidit, nec satis fidens uiribus ut urbem oppugnaret et cum Romanis quoque, sicut cum Aetolis, cupiens pacem si posset, si minus, indutias facere, nihil ultra inritatis nouo certamine odiis in regnum se recepit.

[¶25] 12.8. About the same time the Epirotes, weary of the protracted war, first sounding the disposition of the Romans, sent ambassadors to Philip in regard to a general peace, asserting their confidence that it would be agreed upon if he should come to a conference with Publius Sempronius, the Roman general.

> Latin: 12.8. per idem tempus taedio diutini belli Epirotae temptata prius Romanorum uoluntate legatos de pace communi ad Philippum misere, satis confidere conuenturam eam adfirmantes si ad conloquium cum P. Sempronio imperatore Romano uenisset.

[¶26] 12.10. The king was easily prevailed upon to cross over into Epirus, for he himself was not disinclined to peace.

> Latin: 12.10. facile impetratum—neque enim ne ipsius quidem regis abhorrebat animus—ut in Epirum transiret.

[¶27] 12.11. Phoenice is a city in Epirus; there the king first conferred with Aëropus and Derdas and Philip, chief magistrates of the Epirotes, and later met Publius Sempronius.

> Latin: 12.11. Phoenice urbs est Epiri; ibi prius conlocutus rex cum Aeropo et Derda et Philippo, Epirotarum praetoribus, postea cum P. Sempronio congreditur.

[¶28] 12.12. Present at the conference were Amynander, King of the Athamanians, and in addition magistrates of the Epirotes and Acarnanians. The first to speak was Philip, the magistrate, begging the king and at the same time the Roman general to make an end of the war and grant that favour to the Epirotes.

> Latin: 12.12. adfuit conloquio Amynander Athamanum rex, et magistratus alii Epirotarum et Acarnanum. primus Philippus praetor uerba facit et petit simul ab rege et ab imperatore Romano ut finem belli facerent darentque eam Epirotis ueniam.

[¶29] 12.13. Publius Sempronius stated as terms of the peace that the Parthini and Dimallum and Bargullum and Eugenium should fall to the Romans; that Atintania should be annexed to Macedonia, if the king, sending ambassadors to Rome, should obtain the senate's consent.

> Latin: 12.13. P. Sempronius condiciones pacis dixit ut Parthini et Dimallum et Bargullum et Eugenium Romanorum essent, Atintania, si missis Romam legatis ab senatu impetrasset, ut Macedoniae accederet.

[¶30] 12.14. Peace being agreed upon on these terms, Prusias, King of Bithynia, the Achaeans, Boeotians, Thessalians, Acarnanians and Epirotes were included on the king's side of the treaty; on the side of the Romans, the Ilians, King Attalus, Pleuratus, Nabis, tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, also the Eleans, Messenians and Athenians.

> Latin: 12.14. in eas condiciones cum pax conueniret, ab rege foederi adscripti Prusia Bithyniae rex, Achaei Boeoti Thessali Acarnanes Epirotae: ab Romanis Ilienses, Attalus rex, Pleuratus, Nabis Lacedaemoniorum tyrannus, Elei Messenii Athenienses.

[¶31] 12.15. These provisions were reduced to writing and sealed, and an armistice was made for two months, that meanwhile ambassadors might be sent to Rome, so that the people might order peace to be made on these terms.

> Latin: 12.15. haec conscripta consignataque sunt, et in duos menses indutiae factae donec Romam mitterentur legati ut populus in has condiciones pacem iuberet;

[¶32] 12.16. And all the tribes so ordered, since, now that the war had shifted to Africa, they wished for the present to be relieved of all other wars. Publius Sempronius, after the peace had been made, left his province for Rome to enter upon his consulship.

> Latin: 12.16. iusseruntque omnes tribus, quia uerso in Africam bello omnibus aliis in praesentia leuari bellis uolebant. P. Sempronius pace facta ad consulatum Romam decessit.

[¶33] 13.1. In the consulship of Marcus Cornelius and Publius Sempronius, this being the fifteenth year of the Punic war, the province of Etruria was assigned by decree to Cornelius with the old army, the land of the Bruttii to Sempronius, with orders to enrol new legions.

> Latin: 13.1. M. Cornelio P. Sempronio consulibus—quintus decimus is annus belli Punici erat—prouinciae Cornelio Etruria cum uetere exercitu, Sempronio Bruttii ut nouas scriberet legiones decretae:

[¶34] 13.2. As for the praetors, the city jurisdiction fell to Marcus Marcius, that over strangers and also the province of Gaul to Lucius Scribonius Libo, Sicily to Marcus Pomponius Matho, Sardinia to Tiberius Claudius Nero.

> Latin: 13.2. praetoribus M. Marcio urbana, L. Scribonio Liboni peregrina et eidem Gallia, M. Pomponio Mathoni Sicilia, Ti. Claudio Neroni Sardinia euenit.

[¶35] 13.3. Publius Scipio's command was continued for one year with the army and the fleet which he then had. The same was done in the case of Publius Licinius, who was to hold the Bruttian territory with two legions so long as the consul should judge it to the public interest for him to remain in the province with a high command.

> Latin: 13.3. P. Scipioni cum eo exercitu, cum ea classe quam habebat, prorogatum in annum imperium est; item P. Licinio ut Bruttios duabus legionibus obtineret quoad eum in prouincia cum imperio morari consuli e re publica uisum esset.

[¶36] 13.4. Marcus Livius also and Spurius Lucretius had their commands continued, with two legions each to defend Gaul against Mago.

> Latin: 13.4. et M. Liuio et Sp. Lucretio cum binis legionibus quibus aduersus Magonem Galliae praesidio fuissent prorogatum imperium est, et Cn.

[¶37] 13.5. So Gnaeus Octavius also, with the order that, after turning over Sardinia and the legion to Tiberius Claudius, his duty should be the defence of the sea-coast with forty war-ships within an area to be defined by the senate.

> Latin: 13.5. Octauio ut cum Sardiniam legionemque Ti. Claudio tradidisset ipse nauibus longis quadraginta maritimam oram, quibus finibus senatus censuisset, tutaretur.

[¶38] 13.6. To Marcus Pomponius, the praetor in Sicily, was assigned the army from Cannae, two legions. Titus Quinctius was to have Tarentum, Gaius Hostilius Tubulus to have Capua, both as propraetors, as in the preceding year, with the old garrison in each case.

> Latin: 13.6. M. Pomponio praetori in Sicilia Cannensis exercitus duae legiones decretae; T. Quinctius Tarentum, C. Hostilius Tubulus Capuam pro praetoribus, sicut priore anno, cum uetere uterque praesidio obtinerent.

[¶39] 13.7. As for the command in Spain, the question what two men it wished to send to that province as proconsuls was brought before the people. The tribes unanimously ordered that the same men, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus should hold these provinces as proconsuls, as they had done in the preceding year.

> Latin: 13.7. de Hispaniae imperio, quos in eam prouinciam duos pro consulibus mitti placeret latum ad populum est. omnes tribus eosdem L. Cornelium Lentulum et L. Manlium Acidinum pro consulibus, sicut priore anno tenuissent, obtinere eas prouincias iusserunt.

[¶40] 13.8. The consuls began the conduct of a levy both for the enrolment of new legions for the Bruttian territory and to fill the ranks of the other armies; for so they had been ordered by the senate.

> Latin: 13.8. consules dilectum habere instituerunt et ad nouas scribendas in Bruttios legiones et in ceterorum—ita enim iussi ab senatu erant—exercituum supplementum.

[¶41] 14.1. Although Africa had not been openly assigned as a province, while the senators kept the matter dark, I believe, for fear the Carthaginians might know in advance, nevertheless the people were aroused to hope that the war would be waged that year in Africa, and that the end of the Punic war was at hand.

> Latin: 14.1. quamquam nondum aperte Africa prouincia decreta erat occultantibus id, credo, patribus ne praesciscerent Carthaginienses, tamen in eam spem erecta ciuitas erat in Africa eo anno bellatum iri finemque bello Punico adesse.

[¶42] 14.2. That situation had filled men's minds with superstitious fears and they were indined both to report and to believe portents.

> Latin: 14.2. impleuerat ea res superstitionum animos, pronique et ad nuntianda et ad credenda prodigia erant;

[¶43] 14.3. All the greater was the number of them in circulation: that two suns had been seen, and that at night there had been light for a time; and that at Setia a meteor had been seen shooting from east to west; that at Tarracina a city-gate had been struck by lightning, at Anagnia a gate and also the wall at many points; that in the temple of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium a noise was heard with a dreadful crash.

> Latin: 14.3. eo plura uolgabantur: duos soles uisos, et nocte interluxisse, et facem Setiae ab ortu solis ad occidentem porrigi uisam: Tarracinae portam, Anagniae et portam et multis locis murum de caelo tactum: in aede Iunonis Sospitae Lanuui cum horrendo fragore strepitum editum.

[¶44] 14.4. To expiate these there was a single day of prayer, and on account of the shower of stones nine days of rites were observed.

> Latin: 14.4. eorum procurandorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit, et nouendiale sacrum quod de caelo lapidatum esset factum.

[¶45] 14.5. In addition they deliberated on the reception of the Idaean Mother, in regard to whom not only had Marcus Valerius, one of the ambassadors, arriving in advance, reported that she would be in Italy very soon, but also there was recent news that she was already at Tarracina.

> Latin: 14.5. eo accessit consultatio de matre Idaea accipienda, quam, praeterquam quod M. Ualerius unus ex legatis praegressus actutum in Italia fore nuntiauerat, recens nuntius aderat Tarracinae iam esse.

[¶46] 14.6. It was no unimportant decision that occupied the senate — the question who was the best man in the state.

> Latin: 14.6. haud paruae rei iudicium senatum tenebat qui uir optimus in ciuitate esset;

[¶47] 14.7. At any rate every man would have preferred a real victory in that contest to any high commands or magistracies, whether conferred by vote of the senators or of the people.

> Latin: 14.7. ueram certe uictoriam eius rei sibi quisque mallet quam ulla imperia honoresue suffragio seu patrum seu plebis delatos.

[¶48] 14.8. Publius Scipio, son of the Gnaeus who had fallen in Spain, was the young man not yet of an age to be quaestor, whom they judged to be the best of good men among all the citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. P. Scipionem Cn. filium eius qui in Hispania ceciderat, adulescentem nondum quaestorium, iudicauerunt in tota ciuitate uirum bonorum optimum esse.

[¶49] 14.9. If writers who lived nearest in time to men who remembered those days had handed down by what virtues the senate was led to make that judgment, I should indeed gladly hand it on to posterity. But I shall not interject my own opinions, reached by conjecture in a matter buried by the lapse of time.

> Latin: 14.9. —id quibus uirtutibus inducti ita iudicarint, sicut traditum a proximis memoriae temporum illorum scriptoribus libens posteris traderem, ita meas opiniones coniectando rem uetustate obrutam non interponam.

[¶50] 14.10. Publius Cornelius was ordered to go to Ostia with all the matrons to meet the goddess, and himself to receive her from the ship, and carrying her to land to turn her over to the matrons to carry.

> Latin: 14.10. P. Cornelius cum omnibus matronis Ostiam obuiam ire deae iussus; isque eam de naue acciperet et in terram elatam traderet ferendam matronis.

[¶51] 14.11. After the ship had reached the mouth of the river Tiber, in compliance with the order he sailed out into open water on a ship, received the goddess from her priests and carried her to land.

> Latin: 14.11. postquam nauis ad ostium amnis Tiberini accessit, sicut erat iussus, in salum naue euectus ab sacerdotibus deam accepit extulitque in terram.

[¶52] 14.12. The foremost matrons in the state, among whom the name of one in particular, that of Claudia Quinta, is conspicuous, received her. Claudia's repute, previously not unquestioned, as tradition reports it, has made her purity the more celebrated among posterity by a service so devout.

> Latin: 14.12. matronae primores ciuitatis, inter quas unius Claudiae Quintae insigne est nomen, accepere; cui dubia, ut traditur, antea fama clariorem ad posteros tam religioso ministerio pudicitiam fecit.

[¶53] 14.13. The matrons passed the goddess from hand to hand in an unbroken succession to each other, while the entire city poured out to meet her. Censers had been placed before the doors along the route of the bearers, and kindling their incense, people prayed that gracious and benignant she might enter the city of Rome. It was to the Temple of Victory, which is on the Palatine, that they carried the goddess on the day before the Ides of April, and that was a holy day.

> Latin: 14.13. eae per manus, succedentes deinde aliae aliis, omni obuiam effusa ciuitate, turibulis ante ianuas positis qua praeferebatur atque accenso ture precantibus ut uolens propitiaque urbem Romanam iniret, in aedem Uictoriae quae est in Palatio pertulere deam pridie idus Apriles;

[¶54] 14.14. The people thronged to the Palatine bearing gifts for the goddess, and there was a banquet of the gods, and games also, called the Megalesia.

> Latin: 14.14. isque dies festus fuit. populus frequens dona deae in Palatium tulit, lectisterniumque et ludi fuere, Megalesia appellata.

[¶55] 15.1. While they were discussing the men needed to recruit the legions in the provinces, certain senators suggested that, since now by favour of the gods fear had at last been removed, it was time for them no longer to tolerate what had been endured as best they could in critical circumstances.

> Latin: 15.1. cum de supplemento legionum quae in prouinciis erant ageretur, tempus esse a quibusdam senatoribus subiectum est quae dubiis in rebus utcumque tolerata essent, ea dempto iam tandem deum benignitate metu non ultra pati.

[¶56] 15.2. As the senate was alert and in suspense, they added that the twelve Latin colonies which had refused to furnish soldiers in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Quintus Fulvius had been exempt from service for now about five years, as though it were an honour and a favour bestowed upon them, whereas in the meantime good and obedient allies, in return for their loyalty and submission to the Roman people, had been exhausted by successive levies every year. These words revived the memory of an affair almost obliterated and correspondingly inflamed the anger of the senators.

> Latin: 15.2. erectis exspectatione patribus subiecerunt colonias Latinas duodecim quae Q. Fabio et Q. Fuluio consulibus abnuissent milites dare, eas annum iam ferme sextum uacationem militiae quasi honoris et beneficii causa habere cum interim boni obedientesque socii pro fide atque obsequio in populum Romanum continuis omnium annorum dilectibus exhausti essent.

[¶57] 15.4. Accordingly, allowing the consuls to bring up no other question first, they decreed that the consuls should summon to Rome the magistrates and ten leading citizens in each case from Nepete, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales, Alba, Carsioli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeii, Narnia, Interamna, for these were the colonies concerned; that they should order them to furnish double the maximum number of infantry that each of those colonies had ever furnished to the Roman people since the enemy was in Italy, and also one hundred and twenty horsemen in each case.

> Latin: 15.4. sub hanc uocem non memoria magis patribus renouata rei prope iam oblitteratae quam ira inritata est. itaque nihil prius referre consules passi, decreuerunt ut consules magistratus denosque principes Nepete Sutrio Ardea Calibus Alba Carseolis Sora Suessa Setia Circeiis Narnia Interamna—hae namque coloniae in ea causa erant—Romam excirent;

[¶58] 15.6. If any colony should be unable to make up that number of horsemen, it should be permitted to give three foot-soldiers for-one horseman. Men having the largest means should be chosen for infantry and cavalry and sent to any place outside of Italy where supplements were needed.

> Latin: 15.6. iis imperarent, quantum quaeque earum coloniarum militum plurimum dedisset populo Romano ex quo hostes in Italia essent, duplicatum eius summae numerum peditum daret et equites centenos uicenos;

[¶59] 15.7. If any delegation should refuse, it was decided that the magistrates and envoys of that colony should be detained, and that if they asked for a hearing in the senate, it should be refused until they had done what was required of them.

> Latin: 15.7. si qua eum numerum equitum explere non posset pro equite uno tres pedites liceret dare; pedites equitesque quam locupletissimi legerentur mitterenturque ubicumque extra Italiam supplemento opus esset.

[¶60] 15.8. It was further ordered that a tax of one as for each thousand be laid upon those colonies and exacted, every year, and that a census be taken in those colonies on the basis of a census-list furnished by the Roman censors.

> Latin: 15.8. si qui ex iis recusarent, retineri eius coloniae magistratus legatosque placere neque si postularent senatum dari priusquam imperata fecissent.

[¶61] 15.9. They resolved also that it be the same which was given to the Roman people —and that it be sworn to by the censors of the colonies and brought to Rome before they laid down their office.

> Latin: 15.9. stipendium praeterea iis coloniis in milia aeris asses singulos imperari exigique quotannis, censumque in iis coloniis agi ex formula ab Romanis censoribus data;

[¶62] 15.10. In accordance with this decree of the senate the consuls summoned the magistrates and leading citizens of those colonies to Rome and required of them soldiers and the tax.

> Latin: 15.10. dari autem placere eandem quam populo Romano; deferrique Romam ab iuratis censoribus coloniarum priusquam magistratu abirent.

[¶63] 15.11. Thereupon they outdid each other in refusing and loudly protesting. They said that such a number of soldiers could not be made up; that even if the normal number were required according to the original compact, they could hardly reach it.

> Latin: 15.11. ex hoc senatus consulto accitis Romam magistratibus primoribusque earum coloniarum consules cum milites stipendiumque imperassent, alii aliis magis recusare ac reclamare: negare tantum militum effici posse: uix si simplum ex formula imperetur enisuros:

[¶64] 15.13. They begged and implored that they be permitted to go before the senate and make their plea. No such offence, they said, had been committed that they deserved to perish. But even if perish they must, neither their crime nor the anger of the Roman people could enable them to furnish more soldiers than they had.

> Latin: 15.13. orare atque obsecrare ut sibi senatum adire ac deprecari liceret: nihil se quare perire merito deberent admisisse; sed si pereundum etiam foret, neque suum delictum neque iram populi Romani ut plus militum darent quam haberent posse efficere.

[¶65] 15.14. The consuls, disinclined to yield, ordered the envoys to remain at Rome, the magistrates to go to their homes in order to conduct levies, adding that unless the number of soldiers demanded of them was first brought to Rome, no one would give them a hearing in the senate.

> Latin: 15.14. consules obstinati legatos manere Romae iubent, magistratus ire domum ad dilectus habendos: nisi summa militum quae imperata esset Romam adducta neminem iis senatum daturum.

[¶66] 15.15. Thus, after their hopes of appearing before the senate and of making their plea had been shattered, a levy was carried out in those twelve colonies without difficulty, since owing to long exemption the number of younger men had increased.

> Latin: 15.15. ita praecisa spe senatum adeundi deprecandique dilectus in iis duodecim coloniis per longam uacationem numero iuniorum aucto haud difficulter est perfectus.

[¶67] 16.1. In like manner another matter which had been passed over in silence for about the same length of time was broached by Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who said it was proper that the sums contributed when he and Marcus Claudius were consuls should at last be repaid to private citizens; and that no one ought to be astonished that a matter in which the credit of the state-was involved should especially concern himself.

> Latin: 16.1. altera item res prope aeque longo neglecta silentio relata a M. Ualerio Laeuino est qui priuatis conlatas pecunias se ac M. Claudio consulibus reddi tandem aequum esse dixit; nec mirari quemquam debere in publica obligata fide suam praecipuam curam esse;

[¶68] 16.2. For in addition to the responsibility that in a way belonged peculiarly to a consul of the year in which the moneys had been contributed, he had also been the first to suggest such contribution, since the treasury was empty and the common people unable to pay a tax.

> Latin: 16.2. nam praeterquam quod aliquid proprie ad consulem eius anni quo conlatae pecuniae essent pertineret, etiam se auctorem ita conferendi fuisse inopi aerario nec plebe ad tributum sufficiente.

[¶69] 16.3. This reminder was welcomed by the senators, and bidding the consuls to introduce the measure, they decreed that the money should be paid in three instalments; that the consuls who were then in office should pay the first in ready money, that the consuls of the third and fifth years should pay two instalments.

> Latin: 16.3. grata ea patribus admonitio fuit; iussisque referre consulibus decreuerunt ut tribus pensionibus ea pecunia solueretur; primam praesentem ii qui tum essent, duas tertii et quinti consules numerarent.

[¶70] 16.4. Thereafter all other concerns yielded place to a single one, when the atrocities suffered by the Locrians but up to that time unknown were spread abroad by the arrival of their envoys.

> Latin: 16.4. omnes deinde alias curas una occupauit postquam Locrensium clades, quae ignoratae ad eam diem fuerant, legatorum aduentu uolgatae sunt;

[¶71] 16.5. And it was not so much the crime of Pleminius that provoked men to anger as Scipio's partiality for him or else indifference.

> Latin: 16.5. nec tam Plemini scelus quam Scipionis in eo aut ambitio aut neglegentia iras hominum inritauit.

[¶72] 16.6. The ten envoys of the Locrians, in soiled and neglected clothing and holding out the woollen bands of suppliants and olive branches, as is the custom of the Greeks, towards the consuls seated in the Comitium, fell to the ground before the tribunal as they raised a mournful plaint.

> Latin: 16.6. decem legati Locrensium obsiti squalore et sordibus in comitio sedentibus consulibus uelamenta supplicum, ramos oleae, ut Graecis mos est, porgentes ante tribunal cum flebili uociferatione humi procubuerunt.

[¶73] 16.7. In answer to the consuls' question they said that they were Locrians who had suffered from Quintus Pleminius, the legatus, and the Roman soldiers such things as the Roman people would not wish even the Carthaginians to suffer; that they begged the consuls to give them permission to go before the senate and complain of their sufferings.

> Latin: 16.7. quaerentibus consulibus Locrenses se dixerunt esse, ea passos a Q. Pleminio legato Romanisque militibus quae pati ne Carthaginienses quidem uelit populus Romanus; orare uti sibi patres adeundi deplorandique aerumnas suas potestatem facerent.

[¶74] 17.1. A hearing in the senate being granted, the eldest of them said: "I know, conscript fathers, that in determining what weight is to be given to our complaints in your presence very much depends upon your being well informed both as to how Locri was betrayed to Hannibal, and how by driving out Hannibal's garrison it was restored to your authority.

> Latin: 17.1. senatu dato, maximus natu ex iis: 'scio, quanti aestimentur nostrae apud uos querellae, patres conscripti, plurimum in eo momenti esse si probe sciatis et quomodo proditi Locri Hannibali sint et quomodo pulso Hannibalis praesidio restituti in dicionem uestram;

[¶75] 17.2. For if it prove that no guilt for the revolt attaches to our council of state, and if it be at the same time evident that we returned to your authority not by our consent only but also by our effort and our courage, you will be all the more indignant that good and faithful allies are receiving such outrageous treatment from your legatus and his soldiers.

> Latin: 17.2. quippe si et culpa defectionis procul a publico consilio absit, et reditum in uestram dicionem appareat non uoluntate solum sed ope etiam ac uirtute nostra, magis indignemini bonis ac fidelibus sociis tam indignas tam atroces iniurias ab legato uestro militibusque fieri.

[¶76] 17.3. But in my opinion enquiry into our revolts should be put off in both cases to another time for two reasons.

> Latin: 17.3. sed ego causam utriusque defectionis nostrae in aliud tempus differendam arbitror esse duarum rerum gratia;

[¶77] 17.4. The first is in order that the hearing may be in the presence of Publius Scipio, who recovered Locri and is our witness for every act, the good and the bad. The second reason is because, whatever our character is, we nevertheless did not deserve to suffer these things that we have suffered.

> Latin: 17.4. unius ut coram P. Scipione, qui Locros recepit <et> omnium nobis recte perperamque factorum est testis, agatur; alterius quod qualescumque sumus tamen haec quae passi sumus pati non debuimus.

[¶78] 17.5. We cannot conceal the truth, conscript fathers, that when we had a Punic garrison in our citadel we suffered many shameful outrages both at the hands of Hamilcar, commandant of the garrison, and from the Numidians and Africans. But what are they in comparison with the things we are suffering today?

> Latin: 17.5. non possumus dissimulare, patres conscripti, nos cum praesidium Punicum in arce nostra haberemus, multa foeda et indigna et a praefecto praesidii Hamilcare et ab Numidis Afrisque passos esse; sed quid illa sunt, conlata cum iis quae hodie patimur?

[¶79] 17.6. With kind indulgence, conscript fathers, give ear, I pray, to what I shall reluctantly say. The entire human race is now in suspense as to whether it is to see you, or the Carthaginians, lords of the whole world.

> Latin: 17.6. cum bona uenia, quaeso, audiatis, patres conscripti, id quod inuitus eloquar. in discrimine est nunc humanum omne genus, utrum uos an Carthaginienses principes orbis terrarum uideat.

[¶80] 17.7. If one must judge Roman and Carthaginian rule from what we Locrians either have suffered from them, or are at this very moment suffering from your garrison, no one would fail to prefer them rather than you as his masters. And yet observe how the Locrians are disposed towards you.

> Latin: 17.7. si ex iis quae Locrenses aut ab illis passi sumus aut a uestro praesidio nunc cum maxime patimur aestimandum Romanum ac Punicum imperium sit, nemo non illos sibi quam uos dominos praeoptet.

[¶81] 17.8. Although from the Carthaginians we were suffering wrongs so much less serious, we sought refuge with your general. Although from your garrison we are suffering acts worse than those of an enemy, we have brought our complaints nowhere else than to you.

> Latin: 17.8. et tamen uidete quemadmodum in uos Locrenses animati sint. cum a Carthaginiensibus iniurias tanto minores acciperemus, ad uestrum imperatorem confugimus: cum a uestro praesidio plus quam hostilia patiamur, nusquam alio quam ad uos querellas detulimus.

[¶82] 17.9. Either you will have regard for our ruin, conscript fathers, or else no help remains for us to pray for even from the immortal gods.

> Latin: 17.9. aut uos respicietis perditas res nostras, patres conscripti, aut ne ab dis quidem immortalibus quod precemur quicquam superest.

[¶83] 17.10. "Quintus Pleminius was sent as legatus with a military force to recover Locri from the Carthaginians, and with that same force he was left there. In this legatus of yours —for the depths of misery embolden me to speak freely —there is nothing of a human being, conscript fathers, except his form and outward appearance, nothing of a Roman citizen except his bearing and garments and the sound of the Latin language.

> Latin: 17.10. ' Q. Pleminius legatus missus est cum praesidio ad recipiendos a Carthaginiensibus Locros et cum eodem ibi relictus est praesidio. in hoc legato uestro—dant enim animum ad loquendum libere ultimae miseriae—nec hominis quicquam est, patres conscripti, praeter figuram et speciem neque Romani ciuis praeter habitum uestitumque et sonum Latinae linguae;

[¶84] 17.12. He is a pest-bringing monster, like those of which myths say that, in order to destroy mariners, they once had their abode on this side and that of the strait by which we are separated from Sicily.

> Latin: 17.12. pestis ac belua immanis, quales fretum quondam quo ab Sicilia diuidimur ad perniciem nauigantium circumsedisse fabulae ferunt.

[¶85] 17.13. And if he were content to be the only man to practise his criminal passion and greed upon your allies, we in our long-suffering should still be filling up a single whirlpool however deep.

> Latin: 17.13. ac si scelus libidinemque et auaritiam solus ipse exercere in socios uestros satis haberet, unam profundam quidem uoraginem tamen patientia nostra expleremus:

[¶86] 17.14. As it is, he has made every centurion and every soldier of yours a Pleminius; so universal has he wished licence and dishonour to be.

> Latin: 17.14. nunc omnes centuriones militesque uestros—adeo in promiscuo licentiam atque improbitatem esse uoluit—Pleminios fecit;

[¶87] 17.15. They all rob, plunder, beat, wound, slay. They defile matrons, maidens and free-born boys, dragged from the embrace of parents. Every day our city is captured, every day it is plundered.

> Latin: 17.15. omnes rapiunt, spoliant, uerberant, uolnerant, occidunt; constuprant matronas, uirgines, ingenuos raptos ex complexu parentium.

[¶88] 17.16. Day and night every part of it re-echoes the wailing of women and children who are being seized and carried off.

> Latin: 17.16. cottidie capitur urbs nostra, cottidie diripitur; dies noctesque omnia passim mulierum puerorumque qui rapiuntur atque asportantur ploratibus sonant.

[¶89] 17.17. Knowing that, any one would wonder either how we have the patience to endure, or how those who commit such outrages are not yet sated with them. Neither can I retail them all, nor is it worth your while to hear each thing that we have suffered. In a general statement I shall embrace everything.

> Latin: 17.17. miretur qui sciat, quomodo aut nos ad patiendum sufficiamus aut illos qui faciunt nondum tantarum iniuriarum satietas ceperit. neque ego exsequi possum nec uobis operae est audire singula quae passi sumus: communiter omnia amplectar.

[¶90] 17.18. I tell you there is not a house at Locri, not a man that has not suffered a wrong. I tell you there remains no kind of crime, lust, avarice that has been overlooked in the case of any possible victim.

> Latin: 17.18. nego domum ullam Locris, nego quemquam hominem expertem iniuriae esse; nego ullum genus sceleris, libidinis, auaritiae superesse quod in ullo qui pati potuerit praetermissum sit.

[¶91] 17.19. It is all but impossible to decide which of the two is the more revolting lot for a state —when the enemy have captured the city in war, or when a death-dealing tyrant has overpowered it by force of arms.

> Latin: 17.19. uix ratio iniri potest uter casus ciuitati sit detestabilior, cum hostes bello urbem cepere an cum exitiabilis tyrannus ui atque armis oppressit.

[¶92] 17.20. All things that captured cities suffer we have suffered and at this very moment are suffering, conscript fathers. All the crimes that the most cruel and despotic tyrants inflict upon their helpless citizens Pleminius has inflicted upon us and our children and our wives.

> Latin: 17.20. omnia quae captae urbes patiuntur passi sumus et cum maxime patimur, patres conscripti; omnia quae crudelissimi atque importunissimi tyranni scelera in oppressos ciues edunt Pleminius in nos liberosque nostros et coniuges edidit.

[¶93] 18.1. "There is one thing in regard to which conscientious scruples implanted in our minds compel us to complain in particular, and at the same time we would have you, conscript fathers, give us your attention and, if you approve, free your state from impiety.

> Latin: 18.1. 'unum est de quo nominatim et nos queri religio infixa animis cogat et uos audire et exsoluere rem publicam uestram religione, si ita uobis uidebitur, uelimus, patres conscripti;

[¶94] 18.2. For we have seen with what punctiliousness you worship, not your own gods merely, but even welcome them from abroad.

> Latin: 18.2. uidimus enim cum quanta caerimonia non uestros solum colatis deos sed etiam externos accipiatis.

[¶95] 18.3. We have in our city a sanctuary of Proserpina, a temple of whose sanctity I believe some report reached you in the war with Pyrrhus. When on his return from Sicily he was passing Locri in his fleet, among other shameful acts which he visited upon our state for its loyalty to you, he despoiled the treasury of Proserpina as well, which had been untouched down to that time. And, that done, he put the money on shipboard, setting out himself by land. What happened, conscript fathers, in consequence?

> Latin: 18.3. fanum est apud nos Proserpinae, de cuius sanctitate templi credo aliquam famam ad uos peruenisse Pyrrhi bello, qui cum ex Sicilia rediens Locros classe praeterueheretur, inter alia foeda quae propter fidem erga uos in ciuitatem nostram facinora edidit, thesauros quoque Proserpinae intactos ad eam diem spoliauit atque ita pecunia in naues imposita ipse terra est profectus.

[¶96] 18.5. On the following day the fleet was shattered by a terrible storm, and all the ships which had the sacred money on board were cast upon our shores.

> Latin: 18.5. quid ergo euenit, patres conscripti? classis postero die foedissima tempestate lacerata omnesque naues quae sacram pecuniam habuerunt in litora nostra eiectae sunt;

[¶97] 18.6. Having at last learned from this great disaster that the gods do exist, the haughtiest of kings ordered that all the money should be sought out and restored to the treasure-chambers of Proserpina. And yet never thereafter did he meet with any success, and having been driven out of Italy, he rashly entered Argos by night and died an inconspicuous and inglorious death.

> Latin: 18.6. qua tanta clade edoctus tandem deos esse, superbissimus rex pecuniam omnem conquisitam in thesauros Proserpinae referri iussit. nec tamen illi unquam postea prosperi quicquam euenit, pulsusque Italia ignobili atque inhonesta morte temere nocte ingressus Argos occubuit.

[¶98] 18.7. Although your legatus and the tribunes had heard all this and a thousand other occurrences which were repeated to them, not merely to increase religious feeling but as facts repeatedly confirmed for us and our ancestors by the evident intervention of the goddess, they nevertheless dared to lay sacrilegious hands upon those treasure-chambers that were not to be touched, and by that unspeakable plunder to bring pollution upon themselves and their homes and upon your soldiers.

> Latin: 18.7. haec cum audisset legatus uester tribunique militum et mille alia quae non augendae religionis causa sed praesenti deae numine saepe comperta nobis maioribusque nostris referebantur, ausi sunt nihilominus sacrilegas admouere manus intactis illis thesauris et nefanda praeda se ipsos ac domos contaminare suas et milites uestros.

[¶99] 18.9. With such men, conscript fathers, I beg of you for conscience' sake not to undertake any action either in Italy or in Africa until you first atone for their crime, lest for the sacrilege committed they make amends not only by their own blood but also by a disaster to the state. "Even now, however, the wrath of the goddess is not idle, conscript fathers, as regards either your commanders or your men.

> Latin: 18.9. quibus per uos fidemque uestram, patres conscripti, priusquam eorum scelus expietis neque in Italia neque in Africa quicquam rei gesseritis, ne quod piaculi commiserunt non suo solum sanguine sed etiam publica clade luant.

[¶100] 18.10. Several times already have they clashed with each other in actual battle. Pleminius was in command of the one faction, of the other faction two tribunes of the soldiers. They have fought each other with the sword as fiercely as against the Carthaginians, and by their madness would have given Hannibal a chance to regain Locri, had not Scipio forestalled that in answer to our call for help. True, you may say, the soldiers polluted by sacrilege are indeed frenzied, but the power of the goddess has not been manifest in punishing the commanders themselves.

> Latin: 18.10. 'quamquam ne nunc quidem, patres conscripti, aut in ducibus aut in militibus uestris cessat ira deae. aliquotiens iam inter se signis conlatis concurrerunt. dux alterius partis Pleminius, alterius duo tribuni militum erant. non acrius cum Carthaginiensibus quam inter se ipsi ferro dimicauerunt, praebuissentque occasionem furore suo Locros recipiendi Hannibali nisi accitus ab nobis Scipio interuenisset.

[¶101] 18.12. On the contrary, it is there that it was most evident. The tribunes were scourged by the legatus; whereupon the legatus was isolated by a ruse of the tribunes, and besides receiving wounds in every part of his body, he was left half-dead after even his nose and ears had been mutilated.

> Latin: 18.12. at hercule milites contactos sacrilegio furor agitat, in ducibus ipsis puniendis nullum deae numen apparuit. immo ibi praesens maxime fuit. uirgis caesi tribuni ab legato sunt: legatus deinde insidiis tribunorum interceptus, praeterquam quod toto corpore laceratus, naso quoque auribusque decisis exsanguis est relictus;

[¶102] 18.14. Then when the legatus had recovered from his wounds and the tribunes of the soldiers had been thrown into chains, then, after scourging them and racking them with all the torments applied to slaves, he put them to death, then forbade burial of the dead.

> Latin: 18.14. recreatus dein legatus ex uolneribus tribunos militum in uincla coniectos, dein uerberatos seruilibus omnibus suppliciis cruciando occidit, mortuos deinde prohibuit sepeliri.

[¶103] 18.15. "Such are the penalties the goddess has exacted of those who despoil her temple, nor will she cease to drive them on by every form of madness until the consecrated money has been replaced in her treasury.

> Latin: 18.15. 'has dea poenas a templi sui spoliatoribus habet, nec ante desinet omnibus eos agitare furiis quam reposita sacra pecunia in thesauris fuerit.

[¶104] 18.16. Our ancestors once in a serious war with the Crotonians desired to bring that money over into the city, since the temple is outside the city. In the night a voice from the sanctuary was heard: let them keep their hands off; the goddess will defend her temples. Since conscientious scruples were raised against moving the treasure away, they planned to surround the temple with a wall of defence.

> Latin: 18.16. maiores quondam nostri graui Crotoniensium bello, quia extra urbem templum est, transferre in urbem eam pecuniam uoluerunt; noctu audita ex delubro uox est: abstinerent manus, deam sua defensuram. quia mouendi inde thesauros religio incussa erat, muro circumdari templum uoluerunt;

[¶105] 18.17. The walls had already been raised to a considerable height when suddenly they fell in ruins. But both at this time and at that, and often on other occasions, the goddess has either defended her abode and her temple, or else has exacted heavy penalties from those who profaned them.

> Latin: 18.17. ad aliquantum iam altitudinis excitata erant moenia cum subito conlapsa ruina sunt. sed et nunc et tunc et saepe alias dea suam sedem suumque templum aut tutata est aut a uiolatoribus grauia piacula exegit:

[¶106] 18.18. To avenge wrongs done to us, however, no one but you, conscript fathers, has the power —and may no one else have it!

> Latin: 18.18. nostras iniurias nec potest nec possit alius ulcisci quam uos, patres conscripti.

[¶107] 18.19. To you and your protection we have come for refuge as suppliants. It makes no difference to us whether you allow Locri to remain under that legatus, under that garrison, or surrender it to angry Hannibal and the Carthaginians for punishment. We do not demand that you at once believe us in regard to an absent defendant, his case unheard. Let him come, let him hear in person, in person let him disprove.

> Latin: 18.19. ad uos uestramque fidem supplices confugimus. nihil nostra interest utrum sub illo legato sub illo praesidio Locros esse sinatis an irato Hannibali et Poenis ad supplicium dedatis. non postulamus ut extemplo nobis, ut de absente, ut indicta causa credatis: ueniat, coram ipse audiat, ipse diluat.

[¶108] 18.20. If there is any crime which a man can perpetrate upon human beings that he has failed to commit upon us, we do not refuse to endure all the same wrongs again, if that is possible for us, while he is to be acquitted of every crime against gods and men.

> Latin: 18.20. si quicquam sceleris quod homo in homines edere potest in nos praetermisit, non recusamus quin et nos omnia eadem iterum si pati possumus patiamur et ille omni diuino humanoque liberetur scelere.'

[¶109] 19.1. After the envoys had thus spoken and Fabius asked them whether they had carried such complaints to Publius Scipio, they replied that emissaries had been sent, but that he was occupied with preparations for war and had either already crossed over to Africa, or was about to do so within a few days;

> Latin: 19.1. haec cum ab legatis dicta essent quaesissetque ab iis Q. Fabius detulissentne eas querellas ad P. Scipionem, responderunt missos legatos esse sed eum belli apparatu occupatum esse et in Africam aut iam traiecisse aut intra paucos dies traiecturum;

## 45. Book XXIX · chapters 19–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/45/#p-N

[¶0] 19.2. and they had learned what partiality for his legatus was felt by the general-in-command when, after hearing the charges of Pleminius and those of the tribunes, he put the tribunes in chains and, though the legatus was equally guilty or even more so, left him in that command. When the envoys had been ordered to retire from the Senate House, not Pleminius only but also Scipio was savagely attacked in the speeches of leading men.

> Latin: 19.2. et legati gratia quanta esset apud imperatorem expertos esse cum inter eum et tribunos cognita causa tribunos in uincla coniecerit, legatum aeque sontem aut magis etiam in ea potestate reliquerit.

[¶1] 19.3. First and foremost Quintus Fabius charged that he was by nature adapted to corrupt his soldiers' discipline.

> Latin: 19.3. iussis excedere templo legatis, non Pleminius modo sed etiam Scipio principum orationibus lacerari. ante omnes Q.

[¶2] 19.4. Thus even in Spain, he said, almost more soldiers had been lost in a mutiny than by war; that after the manner of a foreign tyrant he gave free rein to the excesses of his soldiers and was also cruel to them.

> Latin: 19.4. Fabius natum eum ad corrumpendam disciplinam militarem arguere: sic et in Hispania plus prope per seditionem militum quam bello amissum; externo et regio more et indulgere licentiae militum et saeuire in eos. sententiam deinde aeque trucem orationi adiecit:

[¶3] 19.5. He then appended to his speech an equally ruthless resolution: that it was the will of the senate that Pleminius, the legatus, be brought to Rome bound and plead his cause in chains, and if the complaints of the Locrians should prove true, that he be put to death in the prison and his property confiscated;

> Latin: 19.5. Pleminium legatum uinctum Romam deportari placere et ex uinculis causam dicere ac, si uera forent quae Locrenses quererentur, in carcere necari bonaque eius publicari:

[¶4] 19.6. that Publius Scipio, having left his province without orders of the senate, be recalled, and that the tribunes of the plebs be urged to bring before the people a bill to annul his command; that the senate should make answer to the Locrians face to face that neither the senate nor the Roman people approved of the wrongs which they complained had been inflicted upon them; that they be declared good men and good allies and friends;

> Latin: 19.6. P. Scipionem quod de prouincia decessisset iniussu senatus reuocari, agique cum tribunis plebis ut de imperio eius abrogando ferrent ad populum: Locrensibus coram senatum respondere quas iniurias sibi factas quererentur eas neque senatum neque populum Romanum factas uelle;

[¶5] 19.7. that their children, their wives and whatever else had been taken away by violence be restored to them; that all the money removed from the treasure-chambers of Proserpina be sought out and twice that amount be restored to her treasury; and that expiatory rites be performed, with the provision that the question be first laid before the college of pontiffs, in view of the removal, opening and profanation of the sacred treasure, what expiations they would order to be made, to what divinities, with what victims; that all the soldiers who were at Locri be transported to Sicily;

> Latin: 19.7. uiros bonos sociosque et amicos eos appellari; liberos coniuges quaeque alia erepta essent restitui: pecuniam quanta ex thesauris Proserpinae sublata esset conquiri duplamque pecuniam in thesauros reponi, et sacrum piaculare fieri ita ut prius ad collegium pontificum referretur, quod sacri thesauri moti aperti uiolati essent, quae piacula, quibus dis, quibus hostiis fieri placeret:

[¶6] 19.9. that four cohorts of Latin allies be brought to Locri as a garrison. Not all the senators could be asked their opinion on that day owing to the heat of party feeling for Scipio and against Scipio. In addition to the crime of Pleminius and the sufferings of the Locrians, they kept censuring even the personal appearance of the general-in-chief, as not even soldierly, not to say un- Roman; that wearing a Greek mantle and sandals he strolled about in the gymnasium, giving his attention to books in Greek and physical exercise;

> Latin: 19.9. milites qui Locris essent omnes in Siciliam transportari: quattuor cohortes sociorum Latini nominis in praesidium Locros adduci. perrogari eo die sententiae accensis studiis pro Scipione et aduersus Scipionem non potuere. praeter Plemini facinus Locrensiumque cladem ipsius etiam imperatoris non Romanus modo sed ne militaris quidem cultus iactabatur: cum pallio crepidisque inambulare in gymnasio;

[¶7] 19.12. that with equal indolence and self-indulgence his entire retinue was enjoying the charms of Syracuse; that Carthage and Hannibal had been forgotten;

> Latin: 19.12. libellis eum palaestraeque operam dare; aeque [segniter] molliter cohortem totam Syracusarum amoenitate frui;

[¶8] 19.13. that the entire army, being spoiled by lack of restraint and, like the army formerly at Sucro in Spain, like the troops now at Locri, was more to be feared by allies than by the enemy.

> Latin: 19.13. Carthaginem atque Hannibalem excidisse de memoria; exercitum omnem licentia corruptum, qualis Sucrone in Hispania fuerit, qualis nunc Locris, sociis magis quam hosti metuendum.

[¶9] 20.1. Although some of these taunts were true, some half-true and hence plausible, nevertheless the motion of Quintus Metellus carried the day. In agreement with Maximus on the other points, he disagreed with him so far as concerned Scipio, the man whom the state chose not long before, he said, in spite of his youth as sole general to recover Spain;

> Latin: 20.1. haec quamquam partim uera partim mixta eoque similia ueris iactabantur, tamen uicit Q. Metelli sententia qui de ceteris Maximo adsensus de Scipionis causa dissensit:

[¶10] 20.2. then, after Spain had been rewon from the enemy, elected him consul to put an end to the Punic war, and counted upon him to draw Hannibal out of Italy and to conquer Africa.

> Latin: 20.2. qui enim conuenire quem modo ciuitas iuuenem admodum unum reciperandae Hispaniae delegerit ducem, quem recepta ab hostibus Hispania ad imponendum Punico bello finem creauerit consulem, spe destinauerit Hannibalem ex Italia retracturum, Africam subacturum, eum repente, tamquam Q.

[¶11] 20.3. How then was it logical for him, as if he were a Quintus Pleminius, suddenly to be all but condemned without a hearing, recalled from his province, although the Locrians said that the criminal acts against them of which they complained had been committed when Scipio was not even present, and nothing else could be charged against him than slowness to anger, or else reluctance in sparing his legatus?

> Latin: 20.3. Pleminium, indicta causa prope damnatum ex prouincia reuocari, cum ea quae in se nefarie facta Locrenses quererentur ne praesente quidem Scipione facta dicerent, neque aliud quam patientia aut pudor quod legato pepercisset insimulari posset?

[¶12] 20.4. His proposal, he said, was that Marcus Pomponius, the praetor, to whom Sicily had been allotted as his province, should within three days leave for the province; that the consuls should choose ten legati at their discretion from the senate, to be sent with the praetor, as also two tribunes of the plebs and an aedile;

> Latin: 20.4. sibi placere M. Pomponium praetorem, cui Sicilia prouincia sorti euenisset, triduo proximo in prouinciam proficisci: consules decem legatos quos iis uideretur ex senatu legere quos cum praetore mitterent, et duos tribunos plebei atque aedilem;

[¶13] 20.5. that with these men as assessors the praetor should conduct an examination; if the offences of which the Locrians complained had been committed by the command or with the consent of Publius Scipio, they should order him to retire from his province;

> Latin: 20.5. cum eo consilio praetorem cognoscere; si ea quae Locrenses facta quererentur iussu aut uoluntate P. Scipionis facta essent, ut eum de prouincia decedere iuberent;

[¶14] 20.6. if Publius Scipio should have already crossed over into Africa, the tribunes of the plebs and the aedile should go to Africa with two of the legati —those whom the praetor should judge most competent —the tribunes and aedile to bring Scipio away, the legati to be in command of the army until anew general-in-command should reach that army;

> Latin: 20.6. si P. Scipio iam in Africam traiecisset, tribuni plebis atque aedilis cum duobus legatis quos maxime idoneos praetor censuisset in Africam proficiscerentur, tribuni atque aedilis qui reducerent inde Scipionem, legati qui exercitui praeessent donec nouus imperator ad eum exercitum uenisset:

[¶15] 20.8. if Marcus Pomponius-and the ten legati should find that the acts had been committed neither by order of Publius Scipio nor with his consent, that Scipio should remain with the army and carry on the war as he had planned.

> Latin: 20.8. si M. Pomponius et decem legati comperissent neque iussu neque uoluntate P. Scipionis ea facta esse, ut ad exercitum Scipio maneret bellumque ut proposuisset gereret.

[¶16] 20.9. A decree of the senate to this effect having been passed, the tribunes of the plebs were requested either to arrange among themselves or to choose by lot which two of them should go with the praetor and legati.

> Latin: 20.9. hoc facto senatus consulto, cum tribunis plebis actum est aut compararent inter se aut sorte legerent qui duo cum praetore ac legatis irent:

[¶17] 20.10. The matter of expiation for all that in the temple of Proserpina at Locri had been touched and profaned and carried away was referred to the college of pontiffs.

> Latin: 20.10. ad collegium pontificum relatum de expiandis quae Locris in templo Proserpinae tacta ac uiolata elataque inde essent.

[¶18] 20.11. The tribunes of the plebs, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Marcus Cincius Alimentus departed with the praetor and ten legati. A plebeian aedile was added to their number, and either in case Scipio in Sicily should fail to obey the praetor, or if he should have crossed already into Africa, the tribunes were to order the aedile to arrest him, and by virtue of their inviolable authority they were to bring him back. It was their plan to go to Locri first and then to Messana.

> Latin: 20.11. tribuni plebis cum praetore et decem legatis profecti M. Claudius Marcellus et M. Cincius Alimentus; aedilis plebis datus est quem, si aut in Sicilia praetori dicto audiens non esset Scipio aut iam in Africam traiecisset, prendere tribuni iuberent, ac iure sacrosanctae potestatis reducerent. prius Locros ire quam Messanam consilium erat.

[¶19] 21.1. But so far as Pleminius is concerned we have two reports. Some authorities relate that, on hearing what had been done at Rome, he was on his way into exile at Neapolis when he happened to encounter Quintus Metellus, one of the legati, and that he was forcibly brought back by him to Regium.

> Latin: 21.1. ceterum duplex fama est quod ad Pleminium attinet. alii auditis quae Romae acta essent in exsilium Neapolim euntem forte in Q. Metellum unum ex legatis incidisse et ab eo Regium ui retractum tradunt:

[¶20] 21.2. Others say that Scipio himself sent a legatus with thirty horsemen of the first order, to throw Quintus Pleminius into chains and with him the leaders of the outbreak.

> Latin: 21.2. alii ab ipso Scipione legatum cum triginta nobilissimis equitum missum qui Q. Pleminium in catenas et cum eo seditionis principes conicerent.

[¶21] 21.3. All of them, whether by Scipio's order earlier or at this time by that of the praetor, were delivered into the custody of the men of Regium. The praetor and legati went to Locri and, as they had been instructed, made religion their first concern.

> Latin: 21.3. ii omnes seu ante Scipionis seu tum praetoris iussu traditi in custodiam Reginis sunt. praetor legatique Locros profecti primam, sicuti mandatum erat, religionis curam habuere;

[¶22] 21.4. For they sought out and restored to the treasure-chambers all the sacred money, both what was in the hands of Pleminius and what was in the possession of the soldiers, together with what they had themselves brought with them; and they performed the rite of expiation.

> Latin: 21.4. omnem enim sacram pecuniam quaeque apud Pleminium quaeque apud milites erat conquisitam, cum ea quam ipsi secum attulerant, in thesauris reposuerunt ac piaculare sacrum fecerunt.

[¶23] 21.5. Then the praetor summoned the soldiers to an assembly, ordered their units to march out of the city, and assigned a site in the plain for their camp, with a threatening edict in case any soldier should either remain in the city or carry out with him what was not his own. In this he stated that he gave permission to the Locrians to seize any possession a man should recognize as his; and if anything was not produced he should demand its restitution.

> Latin: 21.5. tum uocatos ad contionem milites praetor signa extra urbem efferre iubet castraque in campo locat cum graui edicto si quis miles aut in urbe restitisset aut secum extulisset quod suum non esset: Locrensibus se permittere ut quod sui quisque cognosset prenderet, si quid non compareret repeteret;

[¶24] 21.6. Above all, he said, he ruled that free persons should be restored to the Locrians without delay; that a heavy penalty would be paid by the man who did not restore them.

> Latin: 21.6. ante omnia libera corpora placere sine mora Locrensibus restitui; non leui defuncturum poena qui non restituisset.

[¶25] 21.7. Thereupon he held an assembly of the Locrians and said that the Roman people and senate restored to them their independence and their own laws; that if anyone desired to bring charges against Pleminius or any other man, let him follow him to Regium.

> Latin: 21.7. Locrensium deinde contionem habuit atque iis libertatem legesque suas populum Romanum senatumque restituere dixit; si qui Pleminium aliumue quem accusare uellet, Regium se sequeretur:

[¶26] 21.8. As regarded Publius Scipio, should they wish, he said, to make complaint in the name of their state, claiming that such wicked deeds as had been committed at Locri against gods and men had been done by command of Publius Scipio or with his consent, let them send envoys to Messana; there with his assessors he would conduct the inquiry.

> Latin: 21.8. si de P. Scipione publice queri uellent ea quae Locris nefarie in deos hominesque facta essent iussu aut uoluntate P. Scipionis facta esse, legatos mitterent Messanam; ibi se cum consilio cogniturum. Locrenses praetori legatisque, senatui ac populo Romano gratias egerunt:

[¶27] 21.9. The Locrians thanked the praetor and his legati, the senate and the Roman people. They would go, they said, to prefer charges against Pleminius.

> Latin: 21.9. se ad Pleminium accusandum ituros: Scipionem, quamquam parum iniuriis ciuitatis suae doluerit, eum esse uirum quem amicum sibi quam inimicum malint esse;

[¶28] 21.10. As for Scipio, although he was not sufficiently pained by the wrongs done to their state, he was such a man as they would prefer to have as their friend rather than as an enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. pro certo se habere neque iussu neque uoluntate P. Scipionis tot tam nefanda commissa, sed aut Pleminio nimium [aut] sibi parum creditum, aut natura insitum quibusdam esse ut magis peccari nolint quam satis animi ad uindicanda peccata habeant.

[¶29] 21.11. They had definitely ascertained that the many unspeakable crimes had not been committed either by order or consent of Publius Scipio; but either he had trusted Pleminius too much and themselves too little; or else for some men it was natural to disapprove of misdoing but to lack sufficient spirit to punish the misdeeds. Both the praetor and his assessors were relieved of the burden —no slight one either —of a court of inquiry concerning Scipio. Pleminius and with him some thirty-two men they found guilty and sent in chains to Rome. They themselves went to Scipio with the further intention to see for themselves what had been common talk in regard to the dress and indolent habits of the general and lax discipline of his soldiers, and to report back to Rome.

> Latin: 21.11. et praetori et consilio haud mediocre onus demptum erat de Scipione cognoscendi. Pleminium et ad duo et triginta homines cum eo damnauerunt atque in catenis Romam miserunt. ipsi ad Scipionem profecti sunt ut ea quoque quae uolgata sermonibus erant de cultu ac desidia imperatoris solutaque disciplina militiae comperta oculis referrent Romam.

[¶30] 22.1. While they were on their way to Syracuse Scipio prepared tangible evidence, not words, in his defence. He ordered the entire army to be concentrated there, and the fleet to be cleared for action, as if on that day he must fight on land and sea with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 22.1. uenientibus iis Syracusas Scipio res, non uerba ad purgandum sese parauit. exercitum omnem eo conuenire, classem expediri iussit, tamquam dimicandum eo die terra marique cum Carthaginiensibus esset.

[¶31] 22.2. On the day of their arrival they were hospitably entertained, and the next day he showed them his land and naval forces, not merely drawn up in line, but the soldiers in manœuvres and the fleet likewise manœuvring in mimicry of a naval battle in the harbour.

> Latin: 22.2. quo die uenerunt hospitio comiter acceptis, postero die terrestrem naualemque exercitum, non instructos modo sed hos decurrentes, classem in portu simulacrum et ipsam edentem naualis pugnae ostendit;

[¶32] 22.3. Then the praetor and the legati were conducted on a tour of inspection of arsenals and magazines and other equipment for war.

> Latin: 22.3. tum circa armamentaria et horrea bellique alium apparatum uisendum praetor legatique ducti.

[¶33] 22.4. And so much was their admiration aroused for particular things and for the sum total that they fully believed the Carthaginian people could be defeated either by that general and army or by no other, and bade him with the blessing of the gods to cross over, and at the first possible moment to bring to the Roman people the fulfilment of the hope inspired on the day on which all the centuries had named him consul first.

> Latin: 22.4. tantaque admiratio singularum uniuersarumque rerum incussa ut satis crederent aut illo duce atque exercitu uinci Carthaginiensem populum aut alio nullo posse, iuberentque quod di bene uerterent traicere et spei conceptae quo die illum omnes centuriae priorem consulem dixissent primo quoque tempore compotem populum Romanum facere;

[¶34] 22.6. So happy also were they on leaving the city, it was if they were to carry to Rome the news of a victory, not of a magnificent preparation for war.

> Latin: 22.6. adeoque laetis inde animis profecti sunt, tamquam uictoriam non belli magnificum apparatum nuntiaturi Romam essent.

[¶35] 22.7. Pleminius and those who were involved in the same charge, upon their arrival in Rome, were at once put in the prison. And when first brought before the people by the tribunes, while men's minds were already filled with the sufferings of the Locrians, they found no room left for pity.

> Latin: 22.7. Pleminius quique in eadem causa erant postquam Romam est uentum extemplo in carcerem conditi. ac primo producti ad populum ab tribunis apud praeoccupatos Locrensium clade animos nullum misericordiae locum habuerunt: postea cum saepius producerentur, iam senescente inuidia molliebantur irae;

[¶36] 22.8. Later, as they were brought out repeatedly, men's anger was subsiding as animosity now waned, and even Pleminius' disfigurement and the memory of the absent Scipio won them support among the populace.

> Latin: 22.8. et ipsa deformitas Plemini memoriaque absentis Scipionis fauorem ad uolgum conciliabat.

[¶37] 22.9. He died, however, in prison before his trial in the assembly of the people could be completed. Clodius Licinus in the third book of his Roman History relates of this Pleminius that during the votive games which Africanus was conducting at Rome in his second consulship, he made an attempt, with the aid of certain men whom he had bribed, to set fire to the city in a number of places, in order to have a chance to break out of prison and escape;

> Latin: 22.9. mortuus tamen prius in uinclis est quam iudicium de eo populi perficeretur. hunc Pleminium Clodius Licinus in libro tertio rerum Romanarum refert ludis uotiuis quos Romae Africanus iterum consul faciebat conatum per quosdam quos pretio corruperat aliquot locis urbem incendere ut effringendi carceris fugiendique haberet occasionem;

[¶38] 22.10. that then, when his crime was revealed, he was consigned to the Tullianum in accordance with a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 22.10. patefacto dein scelere delegatum in Tullianum ex senatus consulto.

[¶39] 22.11. In regard to Scipio no action was taken anywhere except in the senate, in which both legati and tribunes united in praise of the fleet, army and general. Consequently the senate voted that at the earliest possible moment the crossing to Africa must take place, and that out of the armies then in Sicily Scipio should be permitted to choose for himself what forces he would transport with him to Africa, and what he would leave as a garrison for the province.

> Latin: 22.11. de Scipione nusquam nisi in senatu actum, ubi omnes legatique et tribuni classem exercitum ducemque uerbis extollentes effecerunt ut senatus censeret primo quoque tempore in Africam traiciendum Scipionique permitteretur ut ex iis exercitibus qui in Sicilia essent ipse eligeret quos in Africam secum traiceret, quos prouinciae relinqueret praesidio.

[¶40] 23.1. While these events were in progress among the Romans, the Carthaginians on their part, placing watch-towers on all the promontories, had passed an anxious winter, gathering information and alarmed by each fresh report. And then, as no small factor in the defence of Africa, they added an alliance of their own with King Syphax, in reliance chiefly upon whom the Roman, they had believed, intended to cross over to Africa.

> Latin: 23.1. dum haec apud Romanos geruntur, Carthaginienses quoque cum speculis per omnia promunturia positis percontantes pauentesque ad singulos nuntios sollicitam hiemem egissent, haud paruum et ipsi tuendae Africae momentum adiecerunt societatem Syphacis regis, cuius maxime fiducia traiecturum in Africam Romanum crediderant.

[¶41] 23.3. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo had not merely a guest-friendship with the king, of which mention has been made above —when Scipio and Hasdrubal coming from Spain arrived, as it happened, at the same time —but also the first proposal of a marriage tie was made, in which the king was to marry Hasdrubal's daughter.

> Latin: 23.3. erat Hasdrubali Gisgonis filio non hospitium modo cum rege, de quo ante dictum est cum ex Hispania forte in idem tempus Scipio atque Hasdrubal conuenerunt, sed mentio quoque incohata adfinitatis ut rex duceret filiam Hasdrubalis.

[¶42] 23.4. To carry the matter through and to fix a time for the wedding, Hasdrubal went to him; for the maiden was already of marriageable age. On perceiving that he was fired with passion —and more than all barbarians the Numidians are prone to sensuality —he summoned the maiden from Carthage and hastened the wedding.

> Latin: 23.4. ad eam rem consummandam tempusque nuptiis statuendum—iam enim et nubilis erat uirgo—profectus Hasdrubal ut accensum cupiditate—et sunt ante omnes barbaros Numidae effusi in uenerem—sensit, uirginem a Carthagine arcessit maturatque nuptias;

[¶43] 23.5. And in the midst of congratulations on other grounds, in order that a public compact might be added to the private, an alliance between the Carthaginian people and the king was cemented by an oath, while a pledge was given by both sides that they would have the same friends and enemies.

> Latin: 23.5. et inter aliam gratulationem ut publicum quoque foedus priuato adiceretur societas inter populum Carthaginiensem regemque, data ultro citroque fide eosdem amicos inimicosque habituros, iure iurando adfirmatur.

[¶44] 23.6. Hasdrubal, however, remembered not only the alliance with Scipio into which the king had entered, but also how naturally characterless and fickle are barbarians. He feared that if Scipio should cross over to Africa this marriage would be a slender bond. Consequently while the Numidian, fired by his newfound love, was in his power, with the help also of the young woman's allurements, Hasdrubal prevailed upon him to send ambassadors to Scipio in Sicily, and through these men he was to warn Scipio not to cross over to Africa in reliance upon his previous promises.

> Latin: 23.6. ceterum Hasdrubal, memor et cum Scipione initae regi societatis et quam uana et mutabilia barbarorum ingenia essent, ueritus ne, si traiecisset in Africam Scipio, paruum uinculum eae nuptiae essent, dum accensum recenti amore Numidam habet perpellit blanditiis quoque puellae adhibitis ut legatos in Siciliam ad Scipionem mittat per quos moneat eum ne prioribus suis promissis fretus in Africam traiciat;

[¶45] 23.7. They were to say that he was linked with the Carthaginian people both by his marriage to a citizen of Carthage, daughter of the Hasdrubal whom Scipio had seen received as a guest in his own house, and by a public treaty as well;

> Latin: 23.7. se et nuptiis ciuis Carthaginiensis, filiae Hasdrubalis quem uiderit apud se in hospitio, et publico etiam foedere cum populo Carthaginiensi iunctum optare primum ut procul ab Africa, sicut adhuc fecerint, bellum Romani cum Carthaginiensibus gerant, ne sibi interesse certaminibus eorum armaque aut haec aut illa abnuentem alteram societatem sequi necesse sit:

[¶46] 23.9. that in the first place he wished that the Romans would carry on war with the Carthaginians, as they had done hitherto, far from Africa, making it unnecessary for him to be involved in their conflicts and to follow the arms of this side or that, rejecting alliance with the other side; that if Scipio did not keep away from Africa and moved his army up to Carthage, it would be necessary for him to fight both for the land of Africa, in which he too had been born, and for the native city of his wife and for her father and her home.

> Latin: 23.9. si non abstineat Africa Scipio et Carthagini exercitum admoueat, sibi necessarium fore et pro terra Africa in qua et ipse sit genitus et pro patria coniugis suae proque parente ac penatibus dimicare.

[¶47] 24.1. With these instructions ambassadors were sent to Scipio by the king, and they met him at Syracuse.

> Latin: 24.1. cum his mandatis ab rege legati ad Scipionem missi Syracusis eum conuenerunt.

[¶48] 24.2. Scipio had lost, to be sure, an important factor for the campaign in Africa and a high hope; nevertheless, sending the messengers back to Africa promptly, before the matter should be widely reported, he gave them a letter to the king. In this he insistently admonished him not to prove false to the claims of a guest-friendship entered into with himself, nor to those of an alliance contracted with the Roman people, nor to divine law, to honour, to the clasped hands, to the gods as witnesses and arbiters of compacts.

> Latin: 24.2. Scipio quamquam magno momento rerum in Africa gerendarum magnaque spe destitutus erat, legatis propere priusquam res uolgaretur remissis in Africam litteras dat ad regem quibus etiam atque etiam monet eum ne iura hospitii secum neu cum populo Romano initae societatis neu fas fidem dexteras deos testes atque arbitros conuentorum fallat.

[¶49] 24.4. But the arrival of the Numidians could not be kept secret, for they had roamed about the city and had showed themselves at headquarters; and if the object of their mission was passed over in silence there would be danger that the facts might of themselves transpire, all the more from the very attempt to conceal them, and that the fear of having to fight at the same time with the king and the Carthaginians might overtake the army.

> Latin: 24.4. ceterum quando neque celari aduentus Numidarum poterat—uagati enim in urbe obuersatique praetorio erant—et, si sileretur quid petentes uenissent, periculum erat ne uera eo ipso quod celarentur sua sponte magis emanarent, timorque in exercitum incederet ne simul cum rege et Carthaginiensibus foret bellandum, auertit a uero falsis praeoccupando mentes hominum, et uocatis ad contionem militibus non ultra esse cunctandum ait; instare ut in Africam quam primum traiciat socios reges. Masinissam prius ipsum ad C. Laelium uenisse querentem quod cunctando tempus tereretur:

[¶50] 24.6. For that reason Scipio diverted men's attention from the truth by preoccupation with false statements, and summoning the soldiers to an assembly, he told them that there must be no further delay; that the kings, their allies, were insisting that he cross over to Africa as soon as possible.

> Latin: 24.6. nunc Syphacem mittere legatos idem admirantem quae tam diuturnae morae sit causa postulantemque ut aut traiciatur tandem in Africam exercitus aut, si mutata consilia sint, certior fiat ut et ipse sibi ac regno suo possit consulere.

[¶51] 24.7. Masinissa, he said, had previously come in person to Gaius Laelius complaining because they were wasting time in hesitation; and now Syphax was sending ambassadors, stating that he also was at a loss to explain what was the reason for a delay so protracted, and demanding either that the army be at last transported to Africa, or, if their plans had been changed, that he be informed, so that he on his part might take measures for himself and his kingdom.

> Latin: 24.7. itaque satis iam omnibus instructis apparatisque et re iam non ultra recipiente cunctationem, in animo sibi esse Lilybaeum classe traducta eodemque omnibus peditum equitumque copiis contractis quae prima dies cursum nauibus daret dis bene iuuantibus in Africam traicere. litteras ad M. Pomponium mittit ut, si ei uideretur, Lilybaeum ueniret ut communiter consulerent quas potissimum legiones et quantum militum numerum in Africam traiceret.

[¶52] 24.9. Accordingly, since now everything had been duly fitted out and made ready and the situation admitted of no further delay, Scipio said it was his intention to shift his fleet to Lilybaeum and concentrate there all his infantry and cavalry forces, then on the first day that offered a passage to his ships to cross over with the blessing of the gods to Africa.

> Latin: 24.9. item circum oram omnem maritimam misit ut naues onerariae comprensae Lilybaeum omnes contraherentur. quicquid militum nauiumque in Sicilia erat cum Lilybaeum conuenisset et nec urbs multitudinem hominum neque portus naues caperet, tantus omnibus ardor erat in Africam traiciendi ut non ad bellum duci uiderentur sed ad certa uictoriae praemia.

[¶53] 24.11. He sent a letter to Marcus Pomponius, requesting him, if he approved, to come to Lilybaeum, so that they might jointly decide which particular legions to transport to Africa and how large a number of men.

> Latin: 24.11. praecipue qui superabant ex Cannensi exercitu milites illo non alio duce credebant nauata rei publicae opera finire se militiam ignominiosam posse.

[¶54] 24.12. He likewise sent orders round the entire coastline to have all merchantmen pressed into the service and concentrated at Lilybaeum. When all the soldiers and ships in Sicily had been brought together at Lilybaeum and the city could not contain the multitude of men nor the harbour the ships, such was the ardour of every man for the passage to Africa that it seemed as though they were being led, not to a war but to assured rewards of victory.

> Latin: 24.12. et Scipio minime id genus militum aspernabatur, ut qui neque ad Cannas ignauia eorum cladem acceptam sciret neque ullos aeque ueteres milites in exercitu Romano esse expertosque non uariis proeliis modo sed urbibus etiam oppugnandis. quinta et sexta Cannenses erant legiones. eas se traiecturum in Africam cum dixisset, singulos milites inspexit, relictisque quos non idoneos credebat in locum eorum subiecit quos secum ex Italia adduxerat, suppleuitque ita eas legiones ut singulae sena milia et ducenos pedites, trecenos haberent equites.

[¶55] 24.14. Especially the soldiers who were left of the army at Cannae believed that under that general and no other, by active duty for the state they could bring their ignominious service to an end.

> Latin: 24.14. sociorum item Latini nominis pedites equitesque de exercitu Cannensi legit. quantum militum in Africam transportatum sit non paruo numero inter auctores discrepat.

[¶56] 25.2. And Scipio did not in the least scorn soldiers of that kind, as he knew that the disaster at Cannae had not been incurred by their cowardice, and that there were no soldiers in the Roman army who were such veterans and as highly trained not only in battles of different kinds but also in besieging cities.

> Latin: 25.2. alibi decem milia peditum duo milia et ducentos equites, alibi sedecim milia peditum mille et sescentos equites, alibi parte plus dimidia rem auctam, quinque et triginta milia peditum equitumque in naues imposita <inuenio>.

[¶57] 25.3. The fifth and sixth legions were those from Cannae. Having said he would transport these legions to Africa, he inspected the soldiers one by one, and leaving those whom he believed to be unfit, he substituted for them men whom he had brought with him from Italy, and recruited the legions to such an extent that each had six thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry.

> Latin: 25.3. quidam non adiecere numerum, inter quos me ipse in re dubia poni malim. Coelius ut abstinet numero, ita ad immensum multitudinis speciem auget:

[¶58] 25.4. In like manner he chose foot-soldiers and horse from the Latin allies out of the army which fought at Cannae. XXV. As to the number of soldiers transported to Africa the authorities differ by no small figure. In some I find that ten thousand infantry, two thousand two hundred cavalry were embarked; in others sixteen thousand infantry, sixteen hundred cavalry; in others the total is more than doubled —thirty-five thousand infantry and cavalry.

> Latin: 25.4. uolucres ad terram delapsas clamore militum ait tantamque multitudinem conscendisse naues ut nemo mortalium aut in Italia aut in Sicilia relinqui uideretur. milites ut naues ordine ac sine tumultu conscenderent ipse eam sibi curam sumpsit:

[¶59] 25.5. Some authorities have not introduced the figures, and it is among these that I should myself prefer to be counted in view of the uncertainty.

> Latin: 25.5. nauticos C. Laelius, qui classis praefectus erat, in nauibus ante conscendere coactos continuit:

[¶60] 25.6. Coelius, while he gives no figures, nevertheless immensely increases the impression of great numbers. He says that birds fell to the ground owing to the shouts of the soldiers, and that such a multitude boarded the ships that not a human being seemed to be left either in Italy or Sicily.

> Latin: 25.6. commeatus imponendi M. Pomponio praetori cura data: quinque et quadraginta dierum cibaria, e quibus quindecim dierum cocta, imposita.

[¶61] 25.7. That the soldiers should board the ships in good order and without confusion the general took upon himself. As for the crews, Gaius Laelius, who was admiral of the fleet, ordered them to go on board first, and kept them there.

> Latin: 25.7. ut omnes iam in nauibus erant, scaphas circummisit ut ex omnibus nauibus gubernatoresque et magistri nauium et bini milites in forum conuenirent ad imperia accipienda.

[¶62] 25.8. The duty of loading supplies was assigned to Marcus Pomponius, the praetor. Rations for forty-five days —of these cooked rations for fifteen days —were placed on board.

> Latin: 25.8. postquam conuenerunt, primum ab iis quaesiuit si aquam hominibus iumentisque in totidem dies quot frumentum imposuissent.

[¶63] 25.9. When now they had all embarked, Scipio sent ships' boats round with orders that pilots and masters from all the ships and two soldiers from each should assemble before the headquarters to receive commands. When they were assembled he first asked them if they had put on board water for men and beasts for just as many days as they had grain.

> Latin: 25.9. ubi responderunt aquam dierum quinque et quadraginta in nauibus esse, tum edixit militibus ut silentium quieti nautis sine certamine ad ministeria exsequenda bene oboedientes praestarent.

[¶64] 25.10. When they replied that there was water for forty-five days on board, he thereupon gave orders to the soldiers to remain quiet and ensure silence in proper obedience to the seamen and without interference, that these might perform their duties.

> Latin: 25.10. cum uiginti rostratis se ac L. Scipionem ab dextro cornu, ab laeuo totidem rostratas et C. Laelium praefectum classis cum M. Porcio Catone —quaestor is tum erat—onerariis futurum praesidio.

[¶65] 25.11. With twenty warships, he said, he and Lucius Scipio on the right wing would protect the transports; on the left wing the same number of war-ships and Gaius Laelius, admiral of the fleet, with Marcus Porcius Cato, who was at that time quaestor; that war-ships should have one lantern for each ship, transports two for each; that on the flagship the designation at night would be three lanterns.

> Latin: 25.11. lumina in nauibus singula rostratae, bina onerariae haberent: in praetoria naue insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore. Emporia ut peterent gubernatoribus edixit.

[¶66] 25.12. He ordered the pilots to steer for the Emporia. There the soil is very fertile and for that reason the region supplies everything in abundance; and the natives are unwarlike, as is usually the case in a fertile country, and it seemed that they could be overpowered before aid could be sent from Carthage. After he had issued these commands they were ordered to return to their ships and on the following day, with the blessing of the gods, to cast off at the given signal.

> Latin: 25.12. — fertilissimus ager eoque abundans omnium copia rerum est regio, et imbelles—quod plerumque in uberi agro euenit —barbari sunt priusque quam ab Carthagine subueniretur opprimi uidebantur posse. —iis editis imperiis redire ad naues iussi et postero die bis bene iuuantibus signo dato soluere naues.

[¶67] 26.1. Many Roman fleets had sailed from Sicily and out of that very harbour. Yet not only during that war was there never a sailing so spectacular and no wonder, since most of the fleets had sailed out merely to plunder-but there had been nothing similar even in the previous war.

> Latin: 26.1. multae classes Romanae e Sicilia atque ipso illo portu profectae erant; ceterum non eo bello solum—nec id mirum; praedatum enim tantummodo pleraeque classes ierant—sed ne priore quidem ulla profectio tanti spectaculi fuit;

[¶68] 26.2. And yet if one had based his comparison upon the size of the fleet, more than once before had two consuls with two armies made the passage, and there had been almost as many war-ships in those fleets as now transports with which Scipio was crossing over. For in addition to forty war-ships only, he carried his army across on about four hundred transports.

> Latin: 26.2. quamquam, si magnitudine classis aestimares, et bini consules cum binis exercitibus ante traiecerant et prope totidem rostratae in illis classibus fuerant quot onerariis Scipio tum traiciebat;

[¶69] 26.3. But the second war was made to appear to the Romans more terrible than the first both by being carried on in Italy and by the immense losses which befell so many armies, with the death of their generals at the same time. Furthermore Scipio, whom men praised as a general partly because of his brave deeds, partly because of a good fortune peculiarly his own —a matter of the greatest importance to his growing celebrity —had commanded attention, as had also the very thought, not hazarded by any previous general in this war, of crossing the sea.

> Latin: 26.3. nam praeter quadraginta longas naues quadringentis ferme onerariis exercitum trauexit. sed et bellum bello secundum priore ut atrocius Romanis uideretur, cum quod in Italia bellabatur tum ingentes strages tot exercituum simul caesis ducibus effecerant, et Scipio dux partim factis fortibus partim suapte fortuna quadam †ingenti† ad incrementa gloriae celebratus conuerterat animos,

[¶70] 26.6. For he had spread the report that he was making the passage in order to draw Hannibal out of Italy and, shifting its scene, to bring the war to an end in Africa.

> Latin: 26.6. simul et mens ipsa traiciendi, nulli ante eo bello duci temptata, quod ad Hannibalem detrahendum ex Italia transferendumque et finiendum in Africa bellum se transire uolgauerat.

[¶71] 26.7. To see that sight there had flocked to the harbour a crowd made up, not only of all the inhabitants of Lilybaeum, but of all the delegations from Sicily which had arrived to show their respect as an escort to Scipio, and of those that had followed the praetor of the province, Marcus Pomponius.

> Latin: 26.7. concurrerat ad spectaculum in portum omnis turba non habitantium modo Lilybaei sed legationum omnium ex Sicilia quae et ad prosequendum Scipionem officii causa conuenerant et praetorem prouinciae M. Pomponium secutae fuerant;

[¶72] 26.8. In addition the legions that were being left behind in Sicily had turned out to escort their fellow-soldiers. And not only was the fleet a spectacle for those who viewed it from the shore, but also the whole densely crowded shore on this side and that was a sight for those who were sailing.

> Latin: 26.8. ad hoc legiones quae in Sicilia relinquebantur ad prosequendos commilitones processerant; nec classis modo prospectantibus e terra, sed terra etiam omnis circa referta turba spectaculo nauigantibus erat.

[¶73] 27.1. When the day dawned Scipio on his flagship, after silence had been secured by a herald, prayed: “Ye gods and goddesses who inhabit seas and lands, I pray and beseech you that whatever under my authority has been done, is being done, and shall henceforth be done, may prosper for me, for the Roman people and the commons, for allies and Latins who by land, by sea, and by rivers follow the lead, authority and auspices of the Roman people and of myself; and that ye lend your kind aid to all those acts and make them bear good fruit;”

> Latin: 27.1. ubi inluxit, Scipio e praetoria naue silentio per praeconem facto 'diui diuaeque' inquit 'qui maria terrasque colitis, uos precor quaesoque uti quae in meo imperio gesta sunt geruntur postque gerentur, ea mihi populo plebique Romanae sociis nominique Latino qui populi Romani quique meam sectam imperium auspiciumque terra mari amnibusque sequuntur bene uerruncent, eaque uos omnia bene iuuetis, bonis auctibus auxitis;

[¶74] 27.3. “that when the foe has been vanquished, ye bring the victors home with me safe and sound, adorned with spoils, laden with booty, and in triumph;”

> Latin: 27.3. saluos incolumesque uictis perduellibus uictores spoliis decoratos praeda onustos triumphantesque mecum domos reduces sistatis; inimicorum hostiumque ulciscendorum copiam faxitis;

[¶75] 27.4. “that ye grant power to punish opponents and enemies; and that ye bestow upon the Roman people and upon me the power to visit upon the state of the Carthaginians the fate that the people of Carthage have endeavoured to visit upon our state.”

> Latin: 27.4. quaeque populus Carthaginiensis in ciuitatem nostram facere molitus est, ea ut mihi populoque Romano in ciuitatem Carthaginiensium exempla edendi facultatem detis.'

[¶76] 27.5. Immediately after this prayer a victim was slain and Scipio threw the organs raw into the sea, as is customary, and by a trumpet gave the signal to sail. A favouring wind sufficiently strong quickly carried them out of sight of land.

> Latin: 27.5. secundum has preces cruda exta caesa uictima, uti mos est, in mare proiecit tubaque signum dedit proficiscendi. uento secundo uehementi satis prouecti celeriter e conspectu terrae ablati sunt;

[¶77] 27.6. And after mid-day they encountered a fog, so that with difficulty could they avoid collisions between the ships. In the open sea the wind was gentler.

> Latin: 27.6. et a meridie nebula occepit ita uix ut concursus nauium inter se uitarent; lenior uentus in alto factus.

[¶78] 27.7. Through the following night the same fog held; and when the sun was up, it was dispersed and the wind increased in force. Already they were in sight of land. Not very long afterwards the pilot told Scipio that Africa was not more than five miles away; that they sighted the Promontory of Mercury; if he should order him to steer for that, the entire fleet would soon be in port.

> Latin: 27.7. noctem insequentem eadem caligo obtinuit: sole orto est discussa, et addita uis uento. iam terram cernebant. haud ita multo post gubernator Scipioni ait non plus quinque milia passuum Africam abesse;

[¶79] 27.8. Scipio, now that the land was visible, after a prayer to the gods that his sight of Africa might be a blessing to the state and to himself, gave orders to make sail and to seek another landing-place for the ships farther down.

> Latin: 27.8. Mercuri promunturium se cernere; si iubeat eo dirigi, iam in portu fore omnem classem. Scipio, ut in conspectu terra fuit, precatus deos uti bono rei publicae suoque Africam uiderit, dare uela et alium infra nauibus accessum petere iubet.

[¶80] 27.10. They were running before the same wind; but at about the same time as on the preceding day a fog appeared cutting off the sight of land, and under the weight of fog the wind dropped.

> Latin: 27.10. uento eodem ferebantur; ceterum nebula sub idem ferme tempus quo pridie exorta conspectum terrae ademit et uentus premente nebula cecidit.

[¶81] 27.11. Then night added to all their uncertainties; so they cast anchor, that the ships might not collide or drift onto the shore. When day dawned the same wind sprang up and by dispelling the fog revealed the whole African coast.

> Latin: 27.11. nox deinde incertiora omnia fecit; itaque ancoras ne aut inter se concurrerent naues aut terrae inferrentur iecere.

[¶82] 27.12. Scipio inquired what the nearest promontory was, and upon being told it was called Cape of the Fair God, he said “A welcome omen! steer your ships this way!” There the fleet came into port and all the troops were disembarked.

> Latin: 27.12. ubi inluxit, uentus idem coortus nebula disiecta aperuit omnia Africae litora. Scipio quod esset proximum promuntorium percontatus cum Pulchri promunturium id uocari audisset, 'placet omen;' inquit 'huc dirigite naues.'

[¶83] 27.13. That the passage was successful and free from alarm and disorder I have accepted on the authority of many Greek and Latin writers. Coelius alone describes all the terrors of weather and waves —everything short of saying that the ships were overwhelmed by the seas.

> Latin: 27.13. eo classis decurrit, copiaeque omnes in terram expositae sunt. prosperam nauigationem sine terrore ac tumultu fuisse permultis Graecis Latinisque auctoribus credidi.

[¶84] 27.14. He relates that finally the fleet was swept by the storm away from Africa to the island of Aegimurus and that from there the proper course was regained with difficulty; and that as the ships were all but sinking the soldiers, without waiting for an order from the general, made their way to the shore in small boats, as though they had been shipwrecked, with no arms and in the greatest disorder.

> Latin: 27.14. Coelius unus praeterquam quod non mersas fluctibus naues ceteros omnes caelestes maritimosque terrores, postremo abreptam tempestate ab Africa classem ad insulam Aegimurum, inde aegre correctum cursum exponit, et prope obrutis nauibus iniussu imperatoris scaphis, haud secus quam naufragos, milites sine armis cum ingenti tumultu in terram euasisse.

[¶85] 28.1. After landing their troops the Romans laid out a camp on the nearest heights.

> Latin: 28.1. expositis copiis Romani castra in proximis tumulis metantur.

[¶86] 28.2. By this time, first from the sight of the fleet, and then from the commotion produced as they were disembarking, apprehension and panic had reached not only the farms near the coast but even into the cities.

> Latin: 28.2. iam non in maritimos modo agros conspectu primum classis dein tumultu egredientium in terram pauor terrorque peruenerat, sed in ipsas urbes;

[¶87] 28.3. For it was not merely the massed humanity that, interspersed with columns of women and children, had filled all the roads in every direction, but cattle also driven before them by the farmers, so that one would have said Africa was suddenly being deserted.

> Latin: 28.3. neque enim hominum modo turba mulierum puerorumque agminibus immixta omnes passim compleuerat uias, sed pecora quoque prae se agrestes agebant, ut relinqui subito Africam diceres.

[¶88] 28.4. But even in the cities they inspired greater alarm than that which they had brought with them.

> Latin: 28.4. urbibus uero ipsis maiorem quam quem secum attulerant terrorem inferebant; praecipue Carthagini prope ut captae tumultus fuit.

[¶89] 28.5. Especially at Carthage the uproar was almost like that of a captured city. For since the consulship of Marcus Atilius Regulus and Lucius Manlius, for almost fifty years they had seen no Roman forces except only predatory fleets, by means of which descents had been made on farms near the sea;

> Latin: 28.5. nam post M. Atilium Regulum et L. Manlium consules, annis prope quinquaginta, nullum Romanum exercitum uiderant praeter praedatorias classes quibus escensiones in agros maritimos factae erant, raptisque quae obuia fors fecerat prius recursum semper ad naues quam clamor agrestes conciret fuerat.

[¶90] 28.6. and seizing whatever chance had put in their way, the men had always raced back to their ships before the outcry should arouse the farmers. All the greater at this time was the flight and alarm in the city. They lacked also, to be sure, both a strong army at home and a general to confront the enemy.

> Latin: 28.6. eo maior tum fuga pauorque in urbe fuit. et hercule neque exercitus domi ualidus neque dux quem opponerent erat. Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius genere, fama, diuitiis, regia tum etiam adfinitate, longe primus ciuitatis erat;

[¶91] 28.8. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo was far the foremost man of the state in family, reputation, wealth, and at that time also by reason of his relationship to a king. But they recalled that in a number of battles in Spain he had been routed and beaten by the self-same Scipio, and that the one general was no more a match for the other than was their own irregular army for the Roman army.

> Latin: 28.8. sed eum ab ipso illo Scipione aliquot proeliis fusum pulsumque in Hispania meminerant nec magis ducem duci parem quam tumultuarium exercitum suum Romano exercitui esse.

[¶92] 28.9. Accordingly they sounded the alarm, as if Scipio were intending forthwith to attack the city. The gates were hastily closed also and armed men posted on the walls, sentries and outposts stationed, while the following night no one slept.

> Latin: 28.9. itaque uelut si urbem extemplo adgressurus Scipio foret, ita conclamatum ad arma est portaeque raptim clausae et armati in muris uigiliaeque et stationes dispositae ac nocte insequenti uigilatum est.

[¶93] 28.10. Next day five hundred horsemen, sent to the coast to reconnoitre and to break up the disembarkation, encountered Roman outposts.

> Latin: 28.10. postero die quingenti equites, speculatum ad mare turbandosque egredientes ex nauibus missi, in stationes Romanorum inciderunt.

[¶94] 28.11. For already Scipio, after sending the fleet towards Utica, had himself advanced not very far from the sea and taken the nearest heights. He had stationed cavalry on outpost duty in suitable positions and had sent others to plunder the countryside.

> Latin: 28.11. iam enim Scipio, classe Uticam missa, ipse haud ita multum progressus a mari tumulos proximos ceperat; equites et in stationibus locis idoneis posuerat et per agros miserat praedatum.

[¶95] 29.1. These horsemen, having engaged in battle with the Carthaginian cavalry, slew a few in the actual engagement, many more as they pursued them in flight, among the number Hanno also, the commander, a young man of rank.

> Latin: 29.1. hi cum Carthaginiensi equitatu proelium cum commisissent, paucos in ipso certamine, plerosque fugientes persecuti, in quibus praefectum quoque Hannonem, nobilem iuuenem, occiderunt.

[¶96] 29.2. Scipio not only laid waste the farms all around but also captured the nearest city of the Africans, quite a prosperous place.

> Latin: 29.2. Scipio non agros modo circa uastauit sed urbem etiam proximam Afrorum satis opulentam cepit;

[¶97] 29.3. There, in addition to the other spoils which had been at once loaded on transports and sent to Sicily, eight thousand free persons and slaves were taken captive. What brought the greatest joy, however, to the Romans at the beginning of the campaign was the arrival of Masinissa.

> Latin: 29.3. ubi praeter cetera, quae extemplo in naues onerarias imposita missaque in Siciliam erant, octo milia liberorum seruorumque capitum sunt capta. laetissimus tamen Romanis in principio rerum gerendarum aduentus fuit Masinissae;

[¶98] 29.4. Some authorities relate that he came with no more than two hundred horsemen, the majority say with two thousand cavalry.

> Latin: 29.4. quem quidam cum ducentis haud amplius equitibus, plerique cum duum milium equitatu tradunt uenisse.

[¶99] 29.5. But since he was far the greatest of all the kings of his time and gave the greatest aid to the Roman state, it seems worth while to digress a little to tell how checkered was the fortune he met with in losing and recovering his father's kingdom.

> Latin: 29.5. ceterum cum longe maximus omnium aetatis suae regum hic fuerit plurimumque rem Romanam iuuerit, operae pretium uidetur excedere paulum ad enarrandum quam uaria fortuna usus sit in amittendo reciperandoque paterno regno.

## 46. Book XXIX · chapters 29–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/46/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/46/#p-N

[¶0] 29.6. While he was serving on the side of the Carthaginians in Spain his father died; Gala was his name. The kingdom came to the king's brother, Oezalces, a very aged man, such being the custom among the Numidians.

> Latin: 29.6. —militanti pro Carthaginiensibus in Hispania pater ei moritur; Galae nomen erat. regnum ad fratrem regis Oezalcem pergrandem natu—ita mos apud Numidas est—peruenit.

[¶1] 29.7. Not long after, upon the death of Oezalces also, the elder of his two sons, Capussa, succeeded to his father's throne, the other son being a mere boy.

> Latin: 29.7. haud multo post Oezalce quoque mortuo maior ex duobus filiis eius Capussa, puero admodum altero, paternum imperium accepit.

[¶2] 29.8. But inasmuch as he held the kingship more by customary law of his people than by prestige among his countrymen or by his might, a man came forward named Mazaetullus, not unconnected by blood with the royal house and member of a family that had always been hostile and had contested the throne with different results against the house which was then in possession.

> Latin: 29.8. ceterum cum magis iure gentis quam auctoritate inter suos aut uiribus obtineret regnum, exstitit quidam Mazaetullus nomine, non alienus sanguine regibus, familiae semper inimicae ac de imperio uaria fortuna cum iis qui tum obtinebant certantis.

[¶3] 29.9. After rousing his countrymen, among whom he had great influence because of the unpopularity of the royal family, and openly pitching his camp, he compelled the king to go out into battle-line and fight for his kingdom.

> Latin: 29.9. is concitatis popularibus, apud quos inuidia regum magnae auctoritatis erat, castris palam positis descendere regem in aciem ac dimicare de regno coegit.

[¶4] 29.10. In that battle Capussa fell with many of the leading men. The entire tribe of the Maesulii submitted to the sway and authority of Mazaetullus.

> Latin: 29.10. in eo proelio Capussa cum multis principum cecidit. gens Maesuliorum omnis in dicionem imperiumque Mazaetulli concessit;

[¶5] 29.11. Nevertheless he refrained from using the kingly title and, contented with the modest style of guardian, he gave the royal title to the boy Lacumazes, who also belonged to the royal line.

> Latin: 29.11. regio tamen nomine abstinuit contentusque nomine modico tutoris puerum Lacumazen, qui stirpis regiae supererat, regem appellat.

[¶6] 29.12. He married a noble Carthaginian lady, daughter of Hannibal's sister and lately wedded to King Oezalces. He did so in the hope of an alliance with the Carthaginians, and with Syphax he renewed a guest-friendship of long standing, sending envoys for the purpose. All these advantages he was preparing against Masinissa.

> Latin: 29.12. Carthaginiensem nobilem feminam, sororis filiam Hannibalis, quae proxime Oezalci regi nupta fuerat, matrimonio sibi iungit spe Carthaginiensium societatis, et cum Syphace hospitium uetustum legatis missis renouat, omnia ea auxilia praeparans aduersus Masinissam.

[¶7] 30.1. And Masinissa having heard of the death of his uncle, and then that his cousin had fallen, crossed over from Spain into Mauretania, Baga being at that time king of the Mauri.

> Latin: 30.1. et Masinissa audita morte patrui, dein nece fratris patruelis, ex Hispania in Mauretaniam—Baga ea tempestate rex Maurorum erat—traiecit.

[¶8] 30.2. From Baga with the most abject entreaties as a suppliant he obtained four thousand Mauri as an escort on his journey, being unable to obtain aid for the war.

> Latin: 30.2. ab eo supplex infimis precibus auxilium itineri, quoniam bello non poterat, quattuor milia Maurorum impetrauit.

[¶9] 30.3. When with that escort, after first sending word to his father's friends and his own, he had reached the frontier of the kingdom, about five hundred Numidians joined him.

> Latin: 30.3. cum iis praemisso nuntio ad paternos suosque amicos cum ad fines regni peruenisset, quingenti ferme Numidae ad eum conuenerunt.

[¶10] 30.4. Therefore from that point he sent back the Mauri to their king, as it had been agreed, and although the numbers that had joined him were considerably smaller than he had hoped for, and not such that he quite dared to attempt so great a venture with them, he thought that by vigorous action he would also gather up the forces needed for some success.

> Latin: 30.4. igitur Mauris inde sicut conuenerat retro ad regem remissis, quamquam aliquanto minor spe multitudo †conueniret†, nec cum qua tantam rem adgredi satis auderet, ratus agendo ac moliendo uires quoque ad agendum aliquid conlecturum, proficiscenti ad Syphacem Lacumazae regulo ad Thapsum occurrit.

[¶11] 30.5. Hence as Lacumazes, the prince, was on his way to Syphax, Masinissa encountered him near Thapsus. When the frightened column had sought refuge in the city, Masinissa not only took the city by the first assault but received the surrender of some of the royal escort and slew others attempting resistance.

> Latin: 30.5. trepidum agmen cum in urbem refugisset, urbem Masinissa primo impetu capit et ex regiis alios tradentes se recipit, alios uim parantes occidit;

[¶12] 30.6. The majority together with the boy himself in the midst of the commotion made their way to Syphax, towards whom they had originally directed their march.

> Latin: 30.6. pars maxima cum ipso puero inter tumultum ad Syphacem quo primum intenderant iter peruenerunt.

[¶13] 30.7. The report of this modest success at the beginning of the campaign brought the Numidians over to Masinissa, and from farms and villages on all sides old soldiers of Gala flocked to him; and they spurred the young man on to recover the kingdom of his father.

> Latin: 30.7. fama huius modicae rei in principio rerum prospere actae conuertit ad Masinissam Numidas, adfluebantque undique ex agris uicisque ueteres milites Galae et incitabant iuuenem ad reciperandum paternum regnum. numero militum aliquantum Mazaetullus superabat;

[¶14] 30.8. In the number of his soldiers Mazaetullus was considerably superior; for not only did he himself have the army with which he had defeated Capussa, and a number of men whom he had taken over after the slaying of the king, but also the young Lacumazes had brought up very large auxiliary forces from Syphax.

> Latin: 30.8. nam et ipse eum exercitum quo Capussam uicerat et ex receptis post caedem regis aliquot habebat, et puer Lacumazes ab Syphace auxilia ingentia adduxerat.

[¶15] 30.9. Fifteen thousand infantry Mazaetullus had and ten thousand cavalry; and with these he engaged in battle with Masinissa, who was far from having so great a number of infantry or cavalry.

> Latin: 30.9. quindecim milia peditum Mazaetullo decem milia equitum erant, quibus cum Masinissa nequaquam tantum peditum equitumue habente acie conflixit. uicit tamen et ueterum militum uirtus et prudentia inter Romana et Punica arma exercitati ducis;

[¶16] 30.10. Nevertheless victory was won by the courage of the veteran soldiers and the sagacity of a general who had been trained in the war between Roman and Carthaginian armies. The prince with his guardian and a very small band of Masaesulians sought refuge in the territory of Carthage. So, having recovered his father's kingdom, Masinissa, seeing that his remaining conflict against Syphax would be considerably more serious, thought it best to be reconciled with his cousin. Accordingly he sent men to encourage the boy to hope that, if he should put himself in the hands of Masinissa, he would be held in the same honour as Oezalces had formerly been in the house of Gala.

> Latin: 30.10. regulus cum tutore et exigua Masaesuliorum manu in Carthaginiensem agrum perfugit. ita reciperato regno paterno Masinissa, quia sibi aduersus Syphacem haud paulo maiorem restare dimicationem cernebat, optimum ratus cum fratre patruele gratiam reconciliare, missis qui et puero spem facerent si in fidem Masinissae sese permisisset futurum eum in eodem honore quo apud Galam Oezalces quondam fuisset,

[¶17] 30.12. To Mazaetullus also they were to pledge, besides impunity, the faithful restoration of all his property. By this means, as they preferred a modest fortune at home to exile, Masinissa won them both over, although the Carthaginians purposely did everything to prevent it.

> Latin: 30.12. et qui Mazaetullo praeter impunitatem sua omnia cum fide restitui sponderent, ambo praeoptantes exsilio modicam domi fortunam, omnia ne id fieret Carthaginiensibus de industria agentibus, ad sese perduxit.

[¶18] 31.1. Hasdrubal happened to be with Syphax all the time that these events were in progress. And when the Numidian said he believed it was of no great importance to him whether the kingdom of the Maesulians was in the hands of Lacumazes or of Masinissa, Hasdrubal said he was very much mistaken if he believed that Masinissa would be content with what had satisfied his father Gala or his uncle Oezalces;

> Latin: 31.1. Hasdrubal tum forte cum haec gerebantur apud Syphacem erat; qui Numidae, haud sane multum ad se pertinere credenti utrum penes Lacumazen an Masinissam regnum Maesuliorum esset, falli eum magno opere ait si Masinissam eisdem contentum fore quibus patrem Galam aut patruum eius Oezalcem credat:

[¶19] 31.2. that he had in him a far greater gift of spirit and talent than had ever been found in any man of his tribe; that often in Spain he had given allies and enemies alike evidence of a courage rare among men.

> Latin: 31.2. multo maiorem indolem in eo animi ingeniique esse quam in ullo gentis eius unquam fuisset; saepe eum in Hispania rarae inter homines uirtutis specimen dedisse sociis pariter hostibusque;

[¶20] 31.3. He added that unless Syphax and the Carthaginians should put out that incipient flame, they would be consumed later by a mighty conflagration when they could no longer cope with it; that Masinissa's strength was still slight and frail, while he was nursing a kingdom whose wounds had barely begun to heal.

> Latin: 31.3. et Syphacem et Carthaginienses nisi orientem illum ignem oppressissent ingenti mox incendio cum iam nullam opem ferre possent arsuros;

[¶21] 31.4. By insisting and goading him on Hasdrubal brought him to the point of advancing his army to the frontier of the Maesulians and pitching his camp as though upon soil to which he was unquestionably entitled —land concerning which he had not only argued with Gala repeatedly but had contended also in arms.

> Latin: 31.4. adhuc teneras et fragiles uires eius esse uixdum coalescens fouentis regnum. instando stimulandoque peruincit ut exercitum ad fines Maesuliorum admoueat atque in agro de quo saepe cum Gala non uerbis modo disceptatum sed etiam armis certatum fuerat, tamquam haud dubie iuris sui, castra locet.

[¶22] 31.5. If anyone should try to drive him away he would fight a regular battle, which would be greatly to his advantage.

> Latin: 31.5. si quis arceat, id quod maxime opus sit, acie dimicaturum:

[¶23] 31.6. But if Masinissa in fear should withdraw from that region they must advance into the interior of the kingdom. Either the Maesulians would submit without resistance to the rule of Syphax, or they would be no match for him in arms. Aroused by these words Syphax made war upon Masinissa and in the first engagement routed the Maesulians and put them to flight.

> Latin: 31.6. sin per metum agro cedatur, in medium regni eundum. aut sine certamine concessuros in dicionem eius Maesulios aut nequaquam pares futuros armis. his uocibus incitatus Syphax Masinissae bellum infert.

[¶24] 31.7. Masinissa with a few horsemen fled from the battle-field to a mountain called Bellus by the natives.

> Latin: 31.7. et primo certamine Maesulios fundit fugatque; Masinissa cum paucis equitibus ex acie in montem—Bellum incolae uocant—perfugit.

[¶25] 31.8. A considerable number of households followed the king with their portable huts and their flocks, the latter being their only wealth. But the rest, the mass of the Maesulians, submitted to the rule of Syphax.

> Latin: 31.8. familiae aliquot cum mapalibus pecoribusque suis—ea pecunia illis est—persecuti sunt regem: cetera Maesuliorum multitudo in dicionem Syphacis concessit.

[¶26] 31.9. The mountain which the fugitives had occupied is well supplied with grass and water and being suitable for the support of cattle, it was quite capable of sustaining men also who lived on flesh and milk. From it they rendered all the surrounding country unsafe, first by stealthy raids in the night and later by open brigandage.

> Latin: 31.9. quem ceperant exsules montem herbidus aquosusque est; et quia pecori bonus alendo erat, hominum quoque carne ac lacte uescentium abunde sufficiebat alimentis. inde nocturnis primo ac furtiuis incursionibus, deinde aperto latrocinio infesta omnia circa esse;

[¶27] 31.10. Most of all it was Carthaginian territory that was ravaged, because there was more plunder than among the Numidians, and also brigandage was safer.

> Latin: 31.10. maxime uri Carthaginiensis ager, quia et plus praedae quam inter Numidas et latrocinium tutius erat.

[¶28] 31.11. By this time they played their game so openly as to bring their booty down to the sea and sell it to traders who put in with their vessels for that very purpose; and more Carthaginians fell or were captured than occurred often in regular warfare. The Carthaginians complained of all this to Syphax and, as he also was enraged, they spurred him on to complete what was left of the war.

> Latin: 31.11. iamque adeo licenter eludebant ut ad mare deuectam praedam uenderent mercatoribus adpellentibus naues ad id ipsum, pluresque quam iusto saepe in bello Carthaginienses caderent caperenturque. deplorabant ea apud Syphacem Carthaginienses infensumque et ipsum ad reliquias belli persequendas instigabant;

[¶29] 31.12. But it seemed hardly becoming for a king to pursue a nomad bandit in the mountains.

> Latin: 31.12. sed uix regium uidebatur latronem uagum in montibus consectari;

[¶30] 32.1. One of the king's officers, Bucar, a man of spirit and energy, was chosen for the purpose. Four thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry were given to him; and he was laden with immense rewards in anticipation, if he should bring back the head of Masinissa, or —and this would be a joy beyond price —should capture him alive.

> Latin: 32.1. Bucar ex praefectis regis, uir acer et impiger, ad id delectus. ei data quattuor milia peditum duo equitum, praemiorumque ingentium spe oneratus si caput Masinissae rettulisset aut uiuum—id uero inaestimabile gaudium fore— cepisset.

[¶31] 32.2. While they were scattered and off their guard Bucar unexpectedly attacked them, and separating the great number of cattle and men from their armed escort, he drove Masinissa himself with a few of his men up to the top of the mountain.

> Latin: 32.2. palatos incurioseque agentes improuiso adortus, pecorum hominumque ingenti multitudine a praesidio armatorum exclusa Masinissam ipsum cum paucis in uerticem montis compellit.

[¶32] 32.3. Then, just as though the war had been already finished, he sent not only the booty in cattle and captives to the king but returned his troops also, as much too many for the remainder of the war.

> Latin: 32.3. inde prope iam ut debellato nec praeda modo pecorum hominumque captorum missa ad regem sed copiis etiam, ut aliquanto maioribus quam pro reliquiis belli, remissis, cum quingentis haud amplius peditibus ducentisque equitibus degressum iugis Masinissam persecutus in ualle arta faucibus utrimque obsessis inclusit.

[¶33] 32.4. With not more than five hundred foot-soldiers and two hundred horsemen he pursued Masinissa (who had come down from the heights), and penned him in a gorge with both entrances blocked. There a great slaughter of the Maesulians took place; but Masinissa with no more than fifty horsemen following him through the unknown recesses of the mountain made his escape.

> Latin: 32.4. ibi ingens caedes Maesuliorum facta: Masinissa cum quinquaginta haud amplius equitibus per anfractus montis ignotos sequentibus se eripuit.

[¶34] 32.6. Bucar, however, kept on the trail and overtaking him in an open plain near the city of Clupea so overwhelmed him that he slew every one of his horsemen except four. With these men, in the midst of the uproar he let the wounded Masinissa himself slip away when almost in his hands.

> Latin: 32.6. tenuit tamen uestigia Bucar, adeptusque eum patentibus prope Clupeam urbem campis ita circumuenit ut praeter quattuor equites omnes ad unum interfecerit. cum iis ipsum quoque Masinissam saucium prope e manibus inter tumultum amisit.

[¶35] 32.7. The fugitives were insight; a squadron of cavalry, scattering over the breadth of the plain, while some, in order to head them off, pushed on obliquely, was pursuing five enemies.

> Latin: 32.7. in conspectu erant fugientes; ala equitum dispersa lato campo quibusdam ut occurrerent per obliqua tendentibus quinque hostes sequebatur.

[¶36] 32.8. A broad stream was the refuge of the fleeing; for without hesitation, under the pressure of a greater fear, they put their horses into it; and swept by the whirling current, they were borne obliquely past the enemy.

> Latin: 32.8. amnis ingens fugientes accepit—neque enim cunctanter, ut quos maior metus urgeret, immiserant equos—raptique gurgite in obliquum praelati.

[¶37] 32.9. When two of them had been drowned in the swiftly whirling waters before the eyes of the enemy, Masinissa himself, whom they believed to have perished, and the two remaining horsemen with him made their way out among the bushes of the farther bank. That was the end of pursuit for Bucar, as he did not dare enter the river and believed he had no one left to pursue.

> Latin: 32.9. duobus in conspectu hostium in praerapidum gurgitem haustis, ipse perisse creditus ac duo reliqui equites cum eo inter uirgulta ulterioris ripae emerserunt. is finis Bucari sequendi fuit, nec ingredi flumen auso nec habere credenti se iam quem sequeretur. inde uanus auctor absumpti Masinissae ad regem rediit, missique qui Carthaginem gaudium ingens nuntiarent;

[¶38] 32.10. Then he returned to the king, falsely reporting that Masinissa had been drowned; and messengers were sent to bring tidings of great joy to Carthage. And all Africa was filled with the story of Masinissa's death, producing different emotions. While Masinissa in a hidden cave was nursing his wound with herbs, he lived for some days on booty brought in by the two horsemen.

> Latin: 32.10. totaque Africa fama mortis Masinissae repleta uarie animos adfecit. Masinissa in spelunca occulta cum herbis curaret uolnus duorum equitum latrocinio per dies aliquot uixit.

[¶39] 32.12. As soon as the wound had closed and it seemed possible for him to endure jolting, with great audacity he set out to reclaim his kingdom. And after picking up not more than forty horsemen as he rode along, he came among the Maesulians, openly announcing now who he was; thereupon he caused a great stir, owing to their old-time favour and especially to their unexpected joy because they saw a man safe and sound whom they had believed to have perished.

> Latin: 32.12. ubi primum ducta cicatrix patique posse uisus iactationem, audacia ingenti pergit ire ad regnum repetendum; atque in ipso itinere haud plus quadraginta equitibus conlectis cum in Maesulios palam iam quis esset ferens uenisset, tantum motum cum fauore pristino tum gaudio insperato quod quem perisse crediderant incolumem cernebant fecit ut intra paucos dies sex milia peditum armatorum quattuor equitum ad eum confluerent,

[¶40] 32.14. The results were that within a few days six thousand armed foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen flocked to him, and that now he was not merely in possession of his father's kingdom but was even laying waste lands of allies of the Carthaginians and those of the Masaesulians, the kingdom, that is, of Syphax. Consequently, having provoked Syphax to war, he established himself between Cirta and Hippo on a mountain range that in every way was favourable.

> Latin: 32.14. iamque non in possessione modo paterni regni esset sed etiam socios Carthaginiensium populos Masaesuliorumque fines—id Syphacis regnum erat— uastaret. inde inritato ad bellum Syphace, inter Cirtam Hipponemque in iugis opportunorum ad omnia montium consedit.

[¶41] 33.1. Therefore Syphax, thinking the affair was now too serious to be conducted by his officers, sent a part of the army under his young son, Vermina by name, with orders to lead his column round and attack the rear of the enemy, whose eyes would be upon the king himself.

> Latin: 33.1. maiorem igitur iam rem Syphax ratus quam ut per praefectos ageret, cum filio iuuene—nomen Uermina erat—parte exercitus missa imperat ut circumducto agmine in se intentum hostem ab tergo inuadat.

[¶42] 33.2. Vermina, who was to make a secret attack, set out by night. But Syphax broke camp and marched by day along an open road, since he intended to engage in battle formation, standards against standards.

> Latin: 33.2. nocte profectus Uermina qui ex occulto adgressurus erat; Syphax autem interdiu aperto itinere ut qui signis conlatis acie dimicaturus esset mouit castra.

[¶43] 33.3. When the interval seemed to be such that the flanking party might be thought to have reached their objective already, the king on his part, relying both on numbers and on the ambuscade prepared in the rear, led his line up along the face of the mountain over a gentle slope leading in the direction of the enemy.

> Latin: 33.3. ubi tempus uisum est quo peruenisse iam circummissi uideri poterant, et ipse leni cliuo ferente ad hostem cum multitudine fretus tum praeparatis ab tergo insidiis per aduersum montem erectam aciem ducit.

[¶44] 33.4. Masinissa also, relying chiefly upon the much more favourable ground on which he was to fight, led his men out into line. The battle was fierce and long indecisive, while position and the courage of his soldiers aided Masinissa and numbers that were far superior favoured Syphax.

> Latin: 33.4. Masinissa fiducia maxime loci, quo multo aequiore pugnaturus erat, et ipse dirigit suos. atrox proelium et diu anceps fuit, loco et uirtute militum Masinissam, multitudine quae nimio maior erat Syphacem iuuante.

[¶45] 33.5. That great army in its two sections —since the one pressed the enemy hard in front, while the other had accomplished its flanking movement in the rear —gave no uncertain victory to Syphax; and there was not even a way of escape open to men enclosed both in front and in the rear.

> Latin: 33.5. ea multitudo diuisa cum pars a fronte urgeret pars ab tergo se circumfudisset, uictoriam haud dubiam Syphaci dedit, et ne effugium quidem patebat hinc a fronte hinc ab tergo inclusis.

[¶46] 33.6. Accordingly the rest, infantry and cavalry, were slain or captured; but some two hundred horsemen were ordered by Masinissa to mass about him, divide into three troops, and so to break their way through, a place being assigned in advance at which they should meet after their flight in different directions.

> Latin: 33.6. itaque ceteri pedites equitesque caesi aut capti: ducentos ferme equites Masinissa circa se conglobatos diuisosque turmatim in tres partes erumpere iubet, loco praedicto in quem ex dissipata conuenirent fuga.

[¶47] 33.7. He himself escaped in the direction he had chosen through the midst of the enemies' weapons. Two of the squadrons were held fast; one in fear surrendered to the enemy, while the other, offering a more stubborn resistance, was overwhelmed by missiles and slain.

> Latin: 33.7. ipse qua intenderat inter media tela hostium euasit: duae turmae haesere; altera metu dedita hosti, pertinacior altera in repugnando telis obruta et confixa est.

[¶48] 33.8. Vermina, who was almost at his heels, Masinissa evaded by turning now into this road and now into that, and compelled him at last to abandon pursuit when he was weary and had given up hope. He himself made his way with sixty horsemen to the Lesser Syrtis.

> Latin: 33.8. Uerminam prope uestigiis instantem in alia atque alia flectendo itinera eludens, taedio et desperatione tandem fessum absistere sequendo coegit; ipse cum sexaginta equitibus ad minorem Syrtim peruenit.

[¶49] 33.9. There, with the proud consciousness of having repeatedly made claim to his father's kingdom, in the region between the Punic Emporia and the tribe of the Garamantes he spent the whole time until the arrival in Africa of Gaius Laelius and the Roman fleet. These circumstances incline me to believe that Masinissa came to Scipio also later with a small force of cavalry rather than with a large one.

> Latin: 33.9. ibi cum conscientia egregia saepe repetiti regni paterni inter Punica Emporia gentemque Garamantum omne tempus usque ad C. Laeli classisque Romanae aduentum in Africam consumpsit. haec animum inclinant ut cum modico potius quam cum magno praesidio equitum ad Scipionem quoque postea uenisse Masinissam credam;

[¶50] 33.10. For such great numbers are suited to a monarch, while my small figures match the plight of an exile.

> Latin: 33.10. quippe illa regnanti multitudo, haec paucitas exsulis fortunae conueniens est.

[¶51] 34.1. The Carthaginians, having lost a squadron of cavalry with its commander and acquired other horse by a fresh levy, placed Hanno the son of Hamilcar in command.

> Latin: 34.1. Carthaginienses ala equitum cum praefecto amissa, alio equitatu per nouum dilectum comparato Hannonem Hamilcaris filium praeficiunt.

[¶52] 34.2. Again and again they summoned Hasdrubal and Syphax by letters and messengers, finally even by envoys. They bade Hasdrubal bring aid to his native city, now almost invested; they entreated Syphax to come to the rescue of Carthage, to the rescue of all Africa.

> Latin: 34.2. Hasdrubalem subinde ac Syphacem per litteras nuntiosque, postremo etiam per legatos arcessunt; Hasdrubalem opem ferre prope circumsessae patriae iubent; Syphacem orant ut Carthagini, ut uniuersae Africae subueniat.

[¶53] 34.3. Scipio at that time had his camp near Utica, about a mile from the city, having shifted it from the seashore, where for a few days the camp had been established close to the fleet.

> Latin: 34.3. ad Uticam tum castra Scipio ferme mille passus ab urbe habebat translata a mari, ubi paucos dies statiua coniuncta classi fuerant.

[¶54] 34.4. Hanno, who had received a cavalry force not strong enough even to prevent the devastation of farms, to say nothing of attacking the enemy, made it his very first task to increase the number of his horsemen by recruiting.

> Latin: 34.4. Hanno nequaquam satis ualido non modo ad lacessendum hostem sed ne ad tuendos quidem a populationibus agros equitatu accepto id omnium primum egit ut per conquisitionem numerum equitum augeret;

[¶55] 34.5. And though he did not reject men from other tribes, it was nevertheless especially Numidians that he hired, they being easily the foremost type of cavalry in Africa.

> Latin: 34.5. nec aliarum gentium aspernatus, maxime tamen Numidas—id longe primum equitum in Africa est genus — conducit.

[¶56] 34.6. Already he had about four thousand horsemen when he seized a city named Salaeca, some fifteen miles from the Roman camp. When this was reported to Scipio, he said “Cavalry summering under roofs!”

> Latin: 34.6. iam ad quattuor milia equitum habebat, cum Salaecam nomine urbem occupauit quindecim ferme milia ab Romanis castris.

[¶57] 34.7. “Let them be even more numerous, provided they have that kind of a commander!”

> Latin: 34.7. quod ubi Scipioni relatum est, 'aestiua sub tectis equitatus.' inquit 'sint uel plures, dum talem ducem habeant.'

[¶58] 34.8. Thinking that the more spiritless they were the less must he delay, he sent Masinissa forward with cavalry, ordering him to ride up to the gates and draw the enemy out into battle. When the whole multitude should have sallied out and in battle should then prove too powerful for them to withstand easily, he was gradually to retire. He would himself come into the battle at the right moment.

> Latin: 34.8. eo minus sibi cessandum ratus quo illi segnius rem agerent, Masinissam cum equitatu praemissum portis obequitare atque hostem ad pugnam elicere iubet: ubi omnis multitudo se effudisset grauiorque iam in certamine esset quam ut facile sustineri posset, cederet paulatim;

[¶59] 34.9. After delaying only long enough to give time, as it seemed, for Masinissa, who had preceded him, to draw out the enemy, Scipio followed with the Roman cavalry and advanced unseen under cover of the hills, which were most conveniently placed on both sides of a winding road.

> Latin: 34.9. se in tempore pugnae obuenturum. tantum moratus quantum satis temporis praegresso uisum ad eliciendos hostes, cum Romano equitatu secutus tegentibus tumulis, qui peropportune circa uiae flexus oppositi erant, occultus processit.

[¶60] 34.10. Masinissa according to plan, now as inspirer of terror, now as the terror-stricken, would either ride up to the very gates, or retiring would tempt them to reckless pursuit whenever his pretence of fear added to the enemy's boldness.

> Latin: 34.10. Masinissa ex composito nunc terrentis, nunc timentis modo aut ipsis obequitabat portis aut cedendo, cum timoris simulatio audaciam hosti faceret, ad insequendum temere eliciebat.

[¶61] 34.11. Not yet had all sallied out, and the commander was exerting himself in various ways, as he compelled some men heavy with wine and sleep to take up their arms and bridle their horses, and stood in the way of others, to prevent their dashing out of all the gates, scattering and unformed, with no order, no standards.

> Latin: 34.11. nondum omnes egressi erant uarieque dux fatigabatur, alios uino et somno graues arma capere et frenare equos cogendo, aliis ne sparsi et inconditi sine ordine sine signis omnibus portis excurrerent obsistendo.

[¶62] 34.12. At first, as they rashly charged, Masinissa would meet their attack. Later larger numbers, dashing out of a gate in a mass, had made it an even combat.

> Latin: 34.12. primo incaute se inuehentes Masinissa excipiebat; mox plures simul conferti porta effusi aequauerant certamen; postremo iam omnis equitatus proelio cum adesset, sustineri ultra nequiere;

[¶63] 34.13. Finally, when all their cavalry was engaged, they could no longer be withstood. Yet Masinissa did not flee in disorder, but retiring gradually would meet their attacks until he drew them to the hills which concealed the Roman cavalry.

> Latin: 34.13. non tamen effusa fuga Masinissa sed cedendo sensim impetus eorum accipiebat donec ad tumulos tegentes Romanum equitatum pertraxit.

[¶64] 34.14. Thereupon the horsemen dashing out, themselves with undiminished strength and their horses fresh, surrounded Hanno and the Africans, who were exhausted by fighting and pursuit; and Masinissa, suddenly turning his horses about, went into battle again.

> Latin: 34.14. inde exorti equites et ipsi integris uiribus et recentibus equis Hannoni Afrisque pugnando ac sequendo fessis se circumfudere; et Masinissa flexis subito equis in pugnam rediit.

[¶65] 34.15. About a thousand men who had been at the head of the column, finding retreat difficult, were cut off and slain along with Hanno himself, their commander.

> Latin: 34.15. mille fere qui primi agminis fuerant, quibus haud facilis receptus fuit, cum ipso duce Hannone interclusi atque interfecti sunt:

[¶66] 34.16. As for the rest, who were terrified especially by the death of their commander, the victors pursuing them in headlong flight for thirty miles either captured or slew about two thousand more horsemen.

> Latin: 34.16. ceteros ducis praecipue territos caede effuse fugientes per triginta milia passuum uictores secuti ad duo praeterea milia equitum aut ceperunt aut occiderunt.

[¶67] 34.17. Among these it was well established that there were not less than two hundred Carthaginian horsemen, some of them distinguished both for wealth and noble blood.

> Latin: 34.17. inter eos satis constabat non minus ducentos Carthaginiensium equites fuisse, et diuitiis quosdam et genere inlustres.

[¶68] 35.1. On the same day on which these events took place the ships which had carried booty to Sicily happened to return with supplies, as though with a presentiment that they had come for booty a second time.

> Latin: 35.1. eodem forte quo haec gesta sunt die naues quae praedam in Siciliam uexerant cum commeatu rediere, uelut ominatae ad praedam alteram repetendam sese uenisse.

[¶69] 35.2. Not all the historians vouch for the slaying of two Carthaginian commanders of the same name in two cavalry battles, fearing, I suppose, unwittingly to tell the same story twice. Coelius and Valerius, to be sure, relate that Hanno too was captured.

> Latin: 35.2. duos eodem nomine Carthaginiensium duces duobus equestribus proeliis interfectos non omnes auctores sunt, ueriti, credo, ne falleret bis relata eadem res: Coelius quidem et Ualerius captum etiam Hannonem tradunt.

[¶70] 35.3. Scipio bestowed conspicuous rewards upon the commanders and the horsemen according to the service each had rendered, and above all on Masinissa.

> Latin: 35.3. Scipio praefectos equitesque prout cuiusque opera fuerat et ante omnes Masinissam insignibus donis donat;

[¶71] 35.4. And having posted a strong garrison at Salaeca, he set out himself with the rest of the army. Laying waste not merely the farms wherever he went, but storming certain cities also and villages, while the alarm of the war was spread far and wide, on the seventh day after his departure he returned to camp bringing a great number of men and cattle and much booty of every kind; and again he sent away the ships loaded down with spoils of the enemy. Then, giving up small raids and petty pillaging, he applied all his military resources to the siege of Utica, with the intention of having that city, if captured, as a base henceforth for all remaining operations.

> Latin: 35.4. et firmo praesidio Salaecae imposito ipse cum cetero exercitu profectus, non agris modo quacumque incedebat populatis sed urbibus etiam quibusdam uicisque expugnatis late fuso terrore belli septimo die quam profectus erat magnam uim hominum et pecoris et omnis generis praedae trahens in castra redit, grauesque iterum hostilibus spoliis naues dimittit. inde omissis expeditionibus paruis populationibusque ad oppugnandam Uticam omnes belli uires conuertit, eam deinde si cepisset sedem ad cetera exsequenda habiturus.

[¶72] 35.7. From the fleet marines were brought up to the city on the side where it is washed by the sea, and at the same time land forces on the side where a height almost overhung the very walls.

> Latin: 35.7. simul et a classe nauales socii, qua ex parte urbs mari adluitur, simul et terrestris exercitus ab imminente prope ipsis moenibus tumulo est admotus.

[¶73] 35.8. Artillery and engines he had not only brought with him but they had also been sent from Sicily with the supplies, and new ones were being made in an arsenal where many makers of such devices had been interned for the purpose. For the people of Utica, completely beset by so great a force, all their hope was in the Carthaginian people; for the Carthaginians it was in Hasdrubal, provided he should prevail upon Syphax. But everything was moving more slowly than people in need of help desired.

> Latin: 35.8. tormenta machinasque et aduexerat secum, et ex Sicilia missa cum commeatu erant; et noua in armamentario multis talium operum artificibus de industria inclusis fiebant. Uticensibus tanta undique mole circumsessis in Carthaginiensi populo, Carthaginiensibus in Hasdrubale ita si is mouisset Syphacem, spes omnis erat;

[¶74] 35.9. Although Hasdrubal by most intensive recruiting had made up a total of about thirty thousand infantry and three thousand cavalry, it was not before the arrival of Syphax, however, that he dared to move his camp nearer to the enemy.

> Latin: 35.9. sed desiderio indigentium auxilii tardius cuncta mouebantur. Hasdrubal intentissima conquisitione cum ad triginta milia peditum, tria equitum confecisset, non tamen ante aduentum Syphacis castra propius hostem mouere est ausus.

[¶75] 35.11. Syphax came with fifty thousand foot-soldiers and ten thousand horsemen, whereupon Hasdrubal, at once moving his camp away from Carthage, established himself not far from Utica and the Roman fortifications.

> Latin: 35.11. Syphax cum quinquaginta milibus peditum, decem equitum aduenit confestimque motis a Carthagine castris, haud procul Utica munitionibusque Romanis consedit.

[¶76] 35.12. Their arrival had this effect at any rate, that Scipio, after besieging Utica for about forty days to no purpose in spite of all his attempts, retired from the place, having failed in his undertaking.

> Latin: 35.12. quorum aduentus hoc tamen momenti fecit ut Scipio, cum quadraginta ferme dies nequiquam omnia experiens obsedisset Uticam, abscederet inde inrito incepto.

[¶77] 35.13. And as winter was now at hand, he fortified a winter camp on a promontory which is connected with the mainland by a narrow ridge, but extends for a considerable distance into the sea.

> Latin: 35.13. et—iam enim hiemps instabat— castra hiberna in promunturio, quod tenui iugo continenti adhaerens in aliquantum maris spatium extenditur, communit.

[¶78] 35.14. By a single earthwork he enclosed the naval camp as well. The camp of the legions being placed on the middle of the ridge, its northern side was occupied by the beached ships and the men to man them, its southern slope, descending to the other shore, by the cavalry.

> Latin: 35.14. uno uallo et naualia et castra amplectitur; iugo medio legionum castris impositis, latus ad septentrionem uersum subductae naues naualesque socii tenebant, meridianam uallem ad alterum litus deuexam equitatus.

[¶79] 35.15. Such were the events in Africa down to the end of autumn.

> Latin: 35.15. haec in Africa usque ad extremum autumni gesta.

[¶80] 36.1. Besides the grain brought in on all sides from ravaged farms of the whole region and supplies transported from Sicily and Italy, Gnaeus Octavius, the propraetor, brought a large amount of grain sent from Sardinia by Tiberius Claudius, the praetor in charge of that province.

> Latin: 36.1. praeter conuectum undique ex populatis circa agris frumentum commeatusque ex Sicilia atque Italia aduectos, Cn. Octauius propraetor ex Sardinia ab Ti. Claudio praetore cuius ea prouincia erat ingentem uim frumenti aduexit;

[¶81] 36.2. And not only were the granaries filled which had been built already, but also new granaries were built. Clothing was insufficient for the army. Octavius was ordered to obtain from the praetor whatever could be assembled and sent from that province. This charge also was carried out without delay.

> Latin: 36.2. horreaque non solum ea quae iam facta erant repleta, sed noua aedificata. uestimenta exercitui deerant; id mandatum Octauio ut cum praetore ageret si quid ex ea prouincia comparari ac mitti posset.

[¶82] 36.3. Twelve hundred togas were sent in a short time and twelve thousand tunics. In the summer in which these events occurred in Africa Publius Sempronius, the consul who had the land of the Bruttii as his province, engaged with Hannibal in the territory of Croton in an unorganized battle while actually on the march. They fought in columns rather than in battle-line. The Romans were worsted, and in what was in fact a confused struggle rather than a battle about twelve hundred of the consul's army were slain.

> Latin: 36.3. ea quoque haud segniter curata res; mille ducentae togae breui spatio, duodecim milia tunicarum missa. aestate ea qua haec in Africa gesta sunt P. Sempronius consul cui Bruttii prouincia erat in agro Crotoniensi cum Hannibale in ipso itinere tumultuario proelio conflixit. agminibus magis quam acie pugnatum est.

[¶83] 36.5. There was a panic-stricken retreat to the camp, and yet the enemy did not venture to attack it.

> Latin: 36.5. Romani pulsi, et tumultu uerius quam pugna ad mille et ducenti de exercitu consulis interfecti;

[¶84] 36.6. But in the silence of the following night the consul set out, and after despatching a messenger to Publius Licinius, the proconsul, urging him to bring up his legions, he united their forces.

> Latin: 36.6. in castra trepide reditum, neque oppugnare tamen ea hostes ausi. ceterum silentio proximae noctis profectus inde consul praemisso nuntio ad P. Licinium proconsulem ut suas legiones admoueret copias coniunxit.

[¶85] 36.7. Thus two generals and two armies once more confronted Hannibal, and there was no delay in engaging, since doubled forces emboldened the consul, as his recent victory did the Carthaginian. Sempronius led his legions into the first line, while Publius Licinius' legions were posted in reserve.

> Latin: 36.7. ita duo duces duo exercitus ad Hannibalem redierunt; nec mora dimicandi facta, cum consuli duplicatae uires, Poeno recens uictoria animos faceret.

[¶86] 36.8. At the beginning of the battle the consul vowed a temple to Fortuna Primigenia, if he should rout the enemy that day; and he had his wish. The Carthaginians were routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 36.8. in primam aciem suas legiones Sempronius induxit; in subsidiis locatae P. Licini legiones. consul principio pugnae aedem Fortunae Primigeniae uouit si eo die hostes fudisset; composque eius uoti fuit.

[¶87] 36.9. Over four thousand armed men were slain, a little less than three hundred were captured alive, and forty horses and eleven military standards taken. Discouraged by defeat, Hannibal led his army back to Croton.

> Latin: 36.9. fusi ac fugati Poeni; supra quattuor milia armatorum caesa, paulo minus trecenti uiui capti et equi quadraginta undecim militaria signa. perculsus aduerso proelio Hannibal Crotonem exercitum reduxit.

[¶88] 36.10. At the same time Marcus Cornelius, the consul, in the north of Italy held Etruria in check not so much by arms as by the alarm produced by the trials, while almost the whole land was inclined towards Mago and through him to the hope of a political change.

> Latin: 36.10. eodem tempore M. Cornelius consul in altera parte Italiae non tam armis quam iudiciorum terrore Etruriam continuit, totam ferme ad Magonem ac per eum ad spem nouandi res uersam.

[¶89] 36.11. In accordance with a decree of the senate he conducted these cases with no respect of persons. And at first many noble Etruscans who either had gone in person to Mago or had sent others to him reporting on the disloyalty of their communities, had appeared and had been condemned. Later on men who from a guilty conscience went into voluntary exile, on being condemned in absence, eluded bodily punishment, merely exposing their property instead to possible confiscation.

> Latin: 36.11. eas quaestiones ex senatus consulto minime ambitiose habuit; multique nobiles Etrusci qui aut ipsi ierant aut miserant ad Magonem de populorum suorum defectione, primo praesentes erant condemnati, postea conscientia sibimet ipsi exsilium consciscentes cum absentes damnati essent, corporibus subtractis bona tantum quae publicari poterant pigneranda poenae praebebant.

[¶90] 37.1. While the consuls were thus employed in opposite regions, the censors Marcus Livius and Gaius Claudius at Rome meanwhile publicly read the list of senators. Quintus Fabius Maximus was chosen princes for the second time. Seven men received their “mark,” but no one who had occupied a curule chair.

> Latin: 37.1. dum haec consules diuersis regionibus agunt, censores interim Romae M. Liuius et C. Claudius senatum recitauerunt. princeps iterum lectus Q. Fabius Maximus; notati septem, nemo tamen qui sella curuli sedisset.

[¶91] 37.2. Repairs to public buildings and their roofs they enforced strictly and with the greatest fidelity. They let the contract for the making of a street leading out of the Cattle Market, on both sides of the spectators' stands, as far as the Temple of Venus, also for the erection of a Temple of the Great Mother on the Palatine.

> Latin: 37.2. sarta tecta acriter et cum summa fide exegerunt. uiam e foro bouario [et] ad Ueneris circa foros publicos et aedem Matris Magnae in Palatio faciendam locauerunt.

[¶92] 37.3. They also established a new revenue from the yearly production of salt. Both at Rome and throughout Italy salt was then sold at one-sixth of an as. The censors let contracts for the sale of salt at the same price at Rome, at a higher price even in market-towns and local centres, and at prices which varied from place to place.

> Latin: 37.3. uectigal etiam nouum ex salaria annona statuerunt. sextante sal et Romae et per totam Italiam erat; Romae pretio eodem, pluris in foris et conciliabulis et alio alibi pretio praebendum locauerunt. id uectigal commentum alterum ex censoribus satis credebant populo iratum quod iniquo iudicio quondam damnatus esset, et in pretio salis maxime oneratas tribus quarum opera damnatus erat [credebant];

[¶93] 37.4. This source of revenue was generally believed to have been devised by only one of the censors, who was angry with the people because he had formerly been condemned by an unjust verdict; and that in the price of salt those tribes by whose efforts he had been condemned were most heavily burdened. Hence the cognomen Salinator was bestowed upon Livius.

> Latin: 37.4. inde Salinatori Liuio inditum cognomen. lustrum conditum serius quia per prouincias dimiserunt censores ut ciuium Romanorum in exercitibus quantus ubique esset referretur numerus.

[¶94] 37.6. The ceremony of purification was completed later than usual because the censors had sent men to the various provinces to report the number of Roman citizens in each of the armies.

> Latin: 37.6. censa cum iis ducenta quattuordecim milia hominum. condidit lustrum C. Claudius Nero.

[¶95] 37.7. Including these, 214,000 men were listed. Gaius Claudius Nero concluded the rite of purification. Then they received the census lists of the twelve colonies presented by their own censors, as had never been done before.

> Latin: 37.7. duodecim deinde coloniarum, quod nunquam antea factum erat, deferentibus ipsarum coloniarum censoribus censum acceperunt ut quantum numero militum, quantum pecunia ualerent in publicis tabulis monumenta exstarent.

[¶96] 37.8. The purpose was that documents, to show what was their strength in the number of soldiers and what in money, might be found in the public records. Then they began to take the census of the knights; and it happened that both of the censors had horses from the state.

> Latin: 37.8. equitum deinde census agi coeptus est; et ambo forte censores equum publicum habebant. cum ad tribum Polliam uentum esset in qua M. Liui nomen erat, et praeco cunctaretur citare ipsum censorem, 'cita' inquit Nero ' M.

[¶97] 37.9. When they had reached the Pollia tribe, in which stood the name of Marcus Livius, and while the herald was hesitating to summon the censor himself, Nero said, “Summon Marcus Livius!” And whether as still nursing their ancient quarrel, or priding himself on an ill-timed display of strictness because he had been condemned by a verdict of the people, he ordered Marcus Livius to sell his horse.

> Latin: 37.9. Liuium '; et siue ex residua uetere simultate siue intempestiua iactatione seueritatis inflatus M. Liuium quia populi iudicio esset damnatus equum uendere iussit.

[¶98] 37.10. Likewise Marcus Livius, when they had reached the Arniensis tribe and the name of his colleague, ordered Gaius Claudius to sell his horse for two reasons: one because he had given false testimony against Livius, the other that he had not honestly been reconciled with him.

> Latin: 37.10. item M. Liuius cum ad tribum Arniensem et nomen collegae uentum est, uendere equum C. Claudium iussit duarum rerum causa, unius quod falsum aduersus se testimonium dixisset, alterius quod non sincera fide secum in gratiam redisset.

[¶99] 37.11. Equally shameful at the close of their censorship was their contest in besmirching each the other's reputation to the detriment of his own.

> Latin: 37.11. aeque foedum certamen inquinandi famam alterius cum suae famae damno factum est exitu censurae.

[¶100] 37.12. When Gaius Claudius had taken the oath that he had complied with the laws, upon going up into the Treasury and giving the names of those whom he was leaving as mere tax-payers, he gave the name of his colleague.

> Latin: 37.12. cum in leges iurasset C. Claudius et in aerarium escendisset, inter nomina eorum quos aerarios relinquebat dedit collegae nomen.

[¶101] 37.13. Then Marcus Livius came into the Treasury, and except for the Maecia tribe, which had neither condemned him nor after his condemnation voted for him either for consul or for censor, he left the entire Roman people, thirty-four tribes, as mere tax-payers, alleging that they had both condemned him, an innocent man, and after his condemnation had made him consul and censor, and could not deny that they had erred either once in their verdict or twice in the elections.

> Latin: 37.13. deinde M. Liuius in aerarium uenit; praeter Maeciam tribum, quae se neque condemnasset neque condemnatum aut consulem aut censorem fecisset, populum Romanum omnem, quattuor et triginta tribus, aerarios reliquit, quod et innocentem se condemnassent et condemnatum consulem et censorem fecissent neque infitiari possent aut iudicio semel aut comitiis bis ab se peccatum esse:

[¶102] 37.15. He said that among the thirty-four tribes Gaius Claudius also would be a mere tax-payer; and that if he had a precedent for twice leaving the same man a mere tax-payer, he would have left Gaius Claudius among them with express mention of his name.

> Latin: 37.15. inter quattuor et triginta tribus et C. Claudium aerarium fore; quod si exemplum haberet bis eundem aerarium relinquendi, C. Claudium nominatim se inter aerarios fuisse relicturum. prauum certamen notarum inter censores;

[¶103] 37.16. A perverted contest between the censors in regard to their “marks”; but to the fickleness of the people it was a rebuke worthy of a censor and in keeping with the earnestness of those times.

> Latin: 37.16. castigatio inconstantiae populi censoria et grauitate temporum illorum digna.

[¶104] 37.17. Since the censors were unpopular, Gnaeus Baebius, a tribune of the plebs, thinking it an opportunity to advance himself at their expense, named a day for both to appear before the people. That procedure was quashed by unanimity among the senators, lest the censorship should be subject thereafter to the caprice of the populace.

> Latin: 37.17. in inuidia censores cum essent, crescendi ex iis ratus esse occasionem Cn. Baebius tribunus plebis diem ad populum utrique dixit. ea res consensu patrum discussa est ne postea obnoxia populari aurae censura esset.

[¶105] 38.1. During the same summer in the land of the Bruttii Clampetia was taken by storm by the consul. Consentia together with Pandosia and other cities of no importance voluntarily submitted to his authority.

> Latin: 38.1. eadem aestate in Bruttiis Clampetia a consule ui capta, Consentia et Pandosia et ignobiles aliae ciuitates uoluntate in dicionem uenerunt.

[¶106] 38.2. And since the time for elections was now at hand, it was decided to summon Cornelius to Rome from Etruria, where there was no war.

> Latin: 38.2. et cum comitiorum iam appeteret tempus, Cornelium potius ex Etruria ubi nihil belli erat Romam acciri placuit.

[¶107] 38.3. He announced the election of Gnaeus Servilius Caepio and Gaius Servilius Geminus as consuls.

> Latin: 38.3. is consules Cn. Seruilium Caepionem et C. Seruilium Geminum creauit.

[¶108] 38.4. Then elections for the praetorships were held. Elected were Publius Cornelius Lentulus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, Publius Aelius Paetus, Publius Villius Tappulus, the last two being made praetors while they were plebeian aediles.

> Latin: 38.4. inde praetoria comitia habita. creati P. Cornelius Lentulus P. Quinctilius Uarus P. Aelius Paetus P. Uillius Tappulus; hi duo cum aediles plebis essent, praetores creati sunt.

[¶109] 38.5. The consul after the elections were over returned to the army in Etruria. Priests who died that year and successors appointed in their places were:

> Latin: 38.5. consul comitiis perfectis ad exercitum in Etruriam redit. sacerdotes eo anno mortui atque in locum eorum suffecti:

[¶110] 38.6. Tiberius Veturius Philo, elected and installed flamen of Mars in place of Marcus Aemilius Regillus, who had died in the preceding year;

> Latin: 38.6. Ti. Ueturius Philo flamen Martialis in locum M. Aemili Regilli, qui priore anno mortuus erat, creatus inauguratusque;

[¶111] 38.7. in succession to Marcus Pomponius Matho, augur and decemvir, were elected Marcus Aurelius Cotta as decemvir, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus as augur, being a mere youth, which was then a very unusual thing in the assignment of priesthoods.

> Latin: 38.7. in M. Pomponi Mathonis auguris et decemuiri locum creati decemuir M. Aurelius Cotta, augur Ti. Sempronius Gracchus admodum adulescens, quod tum perrarum in mandandis sacerdotiis erat.

[¶112] 38.8. A gilded four-horse chariot was set up in that year on the Capitol by the curule aediles Gaius Livius and Marcus Servilius Geminus. And the Roman Games were repeated for two days, as were the Plebeian Games also for two days by the aediles Publius Aelius and Publius Villius; and on account of the festival there was a banquet for Jupiter.

> Latin: 38.8. quadrigae aureae eo anno in Capitolio positae ab aedilibus curulibus C. Liuio et M. Seruilio Gemino, et ludi Romani biduum instaurati; item per biduum plebeii ab aedilibus P. Aelio P. Uillio; et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.

## 47. Book XXX · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/47/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/47/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. GNAEUS SERVILIUS and Gaius Servilius, the consuls, whose year was the sixteenth of the Punic war, having laid before the senate the condition of the state and the war and the assignments, the senators voted that the consuls should arrange between them, or determine by lot, which of them should have as his assignment the land of the Bruttii, confronting Hannibal, and which of them Etruria and Liguria;

> Latin: 1.1. Cn. Seruilius et C. Seruilius consules—sextus decimus is annus belli Punici erat—cum de re publica belloque et prouinciis ad senatum rettulissent, censuerunt patres ut consules inter se compararent sortirenturue uter Bruttios aduersus Hannibalem, uter Etruriam ac Ligures prouinciam haberet:

[¶1] 1.3. that the consul to whom the Bruttii should fall was to take over an army from Publius Sempronius; that Publius Sempronius —for he also had his command prolonged for one year as proconsul —should succeed Publius Licinius; that the latter should return to Rome.

> Latin: 1.3. cui Bruttii euenissent exercitum a P. Sempronio acciperet; P. Sempronius —ei quoque enim pro consule imperium in annum prorogabatur— P. Licinio succederet;

[¶2] 1.4. In war also Licinius was now highly rated, in addition to the other fields in which no citizen was at that time considered more fully equipped, since all the advantages possible to man had been heaped upon him by nature and fortune.

> Latin: 1.4. is Romam reuerteretur, bello quoque bonus habitus ad cetera, quibus nemo ea tempestate instructior ciuis habebatur, congestis omnibus humanis ab natura fortunaque bonis.

[¶3] 1.5. Of noble birth he was at the same time wealthy. Conspicuous for a handsome figure and physical strength, he was considered a very eloquent speaker, whether a legal case was to be conducted, or when there was occasion in the senate and before the people to persuade or dissuade.

> Latin: 1.5. nobilis idem ac diues erat; forma uiribusque corporis excellebat; facundissimus habebatur, seu causa oranda, seu in senatu et apud populum suadendi ac dissuadendi locus esset;

[¶4] 1.6. In the pontifical law he was accounted a master; and now, to crown these distinctions, his consulship had brought him military laurels as well.

> Latin: 1.6. iuris pontificii peritissimus; super haec bellicae quoque laudis consulatus compotem fecerat. quod in Bruttiis prouincia, idem in Etruria ac Liguribus decretum:

[¶5] 1.7. The decision taken in regard to the land of the Bruttii as a province was repeated in the case of Etruria and Liguria.

> Latin: 1.7. M. Cornelius nouo consuli tradere exercitum iussus, ipse prorogato imperio Galliam prouinciam obtinere cum legionibus iis quas <L.> Scribonius priore anno habuisset.

[¶6] 1.8. Marcus Cornelius was ordered to turn over his army to the new consul, and himself, with his command continued, to hold Gaul as his assignment, having the legions which Lucius Scribonius had held the year before.

> Latin: 1.8. sortiti deinde prouincias: Caepioni Bruttii, [Seruilio] Gemino Etruria euenit.

[¶7] 1.9. Thereupon they drew their assignments by lot, the Bruttian country falling to Caepio, Etruria to Geminus. Lots were then cast for the praetors' assignments. Aelius Paetus drew the city praetorship, Publius Lentulus Sardinia, Publius Villius Sicily, Quinctilius Varus Ariminum with two legions which had been under the command of Spurius Lucretius.

> Latin: 1.9. tum praetorum prouinciae in sortem coniectae. iurisdictionem urbanam Paetus Aelius, Sardiniam P. Lentulus, Siciliam P. Uillius, Ariminum cum duabus legionibus—sub Sp. Lucretio eae fuerant—Quinctilius Uarus est sortitus.

[¶8] 1.10. Lucretius' command also was continued, that he might build up the town of Genua, destroyed by Mago the Carthaginian. Publius Scipio's command was prolonged, not for a fixed time but to the completion of his task, until the war in Africa should be over.

> Latin: 1.10. et Lucretio prorogatum imperium ut Genuam oppidum a Magone Poeno dirutum exaedificaret. P. Scipioni non temporis, sed rei gerendae fine, donec debellatum in Africa foret, prorogatum imperium est;

[¶9] 1.11. And it was decreed that there should be a season of prayer that his crossing over to Africa as his province might be beneficial to the Roman people and to the commander himself and his army.

> Latin: 1.11. decretumque ut supplicatio fieret, quod is in Africam prouinciam traiecisset, ut ea res salutaris populo Romano ipsique duci atque exercitui esset.

[¶10] 2.1. For Sicily three thousand soldiers were enrolled because all the best troops that province used to have had been transported to Africa. Furthermore, because it had been decided to defend the sea-coast of Sicily with forty ships, in order to prevent any fleet from crossing over from Africa, Villius took with him thirteen new ships to Sicily, while the rest in Sicily were old ships repaired. Placed in charge of this fleet, with his command continued, was Marcus Pomponius, praetor in the preceding year, who provided the ships with new soldiers brought from Italy.

> Latin: 2.1. in Siciliam tria milia militum sunt scripta [et] quia quod roboris ea prouincia habuerat in Africam transuectum fuerat; et quia ne qua classis ex Africa traiceret quadraginta nauibus custodiri placuerat Siciliae maritimam oram, tredecim nouas naues Uillius secum in Siciliam duxit, ceterae in Sicilia ueteres refectae.

[¶11] 2.3. The same number of ships were by decree of the senate assigned, with the same extension of his command, to Gnaeus Octavius, who likewise had been praetor in the preceding year, in order to defend the coast of Sardinia.

> Latin: 2.3. huic classi M. Pomponius prioris anni praetor prorogato imperio praepositus nouos milites ex Italia aduectos in naues imposuit.

[¶12] 2.4. Lentulus, the praetor, was ordered to furnish two thousand soldiers for the ships. As for the defence of the coast of Italy, since it was not known to what point the Carthaginians would send their fleet —while they seemed likely to attack any part of it that was left unguarded —that task with the same number of ships was entrusted to Marcus Marcius, praetor in the previous year.

> Latin: 2.4. parem nauium numerum Cn. Octauio praetori item prioris anni cum pari iure imperii ad tuendam Sardiniae oram patres decreuerunt; Lentulus praetor duo milia militum dare in naues iussus. et Italiae ora, quia incertum erat quo missuri classem Carthaginienses forent, uidebantur autem quicquid nudatum praesidiis esset petituri, M. Marcio praetori prioris anni cum totidem nauibus tuenda data est.

[¶13] 2.6. Three thousand soldiers were enrolled by the consuls for that fleet in accordance with a decree of the senate, and two city legions for emergency duty.

> Latin: 2.6. tria milia militum in eam classem ex decreto patrum consules scripserunt et duas legiones urbanas ad incerta belli.

[¶14] 2.7. The Spanish provinces were assigned by a decree of the senate to their veteran commanders, Lucius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus with the armies and military authority. The Roman state was administered that year with a total of twenty legions and a hundred and sixty war-ships.

> Latin: 2.7. Hispaniae cum exercitibus imperioque ueteribus imperatoribus, L. Lentulo et L. Manlio Acidino, decretae. uiginti omnino legionibus et centum sexaginta nauibus longis res Romana eo anno gesta. praetores in prouincias ire iussi:

[¶15] 2.8. The praetors were ordered to go to their provinces, while the consuls were bidden, before their departure from the city, to conduct the great games which Titus Manlius Torquatus as dictator had vowed for the fourth year, if the state should remain as it was before.

> Latin: 2.8. consulibus imperatum ut priusquam ab urbe proficiscerentur ludos magnos facerent quos T. Manlius Torquatus dictator in quintum annum uouisset si eodem statu res publica staret.

[¶16] 2.9. And new religious fears were aroused in men's minds by portents reported from a number of places. On the Capitol ravens were believed not only to have torn away gilding with their beaks but even to have eaten it. At Antium mice gnawed a golden wreath.

> Latin: 2.9. et nouas religiones excitabant in animis hominum prodigia ex pluribus locis nuntiata. aurum in Capitolio corui non lacerasse tantum rostris crediti sed etiam edisse;

[¶17] 2.10. The whole region around Capua was covered by an immense number of locusts, while there was no agreement as to whence they had come. At Reate a colt with five feet was foaled.

> Latin: 2.10. mures Antii coronam auream adrosere; circa Capuam omnem agrum locustarum uis ingens, ita ut unde aduenissent parum constaret, compleuit;

[¶18] 2.11. At Anagnia there were at first shooting-stars at intervals and then a great meteor blazed out.

> Latin: 2.11. eculeus Reate cum quinque pedibus natus; Anagniae sparsi primum ignes in caelo, dein fax ingens arsit;

[¶19] 2.12. At Frusino a halo encircled the sun with its slender circumference, and then the ring itself had a greater circle bright as the sun circumscribed about it. At Arpinum in an open meadow the earth settled into a huge depression. One of the consuls on sacrificing his first victim found the “head” of the liver lacking.

> Latin: 2.12. Frusinone arcus solem tenui linea amplexus est, circulum deinde ipsum maior solis orbis extrinsecus inclusit; Arpini terra campestri agro in ingentem sinum consedit;

[¶20] 2.13. These prodigies were expiated by full-grown victims; the gods to whom sacrifices should be offered were announced by the college of the pontiffs.

> Latin: 2.13. consulum alteri primam hostiam immolanti caput iocineris defuit. ea prodigia maioribus hostiis procurata; editi a collegio pontificum dei quibus sacrificaretur.

[¶21] 3.1. Having completed these tasks the consuls and praetors set out for their provinces. All of them, however, turned their attention to Africa, just as though that had been allotted to them, either because they saw it was there that the main issue and the outcome of the war were centred, or in order to show Scipio favour, on whom the eyes of all the citizens were then fixed.

> Latin: 3.1. his transactis consules praetoresque in prouincias profecti; omnibus tamen, uelut eam sortitis, Africae cura erat, seu quia ibi summam rerum bellique uerti cernebant seu ut Scipioni gratificarentur, in quem tum omnis uersa ciuitas erat.

[¶22] 3.2. Accordingly not only from Sardinia, as has been said above, but also from Sicily and Spain clothing and grain were being transported thither, and arms as well and supplies of every kind from Sicily.

> Latin: 3.2. itaque non ex Sardinia tantum, sicut ante dictum est, sed ex Sicilia quoque et Hispania uestimenta frumentumque, et arma etiam ex Sicilia et omne genus commeatus eo portabantur.

[¶23] 3.3. And at no time in the winter had Scipio lessened his military operations, which were many and all around him at the same time. He was besieging Utica; the camp of Hasdrubal could be seen; the Carthaginians had launched their ships; they kept their fleet ready and equipped, in order to intercept supplies.

> Latin: 3.3. nec Scipio ullo tempore hiemis belli opera remiserat, quae multa simul undique eum circumstabant. Uticam obsidebat; castra in conspectu Hasdrubalis erant; Carthaginienses deduxerant naues;

[¶24] 3.4. In the midst of all this he had also not forgotten his effort to recover the support of Syphax, in case by that time, after much indulgence, satiety might have overtaken him in his love for his wife.

> Latin: 3.4. classem paratam instructamque ad commeatus intercipiendos habebant. inter haec ne Syphacis quidem reconciliandi curam ex animo miserat, si forte iam satias amoris in uxore ex multa copia eum cepisset.

[¶25] 3.5. From Syphax came rather terms of peace with the Carthaginians under which the Romans should withdraw from Africa, the Carthaginians from Italy, than any hope that in the event of war he would change sides.

> Latin: 3.5. ab Syphace magis pacis cum Carthaginiensibus condiciones ut Romani Africa, Poeni Italia excederent quam, si bellaretur, spes ulla desciturum adferebatur.

[¶26] 3.6. That these dealings went on through messengers I am more inclined to believe —and for this a majority of the historians vouch —than that Syphax came in person into the Roman camp for a conference, as Valerius Antias relates. At first the Roman general scarcely listened to such terms.

> Latin: 3.6. —haec per nuntios acta magis equidem crediderim—et ita pars maior auctores sunt—quam ipsum Syphacem, ut Antias Ualerius prodit, in castra Romana ad conloquium uenisse. — primo eas condiciones imperator Romanus uix auribus admisit;

[¶27] 3.7. Later, that his men might have a plausible reason for visiting the enemy's camp, he was less firm in rejecting the same offers, and encouraged the hope that, if they repeatedly discussed the matter from both sides, agreement would be reached. The winter quarters of the Carthaginians, being constructed of building material gathered at random from the farms, were almost entirely of wood.

> Latin: 3.7. postea, ut causa probabilis suis commeandi foret in castra hostium, mollius eadem illa abnuere ac spem facere saepius ultro citroque agitantibus rem conuenturam.

[¶28] 3.8. In particular the Numidians were dwelling in huts of plaited reeds, most of them under thatched roofs, and scattered without a plan, some of their number even outside the fosse and earthwork —the natural result of seizing upon a site without waiting for orders.

> Latin: 3.8. hibernacula Carthaginiensium, congesta temere ex agris materia exaedificata, lignea ferme tota erant. Numidae praecipue harundine textis storeaque pars maxima tectis, passim nullo ordine, quidam ut sine imperio occupatis locis extra fossam etiam uallumque habitabant.

[¶29] 3.10. This was reported to Scipio and had inspired the hope of setting fire to the camp of the enemy when opportunity should offer.

> Latin: 3.10. haec relata Scipioni spem fecerant castra hostium per occasionem incendendi.

[¶30] 4.1. With the legates whom he kept sending to Syphax he would send some first centurions of attested courage and discretion as servants and garbed as slaves, that while the legates were in conference they might roam about the camp in different directions and take note of all entrances and exits, the situation and plan both of the camp as a whole and of its divisions, where the Carthaginians and where the Numidians had their quarters. They were to discover what was the distance between Hasdrubal's camp and that of the king, also to learn their practice as regards outposts and sentries, whether they were more exposed to an unexpected attack by night or by day.

> Latin: 4.1. cum legatis quos mitteret ad Syphacem calonum loco primos ordines spectatae uirtutis atque prudentiae seruili habitu mittebat, qui dum in conloquio legati essent uagi per castra alius alia aditus exitusque omnes, situm formamque et uniuersorum castrorum et partium, qua Poeni qua Numidae haberent, quantum interualli inter Hasdrubalis ac regia castra esset, specularentur moremque simul noscerent stationum uigiliarumque, nocte an interdiu opportuniores insidianti essent;

[¶31] 4.3. And in the course of numerous conferences other men and again others were purposely sent, that a larger number might acquaint themselves with everything.

> Latin: 4.3. et inter crebra conloquia alii atque alii de industria quo pluribus omnia nota essent mittebantur.

[¶32] 4.4. When repeated discussions were giving Syphax, and through him the Carthaginians, a daily surer hope of peace, the Roman legates announced that they were forbidden to return to their general unless a definite answer was made to them.

> Latin: 4.4. cum saepius agitata res certiorem spem pacis in dies et Syphaci et Carthaginiensibus per eum faceret, legati Romani uetitos se reuerti ad imperatorem aiunt nisi certum responsum detur:

[¶33] 4.5. Therefore, if his own decision was already made, <let him declare it>; if on the other hand Hasdrubal and the Carthaginians had to be conferred with, let him confer with them. It was time, they said, either to agree upon peace or to wage war in earnest.

> Latin: 4.5. proinde, seu ipsi staret iam sententia, <promeret sententiam>, seu consulendus Hasdrubal et Carthaginienses essent, consuleret; tempus esse aut pacem componi aut bellum nauiter geri.

[¶34] 4.6. While Hasdrubal was being conferred with by Syphax, and the Carthaginians by Hasdrubal, the spies had time to observe everything, as had Scipio to get together whatever was needful.

> Latin: 4.6. dum consulitur Hasdrubal ab Syphace, ab Hasdrubale Carthaginienses, et speculatores omnia uisendi et Scipio ad comparanda ea quae in rem erant tempus habuit;

[¶35] 4.7. And out of the talk of peace and the hope of it, as usually happens, there sprang a neglect on the part of the Carthaginians and the Numidian to guard against any attack which might be made upon them in the meantime.

> Latin: 4.7. et ex mentione ac spe pacis neglegentia, ut fit, apud Poenos Numidamque orta cauendi ne quid hostile interim paterentur.

[¶36] 4.8. At last the answer was returned, including certain unreasonable terms adroitly added just because the Roman seemed extremely desirous of peace. These furnished Scipio, who was eager to denounce the truce, a very timely pretext.

> Latin: 4.8. tandem relatum responsum, quibusdam, quia nimis cupere Romanus pacem uidebatur, iniquis per occasionem adiectis, quae peropportune cupienti tollere indutias Scipioni causam praebuere;

[¶37] 4.9. And after stating to the king's messenger that he would lay the matter before his council, on the next day he reported that, while he alone strove in vain to bring about peace, no one else had favoured it. The messenger therefore, he said, should report that Syphax had no other hope of peace with the Romans except by abandoning the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 4.9. ac nuntio regis cum relaturum se ad consilium dixisset, postero die respondit se uno frustra tendente nulli alii pacem placuisse; renuntiaret igitur nullam aliam spem pacis quam relictis Carthaginiensibus Syphaci cum Romanis esse.

[¶38] 4.10. His purpose in denouncing the truce was that, being no longer bound by promises, he might carry out his undertaking.. And launching his ships —it was now the beginning of spring —he mounted engines of war and artillery upon them, as though intending to attack Utica from the sea. He also sent two thousand soldiers to seize the hill he had. previously held, looking down upon Utica, both in order to divert the attention of the enemy from his real purpose to anxiety about a different attack, and at the same time that, when he should himself set out to meet Syphax and Hasdrubal, there should be no sally from the city and no attack upon his camp when left with only a small garrison.

> Latin: 4.10. ita tollit indutias ut libera fide incepta exsequeretur; deductisque nauibus—et iam ueris principium erat—machinas tormentaque, uelut a mari adgressurus Uticam, imponit, et duo milia militum ad capiendum quem antea tenuerat tumulum super Uticam mittit, simul ut ab eo quod parabat in alterius rei curam conuerteret hostium animos, simul ne qua, cum ipse ad Syphacem Hasdrubalemque profectus esset, eruptio ex urbe et impetus in castra sua relicta cum leui praesidio fieret.

[¶39] 5.1. After these preparations, summoning the council, he ordered the spies to set forth what information they had to report, and Masinissa as well, who knew everything about the enemy. Finally he laid before them his plan for the following night.

> Latin: 5.1. his praeparatis aduocatoque consilio et dicere exploratoribus iussis quae comperta adferrent Masinissaque, cui omnia hostium nota erant, postremo ipse quid pararet in proximam noctem proponit;

[¶40] 5.2. To the tribunes he gave orders that, when the council had been dismissed and the trumpets had sounded, they should at once lead their legions out of the camp.

> Latin: 5.2. tribunis edicit ut ubi praetorio dimisso signa concinuissent extemplo educerent castris legiones. ita ut imperauerat signa sub occasum solis efferri sunt coepta;

[¶41] 5.3. In accordance with the orders he had given the standards were first set in motion just before sunset; at about the first watch the column was deployed. At midnight —for it was a march of seven miles —proceeding at a moderate speed they reached the enemy's camp.

> Latin: 5.3. ad primam ferme uigiliam agmen explicauerunt; media nocte—septem enim milia itineris erant—modico gradu ad castra hostium peruentum est.

[¶42] 5.4. There Scipio assigned to Laelius a part of the forces and Masinissa with his Numidians, and bade them burst into the camp of Syphax and set fire to it.

> Latin: 5.4. ibi Scipio partem copiarum Laelio Masinissamque ac Numidas attribuit et castra Syphacis inuadere ignesque conicere iubet.

[¶43] 5.5. He then led Laelius and Masinissa aside separately and implored each of them to make up by their diligence and alertness for all the foresight of which night deprived them.

> Latin: 5.5. singulos deinde separatim Laelium ac Masinissam seductos obtestatur ut quantum nox prouidentiae adimat tantum diligentia expleant curaque: se Hasdrubalem Punicaque castra adgressurum; ceterum non ante coepturum quam ignem in regiis castris conspexisset.

[¶44] 5.7. He was about to attack Hasdrubal, he said, and the Carthaginian camp; but he would not begin until he should see fire in the king's camp. Nor did that delay him long; for as soon as fire was thrown upon the first huts it caught, and then at once laying hold of everything that was near, and so on in unbroken succession, it spread hither and thither through the entire camp.

> Latin: 5.7. neque ea res morata diu est; nam ut primis casis iniectus ignis haesit, extemplo proxima quaeque et deinceps continua amplexus totis se passim dissipauit castris.

[¶45] 5.8. Great was the alarm, to be sure, as was inevitable in a fire so widespread in the night; but they thought the blaze accidental, not due to an enemy and war. Pouring out without arms to extinguish the flames, they encountered armed enemies, particularly Numidians posted in suitable places at the ends of the streets by Masinissa, familiar as he was with the king's camp.

> Latin: 5.8. et trepidatio quidem quantam necesse erat in nocturno effuso tam late incendio orta est; ceterum fortuitum non hostilem ac bellicum ignem rati esse, sine armis ad restinguendum incendium effusi in armatos incidere hostes, maxime Numidas ab Masinissa notitia regiorum castrorum ad exitus itinerum idoneis locis dispositos.

[¶46] 5.10. Many even in their beds and half-asleep were burned to death; many rushing pell-mell in headlong flight were trodden down in the narrow gateways.

> Latin: 5.10. multos in ipsis cubilibus semisomnos hausit flamma; multi [in] praecipiti fuga ruentes super alios alii in angustiis portarum obtriti sunt.

[¶47] 6.1. When the light of the fire had been seen, first by sentries of the Carthaginians and then by others whom the uproar in the night aroused, they likewise made the same mistake in believing the fire to be spontaneous.

> Latin: 6.1. relucentem flammam primo uigiles Carthaginiensium, deinde excitati alii nocturno tumultu cum conspexissent, ab eodem errore credere et ipsi sua sponte incendium ortum;

[¶48] 6.2. And outcries raised in the midst of slaughter and wounds made men unable to grasp the real situation, being half-inclined to think it due to a disturbance in the night.

> Latin: 6.2. et clamor inter caedem et uolnera sublatus an ex trepidatione nocturna esset confusis sensum ueri adimebat.

[¶49] 6.3. Accordingly, having no suspicion of any attack, they outdid one another in dashing out of all the gates unarmed, each taking the nearest way, carrying only what would be of use to extinguish the fire, and suddenly encountered the Roman column.

> Latin: 6.3. igitur pro se quisque inermes, ut quibus nihil hostile suspectum esset, omnibus portis, qua cuique proximum erat, ea modo quae restinguendo igni forent portantes in agmen Romanum ruebant.

[¶50] 6.4. When they had all been slain, not only because of an enemy's hatred, but also that no man might escape to tell the tale, Scipio at once burst into the gates, naturally unguarded in such a commotion.

> Latin: 6.4. quibus caesis omnibus praeterquam hostili odio etiam ne quis nuntius refugeret, extemplo Scipio neglectas ut in tali tumultu portas inuadit;

[¶51] 6.5. And then as firebrands were thrown upon the nearest roofs, the flames pouring out at first seemed to blaze at a number of scattered points; and then creeping along without a break they promptly consumed everything in one conflagration.

> Latin: 6.5. ignibusque in proxima tecta coniectis effusa flamma primo uelut sparsa pluribus locis reluxit, dein per continua serpens uno repente omnia incendio hausit.

[¶52] 6.6. Men and beasts of burden that had suffered burns blocked streets leading to the gates, at first by their panic-stricken flight and then by their fallen bodies.

> Latin: 6.6. ambusti homines iumentaque foeda primum fuga, dein strage obruebant itinera portarum. quos non oppresserat ignis ferro absumpti, binaque castra clade una deleta.

[¶53] 6.7. Those whom the fire had not overtaken were destroyed by the sword, and two camps were wiped out in a single disaster. Both of the generals, however, made their escape, and out of so many thousand armed men two thousand infantry and five hundred horsemen escaped half-armed, many of the men wounded and scorched by the flames.

> Latin: 6.7. duces tamen ambo et ex tot milibus armatorum duo milia peditum et quingenti equites semermes, magna pars saucii adflatique incendio, effugerunt.

[¶54] 6.8. Slain or burned to death were some forty thousand men, more than five thousand captured, many Carthaginian nobles, eleven senators.

> Latin: 6.8. caesa aut hausta flammis ad quadraginta milia hominum sunt, capta supra quinque milia, multi Carthaginiensium nobiles, undecim senatores;

[¶55] 6.9. Of military standards a hundred and seventy-four were taken, of Numidian horses over two thousand seven hundred. Six elephants were captured, eight destroyed by sword or by fire. A great number of arms were captured, and all of these the general-in-command dedicated to Vulcan and burned.

> Latin: 6.9. signa militaria centum septuaginta quattuor, equi Numidici supra duo milia septingentos; elephanti sex capti, octo ferro flammaque absumpti. magna uis armorum capta; ea omnia imperator Uolcano sacrata incendit.

[¶56] 7.1. Hasdrubal after fleeing had made his way with a few men to the nearest city of the Africans; and to it had come all the survivors, following the trail of their general. Then for fear that it might surrender to Scipio he left the city.

> Latin: 7.1. Hasdrubal ex fuga cum paucis Afrorum urbem proximam petierat, eoque omnes qui supererant uestigia ducis sequentes se contulerant; metu deinde ne dederetur Scipioni urbe excessit.

[¶57] 7.2. Soon after the gates were opened and the Romans admitted to the same city. And since they had voluntarily submitted no hostile step was taken. Thereafter two cities were captured and plundered. Their booty and what had been rescued from the flames when the camps were burned was granted to the soldiers.

> Latin: 7.2. mox eodem patentibus portis Romani accepti, nec quicquam hostile, quia uoluntate concesserant in dicionem, factum. duae subinde urbes captae direptaeque. ea praeda et quae castris incensis ex igne rapta erat militi concessa est.

[¶58] 7.3. Syphax established himself in a fortified place at a distance of about eight miles. Hasdrubal hastened to Carthage, that no weak action might be taken in the fear induced by the recent disaster.

> Latin: 7.3. Syphax octo milium ferme inde spatio loco munito consedit; Hasdrubal Carthaginem contendit ne quid per metum ex recenti clade mollius consuleretur.

[¶59] 7.4. At first the news brought such alarm to the city that they believed Scipio would leave Utica to itself and forthwith besiege Carthage.

> Latin: 7.4. quo tantus primo terror est allatus ut omissa Utica Carthaginem crederent extemplo Scipionem obsessurum.

[¶60] 7.5. The senate was accordingly convened by the sufĕtes, whose authority corresponded to that of consuls. There it was a conflict between three proposals:

> Latin: 7.5. senatum itaque sufetes, quod uelut consulare imperium apud eos erat, uocauerunt.

[¶61] 7.6. one favoured peace envoys to Scipio; the second was for recalling Hannibal to defend their city from a war which meant destruction; the third showed a Roman steadfastness in adversity. This proposal was that they should repair the losses to the army and urge Syphax not to give up the war.

> Latin: 7.6. ibi tribus <sententiis certatum>; una de pace legatos ad Scipionem decernebat, altera Hannibalem ad tuendam ab exitiabili bello patriam reuocabat, tertia Romanae in aduersis rebus constantiae erat;

[¶62] 7.7. This motion was carried because Hasdrubal in person and all of the Barcine party supported the war.

> Latin: 7.7. reparandum exercitum Syphacemque hortandum ne bello absisteret censebat. haec sententia quia Hasdrubal praesens Barcinaeque omnes factionis bellum malebant uicit.

[¶63] 7.8. Then they began to conduct a levy in the city and in the country, and emissaries were sent to Syphax, who on his part also was making every effort to renew the war, since his wife had influenced him —no longer, as before, by caresses, effectual enough for the temper of a lover —but by prayers and moving entreaty, imploring him, as her eyes filled with tears, not to betray her father and her city and allow Carthage to be destroyed by the same flames with which the camps had been consumed.

> Latin: 7.8. inde dilectus in urbe agrisque haberi coeptus, et ad Syphacem legati missi, summa ope et ipsum reparantem bellum cum uxor non iam ut ante blanditiis, satis potentibus ad animum amantis, sed precibus et misericordia ualuisset, plena lacrimarum obtestans ne patrem suum patriamque proderet iisdemque flammis Carthaginem quibus castra conflagrassent absumi sineret.

[¶64] 7.10. Hope also at the right moment was brought by the emissaries in the news that four thousand Celtiberians, the flower of their youth, had met them near a city named Obba, having been hired in Spain by their own recruiting-officers; and Hasdrubal, they said, would soon arrive with a force by no means to be despised.

> Latin: 7.10. spem quoque opportune oblatam adferebant legati: quattuor milia Celtiberorum circa urbem nomine Obbam ab conquisitoribus suis conducta in Hispania, egregiae iuuentutis, sibi occurrisse; et Hasdrubalem propediem adfore cum manu haudquaquam contemnenda.

[¶65] 7.11. In consequence he not only gave a favourable answer to the legates but also showed them a large number of Numidian rustics to whom he had just been furnishing arms and horses, and assured them that he would call out all the young men from his kingdom.

> Latin: 7.11. igitur non benigne modo legatis respondit, sed ostendit etiam multitudinem agrestium Numidarum quibus per eosdem dies arma equosque dedisset, et omnem iuuentutem adfirmat ex regno exciturum:

[¶66] 7.12. He was aware, he said, that the disaster had been due to fire, not to battle; that a war is lost only by the man who is defeated in battle.

> Latin: 7.12. scire incendio non proelio cladem acceptam; eum bello inferiorem esse qui armis uincatur.

[¶67] 7.13. Such was his answer to the legates, and after a few days Hasdrubal and Syphax again united their forces. The total strength of that army was about thirty thousand armed men.

> Latin: 7.13. haec legatis responsa, et post dies paucos rursus Hasdrubal et Syphax copias iunxerunt. is omnis exercitus fuit triginta ferme milium armatorum.

[¶68] 8.1. Scipio, as though the war was already over so far as concerned Syphax and the Carthaginians, was intent upon the siege of Utica and already bringing up his engines to the walls when news of renewed hostilities turned his attention in another direction.

> Latin: 8.1. Scipionem, uelut iam debellato quod ad Syphacem Carthaginiensesque attineret, Uticae oppugnandae intentum iamque machinas admouentem muris auertit fama redintegrati belli;

[¶69] 8.2. And leaving sufficient land and sea forces merely to keep up the appearance of a blockade, he himself at once advanced with the main body of his army against the enemy.

> Latin: 8.2. modicisque praesidiis ad speciem modo obsidionis terra marique relictis ipse cum robore exercitus ire ad hostes pergit.

[¶70] 8.3. At first he established himself upon a hill about four miles from the king's camp. On the following day with his cavalry he went down into the so-called Great Plain, at the foot of that hill, and spent the day in light engagements, advancing against the enemy's outposts and challenging them.

> Latin: 8.3. primo in tumulo quattuor milia ferme distante ab castris regiis consedit; postero die cum equitatu in Magnos—ita uocant—campos subiectos ei tumulo degressus, succedendo ad stationes hostium lacessendoque leuibus proeliis diem absumpsit.

[¶71] 8.4. And on the next two days by irregular charges, now from one side and now from the other by turns, they accomplished nothing worthy of mention. On the fourth day both went down into battle-line.

> Latin: 8.4. et per insequens biduum tumultuosis hinc atque illinc excursionibus in uicem nihil dictu satis dignum fecerunt: quarto die in aciem utrimque descensum est.

[¶72] 8.5. The Roman placed his principes behind the front line maniples, made up of the hastati, and as reserves the tiarii. The Italic cavalry he posted on the right wing, on the left the Numidians and Masinissa.

> Latin: 8.5. Romanus principes post hastatorum prima signa, in subsidiis triarios constituit: equitatum Italicum ab dextro cornu, ab laeuo Numidas Masinissamque opposuit.

[¶73] 8.6. Syphax and Hasdrubal opposed the Numidians to the Italic cavalry, the Carthaginians to Masinissa, and then placed the Celtiberians in the centre of the battle-line facing the maniples of the legions. In this formation they clashed.

> Latin: 8.6. Syphax Hasdrubalque Numidis aduersus Italicum equitatum, Carthaginiensibus contra Masinissam locatis Celtiberos in mediam aciem aduersus signa legionum accepere. ita instructi concurrunt.

[¶74] 8.7. By the first attack both wings, Numidians and Carthaginians alike, were beaten back at the same time. For neither could the Numidians, most of them rustics, withstand the Roman cavalry, nor could the Carthaginians, who were likewise raw recruits, hold out against Masinissa, a foe to be feared for other reasons and also on account of his recent victory.

> Latin: 8.7. primo impetu simul utraque cornua, et Numidae et Carthaginienses, pulsi; nam neque Numidae, maxima pars agrestes, Romanum equitatum neque Carthaginienses, et ipse nouus miles, Masinissam recenti super cetera uictoria terribilem sustinuere.

[¶75] 8.8. Stripped of both wings the line of the Celtiberians made a stand because they could see no safety in flight since they did not know the country, and they had no hope of pardon from Scipio since they had come to Africa as mercenaries to attack him in spite of his kind treatment of them and their tribe.

> Latin: 8.8. nudata utrimque cornibus Celtiberum acies stabat quod nec in fuga salus ulla ostendebatur locis ignotis neque spes ueniae ab Scipione erat, quem bene meritum de se et gente sua mercennariis armis in Africam oppugnatum euenissent.

[¶76] 8.9. Therefore when the enemy had completely encircled them, falling one above another they were resolute in dying. And while all the enemy were intent upon them Syphax and Hasdrubal took advantage of a considerable interval for flight. Nightfall surprised the victors exhausted by a slaughter outlasting the battle.

> Latin: 8.9. igitur circumfusis undique hostibus alii super alios cadentes obstinate moriebantur; omnibusque in eos uersis aliquantum ad fugam temporis Syphax et Hasdrubal praeceperunt. fatigatos caede diutius quam pugna uictores nox oppressit.

[¶77] 9.1. On the following day Scipio sent Laelius and Masinissa with all the Roman and Numidian cavalry and light-armed soldiers to pursue Syphax and Hasdrubal.

> Latin: 9.1. postero die Scipio Laelium Masinissamque cum omni Romano et Numidico equitatu expeditisque militum ad persequendos Syphacem atque Hasdrubalem mittit;

[¶78] 9.2. He himself with the main body of the army, partly by inspiring hope, partly by arousing fear, partly by the use of force, gained possession of neighbouring cities, all of which were subject to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 9.2. ipse cum robore exercitus urbes circa, quae omnes Carthaginiensium dicionis erant, partim spe, partim metu, partim ui subigit.

[¶79] 9.3. At Carthage there was a veritable panic, and they believed that Scipio, whose forces were circling about them, after swiftly vanquishing all their neighbours would suddenly assail Carthage itself.

> Latin: 9.3. Carthagini erat quidem ingens terror, et circumferentem arma Scipionem omnibus finitimis raptim perdomitis ipsam Carthaginem repente adgressurum credebant.

[¶80] 9.4. Accordingly they were repairing the walls and providing them with battlements; and men also each for himself brought in from the country what was needed in order to endure a long siege.

> Latin: 9.4. itaque et muri reficiebantur propugnaculisque armabantur, et pro se quisque quae diutinae obsidionis tolerandae sunt ex agris conuehit.

[¶81] 9.5. Seldom was mention made of peace, more frequently they spoke of sending messengers to summon Hannibal.

> Latin: 9.5. rara mentio est pacis, frequentior legatorum ad Hannibalem arcessendum mittendorum;

[¶82] 9.6. The majority urged that they should take the fleet, which had been made ready to intercept supplies, and send it to surprise the ships at anchor before Utica while off their guard. Perhaps, men said, they would surprise the naval camp as well, which had been left with a small garrison.

> Latin: 9.6. pars maxima classem, quae ad commeatus excipiendos parata erat, mittere iubent ad opprimendam stationem nauium ad Uticam incaute agentem; forsitan etiam naualia castra relicta cum leui praesidio oppressuros.

[¶83] 9.7. To this plan they were particularly inclined, but voted to send messengers to Hannibal. For, they said, even supposing a great victory gained by the fleet, the siege of Utica would indeed be partially relieved; but for the defence of Carthage itself there remained no other general than Hannibal, no other army than that of Hannibal.

> Latin: 9.7. in hoc consilium maxime inclinant; legatos tamen ad Hannibalem mittendos censent: quippe classi ut felicissime geratur res, parte aliqua leuari Uticae obsidionem: Carthaginem ipsam qui tueatur neque imperatorem alium quam Hannibalem neque exercitum alium quam Hannibalis superesse.

[¶84] 9.9. Consequently ships were launched next day and at the same time the messengers sailed for Italy. There was also haste in all that they did under the goad of misfortune, while every one felt that if he should relax any effort he would be betraying the safety of all.

> Latin: 9.9. deductae ergo postero die naues, simul et legati in Italiam profecti; raptimque omnia stimulante fortuna agebantur, et in quo quisque cessasset prodi ab se salutem omnium rebatur.

[¶85] 9.10. Scipio, who was slowly leading an army laden -now with the spoils of many cities, sent captives and the rest of the spoils to the old camp before Utica, and being now intent upon Carthage, took possession of Tynes, abandoned by a fleeing garrison. The place is about fifteen miles from Carthage and defended by fortifications and particularly by its natural situation.

> Latin: 9.10. Scipio grauem iam spoliis multarum urbium exercitum trahens, captiuis aliaque praeda in uetera castra ad Uticam missis iam in Carthaginem intentus occupat relictum fuga custodum Tyneta—abest ab Carthagine quindecim milia ferme passuum—, locum cum operibus tum suapte natura

[¶86] 9.12. It can also be seen from Carthage, at the same time itself affording a view both towards that city and towards the sea around the city.

> Latin: 9.12. tutum et qui et ab Carthagine conspici et praebere ipse prospectum cum ad urbem tum ad circumfusum mare urbi possit.

[¶87] 10.1. From that point, just as they were throwing up an earthwork, the Romans sighted the enemy's fleet making towards Utica from Carthage.

> Latin: 10.1. inde cum maxime uallum Romani iacerent, conspecta classis hostium est Uticam ab Carthagine petens.

[¶88] 10.2. Accordingly work was dropped, marching orders given and the standards hastily set in motion, that the ships, headed towards land and. the besieged city, also in no condition for a naval battle, might not be taken by surprise.

> Latin: 10.2. igitur omisso opere pronuntiatum iter signaque raptim ferri sunt coepta ne naues in terram et ad obsidionem uersae ac minime nauali proelio aptae opprimerentur:

[¶89] 10.3. For how could an easily manœuvred fleet, properly rigged with ship's gear and armed, have been resisted by ships carrying artillery and engines, and either converted now into transports or lying so close to the walls as to make scaling possible as if from an embankment and drawbridges?

> Latin: 10.3. qui enim restitissent agili et nautico instrumento aptae et armatae classi naues tormenta machinasque portantes et aut in onerariarum usum uersae aut ita adpulsae muris ut pro aggere ac pontibus praebere adscensum possent?

[¶90] 10.4. Consequently Scipio, on reaching the place, gave those war-ships which might have defended the others a place in the rear line near the land, contrary to the usual practice in a naval battle. On the other hand he placed four lines of transports as a bulwark against the enemy. To prevent the lines from being broken in the confusion of the battle he also held these transports together by placing masts and yards crosswise from ship to ship and lashing them with stout ropes as if by a single cable. In addition he laid down planks above to make a gangway the whole length of the line of ships; and beneath these bridges he left openings where scouting vessels could dash out against the enemy and return in safety.

> Latin: 10.4. itaque Scipio, postquam eo uentum est, contra quam in nauali certamine solet rostratis quae praesidio aliis esse poterant in postremam aciem receptis prope terram, onerariarum quadruplicem ordinem pro muro aduersus hostem opposuit, easque ipsas, ne in tumultu pugnae turbari ordines possent, malis antennisque de naue in nauem traiectis ac ualidis funibus uelut uno inter se uinculo inligatis comprendit,

[¶91] 10.6. These preparations having been hastily completed as best the circumstances permitted, about a thousand picked fighting men were placed on board the transports.

> Latin: 10.6. tabulasque superinstrauit ut peruium in totum nauium ordinem esset, et sub ipsis pontibus interualla fecit qua procurrere speculatoriae naues in hostem ac tuto recipi possent.

[¶92] 10.7. A vast number of weapons, chiefly missiles, were assembled, that they might be sufficient for a battle no matter how long-continued. Thus equipped and alert they were awaiting the approach of the enemy.

> Latin: 10.7. his raptim pro tempore instructis, mille ferme delecti propugnatores onerariis imponuntur; telorum maxime missilium ut quamuis longo certamine sufficerent uis ingens congeritur.

[¶93] 10.8. The Carthaginians, whose first attack, had they made it in good time, would have been overpowering when everything was confused by the mass of men dashing about, were discouraged by their disastrous defeats on the land. And having in consequence no sufficient confidence on the sea either, where lay their own superiority, after spending the day in sailing slowly, they put in with their fleet about sunset into a harbour called Rusucmon by the Africans.

> Latin: 10.8. ita parati atque intenti hostium aduentum opperiebantur. Carthaginienses, qui, si maturassent, omnia permixta turba trepidantium primo impetu oppressissent, perculsi terrestribus cladibus atque inde ne mari quidem ubi ipsi plus poterant satis fidentes, die segni nauigatione absumpto sub occasum solis in portum—Rusucmona Afri uocant— classem adpulere.

[¶94] 10.10. On the next day about sunrise they drew up their ships in the open sea, as if for a regular naval battle and anticipating that the Romans would come out against them.

> Latin: 10.10. postero die sub ortum solis instruxere ab alto naues uelut ad iustum proelium nauale et tamquam exituris contra Romanis.

[¶95] 10.11. After keeping their position for a long time and observing no movement on the part of the enemy, then only did they attack the transports.

> Latin: 10.11. cum diu stetissent postquam nihil moueri ab hostibus uiderunt, tum demum onerarias adgrediuntur.

[¶96] 10.12. It was not in the least like a naval battle, but had almost the appearance of ships attacking the walls of a city. The transports were considerably higher.

> Latin: 10.12. erat res minime certamini nauali similis, proxime speciem muros oppugnantium nauium. altitudine aliquantum onerariae superabant;

[¶97] 10.13. From their war-ships the Carthaginians generally hurled their weapons to no purpose against a higher position, since they did so leaning backwards, while a hit from the transports above was heavier and from its mere weight had more force.

> Latin: 10.13. ex rostratis Poeni uana pleraque, utpote supino iactu, tela in locum superiorem mittebant; grauior ac pondere ipso libratior superne ex onerariis ictus erat.

[¶98] 10.14. Scouting vessels and other light craft, which kept dashing out through openings underneath the bridges, were at first themselves sunk by the mere momentum and mass of the war-ships.

> Latin: 10.14. speculatoriae naues ac leuia alia nauigia, quae sub constratis pontium per interualla excurrebant, primo ipsae tantum impetu ac magnitudine rostratarum obruebantur;

[¶99] 10.15. Later they interfered with the fighting men as well because, as they mingled with the enemy's vessels, they often compelled the soldiers to withhold their missiles for fear in their uncertain aim they might hit their own men.

> Latin: 10.15. deinde propugnatoribus quoque incommodae erant quod permixtae cum hostium nauibus inhibere saepe tela cogebant metu ne ambiguo ictu suis inciderent.

[¶100] 10.16. Finally poles with an iron hook at the end —grappling-irons the soldiers call them —began to be thrown from the Carthaginian ships upon the Roman.

> Latin: 10.16. postremo asseres ferreo unco praefixi—harpagones uocat miles — ex Punicis nauibus inici in Romanas coepti.

[¶101] 10.17. Since the crews were unable either to cut off these poles or the chains by which they were hanging when thrown, whenever a warship was propelled astern, dragging a transport grappled by the hook, one might have seen men breaking up the links by which it had been bound to others, and even several of the vessels being towed away together.

> Latin: 10.17. quos cum neque ipsos neque catenas quibus suspensi iniciebantur incidere possent, ut quaeque retro inhibita rostrata onerariam haerentem unco traheret, scindi uideres uincula quibus aliis innexa erat, seriem aliam simul plurium nauium trahi.

[¶102] 10.19. Much after this fashion the bridges in the first line were broken down and hardly enough time was given the fighting men to spring across to the second line of ships.

> Latin: 10.19. hoc maxime modo lacerati [quidem] omnes pontes et uix transiliendi in secundum ordinem nauium spatium propugnatoribus datum est.

[¶103] 10.20. About sixty transports were towed away by the stern to Carthage. Rejoicing for that was excessive, but all the more acceptable because, in the midst of uninterrupted defeats and sorrows, one ray of joy however small had unexpectedly beamed upon them. In addition it was clear to them that the Roman fleet had narrowly escaped destruction, and would have been destroyed if the captains of their own ships had not loitered, and if Scipio had not come to its aid in the nick of time.

> Latin: 10.20. sexaginta ferme onerariae puppibus abstractae Carthaginem sunt. maior quam pro re laetitia, sed eo gratior quod inter adsiduas clades ac lacrimas unum quantumcumque ex insperato gaudium adfulserat, cum eo ut appareret haud procul exitio fuisse Romanam classem ni cessatum a praefectis suarum nauium foret et Scipio in tempore subuenisset.

[¶104] 11.1. About the same time, as it happened, after Laelius and Masinissa had reached Numidia in about fifteen days, the Maesulians, that is, the kingdom of Masinissa's father, joyfully submitted to his rule, as that of a long-wished-for king.

> Latin: 11.1. per eosdem forte dies cum Laelius et Masinissa quinto decimo ferme die in Numidiam peruenissent, Maesulii, regnum paternum Masinissae, laeti ut ad regem diu desideratum concessere.

[¶105] 11.2. Syphax, when his commanders and garrisons had been driven out, confined himself to his old kingdom with no intention of remaining inactive. Love-sick, he was spurred on by his wife and father-in-law, and he had men and horses in such abundance that, when the forces of a kingdom that had flourished for many years were before his eyes, they could have roused a spirit that was even less barbarous and uncontrollable.

> Latin: 11.2. Syphax pulsis inde praefectis praesidiisque suis uetere se continebat regno, neutiquam quieturus stimulabat aegrum amore uxor socerque, et ita uiris equisque abundabat ut subiectae oculis regni per multos florentis annos uires etiam minus barbaro atque impotenti animo spiritus possent facere.

[¶106] 11.4. Therefore, concentrating all the men fit for war, he assigned them horses, arms and missile weapons. He organized cavalry in troops, infantry in cohorts, in the manner he had formerly learned from Roman centurions. With an army no smaller than that which he had had before, but almost entirely raw and untrained, he at once advanced against the enemy.

> Latin: 11.4. igitur omnibus qui bello apti erant in unum coactis equos arma tela diuidit; equites in turmas, pedites in cohortes, sicut quondam ab Romanis centurionibus didicerat, distribuit.

[¶107] 11.5. And after a camp had been pitched not far away, at first a few horsemen rode forth from the outposts, scouting from a safe distance; then being driven away by lances they dashed back- to their own men.

> Latin: 11.5. exercitu haud minore quam quem prius habuerat, ceterum omni prope nouo atque incondito, ire ad hostes pergit.

[¶108] 11.6. Next in order came attacks made from both sides and, as men beaten back were inflamed by anger, more and more came to help them —the usual provocation in cavalry engagements, when either hope adds reinforcements to the successful or anger to those who have been repulsed.

> Latin: 11.6. et castris in propinquo positis primo pauci equites ex tuto speculantes ab stationibus progredi, dein iaculis summoti recurrere ad suos; inde excursiones in uicem fieri et cum pulsos indignatio accenderet plures subire, quod inritamentum certaminum equestrium est cum aut uincentibus spes aut pulsis ira adgregat suos.

[¶109] 11.8. So on this occasion, the battle having been begun by a few, all the cavalry of both sides in the end were sent pouring out by their zest for the fray. And so long as it was purely a cavalry battle, the great numbers of the Masaesulians, while Syphax was sending out huge columns, could hardly be withstood.

> Latin: 11.8. ita tum a paucis proelio accenso omnem utrimque postremo equitatum certaminis studium effudit. ac dum sincerum equestre proelium erat, multitudo Masaesuliorum ingentia agmina Syphace emittente sustineri uix poterat;

[¶110] 11.9. Then when Roman infantry by a sudden movement into the openings made for them by troops of their own cavalry had steadied the battle-line and checked the wild charge of the enemy, the barbarians at first gave their horses less rein, then were at a standstill and all but confounded by the strange tactics. Finally they not only gave way before the infantry but did not withstand the cavalry either, who were emboldened by the protection of infantry.

> Latin: 11.9. deinde ut pedes Romanus repentino per turmas suis uiam dantes intercursu stabilem aciem fecit absterruitque effuse inuehentem sese hostem, primo barbari segnius permittere equos, dein stare ac prope turbari nouo genere pugnae, postremo non pediti solum cedere sed ne equitem quidem sustinere, peditis praesidio audentem.

[¶111] 11.11. And now the units of legionaries also were approaching. Then indeed the Masaesulians failed to sustain not only the first attack but even the sight of the standards and arms. Such was the effect either of remembering former defeats or of their present alarm.

> Latin: 11.11. iam signa quoque legionum adpropinquabant. tum uero Masaesulii non modo primum impetum sed ne conspectum quidem signorum atque armorum tulerunt; tantum seu memoria priorum cladium seu praesens terror ualuit.

[¶112] 12.1. Then Syphax, while riding up to the enemy's troops of cavalry in the hope that by putting his men to shame, by exposing himself, he might be able to stem their flight, was thrown from a horse which had been seriously wounded, was overpowered, captured and brought alive to Laelius, a welcome sight presently to Masinissa above all others. The slaughter in that battle was not in proportion to the scale of the victory, since only a cavalry battle had been fought.

> Latin: 12.1. ibi Syphax dum obequitat hostium turmis si pudore, si periculo suo fugam sistere posset, equo grauiter icto effusus opprimitur capiturque et uiuus, laetum ante omnes Masinissae praebiturus spectaculum, ad Laelium pertrahitur.

[¶113] 12.3. Not more than five thousand men were slain; less than half of that number were captured in an attack upon the camp, to which very many men, losing heart with the loss of their king, had retreated.

> Latin: 12.3. caedes in eo proelio minor quam uictoria fuit quia equestri tantummodo proelio certatum fuerat:

[¶114] 12.4. Cirta was the capital of the kingdom of Syphax, and to that city came a vast number of men from the rout. Masinissa said that, while for himself nothing was at that moment more attractive than to visit as victor his ancestral kingdom, recovered after so long an interval, nevertheless in success as well as in misfortune no time is allowed for loitering.

> Latin: 12.4. non plus quinque milia occisa, minus dimidium eius hominum captum est impetu in castra facto quo perculsa rege amisso multitudo se contulerat. Cirta caput regni Syphacis erat;

[¶115] 12.5. If Laelius should permit him to go on in advance to Cirta with the cavalry and with Syphax in chains, he would surprise everybody in the excitement due to alarm. Laelius, he said, could follow with the infantry in short marches. With Laelius' assent he went to Cirta in advance and ordered that the leading Cirtensians be called out of the city to a conference. But with men who were unaware of the king's misadventure he accomplished nothing by revealing what had taken place, nor by threats nor by persuasion, until the king was placed before their eyes in chains.

> Latin: 12.5. eoque ex fuga ingens hominum se contulerat uis. Masinissa sibi quidem dicere nihil esse in praesentia pulchrius quam uictorem reciperatum tanto post interuallo patrium inuisere regnum, sed tam secundis quam aduersis rebus non dari spatium ad cessandum;

[¶116] 12.7. Then before a sight so grievous wailing began, and in alarm some deserted the walls, others with the sudden agreement of men who curry favour with the victor threw open the gates.

> Latin: 12.7. si se Laelius cum equitatu uinctoque Syphace Cirtam praecedere sinat, trepida omnia metu se oppressurum; Laelium cum peditibus subsequi modicis itineribus posse.

[¶117] 12.8. And Masinissa, first sending detachments to all the gates and to favourable points on the walls, that no one might have a way of escape open to him, rode at full speed to take possession of the palace. As he was entering the forecourt Sophoniba, the wife of Syphax, daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian, met him at the very threshold.

> Latin: 12.8. adsentiente Laelio praegressus Cirtam euocari ad conloquium principes Cirtensium iubet. sed apud ignaros regis casus nec quae acta essent promendo nec minis nec suadendo ante ualuit quam rex uinctus in conspectum datus est.

[¶118] 12.9. And when in the midst of the column of armed men she caught sight of Masinissa, conspicuous both by his arms and the rest of his dress, thinking it was the king, as was the fact, she clasped his knees and said: “All power over us has indeed been given you by the gods and by your courage and good fortune.”

> Latin: 12.9. tum ad spectaculum tam foedum comploratio orta, et partim pauore moenia sunt deserta, partim repentino consensu gratiam apud uictorem quaerentium patefactae portae.

[¶119] 12.10. “But if a captive is permitted in the house of the master of her life and death to lift the ” “voice of a suppliant, if she may touch his knees, his victorious right hand, I pray and entreat you by the royal state in which we too have lived a short time ago, by the name of the Numidian race, which you have shared with Syphax, by the gods of this palace here —and may they receive you under better auspices than those under which they sent Syphax away!”

> Latin: 12.10. et Masinissa praesidio circa portas opportunaque moenium dimisso ne cui fugae pateret exitus, ad regiam occupandam citato uadit equo. intranti uestibulum in ipso limine Sophoniba, uxor Syphacis, filia Hasdrubalis Poeni, occurrit; et cum in medio agmine armatorum Masinissam insignem cum armis tum cetero habitu conspexisset, regem esse, id quod erat, rata genibus aduoluta eius 'omnia quidem ut possis' inquit 'in nobis di dederunt uirtusque et felicitas tua;

[¶120] 12.12. “—I beg you to grant this favour to a suppliant, that, whatever your inclination, you yourself decide in regard to your captive and do not suffer me to be subjected to the haughty and cruel decision of any Roman.” “If I had been nothing else than the wife of Syphax, still I should have preferred to trust the word of a Numidian and a man born in the same Africa as myself rather than that of a foreigner by birth and nationality.”

> Latin: 12.12. sed si captiuae apud dominum uitae necisque suae uocem supplicem mittere licet, si genua, si uictricem attingere dextram, precor quaesoque per maiestatem regiam, in qua paulo ante nos quoque fuimus, per gentis Numidarum nomen, quod tibi cum Syphace commune fuit, per huiusce regiae deos, qui te melioribus ominibus accipiant quam Syphacem hinc miserunt,

[¶121] 12.14. “What a Carthaginian woman, what a daughter of Hasdrubal has to fear from a Roman you see. If by no other means you are able to do so, I beg and implore you to save me by death from the decision of Romans.” Her beauty was conspicuous and her age at full bloom.

> Latin: 12.14. hanc ueniam supplici des ut ipse quodcumque fert animus de captiua tua statuas neque me in cuiusquam Romani superbum et crudele arbitrium uenire sinas.

[¶122] 12.15. Consequently while she was clasping now his knees and now his right hand, begging for his promise not to surrender her to any Roman, and her words were now more nearly those of a charmer than of a suppliant, the heart of the victor was quickly moved not to pity only, but with the amorous susceptibility of the Numidian race the victor was captivated by love of the captive.

> Latin: 12.15. si nihil aliud quam Syphacis uxor fuissem, tamen Numidae atque in eadem mecum Africa geniti quam alienigenae et externi fidem experiri mallem:

[¶123] 12.16. He gave her his right hand as a pledge for the fulfilment of her request and withdrew into the palace. Then he began by himself to consider how he could guarantee that the promise would be kept. As he was unable to solve that problem he borrowed from love a plan that was reckless and unbecoming.

> Latin: 12.16. quid Carthaginiensi ab Romano, quid filiae Hasdrubalis timendum sit uides. si nulla re alia potes, morte me ut uindices ab Romanorum arbitrio oro obtestorque.' forma erat insignis et florentissima aetas. itaque cum modo <genua modo> dextram amplectens in id ne cui Romano traderetur fidem exposceret propiusque blanditias iam oratio esset quam preces, non in misericordiam modo prolapsus est animus uictoris, sed, ut est genus Numidarum in uenerem praeceps, amore captiuae uictor captus.

## 48. Book XXX · chapters 12–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/48/#p-N

[¶0] 12.18. He promptly ordered preparations to be made for a wedding the very same day, in order not to leave any decision open either to Laelius or to Scipio himself in regard to her as a captive when she should be already married to Masinissa. After the wedding Laelius arrived, and so far was he from concealing his disapproval of the act that at first he even attempted to tear her away from the marriage couch and send her to Scipio with Syphax and the rest of the captives.

> Latin: 12.18. data dextra in id quod petebatur obligandae fidei in regiam concedit. institit deinde reputare secum ipse quemadmodum promissi fidem praestaret. quod cum expedire non posset, ab amore temerarium atque impudens mutuatur consilium;

[¶1] 12.20. He was then persuaded by the entreaties of Masinissa, who begged him to refer to Scipio the decision which of the two kings was to have Sophoniba share his lot. Whereupon, after sending Syphax and the captives away, he with Masinissa's aid subdued the remaining cities of Numidia which were held by the king's garrisons. When it was announced that Syphax was being brought into the camp all the rank and file poured out, as though they were to witness a triumph.

> Latin: 12.20. nuptias in eum ipsum diem parari repente iubet ne quid relinqueret integri aut Laelio aut ipsi Scipioni consulendi uelut in captiuam quae Masinissae iam nupta foret. factis nuptiis superuenit Laelius et adeo non dissimulauit improbare se factum ut primo etiam cum Syphace et ceteris captiuis detractam eam <lecto> geniali mittere ad Scipionem conatus sit. uictus deinde precibus Masinissae orantis ut arbitrium utrius regum duorum fortunae accessio Sophoniba esset ad Scipionem reiceret, misso Syphace et captiuis ceteras urbes Numidiae quae praesidiis regiis tenebantur adiuuante Masinissa recipit. Syphacem in castra adduci cum esset nuntiatum, omnis uelut ad spectaculum triumphi multitudo effusa est.

[¶2] 13.2. First came Syphax himself in chains, followed by a company of noble Numidians. Then all the soldiers in enlarging upon their own victory did their best to magnify Syphax and the fame of his race, saying that he was the king to whose majesty the two most powerful peoples in the world, the Roman and the Carthaginian, paid such honour that Scipio, their own general, left his province of Spain and his army and with two quinqueremes sailed to Africa to court his friendship,

> Latin: 13.2. praecedebat ipse uinctus; sequebatur grex nobilium Numidarum. tum quantum quisque plurimum poterat magnitudini Syphacis famaeque gentis uictoriam suam augendo addebat: illum esse regem cuius tantum maiestati duo potentissimi in terris tribuerint populi Romanus Carthaginiensisque ut Scipio imperator suus ad amicitiam eius petendam relicta prouincia Hispania exercituque duabus quinqueremibus in Africam nauigauerit, Hasdrubal Poenorum imperator non ipse modo ad eum in regnum uenerit sed etiam filiam ei nuptum dederit.

[¶3] 13.4. while Hasdrubal, a general of the Carthaginians, not only came himself to him in his kingdom but also gave him his daughter in marriage.

> Latin: 13.4. habuisse eum uno tempore in potestate duos imperatores, Poenum Romanumque.

[¶4] 13.5. They said that he had at the same time had two generals, a Carthaginian and a Roman, in his power; that just as both sides had sought the favour of the immortal gods by offering sacrifices, so had his friendship been sought at the same time by both sides.

> Latin: 13.5. sicut ab dis immortalibus pars utraque hostiis mactandis pacem petisset, ita ab eo utrimque pariter amicitiam petitam.

[¶5] 13.6. Moreover, so great, they said, had been his power that when Masinissa had been driven out of his kingdom, Syphax brought him so low that his life was protected only by the report of his death and by hiding-places where he lived in the forest like wild animals on what they caught.

> Latin: 13.6. iam tantas habuisse opes ut Masinissam regno pulsum eo redegerit ut uita eius fama mortis et latebris ferarum modo in siluis rapto uiuentis tegeretur.

[¶6] 13.7. Honoured by such utterances of the bystanders the king was brought before Scipio at headquarters. Even Scipio was moved by the comparison of the man's former estate with his present condition, but especially by the memory of their guest-friendship and the clasp of hands, and of the compact made for the state and of that made in his own name.

> Latin: 13.7. his sermonibus circumstantium celebratus rex in praetorium ad Scipionem est perductus. mouit et Scipionem cum fortuna pristina uiri praesenti fortunae conlata, tum recordatio hospitii dextraeque datae et foederis publice ac priuatim iuncti.

[¶7] 13.8. The same considerations gave Syphax also spirit in addressing the victor. For when Scipio repeatedly asked him what he had meant by not only rejecting a Roman alliance but also taking the aggressive in war, he would admit that he had indeed done wrong and lost his reason, but not then for the first time when he had taken up arms against the Roman people.

> Latin: 13.8. eadem haec et Syphaci animum dederunt in adloquendo uictore. nam cum Scipio quid sibi uoluisset quaereret qui non societatem solum abnuisset Romanam sed ultro bellum intulisset, tum ille peccasse quidem sese atque insanisse fatebatur, sed non tum demum cum arma aduersus populum Romanum cepisset;

[¶8] 13.9. That had been the culmination, not the beginning, of his madness.

> Latin: 13.9. exitum sui furoris eum fuisse, non principium;

[¶9] 13.10. The time when he lost his reason, when he put out of his head all private guest-friendships and public treaties, was when he admitted a noble Carthaginian lady to his house.

> Latin: 13.10. tum se insanisse, tum hospitia priuata et publica foedera omnia ex animo eiecisse cum Carthaginiensem matronam domum acceperit.

[¶10] 13.11. From those nuptial torches his palace had taken fire; that baneful fury by all her blandishments had unbalanced and unhinged his mind, and she had never rested until with her own hands she had herself put on him guilt-stained arms against a guest-friend and a personal friend.

> Latin: 13.11. illis nuptialibus facibus regiam conflagrasse suam; illam furiam pestemque omnibus delenimentis animum suum auertisse atque alienasse, nec conquiesse donec ipsa manibus suis nefaria sibi arma aduersus hospitem atque amicum induerit.

[¶11] 13.12. Yet for himself, ruined and crushed, there was this consolation in his misfortunes, to see that the same baneful fury had passed into the house and home of the greatest enemy he had in the world.

> Latin: 13.12. perdito tamen atque adflicto sibi hoc in miseriis solatii esse quod in omnium hominum inimicissimi sibi domum ac penates eandem pestem ac furiam transisse uideat.

[¶12] 13.13. Masinissa was neither wiser, he said, nor more steadfast than Syphax; he was even more imprudent owing to his youth. Certainly there had been -more folly and lack of self-control in Masinissa's marriage to her than in his own.

> Latin: 13.13. neque prudentiorem neque constantiorem Masinissam quam Syphacem esse, etiam iuuenta incautiorem; certe stultius illum atque intemperantius eam quam se duxisse.

[¶13] 14.1. By speaking thus, not only out of hatred as an enemy but also under the goad of jealousy, as he saw his beloved in the possession of his rival, he aroused no slight anxiety in the mind of Scipio.

> Latin: 14.1. haec non hostili modo odio sed amoris etiam stimulis amatam apud aemulum cernens cum dixisset, non mediocri cura Scipionis animum pepulit;

[¶14] 14.2. The charges against her were substantiated both by the marriage hastily celebrated, almost on the battlefield, without either seeking the advice of Laelius or waiting for his arrival, and by such precipitate haste that on the very day on which he saw her as a captured enemy he took her to wife and performed the nuptial rites before the household gods of his foe.

> Latin: 14.2. et fidem criminibus raptae prope inter arma nuptiae neque consulto neque exspectato Laelio faciebant tamque praeceps festinatio ut quo die captam hostem uidisset eodem matrimonio iunctam acciperet et ad penates hostis sui nuptiale sacrum conficeret.

[¶15] 14.3. Again, all this seemed the more repulsive to Scipio because in Spain, in spite of his youth, he had himself never been smitten by the beauty of any captive. Such thoughts were in his mind when Laelius and Masinissa arrived.

> Latin: 14.3. et eo foediora haec uidebantur Scipioni quod ipsum in Hispania iuuenem nullius forma pepulerat captiuae. haec secum uolutanti Laelius ac Masinissa superuenerunt. quos cum pariter ambo et benigno uoltu excepisset et egregiis laudibus frequenti praetorio celebrasset, abductum in secretum Masinissam sic adloquitur:

[¶16] 14.4. Scipio welcomed them both alike with kindly expression and lauded them in distinguished terms before a crowded council, and then leading Masinissa to a place apart thus addressed him: “Some good qualities you saw in me, I suppose, Masinissa, and so came to me first in Spain, to cement a friendship with me, and later in Africa entrusted yourself and all your hopes to my protection.”

> Latin: 14.4. 'aliqua te existimo, Masinissa, intuentem in me bona et principio in Hispania ad iungendam mecum amicitiam uenisse et postea in Africa te ipsum spesque omnes tuas in fidem meam commisisse.

[¶17] 14.5. “But of those virtues on account of which my friendship might seem to you desirable there is none on which I might have prided myself so much as on self-restraint and continence. This virtue I would have you also, Masinissa, add to your other remarkable excellences.”

> Latin: 14.5. atqui nulla earum uirtus est propter quas tibi adpetendus uisus sim qua ego aeque ac temperantia et continentia libidinum gloriatus fuerim.

[¶18] 14.6. “There is no danger —believe me, there is none —so great to our time of life from armed enemies as from pleasures all about us.”

> Latin: 14.6. hanc te quoque ad ceteras tuas eximias uirtutes, Masinissa, adiecisse uelim. non est, non—mihi crede—tantum ab hostibus armatis aetati nostrae periculi quantum ab circumfusis undique uoluptatibus.

[¶19] 14.7. “Whoever has checked and mastered them by his self-control has gained for himself a far greater distinction and a greater victory than is ours by the defeat of Syphax. All that you in my absence have done with energy and courage I was glad to mention and gladly remember.”

> Latin: 14.7. qui eas temperantia sua frenauit ac domuit multo maius decus maioremque uictoriam sibi peperit quam nos Syphace uicto habemus.

[¶20] 14.8. “Upon the rest of your acts I prefer to have you reflect inwardly yourself, rather than blush at my recital. Syphax has been defeated and captured under the auspices of the Roman people.”

> Latin: 14.8. quae me absente strenue ac fortiter fecisti libenter et commemoraui et memini: cetera te ipsum reputare tecum quam me dicente erubescere malo. Syphax populi Romani auspiciis uictus captusque est.

[¶21] 14.9. “In consequence he himself, his wife, his kingdom, territory, towns, the people who inhabit them, in short whatever has belonged to Syphax, is booty of the Roman people.”

> Latin: 14.9. itaque ipse coniunx regnum ager oppida homines qui incolunt, quicquid denique Syphacis fuit, praeda populi, Romani est;

[¶22] 14.10. “And as for the king and his wife, even if she were not a Carthaginian citizen, even if we did not see in her father a high commander of the enemy, they would have to be sent to Rome, and the senate and the Roman people would properly have the right to judge and decide the case of her who is alleged to have estranged from us an allied king and driven him headlong into war.”

> Latin: 14.10. et regem coniugemque eius, etiamsi non ciuis Carthaginiensis esset, etiamsi non patrem eius imperatorem hostium uideremus, Romam oporteret mitti, ac senatus populique Romani de ea iudicium atque arbitrium esse quae regem socium nobis alienasse atque in arma egisse praecipitem dicatur.

[¶23] 14.11. “Conquer yourself; do not disfigure many good qualities by one defect and forfeit the favour earned by so many services through a fault out of all proportion to its cause.”

> Latin: 14.11. uince animum; caue deformes multa bona uno uitio et tot meritorum gratiam maiore culpa quam causa culpae est corrumpas.'

[¶24] 15.1. On hearing these words not only did Masinissa blush, but tears also came. And after saying that he on his part would be under the orders of the general and imploring him to have such regard as the case permitted for the promise he had rashly given, namely that he would not hand her over to any man's power, he withdrew from headquarters to his own tent a distracted man.

> Latin: 15.1. Masinissae haec audienti non rubor solum suffusus sed lacrimae etiam obortae; et cum se quidem in potestate futurum imperatoris dixisset orassetque eum ut quantum res sineret fidei suae temere obstrictae consuleret—promisisse enim se in nullius potestatem eam traditurum—ex praetorio in tabernaculum suum confusus concessit.

[¶25] 15.3. There, with no witnesses present, he spent considerable time, with frequent sighs and groans, so that they could easily be heard by those who stood about the tent. Then at last, after one very loud groan, he called the faithful slave in whose keeping was the poison, against the uncertainties of fortune, as usual with kings, and bade him mix. it and carry it in a cup to Sophoniba. He also ordered him at the same time to tell her that Masinissa would gladly have fulfilled the most important promise which as husband he was bound to keep for a wife;

> Latin: 15.3. ibi arbitris remotis cum crebro suspiritu et gemitu, quod facile ab circumstantibus tabernaculum exaudiri posset, aliquantum temporis consumpsisset, ingenti ad postremum edito gemitu fidum e seruis unum uocat, sub cuius custodia regio more ad incerta fortunae uenenum erat, et mixtum in poculo ferre ad Sophonibam iubet ac simul nuntiare Masinissam libenter primam ei fidem praestaturum fuisse quam uir uxori debuerit:

[¶26] 15.5. that since the freedom to do so was taken away by those who had the power, he was keeping the promise next to it in importance, namely, that she should not come into the Romans' power alive.

> Latin: 15.5. quoniam eius arbitrium qui possint adimant, secundam fidem praestare ne uiua in potestatem Romanorum ueniat.

[¶27] 15.6. Mindful of her father the general, and of her native city, and of the two kings to whom she had been married, she was to decide for herself. When the slave bearing this message together with the poison had reached Sophoniba she said, “I receive the wedding gift, and it is not unwelcome if my husband has been able to bestow nothing better upon his wife. But tell him this, that it would have been easier for me to die if I had not married at my funeral.”

> Latin: 15.6. memor patris imperatoris patriaeque et duorum regum quibus nupta fuisset, sibi ipsa consuleret. hunc nuntium ac simul uenenum ferens minister cum ad Sophonibam uenisset, 'accipio' inquit 'nuptiale munus, neque ingratum, si nihil maius uir uxori praestare potuit. hoc tamen nuntia, melius me morituram fuisse si non in funere meo nupsissem.'

[¶28] 15.8. No less high-spirited than her words was her acceptance of the cup, fearlessly drained without a sign of wavering.

> Latin: 15.8. non locuta est ferocius quam acceptum poculum nullo trepidationis signo dato impauide hausit.

[¶29] 15.9. As soon as this was reported to Scipio he at once summoned Masinissa, for fear the high-spirited young man in his distress of mind might do something desperate. He offered now consolation, now gentle rebuke because he atoned for one reckless act by another and made the matter more deplorable than was necessary.

> Latin: 15.9. quod ubi nuntiatum est Scipioni, ne quid aeger animi ferox iuuenis grauius consuleret accitum eum extemplo nunc solatur, nunc quod temeritatem temeritate alia luerit tristioremque rem quam necesse fuerit fecerit leniter castigat.

[¶30] 15.11. On the following day, in order to divert Masinissa's thoughts from the emotion of the moment, Scipio mounted the tribune and ordered that an assembly be called. There for the first time he addressed Masinissa as king, bestowing upon him the highest terms of praise, and presented him with a golden wreath, a golden patera, a curule chair and ivory sceptre, an embroidered toga and a tunic adorned with palms.

> Latin: 15.11. postero die ut a praesenti motu auerteret animum eius, in tribunal escendit et contionem aduocari iussit. ibi Masinissam, primum regem appellatum eximiisque ornatum laudibus, aurea corona aurea patera sella curuli et scipione eburneo toga picta et palmata tunica donat.

[¶31] 15.12. He added this tribute: that there was no higher distinction among the Romans than a triumph, and that those who triumphed had no more magnificent array than that of which Masinissa alone of all foreigners was accounted worthy by the Roman people. He then warmly.

> Latin: 15.12. addit uerbis honorem: neque magnificentius quicquam triumpho apud Romanos neque triumphantibus ampliorem eo ornatum esse quo unum omnium externorum dignum Masinissam populus Romanus ducat.

[¶32] 15.13. praised Laelius also and presented him with a golden wreath. Other officers also and men were rewarded, each according to the service he had performed.

> Latin: 15.13. Laelium deinde et ipsum conlaudatum aurea corona donat; et alii militares uiri, prout a quoque nauata opera erat, donati.

[¶33] 15.14. By these distinctions the king was appeased and roused to the hope, soon to be fulfilled, that with Syphax removed he would gain possession of all Numidia.

> Latin: 15.14. his honoribus mollitus regis animus erectusque in spem propinquam sublato Syphace omnis Numidiae potiundae.

[¶34] 16.1. Scipio, having sent Gaius Laelius with Syphax and other captives to Rome, while with these went Masinissa's legates also, himself moved his camp back again to Tynes and completed the fortifications he had already begun.

> Latin: 16.1. Scipio C. Laelio cum Syphace aliisque captiuis Romam misso, cum quibus et Masinissae legati profecti sunt, ipse ad Tyneta rursus castra refert et quae munimenta incohauerat permunit.

[¶35] 16.2. The Carthaginians, on account of their attack upon the fleet with considerable success for the moment, had been filled with a joy not only short-lived but almost unfounded. But on hearing of the capture of Syphax, on whom they had rested their hopes almost more than on Hasdrubal and their own army, they were discouraged. No longer listening to any advocate of war, they sent their thirty elder statesmen to plead for peace. This was their privy council, and it had great influence even in guiding the senate.

> Latin: 16.2. Carthaginienses non breui solum sed prope uano gaudio ab satis prospera in praesens oppugnatione classis perfusi, post famam capti Syphacis in quo plus prope quam in Hasdrubale atque exercitu suo spei reposuerant perculsi, iam nullo auctore belli ultra audito oratores ad pacem petendam mittunt triginta seniorum principes;

[¶36] 16.3. When they reached the Roman camp and headquarters they fell to the ground after the custom of courtiers, having derived that ceremony, I suppose, from the region from which they sprang.

> Latin: 16.3. id erat sanctius apud illos consilium maximaque ad ipsum senatum regendum uis.

[¶37] 16.4. Such humble obeisance was matched by their discourse, as they did not try to clear themselves of blame, but shifted the original blame to Hannibal and to those who supported his power.

> Latin: 16.4. qui ubi in castra Romana et in praetorium peruenerunt more adulantium—accepto, credo, ritu ex ea regione ex qua oriundi erant—procubuerunt.

[¶38] 16.5. They craved pardon for a state now twice overthrown by the rashness of its citizens, to be saved a second time by the favour of its foes.

> Latin: 16.5. conueniens oratio tam humili adulationi fuit non culpam purgantium sed transferentium initium culpae in Hannibalem potentiaeque eius fautores.

[¶39] 16.6. It was power, they said, that the Roman people sought from vanquished enemies, not their destruction.

> Latin: 16.6. ueniam ciuitati petebant ciuium temeritate bis iam euersae, incolumi futurae iterum hostium beneficio;

[¶40] 16.7. They were ready to be obedient servants; let him give them whatever commands he pleased.

> Latin: 16.7. imperium ex uictis hostibus populum Romanum, non perniciem petere; paratis oboedienter seruire imperaret quae uellet.

[¶41] 16.8. Scipio said he had come to Africa in the hope that he would carry home a victory, not a treaty of peace; that his hope had been also confirmed by a successful issue of the war.

> Latin: 16.8. Scipio et uenisse ea spe in Africam se ait, et spem suam prospero belli euentu auctam, uictoriam se non pacem domum reportaturum esse;

[¶42] 16.9. Nevertheless, although he had victory almost within his grasp, he was not rejecting a peace, in order that all nations might know that the Roman people acted fairly both in beginning and ending wars.

> Latin: 16.9. tamen cum uictoriam prope in manibus habeat, pacem non abnuere, ut omnes gentes sciant populum Romanum et suscipere iuste bella et finire.

[¶43] 16.10. He said that he announced the following terms of peace: that they restore captives and deserters and fugitive slaves; that they withdraw their armies from Italy and Gaul; that they have nothing to do with Spain; that they give up ownership of all the islands lying between Italy and Africa; that they deliver all their war-ships except twenty, and 500,000 pecks of wheat, 300,000 pecks of barley.

> Latin: 16.10. leges pacis se has dicere: captiuos et perfugas et fugitiuos restituant; exercitus ex Italia et Gallia deducant; Hispania abstineant; insulis omnibus quae inter Italiam atque Africam sint decedant;

[¶44] 16.11. —As for money, there is no agreement as to the sum which he imposed.

> Latin: 16.11. naues longas praeter uiginti omnes tradant, tritici quingenta, hordei trecenta milia modium.

[¶45] 16.12. In one source I find that 5,000 talents were imposed, in another 5,000 pounds of silver, in another double the pay of his soldiers.

> Latin: 16.12. —pecuniae summam quantam imperauerit parum conuenit; alibi quinque milia talentum, alibi quinque milia pondo argenti, alibi duplex stipendium militibus imperatum inuenio.

[¶46] 16.13. — “Whether on these terms,” said he, “you are disposed to make peace, on that point three days will be given you for deliberation. If that shall be your decision, make an armistice with me, send your embassy to the senate at Rome.”

> Latin: 16.13. —'his condicionibus' inquit 'placeatne pax triduum ad consultandum dabitur. si placuerit, mecum indutias facite, Romam ad senatum mittite legatos.'

[¶47] 16.14. Dismissed with these words, the Carthaginians agreed that no peace terms should be rejected, since they were seeking to gain time for Hannibal to cross over to Africa. Accordingly they sent one embassy to Scipio to arrange an armistice and another to Rome to sue for peace, taking with them a few captives and deserters and fugitive slaves for appearance' sake, that they might more readily obtain peace.

> Latin: 16.14. ita dimissi Carthaginienses nullas recusandas condiciones pacis cum censuissent quippe qui moram temporis quaererent dum Hannibal in Africam traiceret, legatos alios ad Scipionem ut indutias facerent, alios Romam ad pacem petendam mittunt ducentes paucos in speciem captiuos perfugasque et fugitiuos quo impetrabilior pax esset.

[¶48] 17.1. Many days before this, together with Syphax and the leading Numidian captives, Laelius reached Rome and set forth to the senate in order everything that had been done in Africa, in the midst of great rejoicing for the present and high hopes for the future.

> Latin: 17.1. multis ante diebus Laelius cum Syphace primoribusque Numidarum captiuis Romam uenit quaeque in Africa gesta essent omnia ordine exposuit patribus ingenti hominum et in praesens laetitia et in futurum spe.

[¶49] 17.2. Thereupon the senate after deliberation voted that the king should be sent to Alba to be interned; that Laelius should be detained until the Carthaginian embassy arrived.

> Latin: 17.2. consulti inde patres regem in custodiam Albam mittendum censuerunt, Laelium retinendum donec legati Carthaginienses uenirent.

[¶50] 17.3. A thanksgiving for four days was decreed. Publius Aelius, the praetor, having dismissed the senate, then summoned an assembly and with Gaius Laelius mounted the Rostra.

> Latin: 17.3. supplicatio in quadriduum decreta est. P. Aelius praetor senatu misso et contione inde aduocata cum C. Laelio in rostra escendit.

[¶51] 17.4. Thereupon, hearing that the Carthaginian armies had been routed, a famous king conquered and captured, all Numidia overrun in a series of extraordinary victories, they were unable to keep their joy to themselves, but expressed their unbounded delight by shouting and such other means as the multitude commonly employs.

> Latin: 17.4. ibi uero audientes fusos Carthaginiensium exercitus, deuictum et captum ingentis nominis regem, Numidiam omnem egregia uictoria peragratam, tacitum continere gaudium non poterant quin clamoribus quibusque aliis multitudo solet laetitiam immodicam significarent.

[¶52] 17.6. Accordingly the praetor at once gave orders that the temple wardens should open all the shrines throughout the city, and that people should have all day long the opportunity to make the rounds and pay their respects to the gods and return thanks to them. On the next day he introduced Masinissa's envoys into the senate.

> Latin: 17.6. itaque praetor extemplo edixit uti aeditui aedes sacras omnes tota urbe aperirent, circumeundi salutandique deos agendique grates per totum diem populo potestas fieret. postero die legatos Masinissae in senatum introduxit.

[¶53] 17.7. They began by congratulating the senate on Publius Scipio's successful campaign in Africa.

> Latin: 17.7. gratulati primum senatui sunt quod P. Scipio prospere res in Africa gessisset;

[¶54] 17.8. They then thanked the senators because he had not only saluted Masinissa as king but had made him king in restoring him to his father's kingdom, in which he would reign without fear and without contest since the removal of Syphax, if that should be the mind of the senators; also because, after warmly praising him before an assembly, he had conferred upon him the highest decorations, of which Masinissa had striven and would continue to strive to be not unworthy.

> Latin: 17.8. deinde gratias egerunt quod Masinissam non appellasset modo regem sed fecisset restituendo in paternum regnum, in quo post Syphacem sublatum si ita patribus uisum esset sine metu et certamine esset regnaturus, dein conlaudatum pro contione amplissimis decorasset donis, quibus ne indignus esset et dedisse operam Masinissam et porro daturum esse.

[¶55] 17.10. He begged the senate, they said, by a decree to confirm the kingly title and the rest of Scipio's favours and gifts; and unless objection was made, another request of Masinissa's was this, that they return the Numidian captives who were interned at Rome. That would bring him great credit, he felt, among his countrymen.

> Latin: 17.10. petere ut regium nomen ceteraque Scipionis beneficia et munera senatus decreto confirmaret; et, nisi molestum esset, illud quoque petere Masinissam, ut Numidas captiuos qui Romae in custodia essent remitterent;

[¶56] 17.11. The response to these words of the envoys was that the senators reciprocated the king's congratulations on successes in Africa; that Scipio in their opinion had been entirely correct in saluting him as king, and that they approved and commended all else that he had done which gave pleasure to Masinissa.

> Latin: 17.11. id sibi amplum apud populares futurum esse. ad ea responsum legatis rerum gestarum prospere in Africa communem sibi cum rege gratulationem esse; Scipionem recte atque ordine uideri fecisse quod eum regem appellauerit, et quicquid aliud fecerit quod cordi foret Masinissae id patres comprobare ac laudare.

[¶57] 17.13. In addition gifts were decreed, to be carried to the king by the envoys: two purple military cloaks, each with a golden brooch, and tunics having the broad stripe, two horses with their trappings, two sets of arms with cuirasses for a horseman, and tents and field furniture such as were customarily furnished to a consul. These things the praetor was ordered to send to the king.

> Latin: 17.13. munera quoque quae legati ferrent regi decreuerunt, sagula purpurea duo cum fibulis aureis singulis et lato clauo tunicis, equos duo phaleratos, bina equestria arma cum loricis, et tabernacula militaremque supellectilem qualem praeberi consuli mos esset.

[¶58] 17.14. For the envoys gifts were decreed, not less than five thousand asses for each of them, for their attendants one thousand each; and two garments apiece for the envoys, one each for their attendants, and for the Numidians who were ordered to be released from internment and restored to the king. In addition dwellings were ordered to be placed at the envoys' disposal, and places of honour, and hospitable entertainment were provided.

> Latin: 17.14. haec regi praetor mittere iussus: legatis in singulos dona ne minus quinum milium, comitibus eorum <singulorum> milium aeris, et uestimenta bina legatis, singula comitibus Numidisque, qui ex custodia emissi redderentur regi; ad hoc aedes liberae loca lautia legatis decreta.

[¶59] 18.1. In the same summer in which these measures were taken at Rome and these operations carried on in Africa, Publius Quinctilius Varus, a praetor, and Marcus Cornelius, the proconsul, fought a pitched battle with Mago the Carthaginian in the territory of the Insubrian Gauls. The praetor's legions were in the first line.

> Latin: 18.1. eadem aestate qua haec decreta Romae et in Africa gesta sunt P. Quinctilius Uarus praetor et M. Cornelius proconsul in agro Insubrum Gallorum cum Magone Poeno signis conlatis pugnarunt.

[¶60] 18.2. Cornelius kept his legions in reserve while he himself rode up to the front. And from in front of the two wings praetor and proconsul kept urging the soldiers to advance their ranks against the enemy with all their strength.

> Latin: 18.2. praetoris legiones in prima acie fuerunt: Cornelius suas in subsidiis tenuit, ipse ad prima signa equo aduectus; proque duobus cornibus praetor ac proconsul milites ad inferenda in hostes signa summa ui hortabantur. postquam nihil commouebant, tum Quinctilius Cornelio:

[¶61] 18.3. When they failed to drive the enemy back, Quinctilius then said to Cornelius: “The battle is slowing down, as you see, and their unexpected resistance is hardening the enemy against fright, and the danger is that fear may turn into daring. We must rouse our cavalry to a sudden charge if we wish to confuse and dislodge them.”

> Latin: 18.3. 'lentior, ut uides, fit pugna, et induratur praeter spem resistendo hostium timor, ac ne uertat in audaciam periculum est.

[¶62] 18.4. “Accordingly, either do you in the front line keep up the fight, and I will lead the cavalry into the fray. Or I will command here at the front, and you shall send out the horse of four legions into the enemy.”

> Latin: 18.4. equestrem procellam excitemus oportet si turbare ac statu mouere uolumus. itaque uel tu ad prima signa proelium sustine, ego inducam in pugnam equites; uel ego hic in prima acie rem geram, tu quattuor legionum equites in hostem emitte.'

[¶63] 18.5. As the proconsul was ready to accept whichever part of the task the praetor wished him to take, Quinctilius, the praetor, with his son, an active youth whose praenomen was Marcus, made his way to the cavalry and ordering them to mount suddenly sent them out against the enemy.

> Latin: 18.5. utram uellet praetor muneris partem proconsule accipiente, Quinctilius praetor cum filio, cui Marco praenomen erat, impigro iuuene, ad equites pergit iussosque escendere in equos repente in hostem emittit.

[¶64] 18.6. The confusion wrought by the cavalry was heightened also by the shouting of the legions, and the enemy's line would not have kept its position if Mago at the first movement of the cavalry had not at once led the elephants, which were kept in readiness, into battle.

> Latin: 18.6. tumultum equestrem auxit clamor ab legionibus additus, nec stetisset hostium acies ni Mago ad primum equitum motum paratos elephantos extemplo in proelium induxisset;

[¶65] 18.7. Terrified by their roar and odour and by the sight of them the horses made the assistance of the cavalry useless. And although, so long as they were in the thick of the fight, where they could make use of the lance and, at close quarters, of the sword, the Roman horsemen were the stronger, still when they were carried to a distance by frightened horses, the Numidians were the more successful in hurling javelins from a longer range.

> Latin: 18.7. ad quorum stridorem odoremque et adspectum territi equi uanum equestre auxilium fecerunt. et ut rem† permixtus, ubi cuspide uti et comminus gladio posset, roboris maioris Romanus eques erat, ita in ablatum pauentibus procul equis melius ex interuallo Numidae iaculabantur.

[¶66] 18.8. Of the infantry also the twelfth legion at the same time was largely cut to pieces and holding its ground more from a sense of honour than by its strength.

> Latin: 18.8. simul et peditum legio duodecima magna ex parte caesa pudore magis quam uiribus tenebat locum;

[¶67] 18.9. And it would not have held on long if the thirteenth legion, brought up from the reserves into the front line, had not taken over the indecisive battle.

> Latin: 18.9. nec diutius tenuisset ni ex subsidiis tertia decima legio in primam aciem inducta proelium dubium excepisset. Mago quoque ex subsidiis Gallos integrae legioni opposuit.

[¶68] 18.10. Mago likewise brought up Gauls from his reserves to face the fresh legion. After these had been routed with no great effort, the hastati of the eleventh legion massed together and attacked the elephants, which by this time were bringing disorder even to the-infantry line.

> Latin: 18.10. quibus haud magno certamine fusis hastati legionis undecimae conglobant sese atque elephantos iam etiam peditum aciem turbantes inuadunt;

[¶69] 18.11. When the legionaries had hurled javelins against them in their close order, scarcely one missile being without effect, they drove all the elephants back into their own battle-line.

> Latin: 18.11. in quos cum pila confertos coniecissent nullo ferme frustra emisso, omnes retro in aciem suorum auerterunt; quattuor grauati uolneribus corruerunt.

[¶70] 18.12. Four of them, hampered by wounds, fell to the ground. Then for the first time the enemy's line was driven back, since all the cavalry, on seeing the elephants in flight, dashed out to increase the panic and confusion.

> Latin: 18.12. tum primum commota hostium acies, simul omnibus equitibus, ut auersos uidere elephantos, ad augendum pauorem ac tumultum effusis. sed donec stetit ante signa Mago, gradum sensim referentes, ordines et tenorem pugnae seruabant:

[¶71] 18.13. But so long as Mago stood before the standards, his men as they slowly retired kept their ranks and continued to fight. After they saw him falling with his thigh pierced, and then borne almost lifeless from the battlefield, at once they all took to flight.

> Latin: 18.13. postquam femine transfixo cadentem auferrique ex proelio prope exsanguem uidere, extemplo in fugam omnes uersi. ad quinque milia hostium eo die caesa et signa militaria duo et uiginti capta.

[¶72] 18.14. About five thousand of the enemy were slain that day and twenty-two military standards were captured. Nor was it a bloodless victory for the Romans. Two thousand three hundred were lost from the army of the praetor, much the larger part of them from the twelfth legion; from it also two tribunes of the soldiers, Marcus Cosconius and Marcus Maevius.

> Latin: 18.14. nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit; duo milia et trecenti de exercitu praetoris, pars multo maxima ex legione duodecima, amissi; inde et tribuni militum duo, M. Cosconius et M. Maeuius;

[¶73] 18.15. Of the thirteenth legion also, which had taken part in the last phase of the battle, Gaius Helvius, tribune of the soldiers, fell while rallying the men. And about twenty-two knights of the upper class were trampled by the elephants and perished together with a number of centurions. Also the engagement would have lasted even longer, had not victory been conceded because of the general's wound.

> Latin: 18.15. tertiae decimae quoque legionis, quae postremo proelio adfuerat, C. Heluius tribunus militum in restituenda pugna cecidit; et duo et uiginti ferme equites inlustres, obtriti ab elephantis, cum centurionibus aliquot perierunt. et longius certamen fuisset ni uolnere ducis concessa uictoria esset.

[¶74] 19.1. Mago set out in the stillness of the following night and, lengthening the day's marches as much as he could endure by reason of his wound, he reached the sea in the country of the Ligurian Ingauni.

> Latin: 19.1. Mago proximae silentio noctis profectus quantum pati uiae per uolnus poterat itineribus extentis ad mare in Ligures Ingaunos peruenit.

[¶75] 19.2. There envoys from Carthage came to him, having put in a few days before into the Gallic Gulf, bringing him orders to cross over to Africa as soon as possible.

> Latin: 19.2. ibi eum legati ab Carthagine paucis ante diebus in sinum Gallicum adpulsis nauibus adierunt, iubentes primo quoque tempore in Africam traicere;

[¶76] 19.3. His brother Hannibal, they said, would do the same; for to him also envoys had gone bearing the same command; that the Carthaginian state was in no position to hold Gaul and Italy by armed forces.

> Latin: 19.3. id et fratrem eius Hannibalem—nam ad eum quoque isse legatos eadem iubentes—facturum; non in eo esse Carthaginiensium res ut Galliam atque Italiam armis obtineant.

[¶77] 19.4. Mago was not only swayed by the command from the senate and the danger of his city, but also feared that if he delayed the victorious enemy might be upon him, and the Ligurians themselves, seeing that the Carthaginians were abandoning Italy, might go over to the side of those in whose power they would presently be.

> Latin: 19.4. Mago non imperio modo senatus periculoque patriae motus sed metuens etiam ne uictor hostis moranti instaret Liguresque ipsi relinqui Italiam a Poenis cernentes ad eos quorum mox in potestate futuri essent deficerent, simul sperans leniorem in nauigatione quam in uia iactationem uolneris fore et curationi omnia commodiora, impositis copiis in naues profectus uixdum superata Sardinia ex uolnere moritur.

[¶78] 19.5. Hoping at the same time that motion would be less painful to his wound on shipboard than on the road and everything more convenient for treatment, he embarked his troops and sailed, but had hardly passed Sardinia when he died of his wound. In addition a considerable number of the Carthaginian ships, being scattered in the open sea, were captured by the Roman fleet which was off Sardinia. Such were the events on land and sea in that part of Italy which borders upon the Alps.

> Latin: 19.5. naues quoque aliquot Poenorum disiectae in alto ab classe Romana quae circa Sardiniam erat capiuntur. haec terra marique in parte Italiae quae iacet ad Alpes gesta. consul C. Seruilius, nulla memorabili re in prouincia Etruria Galliaque—nam eo quoque processerat—gesta, patre C.

[¶79] 19.7. The consul Gaius Servilius, who had accomplished nothing that deserves mention in his province of Etruria and in Gaul —for he had advanced into that country as well-rescued from slavery after fifteen years his father Gaius Servilius and Gaius Lutatius, who had been captured near the village of Tannetum by the Boii. Upon that he returned to Rome escorted by his father on one side and Catulus on the other, gaining distinction for an act that was personal rather than official.

> Latin: 19.7. Seruilio et C. Lutatio ex seruitute post sextum decimum annum receptis qui ad uicum Tannetum a Boiis capti fuerant, hinc patre hinc Catulo lateri circumdatis priuato magis quam publico decore insignis Romam rediit.

[¶80] 19.9. A bill was brought before the people that it should not be a ground for charges against Gaius Servilius that while his father, who had occupied a curule chair, was still alive-a fact of which he was unaware-he had been tribune of the plebs and plebeian aedile, contrary to provisions of the laws.

> Latin: 19.9. latum ad populum est ne C. Seruilio fraudi esset quod patre qui sella curuli sedisset uiuo, cum id ignoraret, tribunus plebis atque aedilis plebis fuisset contra quam sanctum legibus erat. hac rogatione perlata in prouinciam rediit.

[¶81] 19.10. This bill became a law, whereupon he returned to his province. As for Gnaeus Servilius, the consul, who was in the land of the Bruttii, Consentia, Aufugum, Bergae, Baesidiae, Ocriculum, Lymphaeum, Argentanum, Clampetia and many other unimportant communities, came over to his side, seeing that the Punic war was failing.

> Latin: 19.10. ad Cn. Seruilium consulem, qui in Bruttiis erat, Consentia Aufugum Bergae Baesidiae Ocriculum Lymphaeum Argentanum Clampetia multique alii ignobiles populi senescere Punicum bellum cernentes defecere.

[¶82] 19.11. The same consul engaged in battle with Hannibal in the territory of Croton. The story of that battle is not clear. Valerius Antias says five thousand of the enemy were slain-a victory on such a scale as to have been either shamelessly fabricated or else carelessly passed over.

> Latin: 19.11. idem consul cum Hannibale in agro Crotoniensi acie conflixit. obscura eius pugnae fama est. Ualerius Antias quinque milia hostium caesa ait, quae tanta res est ut aut impudenter ficta sit aut neglegenter praetermissa.

[¶83] 19.12. What is certain is that nothing further was accomplished by Hannibal in Italy. For to him also came emissaries from Carthage to recall him to Africa just at the time, it chanced, that others came to Mago.

> Latin: 19.12. nihil certe ultra rei in Italia ab Hannibale gestum. nam ad eum quoque legati ab Carthagine reuocantes in Africam, iis forte diebus quibus ad Magonem, uenerunt.

[¶84] 20.1. Gnashing his teeth and groaning-so they say-and scarcely keeping back the tears he listened to the words of the emissaries. After they had delivered their message he said: “It is no longer obscurely but openly that I am being ” “recalled by men who, in forbidding the sending of reinforcements and money, were long ago trying to drag me back.” “The conqueror of Hannibal is therefore not the Roman people, so often ” “cut to pieces and put to flight, but the Carthaginian senate by carping and envy.” “And over this inglorious return of mine it will not be Publius Scipio who ” “wildly exults, so much as Hanno,” “” “who, unable to do so by any other means, has ruined our family by the downfall of Carthage.” Already foreboding this very thing he had previously put his ships in readiness. Accordingly, after distributing the mass of useless troops, nominally as garrisons, among the few Bruttian towns that were being held rather by fear than by loyalty, he transported the flower of his army to Africa. Many men of Italic race refusing to follow him to Africa had retired to the shrine of Juno Lacinia, never desecrated until that day, and had been cruelly slain actually within the temple enclosure. They say that rarely has any other man leaving his country to go into exile departed so sorrowfully as Hannibal on withdrawing from the enemy's land; that he repeatedly looked back upon the shores of Italy and, accusing gods and men, called down a curse upon himself also and his own head because he had not led his soldiers blood-stained from the victory of Cannae to Rome. Scipio had dared, he said, to approach Carthage —a man who in his consulship had not seen a Carthaginian enemy in Italy —whereas he himself, after a hundred thousand armed men had been slain at Trasumennus, at Cannae, had grown old round Casilinum and Cumae and Nola. Such were his accusations and laments as he was dragged away from his long occupation of Italy. XXI. At Rome the news of Mago's departure and that of Hannibal were received about the same time. Rejoicing over this two-fold ground for congratulation was tempered by two circumstances: that men thought the generals had lacked either the spirit or the strength to detain them, although this had been ordered by the senate; and that they were concerned for the outcome, now that the whole burden of the war came down upon one army and one commander. About the same time envoys arrived from Saguntum bringing Carthaginians alleged to have crossed over into Spain to hire auxiliaries, having been seized together with the money. They set down two hundred and fifty pounds of gold and eight hundred pounds of silver in the forecourt of the Senate House. After accepting the captives, remanding them to prison and returning the gold and silver, the senate thanked the envoys; and in addition presents were made to them and ships furnished for their return to Spain. The older members thereupon observed that men are slower to recognize blessings than evils; that upon Hannibal's passage into Italy they remembered what alarm and panic there had been. Since that time what disasters, what sorrows had befallen them! The enemy's camp had been visible from the walls of the city; what prayers had been said by individuals and by the entire people! How often in their deliberations had men been heard to say, as they lifted their hands to heaven, Would the day ever come when they should see Italy cleared of the enemy and prospering in a blessed peace!

> Latin: 20.1. frendens gemensque ac uix lacrimis temperans dicitur legatorum uerba audisse. postquam edita sunt mandata, 'iam non perplexe' inquit 'sed palam reuocant qui uetando supplementum et pecuniam mitti iam pridem retrahebant. uicit ergo Hannibalem non populus Romanus totiens caesus fugatusque sed senatus Carthaginiensis obtrectatione atque inuidia; neque hac deformitate reditus mei tam P. Scipio exsultabit atque efferet sese quam Hanno qui domum nostram quando alia re non potuit ruina Carthaginis oppressit.' iam hoc ipsum praesagiens animo praeparauerat ante naues. itaque inutili militum turba praesidii specie in oppida Bruttii agri quae pauca metu magis quam fide continebantur dimissa, quod roboris in exercitu erat in Africam transuexit, multis Italici generis, quia in Africam secuturos abnuentes concesserant in Iunonis Laciniae delubrum inuiolatum ad eam diem, in templo ipso foede interfectis. raro quemquam alium patriam exsilii causa relinquentem tam maestum abisse ferunt quam Hannibalem hostium terra excedentem; respexisse saepe Italiae litora, et deos hominesque accusantem in se quoque ac suum ipsius caput exsecratum quod non cruentum ab Cannensi uictoria militem Romam duxisset; Scipionem ire ad Carthaginem ausum qui consul hostem Poenum in Italia non uidisset: se, centum milibus armatorum ad Trasumennum ad Cannas caesis, circa Casilinum Cumasque et Nolam consenuisse. haec accusans querensque ex diutina possessione Italiae est detractus. Romam per eosdem dies et Magonem et Hannibalem profectos allatum est. cuius duplicis gratulationis minuit laetitiam et quod parum duces in retinendis iis, cum id mandatum ab senatu esset, aut animi aut uirium habuisse uidebantur et quod solliciti erant omni belli mole in unum exercitum ducemque inclinata quo euasura esset res. per eosdem dies legati Saguntini uenerunt comprensos cum pecunia adducentes Carthaginienses qui ad conducenda auxilia in Hispaniam traiecissent. ducenta et quinquaginta auri, octingenta pondo argenti in uestibulo curiae posuerunt. hominibus acceptis et in carcerem conditis auro argentoque reddito gratiae legatis actae, atque insuper munera data ac naues quibus in Hispaniam reuerterentur. mentio deinde ab senioribus facta est segnius homines bona quam mala sentire; transitu in Italiam Hannibalis quantum terroris pauorisque esset meminisse; quas deinde clades, quos luctus incidisse. uisa castra hostium e muris urbis; quae uota singulorum uniuersorumque fuisse. quotiens in conciliis uoces manus ad caelum porrigentium auditas en unquam ille dies futurus esset quo uacuam hostibus Italiam bona pace florentem uisuri essent. dedisse id deos tandem sexto decimo demum anno, nec esse qui dis grates agendas censeat; adeo ne aduenientem quidem gratiam homines benigne accipere, nedum ut praeteritae satis memores sint. conclamatum deinde ex omni parte curiae est uti referret P. Aelius praetor; decretumque ut quinque dies circa omnia puluinaria supplicaretur uictimaeque maiores immolarentur centum uiginti. iam dimisso Laelio legatisque Masinissae cum Carthaginiensium legatos de pace ad senatum uenientes Puteolis uisos inde terra uenturos allatum esset, reuocari C. Laelium placuit ut coram eo de pace ageretur. Q. Fuluius Gillo legatus Scipionis Carthaginienses Romam adduxit; quibus uetitis ingredi urbem hospitium in uilla publica, senatus ad aedem Bellonae datus est. orationem eandem ferme quam apud Scipionem habuerunt, culpam omnem belli a publico consilio in Hannibalem uertentes: eum iniussu senatus non Alpes modo sed Hiberum quoque transgressum, nec Romanis solum sed ante etiam Saguntinis priuato consilio bellum intulisse; senatui ac populo Carthaginiensi, si quis uere aestimet, foedus ad eam diem inuiolatum esse cum Romanis; itaque nihil aliud sibi mandatum esse uti peterent quam ut in ea pace quae postremo cum C. Lutatio facta esset manere liceret. cum more tradito [a] patribus potestatem interrogandi, si quis quid uellet, legatos praetor fecisset, senioresque qui foederibus interfuerant alia alii interrogarent, nec meminisse se per aetatem—etenim omnes ferme iuuenes erant— dicerent legati, conclamatum ex omni parte curiae est Punica fraude electos qui ueterem pacem repeterent cuius ipsi non meminissent. emotis deinde curia legatis sententiae interrogari coeptae. M. Liuius C. Seruilium consulem qui propior esset arcessendum ut coram eo de pace ageretur censebat; cum de re maiore quam quanta ea esset consultatio incidere non posset, non uideri sibi absente consulum altero ambobusue eam rem agi satis ex dignitate populi Romani esse.

[¶85] 23.3. At last, they said, but not before the sixteenth year, the gods had granted that prayer; and yet there was no one to propose a vote of thanks to the gods; so true was it that men did not gratefully receive a blessing upon its coming, much less duly remember it when past. Upon that shouts came from every part of the Senate House that Publius Aelius, the praetor, should bring up the question. And it was voted that for five days thanks should be offered at all the pulvinaria, also that a hundred and twenty full-grown victims should be sacrificed. After Laelius and the envoys of Masinissa had been dismissed, word came that the Carthaginian envoys, on their way to the senate to sue for peace, had been seen at Puteoli and would proceed thence by land. Whereupon it was decided that Gaius Laelius should be recalled, in order that the discussion of peace might be in his presence. Quintus Fulvius Gillo, Scipio's lieutenant, conducted the Carthaginians to Rome. Being forbidden to enter the city, they were entertained in the Villa Publica and a hearing in the senate was granted them in the Temple of Bellona. XXII. They made substantially the same plea as they had done before Scipio, shifting all blame for the war from public responsibility to Hannibal: that he had crossed not merely the Alps but even the Ebro without orders from the senate, and on his own responsibility had waged war not only on the Romans but before that upon the Saguntines also. The senate and the Carthaginian people, they claimed, had a treaty with the Romans which in any fair judgment was to that day unbroken; consequently they had no other instructions than to beg permission to abide by the last peace-treaty, made with Gaius Lutatius. When the praetor, following traditional practice, had given the senators permission to ask any question of the envoys if any one was so disposed, and older members, who had been present when action was taken on the treaties, were asking various questions, the envoys kept saying that on account of their age they did not remember —nearly all of them being young men. Upon that there were shouts from every part of the house that Punic trickery had led them to choose men who did not themselves remember it, to ask that the old treaty should be revived. XXIII. Then after the envoys had been ushered out of the house, opinions began to be called for. Marcus Livius moved that Gaius Servilius, the consul, being the nearer, should be summoned, in order that discussion of peace might be in his presence. Since there could be no more important subject for deliberation than that, it did not seem to him, he said, that debate on the question in the absence of one or both of the consuls was quite in keeping with the dignity of the Roman people. Quintus Metellus, who had been consul three years before and also dictator, said that, whereas Publius Scipio by slaying their armies and ravaging their lands had reduced the enemy to such straits that as suppliants they were suing for peace, and whereas no man in the world could more correctly judge of the spirit in which they were seeking that peace than he who was conducting a war at the gates of Carthage, peace must be accepted or rejected according to the advice of none other than Scipio. Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who had twice been consul, contended that spies, not envoys, had come to them, and that they should be ordered to depart from Italy, and guards sent with them all the way to their ships, and that a written order should be sent to Scipio not to relax effort in the war. Laelius and Fulvius added that Scipio also had based his hope of peace only upon the supposition that Hannibal and Mago were not to be recalled from Italy. But while waiting for those generals and their armies, they said, the Carthaginians would use every pretence, and then, forgetful of treaties however recent and of all the gods, would carry on the war. Consequently a still larger number voted for Laevinus' motion. The envoys were sent away without securing peace and almost without an answer. About that time Gnaeus Servilius, the consul, who had no doubt that to him belonged the glory of giving peace to Italy, as if in pursuit of a Hannibal whom he had driven out himself, crossed over to Sicily, intending to cross from there to Africa. When this was noised abroad at Rome, at first the senators had voted that the praetor should write to the consul that the senate thought it proper for him to return to Italy. Then, as the praetor said that Servilius would disregard his letter, Publius Sulpicius was made dictator for that very purpose; and by virtue of his higher authority he recalled the consul to Italy. The rest of the year he spent with his master of the horse, Marcus Servilius, in making the rounds of such cities in Italy as had been estranged by the war and in hearing their cases one after another. During the armistice a hundred transports sent from Sardinia by the praetor Publius Lentulus with supplies and convoyed by twenty war-ships crossed to Africa over a sea safe from the enemy and safe from storms.

> Latin: 23.3. Q. Metellus, qui triennio ante consul dictatorque fuerat: cum P. Scipio caedendo exercitus agros populando in eam necessitatem hostes compulisset ut supplices pacem peterent, et nemo omnium uerius existimare posset qua mente ea pax peteretur quam qui ante portas Carthaginis bellum gereret, nullius alterius consilio quam Scipionis accipiendam abnuendamue pacem esse. M. Ualerius Laeuinus, qui bis consul fuerat, speculatores non legatos uenisse arguebat, iubendosque Italia excedere et custodes cum iis usque ad naues mittendos, Scipionique scribendum ne bellum remitteret. Laelius Fuluiusque adiecerunt et Scipionem in eo positam habuisse spem pacis si Hannibal et Mago ex Italia non reuocarentur; ceterum omnia simulaturos Carthaginienses, duces eos exercitusque exspectantes; deinde quamuis recentium foederum et deorum omnium oblitos bellum gesturos. eo magis in Laeuini sententiam discessum. legati pace infecta ac prope sine responso dimissi. per eos dies Cn. Seruilius consul, haud dubius quin pacatae Italiae penes se gloria esset, uelut pulsum ab se Hannibalem persequens, in Siciliam, inde in Africam transiturus, traiecit. quod ubi Romae uolgatum est, primo censuerant patres ut praetor scriberet consuli senatum aequum censere in Italiam reuerti eum; dein, cum praetor spreturum eum litteras suas diceret, dictator ad id ipsum creatus P. Sulpicius pro iure maioris imperii consulem in Italiam reuocauit. reliquum anni cum M. Seruilio magistro equitum circumeundis in Italia urbibus quae bello alienatae fuerant noscendisque singularum causis consumpsit. per indutiarum tempus ex Sardinia a P. Lentulo praetore centum onerariae naues cum commeatu uiginti rostratarum praesidio, et ab hoste et ab tempestatibus mari tuto, in Africam transmiserunt.

[¶86] 24.6. Gnaeus Octavius, crossing over from Sicily with two hundred transports and thirty war-ships, was not so fortunate. When he had almost come in sight of Africa after a favourable passage, the wind at first failed him;

> Latin: 24.6. Cn. Octauio ducentis onerariis triginta longis nauibus ex Sicilia traicienti non eadem fortuna fuit.

[¶87] 24.7. then shifting into a southwester, it damaged and scattered the ships far and wide.

> Latin: 24.7. in conspectum ferme Africae prospero cursu uectum primo destituit uentus, deinde uersus in Africum turbauit ac passim naues disiecit.

[¶88] 24.8. He himself with the war-ships battled against head seas by great efforts on the part of the oarsmen and reached the Promontory of Apollo. Most of the transports were carried to the island of Aegimurus —which on the seaward side closes the bay upon which lies Carthage, about thirty miles from the city —the rest of them to Aquae Calidae, opposite the city itself. Everything could be seen from Carthage; and so from all parts of the city people ran to the market-place.

> Latin: 24.8. ipse cum rostratis per aduersos fluctus ingenti remigum labore enisus Apollinis promunturium tenuit: onerariae pars maxima ad Aegimurum insulam—ea sinum ab alto claudit in quo sita Carthago est, triginta ferme milia ab urbe—, aliae aduersus urbem ipsam ad Calidas Aquas delatae sunt. omnia in conspectu Carthaginis erant.

## 49. Book XXX · chapters 24–34

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/49/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/49/#p-N

[¶0] 24.10. The magistrates summoned the senate; the people before the entrance of the Senate House protested against letting go so much booty out of their sight and reach.

> Latin: 24.10. itaque ex tota urbe in forum concursum est; magistratus senatum uocare: populus in curiae uestibulo fremere ne tanta ex oculis manibusque amitteretur praeda.

[¶1] 24.11. While some objected, pleading the sanctity of peace negotiations, others that of the armistice —for its term had not yet expired —the meeting of the senate was all but merged with that of the people. It was agreed that Hasdrubal should sail over to Aegimurus with his fleet of fifty ships, and then gather up the Roman ships scattered along the shore and in the harbours.

> Latin: 24.11. cum quidam pacis petitae, alii indutiarum—necdum enim dies exierat—fidem opponerent, permixto paene senatus populique concilio consensum est ut classem quinquaginta nauium Hasdrubal Aegimurum traiceret, inde per litora portusque dispersas Romanas naues conligeret.

[¶2] 24.12. Deserted by the flight of their crews the transports were towed by the stern to Carthage, first from Aegimurus and then from Aquae.

> Latin: 24.12. desertae fuga nautarum primum ab Aegimuro, deinde ab Aquis onerariae Carthaginem puppibus tractae sunt.

[¶3] 25.1. Not yet had the envoys returned from Rome, nor was it known what had been the decision of the Roman senate in regard to war or peace; not yet had the term of the armistice expired.

> Latin: 25.1. nondum ab Roma reuerterant legati neque sciebatur quae senatus Romani de bello aut pace sententia esset, necdum indutiarum dies exierat;

[¶4] 25.2. For that reason Scipio thought it an even more shameful outrage that both the hope of peace and the sanctity of an armistice had been treated with disrespect by men who had sued for peace and an armistice. At once he sent Lucius Baebius, Lucius Sergius and Lucius Fabius as envoys to Carthage.

> Latin: 25.2. eo indigniorem iniuriam ratus Scipio ab iis qui petissent pacem et indutias et spem pacis et fidem indutiarum uiolatam esse, legatos Carthaginem L. Baebium L. Sergium L. Fabium extemplo misit.

[¶5] 25.3. These narrowly escaped injury at the hands of a mob and foresaw that their return would be no safer. Accordingly they begged the magistrates whose help had prevented violence to send ships to escort them.

> Latin: 25.3. qui cum multitudinis concursu prope uiolati essent nec reditum tutiorem futurum cernerent, petierunt a magistratibus quorum auxilio uis prohibita erat ut naues mitterent quae se prosequerentur.

[¶6] 25.4. Two triremes were furnished, and having reached the river Bagradas, from which the Roman camp was visible, they returned to Carthage.

> Latin: 25.4. datae triremes duae cum ad Bagradam flumen peruenissent unde castra Romana conspiciebantur Carthaginem rediere.

[¶7] 25.5. The Carthaginian fleet was lying at anchor near Utica. Three quadriremes from that fleet, just as the Roman quinquereme was rounding the promontory, suddenly attacked her from the seaward side, perhaps because a secret order to do so had been sent from Carthage, possibly because Hasdrubal, who was in command of the fleet, made bold to act without complicity on the part of the government.

> Latin: 25.5. classis Punica ad Uticam stationem habebat. ex ea tres quadriremes, seu clam misso a Carthagine nuntio ut id fieret, seu Hasdrubale qui classi praeerat sine publica fraude auso facinus, quinqueremem Romanam superantem promunturium ex alto repente adgressae sunt.

[¶8] 25.6. But they were unable to ram her as she eluded them by her speed, and the marines could not spring across from the lower vessels to the higher one. Also she was brilliantly defended so long as their missiles held out.

> Latin: 25.6. sed neque rostro ferire celeritate subterlabentem poterant neque transilire armati ex humilioribus in altiorem nauem; et defendebatur egregie quoad tela suppeditarunt.

[¶9] 25.7. When these failed them there was nothing else which could protect the ship but nearness to the land and the great numbers that poured out to the shore from the camp.

> Latin: 25.7. quis deficientibus iam nulla alia res eam quam propinquitas terrae multitudoque a castris in litus effusa tueri potuisset.

[¶10] 25.8. For propelled at full speed by the oars, they ran her on the shore with all possible momentum. Consequently the ship only was lost, and the men themselves escaped.

> Latin: 25.8. concitatam enim remis quanto maximo impetu poterant in terram cum immisissent, nauis tantum iactura facta incolumes ipsi euaserunt.

[¶11] 25.9. Thus the armistice beyond doubt had been broken by one crime after another when Laelius and Fulvius arrived from Rome with the Carthaginian envoys.

> Latin: 25.9. ita alio super aliud scelere cum haud dubie indutiae ruptae essent, Laelius Fuluiusque ab Roma cum legatis Carthaginiensibus superuenerunt.

[¶12] 25.10. Scipio informed these men that, although not only the sanctity of an armistice had been violated by the Carthaginians, but also the law of nations in regard to his envoys, nevertheless he would not in their case do anything unworthy of the established usages of the Roman people or of his own character. Whereupon he dismissed the envoys and made preparations for war.

> Latin: 25.10. quibus Scipio etsi non indutiarum fides modo a Carthaginiensibus sed ius etiam gentium in legatis uiolatum esset tamen se nihil nec institutis populi Romani nec suis moribus indignum in iis facturum esse cum dixisset, dimissis legatis bellum parabat.

[¶13] 25.11. As Hannibal was already nearing land, one of the sailors was ordered to go aloft, in order to make out what region they were approaching. When he reported that the bow was headed toward a ruined tomb, Hannibal with a prayer to avert such an omen ordered the pilot to sail on, brought his fleet in at Leptis, and there disembarked his troops.

> Latin: 25.11. Hannibali iam terrae adpropinquanti iussus e nauticis unus escendere in malum ut specularetur quam tenerent regionem cum dixisset sepulcrum dirutum proram spectare, abominatus praeteruehi iusso gubernatore ad Leptim adpulit classem atque ibi copias exposuit.

[¶14] 26.1. Such were the events of that year in Africa. What follows runs over into the year in which Marcus Servilius Geminus, who at that time was master of the horse, and Tiberius Claudius Nero became consuls.

> Latin: 26.1. haec eo anno in Africa gesta; insequentia excedunt in eum annum quo M. Seruilius Geminus, qui tum magister equitum erat, et Ti. Claudius Nero consules facti sunt.

[¶15] 26.2. But at the end of the previous year envoys from Greece representing allied cities had complained that their territories had been ravaged by the king's forces, and that envoys who had gone into Macedonia to claim damages were not admitted to King Philip's presence. They had at the same time brought word that four thousand soldiers under the command of Sopater were alleged to have crossed over to Africa to defend the Carthaginians, and that a considerable sum of money was said to have been sent with them.

> Latin: 26.2. ceterum exitus superioris anni cum legati sociarum urbium ex Graecia questi essent uastatos agros ab regiis praesidiis profectosque in Macedoniam legatos ad res repetendas non admissos ad Philippum regem, simul nuntiassent quattuor milia militum cum Sopatro duce traiecta in Africam dici ut essent Carthaginiensibus praesidio et pecuniae aliquantum una missum,

[¶16] 26.4. Consequently the senate voted to send envoys to the king to report that in the opinion of the senators these acts had violated the treaty. The men sent were Gaius Terentius Varro, Gaius Mamilius, Marcus Aurelius; three quinqueremes were furnished them.

> Latin: 26.4. legatos ad regem qui haec aduersus foedus facta uideri patribus nuntiarent mittendos censuit senatus. missi C. Terentius Uarro C. Mamilius M. Aurelius; iis tres quinqueremes datae.

[¶17] 26.5. The year was marked by a great conflagration in which the Clivus Publicius was burned to the ground, and by floods, but also by the low price of grain, because not only was all Italy open by reason of peace, but also a great quantity of grain had been sent from Spain;

> Latin: 26.5. annus insignis incendio ingenti, quo cliuus Publicius ad solum exustus est, et aquarum magnitudine, sed annonae uilitate fuit, praeterquam quod pace omnis Italia erat aperta, etiam quod magnam uim frumenti ex Hispania missam M.

[¶18] 26.6. and Marcus Valerius Falto and Marcus Fabius Buteo, the curule aediles, distributed this to the populace by precincts at four asses a peck.

> Latin: 26.6. Ualerius Falto et M. Fabius Buteo aediles curules quaternis aeris uicatim populo discripserunt.

[¶19] 26.7. In the same year Quintus Fabius Maximus died at a very advanced age, if indeed it is true that he had been an augur for sixty-two years, as some authorities say.

> Latin: 26.7. eodem anno Q. Fabius Maximus moritur, exactae aetatis si quidem uerum est augurem duos et sexaginta annos fuisse, quod quidam auctores sunt.

[¶20] 26.8. He certainly was a man who deserved such a surname, even if it had been first applied to him. He surpassed the number of magistracies held by his father and equalled those of his grandfather. A larger number of victories and greater battles made the fame of his grandfather Rullus; but all of them can be balanced by a single enemy, Hannibal.

> Latin: 26.8. uir certe fuit dignus tanto cognomine uel si nouum ab eo inciperet. superauit paternos honores, auitos aequauit. pluribus uictoriis et maioribus proeliis auus insignis Rullus; sed omnia aequare unus hostis Hannibal potest.

[¶21] 26.9. Nevertheless Fabius has been accounted a man of caution rather than of action. And while one may question whether he was the “Delayer” by nature, or because that was especially suited to the war then in progress, still nothing is more certain than that one man by delaying restored our state, as Ennius says.

> Latin: 26.9. cautior tamen quam promptior hic habitus; et sicut dubites utrum ingenio cunctator fuerit an quia ita bello proprie quod tum gerebatur aptum erat, sic nihil certius est quam unum hominem nobis cunctando rem restituisse, sicut Ennius ait.

[¶22] 26.10. In his place as augur his son Quintus Fabius Maximus was installed; likewise in his place as pontifex —for he held two priesthoods —Servius Sulpicius Galba.

> Latin: 26.10. augur in locum eius inauguratus Q. Fabius Maximus filius: in eiusdem locum pontifex—nam duo sacerdotia habuit— Ser. Sulpicius Galba.

[¶23] 26.11. The Roman Games were repeated for a single day, the entire Plebeian Games three times over by the aediles Marcus Sextius Sabinus and Gnaeus Tremelius Flaccus. Both of them were made praetors, and with them Gaius Livius Salinator and Gaius Aurelius Cotta.

> Latin: 26.11. ludi Romani diem unum, plebeii ter toti instaurati ab aedilibus M. Sextio Sabino et Cn. Tremelio Flacco. ii ambo praetores facti et cum his C. Liuius Salinator et C. Aurelius Cotta.

[¶24] 26.12. As for the elections of that year, conflicting authorities make it uncertain whether Gaius Servilius as consul conducted them or Publius Sulpicius as dictator, appointed by Servilius because business detained him in Etruria, where in accordance with a decree of the senate he was conducting trials for conspiracy among the leading citizens.

> Latin: 26.12. comitia eius anni utrum C. Seruilius consul habuerit an, quia eum res in Etruria tenuerint quaestiones ex senatus consulto de coniurationibus principum habentem, dictator ab eo dictus P. Sulpicius incertum ut sit diuersi auctores faciunt.

[¶25] 27.1. At the beginning of the following year Marcus Servilius and Tiberius Claudius summoned the senate to the Capitol and raised the question of the provinces. They wished that lots should be cast for Italy and Africa, both of them being eager to have Africa.

> Latin: 27.1. principio insequenti anni M. Seruilius et Ti. Claudius senatu in Capitolium uocato de prouinciis rettulerunt. Italiam atque Africam in sortem conici, Africam ambo cupientes, uolebant;

[¶26] 27.2. But chiefly owing to the efforts of Quintus Metellus Africa was not refused nor yet given them.

> Latin: 27.2. ceterum Q. Metello maxime adnitente neque negata neque data est Africa.

[¶27] 27.3. The consuls were instructed to arrange with the tribunes of the plebs that, with their approval, they should bring before the people the question whom they wished for the conduct of the war in Africa.

> Latin: 27.3. consules iussi cum tribunis plebis agere ut, si iis uideretur, populum rogarent quem uellet in Africa bellum gerere.

[¶28] 27.4. All the tribes voted for Publius Scipio. In spite of that the consuls cast lots for Africa as a province, for so the senate had decreed.

> Latin: 27.4. omnes tribus P. Scipionem iusserunt. nihilo minus consules prouinciam Africam—ita enim senatus decreuerat—in sortem coniecerunt.

[¶29] 27.5. Africa fell to Tiberius Claudius, with the provision that he should take a fleet of fifty ships, all of them quinqueremes, over to Africa, and that he should be commanding general with an authority equal to that of Scipio.

> Latin: 27.5. Ti. Claudio Africa euenit ut quinquaginta nauium classem, omnes quinqueremes, in Africam traiceret parique imperio cum P. Scipione imperator esset: M. Seruilius Etruriam sortitus.

[¶30] 27.6. Marcus Servilius received Etruria by lot. In the same province Gaius Servilius' command was also continued, in case the senate decided that the consul should remain near the city.

> Latin: 27.6. in eadem prouincia et C. Seruilio prorogatum imperium si consulem manere ad urbem senatui placuisset.

[¶31] 27.7. Of the praetors Marcus Sextius received Gaul by lot, with the understanding that Publius Quinctilius Varus should turn over to him the two legions with the province;

> Latin: 27.7. praetores M. Sextius Galliam est sortitus ut duas legiones prouinciamque traderet ei P. Quinctilius Uarus: C. Liuius Bruttios cum duabus legionibus quibus P.

[¶32] 27.8. Gaius Livius received the land of the Bruttii with the two legions which Publius Sempronius had commanded in the previous year as proconsul; Gnaeus Tremelius was allotted Sicily, to take over the province from Publius Villius Tappulus, praetor of the previous year, and the two legions. Villius as propraetor was to defend the coast of Sicily with twenty war-ships and a thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 27.8. Sempronius proconsul priore anno praefuerat: Cn. Tremelius Siciliam ut a P. Uillio Tappulo praetore prioris anni prouinciam et duas legiones acciperet; Uillius pro praetore uiginti nauibus longis militibus mille oram Siciliae tutaretur:

[¶33] 27.9. Marcus Pomponius with the remaining twenty ships was to transport fifteen hundred soldiers back to Rome. The city praetorship fell to Gaius Aurelius Cotta. For the rest of the praetors their commands were continued just as they then held their several provinces and armies.

> Latin: 27.9. M. Pomponius uiginti nauibus reliquis mille et quingentos milites Romam deportaret. C. Aurelio Cottae urbana euenit. ceteris ita uti quisque obtinebant prouincias exercitusque prorogata imperia.

[¶34] 27.10. With no more than sixteen legions the empire was defended that year.

> Latin: 27.10. sedecim non amplius eo anno legionibus defensum imperium est.

[¶35] 27.11. And that they might begin everything and carry it on with the favour of the gods, inasmuch as in the consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Titus Quinctius the dictator Titus Manlius had vowed games and full-grown victims if the state should remain for four years as it was before, it was ordered that the consuls should celebrate those games before they set out for the war.

> Latin: 27.11. et ut placatis dis omnia inciperent agerentque, ludos quos M. Claudio Marcello T. Quinctio consulibus T. Manlius dictator quasque hostias maiores uouerat si per quinquennium res publica eodem statu fuisset, ut eos ludos consules priusquam ad bellum proficiscerentur facerent.

[¶36] 27.12. The games were celebrated in the Circus for four days, and victims were sacrificed to the gods to whom they had been vowed.

> Latin: 27.12. ludi in circo per quadriduum facti hostiaeque quibus uotae erant dis caesae.

[¶37] 28.1. Meanwhile hope and anxiety alike were increasing from day to day, and men could not quite make up their minds whether it was a fit subject for rejoicing that Hannibal, retiring from Italy after sixteen years, had left the Roman people free to take possession of it, and not rather a ground for apprehension that he had crossed over to Africa with his army intact.

> Latin: 28.1. inter haec simul spes simul cura in dies crescebat nec satis certum constare apud animos poterat utrum gaudio dignius esset Hannibalem post sextum decimum annum ex Italia decedentem uacuam possessionem eius reliquisse populo Romano, an magis metuendum quod incolumi exercitu in Africam transisset:

[¶38] 28.2. The place doubtless had been changed, they thought, not the danger. Foretelling that mighty conflict Quintus Fabius, recently deceased, had often predicted, not without reason, that in his own land Hannibal would be a more terrible enemy than in a foreign country.

> Latin: 28.2. locum nimirum non periculum mutatum; cuius tantae dimicationis uatem qui nuper decessisset Q. Fabium haud frustra canere solitum grauiorem in sua terra futurum hostem Hannibalem quam in aliena fuisset.

[¶39] 28.3. And Scipio would have to deal neither with Syphax, king of a land of untrained barbarians, for whom Statorius, who was little more than a sutler, commonly commanded his armies, nor with the father-in-law of Syphax, Hasdrubal, a general very swift in flight, nor with irregular armies suddenly raised from a half-armed mob of rustics. Rather would he have to do with Hannibal, who had been born, one might almost say, at the headquarters of his father, the bravest of generals, had been reared and brought up in the midst of arms;

> Latin: 28.3. nec Scipioni aut cum Syphace inconditae barbariae rege, cui Statorius semilixa ducere exercitus solitus sit, aut cum socero eius Hasdrubale fugacissimo duce rem futuram, aut <cum> tumultuariis exercitibus ex agrestium semermi turba subito conlectis, sed cum Hannibale, prope nato in praetorio patris fortissimi ducis, alito atque educato inter arma, puero quondam milite, uixdum iuuene imperatore,

[¶40] 28.5. who even in boyhood was a soldier, in earliest manhood a general; who, ageing as a victor, had filled the Spanish and Gallic lands and Italy from the Alps to the Straits with the evidence of his mighty deeds. He was in command of an army whose campaigns equalled his own in number; was toughened by enduring such hardships as one could scarcely believe human beings had endured; had been spattered with Roman blood a thousand times and carried the spoils, not of soldiers only but also of generals.

> Latin: 28.5. qui senex uincendo factus Hispanias Gallias Italiam ab Alpibus ad fretum monumentis ingentium rerum complesset. ducere exercitum aequalem stipendiis suis, duratum omnium rerum patientia quas uix fides fiat homines passos, perfusum miliens cruore Romano, exuuias non militum tantum sed etiam imperatorum portantem.

[¶41] 28.6. Many men who would encounter Scipio in battle had with their own hands slain Roman praetors, generals-in-command, consuls; had been decorated with crowns for bravery in scaling city-walls and camp defences; had wandered through captured camps, captured cities of the Romans.

> Latin: 28.6. multos occursuros Scipioni in acie qui praetores, qui imperatores, qui consules Romanos sua manu occidissent, muralibus uallaribusque insignes coronis, peruagatos capta castra captas urbes Romanas.

[¶42] 28.7. All the magistrates of the Roman people did not at that time have so many fasces as Hannibal was able to have borne before him, having captured them from fallen generals.

> Latin: 28.7. non esse hodie tot fasces magistratibus populi Romani quot captos ex caede imperatorum prae se ferre posset Hannibal.

[¶43] 28.8. By brooding over such terrifying thoughts men were adding to their own anxieties and fears, for another reason too: whereas year after year it had been their habit to carry on a war before their eyes in one part and then in another of Italy, with hope deferred and looking to no immediate end of the conflict, all men's interest was now intensified by Scipio and Hannibal, as it were, pitted against each other for the final combat.

> Latin: 28.8. has formidines agitando animis ipsi curas et metus augebant, etiam quod, cum adsuessent per aliquot annos bellum ante oculos aliis atque aliis in Italiae partibus lenta spe in nullum propinquum debellandi finem gerere, erexerant omnium animos Scipio et Hannibal uelut ad supremum certamen comparati duces. iis quoque quibus erat ingens in Scipione fiducia et uictoriae spes quo magis in propinquam eam imminebant animis eo curae intentiores erant.

[¶44] 28.10. Even in the case of those who had great confidence in Scipio and high hope of victory, the more their minds were bent upon immediate victory the more intense were their anxieties. Not unlike were the feelings of the Carthaginians, who at one moment, when they thought of Hannibal and the greatness of his achievements, regretted having sued for peace, at another moment, on reflecting that they had been twice defeated in battle, that Syphax had been captured, that they had been driven out of Spain, driven out of Italy, and all this accomplished by the courage and strategy of Scipio alone, they dreaded him as a predestined commander, born to work their destruction.

> Latin: 28.10. haud dispar habitus animorum Carthaginiensibus erat quos modo petisse pacem, intuentes Hannibalem ac rerum gestarum eius magnitudinem, paenitebat, modo cum respicerent bis sese acie uictos, Syphacem captum, pulsos se Hispania, pulsos Italia, atque ea omnia unius uirtute et consilio Scipionis facta, uelut fatalem eum ducem in exitium suum natum horrebant. iam Hadrumetum peruenerat Hannibal; unde, ad reficiendum ex iactatione maritima militem paucis diebus sumptis, excitus pauidis nuntiis omnia circa Carthaginem obtineri armis adferentium magnis itineribus Zamam contendit.—Zama quinque dierum iter ab Carthagine abest.

[¶45] 29.2. XXIX. By this time Hannibal had reached Hadrumetum. From there, after he had spent a few days that his soldiers might recuperate from sea-sickness, he was called away by alarming news brought by men who reported that all the country round Carthage was occupied by armed forces, and he hastened to Zama by forced marches. Zama is distant five day's marches from Carthage.

> Latin: 29.2. — inde praemissi speculatores cum excepti ab custodibus Romanis deducti ad Scipionem essent, traditos eos tribuno militum, iussosque omisso metu uisere omnia, per castra qua uellent circumduci iussit;

[¶46] 29.3. Scouts who had been sent in advance from that position were captured and brought before Scipio by their Roman guards.

> Latin: 29.3. percontatusque satin per commodum omnia explorassent, datis qui prosequerentur retro ad Hannibalem dimisit.

[¶47] 29.4. Thereupon he turned them over to a tribune of the soldiers, and bidding them go and see everything without fear, he ordered them to be led about the camp wherever they wished to go; and after questioning them as to whether they had examined everything quite at their leisure, he sent them back to Hannibal, furnishing men to escort them.

> Latin: 29.4. Hannibal nihil quidem eorum quae nuntiabantur—nam et Masinissam cum sex milibus peditum quattuor equitum uenisse eo ipso forte die adferebant—laeto animo audiuit, maxime hostis fiducia, quae non de nihilo profecto concepta esset, perculsus.

[¶48] 29.5. Hannibal did not indeed hear with joy any of the reports of his scouts, for they reported that Masinissa had also arrived that very day, as it happened, with six thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry. But he was particularly dismayed by the enemy's confidence, which surely seemed to be not without foundation.

> Latin: 29.5. itaque quamquam et ipse causa belli erat et aduentu suo turbauerat et pactas indutias et spem foederum, tamen si integer quam si uictus peteret pacem aequiora impetrari posse ratus, nuntium ad Scipionem misit ut conloquendi secum potestatem faceret.

[¶49] 29.6. Consequently, although he was himself at once the cause of the war and by his coming the breaker of a truce already arranged and of a prospective treaty as well, nevertheless, thinking that fairer terms could be obtained if he should sue for peace while his army was intact, rather than after defeat, he sent a messenger to Scipio, requesting that he grant the privilege of a conference with him. Whether he did so on his own responsibility or that of the state, I have no means of deciding either this way or that.

> Latin: 29.6. —id utrum sua sponte fecerit an publico consilio, neutrum cur adfirmem habeo. Ualerius Antias primo proelio uictum eum ab Scipione, quo duodecim milia armatorum in acie sint caesa, mille et septingenti capti, legatum cum aliis decem legatis tradit in castra ad Scipionem uenisse.

[¶50] 29.8. Valerius Antias relates that he was defeated by Scipio in their first engagement, in which twelve thousand soldiers were slain in battle and seventeen hundred captured; and that as an envoy with ten other envoys Hannibal came to Scipio in his camp.

> Latin: 29.8. ceterum Scipio cum conloquium haud abnuisset, ambo ex composito duces castra protulerunt ut coire ex propinquo possent.

[¶51] 29.9. To resume, once Scipio had assented to the conference, both generals by agreement advanced the position of their camps, so that their meeting might be at a short distance. Scipio established himself not far from the city of Naraggara, in a situation otherwise favourable, but particularly because water was to be had within the range of a javelin. Hannibal occupied a hill four miles away, safe and convenient otherwise, except that one had to go far for water. Half-way between them a spot was chosen which was visible from all sides, that there might be no ambuscades.

> Latin: 29.9. Scipio haud procul Naraggara urbe cum ad cetera loco opportuno tum quod aquatio intra teli coniectum erat consedit. Hannibal tumulum a quattuor milibus inde, tutum commodumque alioqui nisi quod longinquae aquationis erat, cepit. ibi in medio locus conspectus undique ne quid insidiarum esset delectus.

[¶52] 30.1. Keeping their armed men at the same distance the generals, each attended by one interpreter, met, being not only the greatest of their own age, but equal to any of the kings or commanders of all nations in all history before their time.

> Latin: 30.1. summotis pari spatio armatis, cum singulis interpretibus congressi sunt, non suae modo aetatis maximi duces sed omnis ante se memoriae omnium gentium cuilibet regum imperatorumue pares.

[¶53] 30.2. For a moment they remained silent, looking at each other and almost dumbfounded by mutual admiration.

> Latin: 30.2. paulisper alter alterius conspectu, admiratione mutua prope attoniti, conticuere; tum Hannibal prior:

[¶54] 30.3. Then Hannibal was the first to speak: "If it was foreordained by fate that I, who was the first to make war upon the Roman people and who have so often had the victory almost in my grasp, should come forward to sue for peace, I rejoice that destiny has given me you, and no one else, to whom I should bring my suit.

> Latin: 30.3. 'si hoc ita fato datum erat ut qui primus bellum intuli populo Romano, quique totiens prope in manibus uictoriam habui, is ultro ad pacem petendam uenirem, laetor te mihi sorte potissimum datum a quo peterem.

[¶55] 30.4. For you also, among your many distinctions, it will prove not the least of your honours that Hannibal, to whom the gods have given the victory over so many Roman generals, has submitted to you, and that you have made an end of this war, which was memorable at first for your disasters and then for ours.

> Latin: 30.4. tibi quoque inter multa egregia non in ultimis laudum hoc fuerit Hannibalem cui tot de Romanis ducibus uictoriam di dedissent tibi cessisse, teque huic bello uestris prius quam nostris cladibus insigni finem imposuisse.

[¶56] 30.5. This also may prove to be Fortune's mocking sport, that having taken up arms when your father was consul, and having fought with him my first battle with a Roman general, I come to his son unarmed to sue for peace.

> Latin: 30.5. hoc quoque ludibrium casus ediderit fortuna ut cum patre tuo consule ceperim arma, cum eodem primum Romano imperatore signa contulerim, ad filium eius inermis ad pacem petendam ueniam.

[¶57] 30.6. It would indeed have been best if the gods had given our fathers the disposition to be contented, you with rule over Italy and us in turn with ruling Africa.

> Latin: 30.6. optimum quidem fuerat eam patribus nostris mentem datam ab dis esse ut et uos Italiae et nos Africae imperio contenti essemus;

[¶58] 30.7. For even for you Sicily and Sardinia have been no adequate compensation for the loss of so many fleets, so many armies, so many remarkable generals. But the past is sooner disapproved than changed for the better.

> Latin: 30.7. neque enim ne uobis quidem Sicilia ac Sardinia satis digna pretia sunt pro tot classibus, tot exercitibus, tot tam egregiis amissis ducibus; sed praeterita magis reprehendi possunt quam corrigi.

[¶59] 30.8. In grasping at what was not ours we fell to fighting for our own; and for us Carthaginians it came to be a war not in Italy alone, nor for you entirely in Africa. On the contrary you have seen the enemy's standards and arms almost at your gates and walls, just as we can hear from Carthage the noise of a Roman camp.

> Latin: 30.8. ita aliena appetiuimus ut de nostris dimicaremus nec in Italia solum nobis bellum, uobis in Africa esset; sed et uos in portis uestris prope ac moenibus signa armaque hostium uidistis et nos ab Carthagine fremitum castrorum Romanorum exaudimus.

[¶60] 30.9. Consequently we discuss terms of peace while Fortune is favouring you —a situation most ominous for us, while you could pray for nothing better. We who are treating have the most to gain by peace, and furthermore, whatever terms we are to make our states will ratify. We need only a temper not averse to measures calmly considered. "As for myself, age has at last taught me, returning as an old man to my native city, from which I set out as a boy, success and failure have at last so schooled me that I prefer to follow reason rather than chance.

> Latin: 30.9. quod igitur nos maxime abominaremur, uos ante omnia optaretis, in meliore uestra fortuna de pace agitur. agimus ii quorum et maxime interest pacem esse, et qui quodcumque egerimus ratum ciuitates nostrae habiturae sunt: animo tantum nobis opus est non abhorrente a quietis consiliis. 'quod ad me attinet, iam aetas senem in patriam reuertentem unde puer profectus sum, iam secundae, iam aduersae res ita erudierunt ut rationem sequi quam fortunam malim:

[¶61] 30.10. In your case I am apprehensive alike of your youth and of your unbroken success, both of them too refractory for the demands of calmly considered measures.

> Latin: 30.10. tuam et adulescentiam et perpetuam felicitatem, ferociora utraque quam quietis opus est consiliis, metuo. non temere incerta casuum reputat quem fortuna nunquam decepit. quod ego fui ad Trasumennum, ad Cannas, id tu hodie es.

[¶62] 30.11. It is not easy for a man whom fortune has never deceived to weigh uncertain chances. What I was at Trasumennus, at Cannae, that you are today.

> Latin: 30.11. uixdum militari aetate imperio accepto omnia audacissime incipientem nusquam fefellit fortuna.

[¶63] 30.12. Although you had received a command when hardly of an age to serve, and undertook everything with the greatest boldness, nowhere has fortune deluded you.

> Latin: 30.12. patris et patrui persecutus mortem ex calamitate uestrae domus decus insigne uirtutis pietatisque eximiae cepisti; amissas Hispanias reciperasti quattuor inde Punicis exercitibus pulsis;

[¶64] 30.13. By avenging the death of your father and uncle you won from the disaster to your family signal honour for courage and extraordinary devotion. You recovered the lost Spanish provinces by driving out of them four Punic armies.

> Latin: 30.13. consul creatus, cum ceteris ad tutandam Italiam parum animi esset, transgressus in Africam duobus hic exercitibus caesis, binis eadem hora captis simul incensisque castris, Syphace potentissimo rege capto, tot urbibus regni eius, tot nostri imperii ereptis, me sextum decimum iam annum haerentem in possessione Italiae detraxisti.

[¶65] 30.14. Elected consul, while the rest lacked courage to defend Italy, you crossed over to Africa; and by destroying two armies here, by taking and at the same time burning two camps in the same hour, by capturing Syphax, a most powerful king, by seizing so many cities of his kingdom, so many in our domain, you dragged me away when now for sixteen years I had clung to the possession of Italy. It is possible for the heart to prefer victory to a peace. I know those aspirations that soar but are ineffectual; on me too such fortune as yours once shone.

> Latin: 30.14. potest uictoriam malle quam pacem animus. noui spiritus magnos magis quam utiles; et mihi talis aliquando fortuna adfulsit. quod si in secundis rebus bonam quoque mentem darent di, non ea solum quae euenissent sed etiam ea quae euenire possent reputaremus. ut omnium obliuiscaris aliorum, satis ego documenti in omnes casus sum quem modo castris inter Anienem atque urbem uestram positis signa inferentem ac iam prope scandentem moenia Romana uideris, hic cernas duobus fratribus, fortissimis uiris, clarissimis imperatoribus orbatum ante moenia prope obsessae patriae quibus terrui uestram urbem ea pro mea deprecantem.

[¶66] 30.16. But if in prosperity the gods blessed us with sound reason also, we should be reflecting not merely upon what has happened but also upon what can happen. Though you forget everything else, I am a sufficient warning against all that may chance. For it was I that, pitching my camp not long ago between the Anio and your city, was advancing my standards and now almost scaling the walls of Rome. But here bereft of my two brothers, the bravest of men, the most eminent of generals, you see me before the walls of my native city, already almost invested, and I am praying that she may be spared the terrors which I brought to yours. "The greatest good fortune is always the least to be trusted. In your favourable circumstances, in our uncertain situation, peace, if you grant it, will bring you honour and glory; for us who sue it is necessary rather than honourable. Better and safer is an assured peace than a victory hoped for. The one is in your own power, the other in the hands of the gods. Do not commit the success of so many years to the test of a single hour.

> Latin: 30.16. 'maximae cuique fortunae minime credendum est. in bonis tuis rebus, nostris dubiis, tibi ampla ac speciosa danti est pax, nobis petentibus magis necessaria quam honesta. melior tutiorque est certa pax quam sperata uictoria; haec in tua, illa in deorum manu est. ne tot annorum felicitatem in unius horae dederis discrimen. cum tuas uires tum uim fortunae Martemque belli communem propone animo; utrimque ferrum, utrimque corpora humana erunt; nusquam minus quam in bello euentus respondent.

[¶67] 30.20. Bear in mind not only your own resources but also the might of Fortune and the impartial god of war. On both sides will be the sword, on both sides human bodies. Nowhere less than in war do results match men's hopes.

> Latin: 30.20. non tantum ad id quod data pace iam habere potes, si proelio uinces, gloriae adieceris, quantum <dempseris>, si quid aduersi eueniat. simul parta ac sperata decora unius horae fortuna euertere potest.

[¶68] 30.21. You will not add so much glory, if victorious in battle, to what you can now have by granting peace, as you will lose in case of any reverse. The fortune of a single hour can lay low honours already won, and with them those in prospect. In making peace, Publius Cornelius, you have everything in your own power. In the other case you will have to bear the lot which the gods may give.

> Latin: 30.21. omnia in pace iungenda tuae potestatis sunt, P. Corneli: tunc ea habenda fortuna erit quam di dederint. inter pauca felicitatis uirtutisque exempla M. Atilius quondam in hac eadem terra fuisset, si uictor pacem petentibus dedisset patribus nostris; sed non statuendo felicitati modum nec cohibendo efferentem se fortunam quanto altius elatus erat, eo foedius corruit. 'est quidem eius qui dat, non qui petit, condiciones dicere pacis;

[¶69] 30.23. Among the foremost examples of success and courage would have been Marcus Atilius formerly in this same land, if as victor he had granted the peace which our fathers requested. But by setting no limit to his success and not reining in an unruly fortune, the higher he had climbed the more terribly did he fall. "It belongs, to be sure, to the giver of peace, not to the suitor, to name the terms. But possibly we may not be unworthy to impose a penalty upon ourselves. We do not reject the condition that all the possessions for which we went to war shall be yours —Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and any islands existing in all the sea between Africa and Italy.

> Latin: 30.23. sed forsitan non indigni simus qui nobismet ipsi multam inrogemus. non recusamus quin omnia propter quae ad bellum itum est uestra sint, Sicilia Sardinia Hispania quidquid insularum toto inter Africam Italiamque continetur mari; Carthaginienses inclusi Africae litoribus uos, quando ita dis placuit, externa etiam terra marique uideamus regentes imperio.

[¶70] 30.26. Let us Carthaginians, confined by the coasts of Africa, behold you ruling under your authority even foreign countries by land and sea, since that has been the will of the gods. I would not deny that, on account of a lack of sincerity in our recent suit for peace, and because we did not wait for it, Punic honour for you Romans is now tainted with suspicion. For the faithful observance of a peace much depends, Scipio, on the persons by whom the suit is presented.

> Latin: 30.26. haud negauerim propter non nimis sincere petitam aut exspectatam nuper pacem suspectam esse uobis Punicam fidem: multum per quos petita sit ad fidem tuendae pacis pertinet, Scipio—uestri quoque, ut audio, patres nonnihil etiam ob hoc quia parum

[¶71] 30.28. Your senators also have refused the peace, I hear, partly for the reason that the embassy was lacking in dignity.

> Latin: 30.28. dignitatis in legatione erat negauerunt pacem—; Hannibal peto pacem qui neque peterem, nisi utilem crederem, et propter eandem utilitatem tuebor eam propter quam petii;

[¶72] 30.29. I, Hannibal, am suing for peace, I who should not be so doing if I did not think it an advantageous peace; and I shall uphold it because of the same advantage on account of which I have sued for it. And just as I, having begun the war, therefore made sure —until the gods themselves became envious —that no one should regret it, so will I strive to prevent any man from regretting the peace obtained through me.

> Latin: 30.29. et quemadmodum quia a me bellum coeptum est ne quem eius paeniteret quoad ipsi inuidere di praestiti, ita adnitar ne quem pacis per me partae paeniteat.'

[¶73] 31.1. To these pleas the Roman general replied somewhat to this effect: "I was not unaware, Hannibal, that the Carthaginians, anticipating your arrival, showed no respect either for present obligations to the armistice or for the peace in prospect;

> Latin: 31.1. aduersus haec imperator Romanus in hanc fere sententiam respondit: 'non me fallebat, Hannibal, aduentus tui spe Carthaginienses et praesentem indutiarum fidem et spem pacis turbasse;

[¶74] 31.2. and you surely make no concealment of that fact when you omit from the earlier terms of peace everything except what has long been in our possession.

> Latin: 31.2. neque tu id sane dissimulas qui de condicionibus superioribus pacis omnia subtrahas praeter ea quae iam pridem in nostra potestate sunt.

[¶75] 31.3. But just as you are concerned to have your citizens appreciate how great is the burden of which they are relieved by you, so I must exert myself that they do not have as the reward of perfidy any relaxation of the terms of peace to which they at that time agreed.

> Latin: 31.3. ceterum ut tibi curae est sentire ciues tuos quanto per te onere leuentur, sic mihi laborandum est ne quae tum pepigerunt hodie subtracta ex condicionibus pacis praemia perfidiae habeant.

[¶76] 31.4. Unworthy to have the same terms open to you as before, you Carthaginians are asking to have your dishonesty profit you. Our fathers were not aggressors in making war for Sicily; no more were we for Spain. In the former case the peril of our allies, the Mamertines, as in the latter instance the destruction of Saguntum, armed us with the weapons of duty and justice.

> Latin: 31.4. indigni quibus eadem pateat condicio, etiam ut prosit uobis fraus petitis. neque patres nostri priores de Sicilia neque nos de Hispania fecimus bellum; et tunc Mamertinorum sociorum periculum et nunc Sagunti excidium nobis pia ac iusta induerunt arma.

[¶77] 31.5. That your people were the aggressors you yourself admit, and the gods as well are our witnesses, who gave for that war and are giving and will give for this one an outcome in accordance with justice and the right.

> Latin: 31.5. uos lacessisse et tu ipse fateris et di testes sunt qui et illius belli exitum secundum ius fasque dederunt et huius dant et dabunt.

[¶78] 31.6. “So far as I am concerned, I am mindful of human weakness, and I reflect upon the might of Fortune and know that everything that we do is exposed to a thousand chances.”

> Latin: 31.6. 'quod ad me attinet, et humanae infirmitatis memini et uim fortunae reputo et omnia quaecumque agimus subiecta esse mille casibus scio;

[¶79] 31.7. “But, just as I should admit that I were acting with arrogance and violence if, before I had crossed over to Africa, I were to reject you when you were voluntarily withdrawing from Italy and, while your army was already on shipboard, you were coming in person to sue for peace, so now, when I have dragged you to Africa, resisting ” “and shifting ground as we almost came to blows, I am under no obligation to respect you.”

> Latin: 31.7. ceterum quemadmodum superbe et uiolenter me faterer facere si priusquam in Africam traiecissem te tua uoluntate cedentem Italia et imposito in naues exercitu ipsum uenientem ad pacem petendam aspernarer, sic nunc cum prope manu conserta restitantem ac tergiuersantem in Africam attraxerim nulla sum tibi uerecundia obstrictus.

[¶80] 31.9. “Therefore, if to the terms upon which peace was formerly about to be made, as it seemed, you are adding some kind of compensation for the ships loaded with supplies that were taken by force during the armistice, and for violence done to my envoys, I have reason to bring it before the council. But if that addition also seems too severe, prepare for war, since you have been unable to endure a peace.”

> Latin: 31.9. proinde si quid ad ea in quae tum pax conuentura uidebatur, quasi multa nauium cum commeatu per indutias expugnatarum legatorumque uiolatorum, adicitur, est quod referam ad consilium: sin illa quoque grauia uidentur, bellum parate quoniam pacem pati non potuistis.' ita infecta pace ex conloquio ad suos cum se recepissent, frustra uerba temptata renuntiant:

[¶81] 31.10. Accordingly without making peace they returned from the conference to their armies, reporting that words had been of no avail; that arms must decide the issue and they must accept whatever lot the gods should give them. Arrived at their camps, they both ordered their soldiers to have arms and their spirits in readiness for the final conflict to make them victors, if success attended them, not for one day but forever.

> Latin: 31.10. armis decernendum esse habendamque eam fortunam quam di dedissent. in castra ut est uentum, pronuntiant ambo arma expedirent milites animosque ad supremum certamen, non in unum diem sed in perpetuum, si felicitas adesset, uictores.

[¶82] 32.2. Whether Rome or Carthage should give laws to the nations they would know the next day before nightfall. For not Africa, they said, or Italy but the whole world would be the reward of victory —a reward matched by the danger for those whom the fortune of battle should not favour.

> Latin: 32.2. Roma an Carthago iura gentibus daret ante crastinam noctem scituros; neque enim Africam aut Italiam sed orbem terrarum uictoriae praemium fore; par periculum praemio quibus aduersa pugnae fortuna fuisset.

[¶83] 32.3. In fact the Romans had no way of escape open in a foreign and an unknown land, and for Carthage, once it had poured out its last resources, immediate destruction seemed impending.

> Latin: 32.3. nam neque Romanis effugium ullum patebat in aliena ignotaque terra, et Carthagini, supremo auxilio effuso, adesse uidebatur praesens excidium.

[¶84] 32.4. For this decision on the following day two generals far and away the most distinguished and two of the bravest armies of the two wealthiest nations went forth, on that day either to crown the many distinctions heretofore won, or to bring them to naught.

> Latin: 32.4. ad hoc discrimen procedunt postero die duorum opulentissimorum populorum duo longe clarissimi duces, duo fortissimi exercitus, multa ante parta decora aut cumulaturi eo die aut euersuri.

[¶85] 32.5. Consequently a wavering between hope and fear confused their spirits; and as they surveyed now their own battle-line, now that of the enemy, while weighing their strength more by the eye than by calculation, the bright side and at the same time the dark was before their minds. What did not occur to the men themselves of their own accord the generals would suggest in admonition and exhortation.

> Latin: 32.5. anceps igitur spes et metus miscebant animos; contemplantibusque modo suam, modo hostium aciem, cum oculis magis quam ratione pensarent uires, simul laeta, simul tristia obuersabantur: quae ipsis sua sponte non succurrebant, ea duces admonendo atque hortando subiciebant.

[¶86] 32.6. The Carthaginian kept recalling to their minds the achievements of sixteen years in the land of Italy, so many Roman generals, so many armies wiped out completely, and brave deeds of individuals, whenever he came to a soldier distinguished in the record of some battle.

> Latin: 32.6. Poenus sedecim annorum in terra Italia res gestas, tot duces Romanos, tot exercitus occidione occisos et sua cuique decora ubi ad insignem alicuius pugnae memoria militem uenerat referebat:

[¶87] 32.7. Scipio would recall the Spanish provinces and recent battles in Africa and the enemy's admission, in that on account of fear they could but sue for peace, and yet had been unable to abide by the peace on account of their ingrained perfidy.

> Latin: 32.7. Scipio Hispanias et recentia in Africa proelia et confessionem hostium quod neque non petere pacem propter metum neque manere in ea prae insita animis perfidia potuissent.

[¶88] 32.8. Furthermore, as his conference with Hannibal had been in private and could be freely altered, he gave it the direction he desired.

> Latin: 32.8. ad hoc conloquium Hannibalis in secreto habitum ac liberum fingenti qua uolt flectit.

[¶89] 32.9. He divined that as the Carthaginians went out into battle-line, the gods had given them the same omens as when their fathers fought at the Aegates Islands.

> Latin: 32.9. ominatur, quibus quondam auspiciis patres eorum ad Aegates pugnauerint insulas, ea illis exeuntibus in aciem portendisse deos.

[¶90] 32.10. The end of the war and hardship was at hand, he said, the spoils of Carthage within reach, and the return home to their native city, to parents, children, wives and household gods. So erect did he stand as he spoke these words, and with so happy a look on his face that one would have believed him already the victor.

> Latin: 32.10. adesse finem belli ac laboris; in manibus esse praedam Carthaginis, reditum domum in patriam ad parentes liberos coniuges penatesque deos.

[¶91] 32.11. Thereupon he drew up in the first line the hastati, behind them the principes, in the rear the triarii closing the formation.

> Latin: 32.11. celsus haec corpore uoltuque ita laeto ut uicisse iam crederes dicebat. instruit deinde primos hastatos, post eos principes; triariis postremam aciem clausit.

[¶92] 33.1. However, he did not form cohorts in close contact, each in advance of its standards, but rather maniples at a considerable distance from each other, so that there should be an interval where the enemy's elephants might be driven through without breaking up the ranks.

> Latin: 33.1. non confertas autem cohortes ante sua quamque signa instruebat sed manipulos aliquantum inter se distantes ut esset spatium qua elephanti hostium acti nihil ordines turbarent.

[¶93] 33.2. Laelius, whom he had previously had in his service as lieutenant, but in the present year as quaestor, assigned not by lot but by decree of the senate, was posted with the Italic cavalry on the left wing, Masinissa and the Numidians on the right.

> Latin: 33.2. Laelium, cuius ante legati, eo anno quaestoris extra sortem ex senatus consulto opera utebatur, cum Italico equitatu ab sinistro cornu, Masinissam Numidasque ab dextro opposuit.

[¶94] 33.3. The open passages between the maniples of the front line troops Scipio filled with velites, the light-armed of that day, under orders that, upon the charge of the elephants, they should either flee behind the ranks in the line, or else dashing to right and left and closing up to the maniles in the van, should give the beasts an opening through which they might rush among missiles hurled from both sides.

> Latin: 33.3. uias patentes inter manipulos antesignanorum uelitibus—ea tunc leuis armatura erat—compleuit, dato praecepto ut ad impetum elephantorum aut post directos refugerent ordines aut in dextram laeuamque discursu applicantes se antesignanis uiam qua inruerent in ancipitia tela beluis darent.

[¶95] 33.4. Hannibal in order to create a panic drew up his elephants in front, and there were eighty of them, a number he had never before had in any battle.

> Latin: 33.4. Hannibal ad terrorem primos elephantos—octoginta autem erant, quot nulla unquam in acie ante habuerat— instruxit, deinde auxilia Ligurum Gallorumque, Baliaribus Maurisque admixtis:

[¶96] 33.5. Next in order he placed the Ligurian and Gallic auxiliaries in combination with Balearic and Mauretanian troops; in the second line Carthaginians and Africans and the legion of Macedonians. Then, leaving a moderate interval, he drew up a reserve line of Italic soldiers, most of these Bruttians, more of whom had followed him under compulsion and of necessity than of their own consent as he retired from Italy.

> Latin: 33.5. in secunda acie Carthaginienses Afrosque et Macedonum legionem: modico deinde interuallo relicto subsidiariam aciem Italicorum militum—Bruttii plerique erant, ui ac necessitate plures quam sua uoluntate decedentem ex Italia secuti—instruxit. equitatum et ipse circumdedit cornibus; dextrum Carthaginienses, sinistrum Numidae tenuerunt.

[¶97] 33.8. As for the cavalry, he also placed them on the wings; the Carthaginians held the right wing, the Numidians the left. In an army made up of so many men who had no language, no custom, no law, no arms, no clothing and general appearance in common, nor the same reason for serving, exhortation took various forms.

> Latin: 33.8. uaria adhortatio erat in exercitu inter tot homines quibus non lingua, non mos, non lex, non arma, non uestitus habitusque, non causa militandi eadem esset.

[¶98] 33.9. To the auxiliaries was offered pay in cash and greatly increased by a share in the booty. The Gauls had their own inbred hatred of the Romans fanned into flame.

> Latin: 33.9. auxiliaribus et praesens et multiplicata ex praeda merces ostentatur: Galli proprio atque insito in Romanos odio accenduntur: Liguribus campi uberes Italiae deductis ex asperrimis montibus in spem uictoriae ostentantur:

[¶99] 33.10. Ligurians were offered as an incentive to victory the rich plains of Italy, once they were brought down from their rugged mountains.

> Latin: 33.10. Mauros Numidasque Masinissae impotenti futuro dominatu terret:

[¶100] 33.11. Mauretanians and Numidians were frightened by Hannibal with the prospect of Masinissa's tyrannical rule. To different nations different hopes and fears were displayed. The Carthaginians' attention was called to the walls of their city, to household gods, tombs of ancestors, children and parents and terror-stricken wives, to destruction and servitude on the one hand, on the other to rule over the world, to the absence of any ground between the extremes of fear and hope.

> Latin: 33.11. aliis aliae spes ac metus iactantur. Carthaginiensibus moenia patriae, di penates, sepulcra maiorum, liberi cum parentibus coniugesque pauidae, aut excidium seruitiumque aut imperium orbis terrarum, nihil aut in metum aut in spem medium, ostentatur.

[¶101] 33.12. Just as the general was thus speaking among the Carthaginians, and the national leaders among their countrymen, mainly through interpreters, since foreigners were intermingled, trumpets and horns sounded on the Roman side, and such shouts were raised that the elephants turned against their own men, especially against the left wing, the Mauretanians and Numidians.

> Latin: 33.12. cum maxime haec imperator apud Carthaginienses, duces suarum gentium inter populares, pleraque per interpretes inter immixtos alienigenis agerent, tubae cornuaque ab Romanis cecinerunt, tantusque clamor ortus ut elephanti in suos, sinistrum maxime cornu, uerterentur, Mauros ac Numidas.

[¶102] 33.13. Masinissa easily increased their panic and stripped that end of the line of its cavalry support.

> Latin: 33.13. addidit facile Masinissa perculsis terrorem nudauitque ab ea parte aciem equestri auxilio.

[¶103] 33.14. A few of the beasts, however, being fearlessly driven into the enemy, caused great losses among the ranks of the light-armed, though suffering many wounds themselves.

> Latin: 33.14. paucae tamen bestiarum intrepidae in hostem actae inter uelitum ordines cum multis suis uolneribus ingentem stragem edebant.

[¶104] 33.15. For springing back to the maniples the light-armed made way for the elephants, to avoid being trampled down, and then would hurl their lances from both sides against the beasts doubly exposed to missiles. Nor was there any slackening in the javelins of the men in the front lines until these elephants also, driven out of the Roman line and into their own men by missiles showered upon them from all sides, put the right wing, even the Carthaginian cavalry, to flight. Laelius, on seeing the enemy in confusion, increased their panic.

> Latin: 33.15. resilientes enim ad manipulos uelites cum uiam elephantis ne obtererentur fecissent, in ancipites ad ictum utrimque coniciebant hastas, nec pila ab antesignanis cessabant donec undique incidentibus telis exacti ex Romana acie hi quoque in suo dextro cornu ipsos Carthaginiensium equites in fugam uerterunt. Laelius, ut turbatos uidit hostes, addidit perculsis terrorem.

[¶105] 34.1. On both sides the Punic battle-line had been stripped of its cavalry when the infantry clashed, now no longer matched either in their hopes or in their strength. In addition there were what seem small things to mention, but at the same time were highly important in the battle: a harmony in the shouting of the Romans, which consequently was greater in volume and more terrifying;

> Latin: 34.1. utrimque nudata equite erat Punica acies cum pedes concurrit, nec spe nec uiribus iam par. ad hoc dictu parua sed magna eadem in re gerenda momenta: congruens clamor ab Romanis eoque maior et terribilior, dissonae illis, ut gentium multarum discrepantibus linguis, uoces;

[¶106] 34.2. on the other side discordant voices, as was natural from many nations with a confusion of tongues; for the Romans a battle of little movement, as they pressed on into the enemy by their own weight and that of their arms; on the other side repeated charges at high speed but with less power.

> Latin: 34.2. pugna Romana stabilis et suo et armorum pondere incumbentium in hostem, concursatio et uelocitas illinc maior quam uis.

[¶107] 34.3. Consequently by the first attack the Romans at once dislodged the enemy's line. Then beating them back with their shoulders and the bosses of their shields, being now in close contact with men forced from their position, they made considerable progress, as no one offered any resistance, while as soon as they saw that the enemy's line had given way, even the rear line pressed upon the first, a circumstance which of itself gave them great force in repulsing the enemy.

> Latin: 34.3. igitur primo impetu extemplo mouere loco hostium aciem Romani. ala deinde et umbonibus pulsantes in summotos gradu inlato aliquantum spatii uelut nullo resistente incessere, urgentibus et nouissimis primos ut semel motam aciem sensere, quod ipsum uim magnam ad pellendum hostem addebat.

[¶108] 34.5. Among the enemy so far was their second line, the Africans and Carthaginians, from supporting the auxiliaries as they gave way, that on the contrary they even drew back for fear the enemy, by slaying the men of the first line if these stoutly resisted, should reach themselves.

> Latin: 34.5. apud hostes auxiliares cedentes secunda acies, Afri et Carthaginienses, adeo non sustinebant ut contra etiam, ne resistentes pertinaciter primos caedendo ad se perueniret hostis, pedem referrent.

[¶109] 34.6. Accordingly the auxiliaries suddenly retreated and facing their own men, some found refuge in the second line, others, having been refused aid shortly before, and also admission now to the ranks, slashed at those who would not make place for them.

> Latin: 34.6. igitur auxiliares terga dant repente et in suos uersi partim refugere in secundam aciem, partim non recipientes caedere, ut et paulo ante non adiuti et tunc exclusi;

[¶110] 34.7. And by this time there were almost two battles in one, since the Carthaginians were forced to engage with the enemy and at the same time with their own men.

> Latin: 34.7. et prope duo iam permixta proelia erant, cum Carthaginienses simul cum hostibus simul cum suis cogerentur manus conserere.

[¶111] 34.8. Nevertheless even so they did not admit the panic-stricken, angry men into the line, but closing up their ranks, they forced them out upon the wings and into the empty plain on this side and that outside of the battle, in order not to contaminate their own line, still intact and fresh, with soldiers alarmed by the flight and their wounds.

> Latin: 34.8. non tamen ita perculsos iratosque in aciem accepere sed densatis ordinibus in cornua uacuumque circa campum extra proelium eiecere, ne pauido fuga uolneribusque milite sinceram et integram aciem miscerent.

## 50. Book XXX · chapters 34–45

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/50/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/50/#p-N

[¶0] 34.9. But such heaps of bodies and arms had covered the place where the auxiliaries had stood shortly before that to make their way across was almost more difficult than it had been through the dense mass of the enemy.

> Latin: 34.9. ceterum tanta strages hominum armorumque locum in quo steterant paulo ante auxiliares compleuerat ut prope difficilior transitus esset quam per confertos hostes fuerat.

[¶1] 34.10. Accordingly the men of the front line, the hastati, pursuing the enemy wherever they could over heaps of bodies and arms and through pools of blood, broke up both their own maniples and their ranks.

> Latin: 34.10. itaque qui primi erant, hastati, per cumulos corporum armorumque et tabem sanguinis qua quisque poterat sequentes hostem et signa et ordines confuderunt. principum quoque signa fluctuari coeperant uagam ante se cernendo aciem.

[¶2] 34.11. The maniples of the principes also began to waver, as they saw the unsteady line in front of them. When Scipio saw this he ordered the recall to be sounded at once for the hastati, and after withdrawing the wounded to the rear line, he led the principes and triarii to the wings, in order that the centre, composed of hastati, might be safer and steadier.

> Latin: 34.11. quod Scipio ubi uidit receptui propere canere hastatis iussit et sauciis in postremam aciem subductis principes triariosque in cornua inducit quo tutior firmiorque media hastatorum acies esset.

[¶3] 34.12. Thus began an entirely new battle. For they had reached the real enemy, their equals in the character of their weapons and their experience in war and the celebrity of their deeds and the greatness whether of their hopes or of their danger.

> Latin: 34.12. ita nouum de integro proelium ortum est; quippe ad ueros hostes peruentum erat, et armorum genere et usu militiae et fama rerum gestarum et magnitudine uel spei uel periculi pares;

[¶4] 34.13. But the Roman was superior both in numbers and in spirit, because he had already routed the cavalry, had already routed the elephants, and was already fighting against the second line, having repulsed the first.

> Latin: 34.13. sed et numero superior Romanus erat et animo quod iam equites, iam elephantos fuderat, iam prima acie pulsa in secundam pugnabat.

[¶5] 35.1. At the right moment Laelius and Masinissa, who had pursued the routed cavalry for a considerable distance, returned and dashed into the rear of the enemy's line. That charge of the cavalry finally worsted the enemy.

> Latin: 35.1. in tempore Laelius ac Masinissa pulsos per aliquantum spatii secuti equites, reuertentes in auersam hostium aciem incurrere. is demum equitum impetus perculit hostem.

[¶6] 35.2. Many were overpowered and slain in the battle-line, many were scattered in flight over the open plain all around, and as the cavalry were in complete possession, they perished everywhere. Over twenty thousand of the Carthaginians and their allies were slain on that day.

> Latin: 35.2. multi circumuenti in acie caesi, <multi> per patentem circa campum fuga sparsi tenente omnia equitatu passim interierunt. Carthaginiensium sociorumque caesa eo die supra uiginti milia:

[¶7] 35.3. About the same number were captured, together with one hundred and thirty-two military standards and eleven elephants. Of the victors about fifteen hundred fell.

> Latin: 35.3. par ferme numerus captus cum signis militaribus centum triginta duobus, elephantis undecim: uictores ad mille et quingenti cecidere.

[¶8] 35.4. Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen in the midst of the confusion, fled to Hadrumetum, having tried every expedient both before the battle and during the engagement before he withdrew from the fray. And even by Scipio's admission and that of all the military experts he had achieved this distinction, that he had drawn up his line that day with extraordinary skill:

> Latin: 35.4. Hannibal cum paucis equitibus inter tumultum elapsus Hadrumetum perfugit, omnia et ante aciem et in proelio priusquam excederet pugna expertus, et confessione etiam Scipionis omniumque peritorum militiae illam laudem adeptus singulari arte aciem eo die instruxisse:

[¶9] 35.6. the elephants in the very front, that their haphazard charge and irresistible strength might prevent the Romans from following their standards and keeping their ranks, upon which tactics they based most of their hopes;

> Latin: 35.6. elephantos in prima fronte quorum fortuitus impetus atque intolerabilis uis signa sequi et seruare ordines, in quo plurimum spei ponerent, Romanos prohiberent;

[¶10] 35.7. then the auxiliaries in front of the line of Carthaginians, that men who were brought together from the offscouring of all nations and held not by loyalty but by their pay might have no way of escape open to them; that at the same time, as they met the first fiery attack of the enemy, they might exhaust them, and if they could do no more, might blunt the enemy's swords by their own wounds;

> Latin: 35.7. deinde auxiliares ante Carthaginiensium aciem ne homines mixti ex conluuione omnium gentium, quos non fides teneret sed merces, liberum receptum fugae haberent, simul primum ardorem atque impetum hostium excipientes fatigarent ac, si nihil aliud, uolneribus suis ferrum hostile hebetarent;

[¶11] 35.9. next in order the soldiers in whom lay all his hopes, the Carthaginians and Africans, that being equal to the Romans in everything else, they might have the advantage in fighting with strength undiminished against the weary and the wounded; then, removed to the last line and separated by an open space as well, the Italic troops, of whom it was uncertain whether they were allies or enemies.

> Latin: 35.9. tum, ubi omnis spes esset, milites Carthaginienses Afrosque ut omnibus rebus aliis pares eo quod integri cum fessis ac sauciis pugnarent superiores essent; Italicos incertos socii an hostes essent in postremam aciem summotos, interuallo quoque diremptos.

[¶12] 35.10. Having produced this as his last masterpiece Hannibal after his flight to Hadrumetum was called away, returning to Carthage in the thirty-sixth year after he had left it as a boy. Thereupon in the Senate House he admitted that he had been defeated not only in a battle but also in the war, and that there was no hope of safety except in successfully suing for peace.

> Latin: 35.10. hoc edito uelut ultimo uirtutis opere, Hannibal cum Hadrumetum refugisset accitusque inde Carthaginem sexto ac tricensimo post anno quam puer inde profectus erat redisset, fassus in curia est non proelio modo se sed bello uictum, nec spem salutis alibi quam in pace impetranda esse.

[¶13] 36.1. Scipio immediately after the battle stormed and plundered the enemy's camp and with immense booty returned to the sea and his ships, having received word that Publius Lentulus, in command of fifty war-ships and a hundred transports with supplies of every kind, had arrived near Utica.

> Latin: 36.1. Scipio confestim a proelio expugnatis hostium castris direptisque cum ingenti praeda ad mare ac naues rediit, nuntio allato P. Lentulum cum quinquaginta rostratis centum onerariis cum omni genere commeatus ad Uticam accessisse.

[¶14] 36.3. Thinking therefore that he must bring terror to bear from every side against disheartened Carthage, after sending Laelius to Rome with a report of the victory, he ordered Gnaeus Octavius to bring the legions to Carthage by land. He himself went to his old fleet, now enlarged by the new fleet of Lentulus, and then sailed from Utica towards the harbour of Carthage.

> Latin: 36.3. admouendum igitur undique terrorem perculsae Carthagini ratus, misso Laelio Romam cum uictoriae nuntio, Cn. Octauium terrestri itinere ducere legiones Carthaginem iubet: ipse ad suam ueterem noua Lentuli classe adiuncta profectus ab Utica portum Carthaginis petit.

[¶15] 36.4. He was not far away when a Carthaginian ship bedecked with fillets and olive branches met him. There were ten envoys, leading citizens, sent at the instance of Hannibal to sue for peace.

> Latin: 36.4. haud procul aberat cum uelata infulis ramisque oleae Carthaginiensium occurrit nauis. decem legati erant principes ciuitatis auctore Hannibale missi ad petendam pacem.

[¶16] 36.5. When they approached the stern of the flagship, holding out the symbols of suppliants, begging and beseeching the help and pity of Scipio, no other answer was given them than that they should come to Tynes; that thither he would move his camp.

> Latin: 36.5. qui cum ad puppim praetoriae nauis accessissent uelamenta supplicum porrigentes, orantes implorantesque fidem ac misericordiam Scipionis, nullum iis aliud responsum datum quam ut Tynetem uenirent:

[¶17] 36.6. Scipio sailed near in order to view the situation of Carthage, not so much for the purpose of an immediate reconnaissance as to humiliate the enemy, and returned to Utica, recalling Octavius also to the same place.

> Latin: 36.6. eo se moturum castra. ipse ad contemplandum Carthaginis situm <prouectus in portum> non tam noscendi in praesentia quam deprimendi hostis causa, Uticam eodem et Octauio reuocato rediit.

[¶18] 36.7. While proceeding from there to Tynes they received news that Vermina, the son of Syphax, commanding more cavalry than infantry was coming to the help of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 36.7. inde procedentibus ad Tynetem nuntius allatus Uerminam Syphacis filium cum equitibus pluribus quam peditibus uenire Carthaginiensibus auxilio.

[¶19] 36.8. Part of the infantry and all the cavalry attacked the column of the Numidians on the first day of the Saturnalia, and routed it after a slight engagement. As even the way of escape was cut off, with the cavalry surrounding them on all sides, fifteen thousand men were slain, twelve hundred captured alive, fifteen hundred Numidian horses taken and seventy-two military standards. The prince himself in the midst of the confusion escaped with a few men.

> Latin: 36.8. pars exercitus cum omni equitatu missa, Saturnalibus primis agmen adgressa, Numidas leui certamine fudit. exitu quoque fugae intercluso a parte omni circumdatis equitibus quindecim milia hominum caesa, mille et ducenti uiui capti, et equi Numidici mille et quingenti, signa militaria duo et septuaginta; regulus ipse inter tumultum cum paucis effugit.

[¶20] 36.9. Then camp was pitched near Tynes on the same site as before, and thirty envoys from Carthage came to Scipio. Their pleading was, to be sure, much more piteous than before, in proportion as misfortune was more compelling; but they were heard with much less pity owing to the memory, still fresh, of their treachery.

> Latin: 36.9. tum ad Tynetem eodem quo antea loco castra posita, legatique triginta ab Carthagine ad Scipionem uenerunt. et illi quidem multo miserabilius quam ante quo magis cogebat fortuna egerunt; sed aliquanto minore cum misericordia ab recenti memoria perfidiae auditi sunt.

[¶21] 36.10. In the council, although righteous indignation spurred them all to the destruction of Carthage, nevertheless they reflected how serious a matter and how protracted also was the siege of a city so well fortified and so strong. Scipio himself was also troubled as he looked forward to a successor who would come into what had been won by the hardship and danger of another —the glory of finishing the war. Consequently they all were inclined to peace.

> Latin: 36.10. in consilio quamquam iusta ira omnes ad delendam stimulabat Carthaginem, tamen cum et quanta res esset et quam longi temporis obsidio tam munitae et tam ualidae urbis reputarent, et ipsum Scipionem exspectatio successoris uenturi ad paratum uictoriae fructum, alterius labore ac periculo finiti belli famam, sollicitaret, ad pacem omnium animi uersi sunt.

[¶22] 37.1. On the following day the envoys were recalled and with repeated upbraiding for their treachery were advised that, being taught at last by so many disasters, they should believe that the gods and an oath mean something.

> Latin: 37.1. postero die reuocatis legatis et cum multa castigatione perfidiae monitis ut tot cladibus edocti tandem deos et ius iurandum esse crederent, condiciones pacis dictae ut liberi legibus suis uiuerent:

[¶23] 37.2. Whereupon the peace terms were stated to them: they were to live as free men under their own laws; to hold the cities and territories which they had held before the war, with the same boundaries; and the Roman was on that day to make an end of devastation.

> Latin: 37.2. quas urbes quosque agros quibusque finibus ante bellum tenuissent tenerent, populandique finem eo die Romanus faceret:

[¶24] 37.3. They were to deliver all deserters and runaway slaves and captives to the Romans, and to surrender their war-ships except ten triremes, and the trained elephants in their possession, and not to train others;

> Latin: 37.3. perfugas fugitiuosque et captiuos omnes redderent Romanis, et naues rostratas praeter decem triremes traderent elephantosque quos haberent domitos, neque domarent alios:

[¶25] 37.4. to wage war neither in Africa nor outside of Africa without consent of the Roman people.

> Latin: 37.4. bellum neue in Africa neue extra Africam iniussu populi Romani gererent: Masinissae res redderent foedusque cum eo facerent:

[¶26] 37.5. They were to make restitution to Masinissa and frame a treaty with him; to furnish grain and pay to the auxiliaries until the envoys should return from Rome; to pay ten thousand silver talents, divided into equal payments for fifty years; to give a hundred hostages selected by Scipio, not younger than fourteen nor older than thirty years.

> Latin: 37.5. frumentum stipendiumque auxiliis donec ab Roma legati redissent praestarent: decem milia talentum argenti discripta pensionibus aequis in annos quinquaginta soluerent:

[¶27] 37.6. He would grant an armistice, he said, provided the transports captured during the previous armistice and whatever was on board the ships should be returned; otherwise there would be no armistice nor any hope of a peace.

> Latin: 37.6. obsides centum arbitratu Scipionis darent ne minores quattuordecim annis neu triginta maiores. indutias ita daturum, si per priores indutias naues onerariae captae quaeque fuissent in nauibus restituerentur; aliter nec indutias nec spem pacis ullam esse.

[¶28] 37.7. Such terms the envoys were bidden to carry home, and as they announced them in the assembly Gisgo came forward to oppose the peace. While the multitude was listening, equally incapable of keeping a peace and of carrying on a war, Hannibal, indignant that such things should be said and heard at so critical a moment, seized Gisgo and with his own hand dragged him down from the platform.

> Latin: 37.7. has condiciones legati cum domum referre iussi in contione ederent et Gisgo ad dissuadendam pacem processisset audireturque a multitudine inquieta eadem et imbelli, indignatus Hannibal dici ea in tali tempore audirique arreptum Gisgonem manu sua ex superiore loco detraxit. quae insueta liberae ciuitati species cum fremitum populi mouisset, perturbatus militaris uir urbana libertate 'nouem' inquit 'annorum a uobis profectus post sextum et tricesimum annum redii.

[¶29] 37.9. When this novelty for a free state called forth protests from the people, the man of arms, confounded by freedom in the city, said “At nine years of age I left you, and after thirty-six years I have returned. With the soldier's arts, in which from boyhood first my own lot, and then a public exigency gave me training, I may pass as well acquainted. In the rights, laws, usages of the city and the marketplace it is you who should train me.”

> Latin: 37.9. militares artes, quas me a puero fortuna nunc priuata nunc publica docuit, probe uideor scire: urbis ac fori iura, leges, mores uos me oportet doceatis.'

[¶30] 37.10. Having apologized for his ignorance, he discoursed at length upon the peace, showing how far from unjust it was and how inevitable.

> Latin: 37.10. excusata imprudentia de pace multis uerbis disseruit quam nec iniqua et necessaria esset.

[¶31] 37.11. The most troublesome point of all was that of the ships captured during the armistice nothing was to be seen except the ships themselves, and investigation was not easy since the accused were opponents of the peace.

> Latin: 37.11. id omnium maxime difficile erat quod ex nauibus per indutias captis nihil praeter ipsas comparebat naues, nec inquisitio erat facilis aduersantibus paci qui arguerentur.

[¶32] 37.12. It was decided that the ships should be returned and the men at all costs traced; that appraisal of whatever else was lacking be committed to Scipio, and that thus the Carthaginians should pay the amount in cash.

> Latin: 37.12. placuit naues reddi et homines utique inquiri: cetera quae abessent aestimanda Scipioni permitti atque ita pecunia luere Carthaginienses.

[¶33] 37.13. —There are some historians who relate that Hannibal leaving the battle made his way to the sea and then on a ship prepared for him at once sailed to King Antiochus; and that when Scipio demanded above all things that Hannibal be surrendered to him, the answer was that Hannibal was not in Africa.

> Latin: 37.13. —sunt qui Hannibalem ex acie ad mare peruenisse, inde praeparata naue ad regem Antiochum extemplo profectum tradant, postulantique ante omnia Scipioni ut Hannibal sibi traderetur responsum esse Hannibalem in Africa non esse.

[¶34] 38.1. After his envoys had returned to Scipio the quaestors were ordered from entries in the public accounts to make a declaration of what public property had been on the ships, and owners were to do the same for private property.

> Latin: 38.1. postquam redierunt ad Scipionem legati, quae publica in nauibus fuerant ex publicis descripta rationibus quaestores, quae priuata, profiteri domini iussi;

[¶35] 38.2. In place of that sum total twenty-five thousand pounds of silver were exacted in immediate payment. And an armistice for three months was granted the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 38.2. pro ea summa pecuniae uiginti quinque milia pondo argenti praesentia exacta; indutiaeque Carthaginiensibus datae in tres menses.

[¶36] 38.3. In addition they were not to send envoys during the period of the armistice to any other place than to Rome, and in case any envoys should come to Carthage they were not to let them go until they informed the Roman commander who they were and for what purpose they had come.

> Latin: 38.3. additum ne per indutiarum tempus alio usquam quam Romam mitterent legatos et quicumque legati Carthaginem uenissent ne ante dimitterent eos quam Romanum imperatorem qui et quae petentes uenissent certiorem facerent.

[¶37] 38.4. With the Carthaginian envoys Lucius Veturius Philo and Marcus Marcius Ralla and Lucius Scipio, brother of the general-in-command, were sent to Rome.

> Latin: 38.4. cum legatis Carthaginiensibus Romam missi L. Ueturius Philo et M. Marcius Ralla et L. Scipio imperatoris frater.

[¶38] 38.5. About that time supplies from Sicily and Sardinia lowered the price of grain so much that the merchant would leave his grain to the mariners to cover the freight.

> Latin: 38.5. per eos dies commeatus ex Sicilia Sardiniaque tantam uilitatem annonae fecerunt ut pro uectura frumentum nautis mercator relinqueret.

[¶39] 38.6. At Rome upon the first news of the Carthaginians' renewed hostilities there had been alarm, and Tiberius Claudius had been ordered to take his fleet promptly to Sicily and then to cross to Africa, and the other consul, Marcus Servilius, to remain near the city until it should be known what was the state of affairs in Africa.

> Latin: 38.6. Romae ad nuntium primum rebellionis Carthaginiensium trepidatum fuerat iussusque erat Ti. Claudius mature classem in Siciliam ducere atque inde in Africam traicere, et alter consul M. Seruilius ad urbem morari donec quo statu res in Africa essent sciretur.

[¶40] 38.7. Everything in the assembling and launching of his fleet had been carried on without spirit by Tiberius Claudius, the consul, because the senate had voted that authority over the terms on which peace should be granted belonged to Scipio rather than to the consul.

> Latin: 38.7. segniter omnia in comparanda deducendaque classe ab Ti. Claudio consule facta erant quod patres de pace Scipionis potius arbitrium esse quibus legibus daretur quam consulis censuerant.

[¶41] 38.8. Reports of prodigies also at the very time when there were rumours of fresh hostilities had inspired alarm. At Cumae the sun was partially eclipsed and it rained stones, and in the district of Velitrae the ground settled in huge cavities and trees were swallowed in the depths.

> Latin: 38.8. prodigia quoque nuntiata sub ipsam famam rebellionis attulerant terrorem: Cumis solis orbis minui uisus et pluit lapideo imbri, et in Ueliterno agro terra ingentibus cauernis consedit arboresque in profundum haustae;

[¶42] 38.9. At Aricia the forum and shops round it, at Frusino the city wall at a number of places and a gate were struck by lightning; and on the Palatine there was a shower of stones. That portent was atoned for by nine days of rites according to ancestral custom, the rest by full-grown victims.

> Latin: 38.9. Ariciae forum et circa tabernae, Frusinone murus aliquot locis et porta de caelo tacta; et in Palatio lapidibus pluit. id prodigium more patrio nouendiali sacro, cetera hostiis maioribus expiata.

[¶43] 38.10. Meanwhile the unusual height of rivers was also interpreted as a portent. For the Tiber so far overflowed that, as the Circus was flooded, preparations for the Games of Apollo were made outside the Porta Collina, near the Temple of Venus of Eryx.

> Latin: 38.10. inter quae etiam aquarum insolita magnitudo in religionem uersa; nam ita abundauit Tiberis ut ludi Apollinares circo inundato extra portam Collinam ad aedem Erycinae Ueneris parati sint.

[¶44] 38.11. On the very day of the games, however, after a sudden clearing the procession, already on its way to Porta Collina, was recalled and directed into the Circus when word was received that the water had retired from it.

> Latin: 38.11. ceterum ludorum ipso die subita serenitate orta pompa duci coepta ad portam Collinam reuocata deductaque in circum est cum decessisse inde aquam nuntiatum esset;

[¶45] 38.12. Restoration of its normal scene to the customary spectacle also added to the delight of the people and to the throngs who attended the games.

> Latin: 38.12. laetitiamque populo et ludis celebritatem addidit sedes sua sollemni spectaculo reddita.

[¶46] 39.1. Claudius, the consul, had at last left the city when a very violent storm, which he encountered between the harbour of Cosa and the Portus Loretanus, caused him great alarm.

> Latin: 39.1. Claudium consulem profectum tandem ab urbe inter portus Cosanum Loretanumque atrox uis tempestatis adorta in metum ingentem adduxit.

[¶47] 39.2. Then after reaching Populonium and lying at anchor there until the rest of the storm should abate, he crossed over to the Island of Elba and from Elba to Corsica, from Corsica to Sardinia. There as he was passing the Raving Mountains, a much more savage storm, descending upon him in a much more dangerous situation, scattered the fleet. Many of the ships were leaking and had lost their rigging, some were wrecked.

> Latin: 39.2. Populonium inde cum peruenisset stetissetque ibi dum reliquum tempestatis exsaeuiret, Iluam insulam et ab Ilua Corsicam, a Corsica in Sardiniam traiecit. ibi superantem Insanos montes multo et saeuior et infestioribus locis tempestas adorta disiecit classem. multae quassatae armamentisque spoliatae naues, quaedam fractae;

[¶48] 39.3. In this storm-tossed, damaged condition the fleet reached Carales. There, while the beached ships were undergoing repairs, winter overtook him, and as the turn of the year came while no one sought to prolong his command, it was as a private citizen that Tiberius Claudius brought the fleet back to Rome.

> Latin: 39.3. ita uexata ac lacerata classis Carales tenuit. ubi dum subductae reficiuntur naues, hiemps oppressit circumactumque anni tempus, et nullo prorogante imperium priuatus Ti. Claudius classem Romam reduxit.

[¶49] 39.4. Marcus Servilius, to avoid being recalled to the city to hold the elections, named Gaius Servilius Geminus dictator and went to his province. The dictator named Publius Aelius Paetus master of the horse.

> Latin: 39.4. M. Seruilius, ne comitiorum causa ad urbem reuocaretur dictatore dicto C. Seruilio Gemino, in prouinciam est profectus; dictator magistrum equitum P. Aelium Paetum dixit.

[¶50] 39.5. Repeatedly a date for the elections was announced, but storms prevented them from taking place. Consequently, since the old magistrates had left office on the eve of the Ides of March and new men had not been elected in their places, the state had no curule magistrates.

> Latin: 39.5. saepe comitia indicta perfici tempestates prohibuerunt; itaque cum pridie idus Martias ueteres magistratus abissent, noui suffecti non essent, res publica sine curulibus magistratibus erat.

[¶51] 39.6. Titus Manlius Torquatus, the pontiff, died that year and Gaius Sulpicius Galba was named in his place. The Roman Games were repeated three times throughout by Lucius Licinius Lucullus and Quintus Fulvius, the curule aediles.

> Latin: 39.6. T. Manlius Torquatus pontifex eo anno mortuus; in locum eius suffectus C. Sulpicius Galba. ab L. Licinio Lucullo et Q. Fuluio aedilibus curulibus ludi Romani ter toti instaurati.

[¶52] 39.7. For having secretly abstracted money from the Treasury, clerks and messengers of the aediles were condemned on evidence of an informer, not without disgrace for Lucullus as aedile.

> Latin: 39.7. pecuniam ex aerario scribae uiatoresque aedilicii clam egessisse per indicem damnati sunt, non sine infamia Luculli aedilis.

[¶53] 39.8. Publius Aelius Tubero and Lucius Laetorius, owing to a defect in their election as plebeian aediles, abdicated their office after they had conducted the games and in connexion with them a banquet for Jupiter, and had placed on the Capitol three statues of which the cost was met by money paid in fines. The festival of Ceres was under the direction of the dictator and master of the horse by decree of the senate.

> Latin: 39.8. P. Aelius Tubero et L. Laetorius aediles plebis uitio creati magistratu se abdicauerunt cum ludos ludorumque causa epulum Ioui fecissent et signa tria ex multaticio argento facta in Capitolio posuissent. Cerialia ludos dictator et magister equitum ex senatus consulto fecerunt.

[¶54] 40.1. Upon the arrival at Rome of the envoys from Africa, the Roman and the Carthaginian at the same time, the senate sat in the Temple of Bellona.

> Latin: 40.1. legati ex Africa Romani simul Carthaginiensesque cum uenissent Romam, senatus ad aedem Bellonae habitus est.

[¶55] 40.2. There Lucius Veturius Philo to the great joy of the senators set forth how they had fought with Hannibal in a battle that was for the Carthaginians their last, and that at length an end had been made of a war of grievous losses.

> Latin: 40.2. ubi cum L. Ueturius Philo pugnatum cum Hannibale esse suprema Carthaginiensibus pugna finemque tandem lugubri bello impositum ingenti laetitia patrum exposuisset, adiecit Uerminam etiam Syphacis filium, quae parua bene gestae rei accessio erat, deuictum.

[¶56] 40.3. He then added that Vermina also, the son of Syphax, had been defeated —a small supplement to a victorious campaign. Upon that he was bidden to go out into the assembly and share the joyful news with the people. Then all the temples in the city were opened for the offering of thanks, and three days of thanksgiving were ordered. When the Carthaginian envoys and those of King Philip —for these also had arrived —requested that a hearing in the senate be granted them, by order of the senate the dictator replied that the new consuls would grant them a hearing in the senate.

> Latin: 40.3. in contionem inde prodire iussus gaudiumque id populo impertire. tum patefacta gratulationi omnia in urbe templa supplicationesque in triduum decretae. legatis Carthaginiensium et Philippi regis—nam hi quoque uenerant—petentibus ut senatus sibi daretur responsum iussu patrum ab dictatore est consules nouos iis senatum daturos esse. comitia inde habita.

[¶57] 40.5. Thereupon the elections were held. As consuls Gnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Publius Aelius Paetus were elected, as praetors Marcus Iunius Pennus, to whom fell the city praetorship, Marcus Valerius Falto, to whom the land of the Bruttii, Marcus Fabius Buteo, to whom Sardinia, Publius Aelius Tubero, to whom Sicily was allotted.

> Latin: 40.5. creati consules Cn. Cornelius Lentulus P. Aelius Paetus, praetores M. Iunius Pennus, cui sors urbana euenit— M. Ualerius Falto Bruttios, M. Fabius Buteo Sardiniam, P. Aelius Tubero Siciliam est sortitus.

[¶58] 40.6. As for the consuls' provinces, the senators were not disposed to take up the matter until the envoys of King Philip and those of the Carthaginians had been heard.

> Latin: 40.6. de prouinciis consulum nihil ante placebat agi quam legati Philippi regis et Carthaginiensium auditi essent; belli finem alterius, alterius principium prospiciebant animis.

[¶59] 40.7. They foresaw the end of one war, the beginning of another. Gnaeus Lentulus, the consul, was fired with the desire to have Africa as his province, aspiring to an easy victory if the war continued, or if it were already ending, to the glory of having so great a war end in his consulship.

> Latin: 40.7. Cn. Lentulus consul cupiditate flagrabat prouinciae Africae, seu bellum foret facilem uictoriam, seu iam finiretur finiti tanti belli se consule gloriam petens.

[¶60] 40.8. Accordingly he declared that he would allow nothing to be taken up before Africa had been assigned him by decree as his province. He had the consent of his colleague, a moderate man and wise who saw that a contest with Scipio for that glory not only was unfair but also would prove unequal.

> Latin: 40.8. negare itaque prius quicquam agi passurum quam sibi prouincia Africa decreta esset, concedente collega, moderato uiro et prudenti, qui gloriae eius certamen cum Scipione, praeterquam quod iniquum esset, etiam impar futurum cernebat.

[¶61] 40.9. Quintus Minucius Thermus and Manius Acilius Glabrio, tribunes of the plebs, declared that Gnaeus Cornelius was attempting what had been vainly attempted in the preceding year by Tiberius Claudius, the consul;

> Latin: 40.9. Q. Minucius Thermus et M'. Acilius Glabrio tribuni plebis rem priore anno nequiquam temptatam ab Ti. Claudio consule Cn. Cornelium temptare aiebant:

[¶62] 40.10. that by authority of the senators the question whom they wished to have the high command in Africa had been brought before the people; that all thirty-five tribes had awarded that command to Scipio.

> Latin: 40.10. ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum esse cuius uellent imperium in Africa esse; omnes quinque et triginta tribus P. Scipioni id imperium decreuisse.

[¶63] 40.11. After many disputes, while the matter was before the senate and the people as well, the decision was ultimately left to the senate.

> Latin: 40.11. multis contentionibus et in senatu et ad populum acta res postremo eo deducta est ut senatui permitterent.

[¶64] 40.12. The senators therefore under oath — for such had been the agreement —decided that the consuls should determine their provinces by mutual agreement or by lot, which of them was to have Italy and which the fleet of fifty ships;

> Latin: 40.12. patres igitur iurati—ita enim conuenerat—censuerunt uti consules prouincias inter se compararent sortirenturue uter Italiam, uter classem nauium quinquaginta haberet;

[¶65] 40.13. that he to whom the fleet fell should sail to Sicily, and if peace could not be arranged with the Carthaginians, he should cross over to Africa; that the consul should conduct operations on the sea and Scipio on the land, with the same authority to command as heretofore;

> Latin: 40.13. cui classis obuenisset in Siciliam nauigaret; si pax cum Carthaginiensibus componi nequisset, in Africam traiceret; consul mari, Scipio eodem quo adhuc iure imperii terra rem gereret;

[¶66] 40.14. that if the peace terms should be agreed upon, the tribunes of the plebs should bring before the people the question whether to order the consul or Publius Scipio to grant peace, and, if the victorious army was to be brought back from Africa, who was to bring it back.

> Latin: 40.14. si condiciones conuenirent pacis, tribuni plebis populum rogarent utrum consulem an P. Scipionem iuberent pacem dare et quem, si deportandus exercitus uictor ex Africa esset, deportare.

[¶67] 40.15. If the people should order that peace be granted through Publius Scipio, and that the army should be brought back by him as well, the consul should not cross over from Sicily to Africa.

> Latin: 40.15. si pacem per P. Scipionem dari atque ab eodem exercitum deportari iussissent, ne consul ex Sicilia in Africam traiceret.

[¶68] 40.16. The other consul, to whom Italy should fall, was to receive two legions from Marcus Sextius, the praetor.

> Latin: 40.16. alter consul cui Italia euenisset duas legiones a M. Sextio praetore acciperet.

[¶69] 41.1. Publius Scipio's command in his province of Africa was continued with the armies which he already had. Of the praetors Marcus Valerius Falto was assigned in the land of the Bruttians two legions which Gaius Livius had commanded in the preceding year;

> Latin: 41.1. P. Scipioni cum exercitibus quos haberet in prouincia Africa prorogatum imperium. praetoribus M. Ualerio Faltoni duae legiones in Bruttiis quibus C. Liuius priore anno praefuerat decretae— P.

[¶70] 41.2. Publius Aelius was to receive two legions in Sicily from Gnaeus Tremelius; Marcus Fabius was assigned for Sardinia the one legion which Publius Lentulus had held as propraetor.

> Latin: 41.2. Aelius [praetor] duas legiones in Sicilia ab Cn. Tremelio acciperet, legio una M. Fabio in Sardiniam quam P. Lentulus pro praetore habuisset decernitur.

[¶71] 41.3. For Marcus Servilius, consul in the previous year, his command in Etruria was continued, likewise with his own two legions.

> Latin: 41.3. M. Seruilio prioris anni consuli cum suis duabus item legionibus in Etruria prorogatum imperium est.

[¶72] 41.4. As for the Spanish provinces, they said that for some years already Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus had been there; that the consuls should urge the tribunes, if it met with their approval, to bring before the people the question who by their decree should be commander in Spain.

> Latin: 41.4. quod ad Hispanias attineret, aliquot annos iam ibi L. Cornelium Lentulum et L. Manlium Acidinum esse; uti consules cum tribunis agerent ut si iis uideretur plebem rogarent cui iuberent in Hispania imperium esse;

[¶73] 41.5. Out of the two armies the general was to enrol Roman soldiers in a single legion and Latin allies in fifteen cohorts, in order that with these he might hold the province. As for the veterans, Lucius Cornelius and Lucius Manlius were to bring them back to Italy.

> Latin: 41.5. is ex duobus exercitibus in unam legionem conscriberet Romanos milites et in quindecim cohortes socios Latini nominis, quibus prouinciam obtineret; ueteres milites L. Cornelius et L. Manlius in Italiam deportarent.

[¶74] 41.6. The consul was assigned a fleet of fifty ships, made up from two fleets, that of Gnaeus Octavius, which was in African waters, and that of Publius Villius, which was defending the coast of Sicily, the consul being free to select such ships as he pleased.

> Latin: 41.6. consuli quinquaginta nauium classis ex duabus classibus, Cn. Octaui quae in Africa esset, et P. Uilli quae Siciliae oram tuebatur, decreta, ut quas uellet naues deligeret.

[¶75] 41.7. Publius Scipio was to have the forty war-ships which he had before, and if he desired that Gnaeus Octavius should command them, as he had done, Octavius was to have military authority as propraetor for that year.

> Latin: 41.7. P. Scipio quadraginta naues longas quas habuisset haberet; quibus si Cn. Octauium, sicut praefuisset, praeesse uellet, Octauio pro praetore in eum annum imperium esset;

[¶76] 41.8. If he should name Laelius commander, Octavius was to leave the province for Rome and to bring back such ships as the consul did not need. Ten war-ships also were assigned to Marcus Fabius for Sardinia.

> Latin: 41.8. si Laelium praeficeret, Octauius Romam decederet reduceretque naues quibus consuli usus non esset. et M. Fabio in Sardiniam decem longae naues decretae.

[¶77] 41.9. And the consuls were ordered to enrol two city legions, so that in that year the state was carried on with fourteen legions and a hundred war-ships.

> Latin: 41.9. et consules duas urbanas legiones scribere iussi, ut quattuordecim legionibus eo anno centum nauibus longis res publica administraretur.

[¶78] 42.1. Then the senate deliberated concerning the embassies of Philip and the Carthaginians. It was decided that the Macedonians should be brought in first.

> Latin: 42.1. tum de legatis Philippi et Carthaginiensium actum. priores Macedonas introduci placuit;

[¶79] 42.2. Their speeches were in different veins, as some of them tried to excuse acts of which envoys who were sent from Rome to the king in regard to the ravaging of allied territory had complained. Others actually turned accuser, attacking allies of the Roman people, to be sure, but Marcus Aurelius with much more violence, alleging that, being one of three envoys sent to them, he had conducted a levy, had remained and made war upon them in violation of the treaty, and had repeatedly engaged in regular battles with their commanders.

> Latin: 42.2. quorum uaria oratio fuit. partim purgantium quae questi erant missi ad regem ab Roma legati de populatione sociorum, partim ultro accusantium quidem et socios populi Romani sed multo infestius M. Aurelium, quem ex tribus ad se missis legatis dilectu habito substitisse et se bello lacessisse contra foedus et saepe cum praefectis suis signis conlatis pugnasse,

[¶80] 42.4. Still others demanded that the Macedonians and their general, Sopater, who as mercenaries had served with Hannibal and at the time were captives in chains, be restored to them.

> Latin: 42.4. <partim> postulantium ut Macedones duxque eorum Sopater, qui apud Hannibalem mercede militassent, tum capti in uinclis essent, sibi restituerentur.

[¶81] 42.5. In reply Marcus Furius, who had been sent for the very purpose from Macedonia by Aurelius, maintained that Aurelius had been left behind in order to prevent allies of the Roman people from being exhausted by raids and forced by acts of violence to go over to the king's side; that he had not gone beyond the boundaries of the allies; that he had exerted himself that raiders should not come over into the allies' lands with impunity.

> Latin: 42.5. aduersus ea M. Furius, missus ad id ipsum ab Aurelio ex Macedonia, disseruit Aurelium relictum ne socii populi Romani fessi populationibus ui atque iniuria ad regem deficerent; finibus sociorum non excessisse;

[¶82] 42.6. He said that Sopater was one of the king's high officials and of his kin; that he had been sent recently to Africa with four thousand Macedonians and money to bring aid to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 42.6. dedisse operam ne impune in agros eorum populatores transcenderent. Sopatrum ex purpuratis et propinquis regis esse; eum cum quattuor milibus Macedonum et pecunia missum nuper in Africam esse Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus auxilio.

[¶83] 42.7. Inasmuch as the Macedonians, when questioned in regard to these matters, gave ambiguous answers, they in turn received an answer of a very different sort:

> Latin: 42.7. de his rebus interrogati Macedones cum perplexe responderent, neq<uaquam> ipsi mite responsum tulerunt: bellum quaerere regem et si pergat propediem inuenturum;

[¶84] 42.8. that the king was looking for war and if he kept on would soon find it; that he had twice violated the treaty, in that he wronged allies of the Roman people and harried them with war and arms, and in that he aided the enemy by reinforcements and money;

> Latin: 42.8. dupliciter ab eo foedus uiolatum et quod sociis populi Romani iniurias fecerit ac bello armisque lacessiuerit, et quod hostes auxiliis et pecunia iuuerit.

[¶85] 42.9. that not only had Scipio acted and was now acting in their opinion with perfect propriety in keeping in chains as enemies men who had been captured while bearing arms against the Roman people, but also that Marcus Aurelius was acting in conformity with the interest of the state, and that the senate was grateful that he was defending allies of the Roman people by arms, since he was unable to do so by the obligations of a treaty.

> Latin: 42.9. et P. Scipionem recte atque ordine fecisse uideri et facere quod eos qui arma contra populum Romanum ferentes capti sint hostium numero in uinclis habeat, et M. Aurelium e re publica facere gratumque id senatui esse quod socios populi Romani, quando iure foederis non possit, armis tueatur.

[¶86] 42.11. With so stern an answer as this the Macedonians were dismissed and the Carthaginian ambassadors summoned. When the senators observed the age and high station of each-for these were the very first of the citizens-thereupon all agreed that they were really treating for peace.

> Latin: 42.11. cum hoc tam tristi responso dimissis Macedonibus, legati Carthaginienses uocati. quorum aetatibus dignitatibusque conspectis—nam longe primi ciuitatis erant—tum pro se quisque dicere uere de pace agi.

[¶87] 42.12. Most conspicuous among them, however, was Hasdrubal surnamed Haedus among his people, always a supporter of peace and an opponent of the Barcine party.

> Latin: 42.12. insignis tamen inter ceteros Hasdrubal erat—Haedum populares cognomine appellabant—, pacis semper auctor aduersusque factioni Barcinae.

[¶88] 42.13. Hence he had all the more weight then, as he shifted the blame for the war from the state to the greed of the few.

> Latin: 42.13. eo tum plus illi auctoritatis fuit belli culpam in paucorum cupiditatem ab re publica transferenti.

[¶89] 42.14. His speech was in different keys, now excusing what was charged, now making some admissions, lest pardon should be harder to obtain if they shamelessly denied known facts, and now even admonishing the conscript fathers to make a moderate and restrained use of their good fortune.

> Latin: 42.14. qui cum uaria oratione usus esset, nunc purgando crimina, nunc quaedam fatendo ne impudenter certa negantibus difficilior uenia esset, nunc monendo etiam patres conscriptos ut rebus secundis modeste ac moderate uterentur—si se atque Hannonem audissent Carthaginienses et tempore uti uoluissent, daturos fuisse pacis condiciones quas tunc peterent;

[¶90] 42.15. He said that if the Carthaginians had listened to him and to Hanno and had been minded to take advantage of the right moment, the Romans would have given the terms of peace which they were at that time seeking; that seldom were men given good fortune and good judgment at the same time; that the Roman people was invincible for the reason that in its good fortune it remembered to be wise and to take counsel. And certainly, he said, it would have been wonderful if its practice were different.

> Latin: 42.15. raro simul hominibus bonam fortunam bonamque mentem dari; populum Romanum eo inuictum esse quod in secundis rebus sapere et consulere meminerit; et hercule mirandum fuisse si aliter faceret;

[¶91] 42.17. Men whose good fortune was new because of its strangeness went wild, unable to control their rejoicing; for the Roman people the joys of victory were familiar and now all but threadbare, and they had enlarged their empire almost more by sparing the vanquished than by conquest. The rest of the speakers employed more pathos as they stated from what wealth the Carthaginians' situation had fallen to what depths; that men who recently held almost the whole world by their arms had nothing left but the walls of Carthage. Shut up within these walls, they said, they saw nothing on land or sea subject to their rule.

> Latin: 42.17. ex insolentia quibus noua bona fortuna sit impotentes laetitiae insanire: populo Romano usitata ac prope iam obsoleta ex uictoria gaudia esse ac plus paene parcendo uictis quam uincendo imperium auxisse — ceterorum miserabilior oratio fuit, commemorantium ex quantis opibus quo reccidissent Carthaginiensium res: nihil iis qui modo orbem prope terrarum obtinuerint armis superesse praeter Carthaginis moenia;

[¶92] 42.19. Even the city itself and their homes they would hold only in case the Roman people did not choose to vent its animosity upon those possessions also, the last possible step.

> Latin: 42.19. his inclusos, non terra non mari quicquam sui iuris cernere; urbem quoque ipsam ac penates ita habituros si non in ea quoque, quo nihil ulterius sit, saeuire populus Romanus uelit.

[¶93] 42.20. When it was clear that the senators were inclining to pity, one of their number, outraged by the perfidy of the Carthaginians, is said to have called out to them, asking who were the gods in whose name they were to make the treaty, inasmuch as they had proved false to the gods in whose name the former treaty had been made. “The same” said Hasdrubal, since they are so hostile to treaty-breakers."

> Latin: 42.20. cum flecti misericordia patres appareret, senatorum unum infestum perfidiae Carthaginiensium succlamasse ferunt per quos deos foedus icturi essent cum eos per quos ante ictum esset fefellissent. 'per eosdem', inquit Hasdrubal 'quoniam tam infesti sunt foedera uiolantibus.'

[¶94] 43.1. When all were now disposed to make peace the consul Gnaeus Lentulus, to whom the fleet had been assigned, vetoed a decree of the senate.

> Latin: 43.1. inclinatis omnium ad pacem animis Cn. Lentulus consul, cui classis prouincia erat, senatus consulto intercessit.

[¶95] 43.2. Thereupon Manius Acilius and Quintus Minucius, tribunes of the plebs, brought before the people the question whether it was their will and command that the senate should decree that peace be made with the Carthaginians; and whom they should command to grant that peace, and whom to bring the army back from Africa.

> Latin: 43.2. tum M'. Acilius et Q. Minucius tribuni plebis ad populum tulerunt uellent iuberentne senatum decernere ut cum Carthaginiensibus pax fieret; et quem eam pacem dare quemque ex Africa exercitum deportare iuberent.

[¶96] 43.3. In regard to the peace all the tribes voted affirmatively: that Publius Scipio should grant the peace, that he also should bring back the army.

> Latin: 43.3. de pace 'uti rogas' omnes tribus iusserunt; pacem dare P. Scipionem, eundem exercitum deportare.

[¶97] 43.4. In accordance with this enactment the senate decreed that Publius Scipio on the advice of ten envoys should make peace with the Carthaginian people upon such terms as he saw fit.

> Latin: 43.4. ex hac rogatione senatus decreuit ut P. Scipio ex decem legatorum sententia pacem cum populo Carthaginiensi quibus legibus ei uideretur faceret.

[¶98] 43.5. The Carthaginians thereupon thanked the senators and begged permission to enter the city and to converse with fellow-citizens who as captives were in prison, saying that among them some were their own relatives and friends, men of rank, and others men for whom they had messages from their relatives.

> Latin: 43.5. gratias deinde patribus egere Carthaginienses, et petierunt ut sibi in urbem introire et conloqui cum ciuibus suis liceret qui capti in publica custodia essent: esse in iis partim propinquos amicosque suos, nobiles homines, partim ad quos mandata a propinquis haberent.

[¶99] 43.7. When this was arranged and they made a further request that they might have the opportunity of ransoming such of them as they desired, they were bidden to furnish the names.

> Latin: 43.7. quibus conuentis cum rursus peterent ut sibi quos uellent ex iis redimendi potestas fieret, iussi nomina edere; et cum ducenta ferme ederent, senatus consultum factum est ut legati Romani ducentos ex captiuis quos Carthaginienses uellent ad P.

[¶100] 43.8. And when they furnished some two hundred names a decree of the senate was passed that the Roman envoys should carry to Publius Cornelius in Africa two hundred selected by the Carthaginians from the number of the captives, and should report to him that, if the peace should be agreed to, he was to deliver the captives to the Carthaginians without ransom. When orders were being given to the fetial priests to go to Africa in order to make the treaty, at their own request a decree of the senate was passed in these terms: that they should each take one flint knife and one tuft of foliage with them, in order that when the Roman general ordered them to make the treaty they should demand of the general the sacred tufts.

> Latin: 43.8. Cornelium in Africam deportarent, nuntiarentque ei ut, si pax conuenisset, sine pretio eos Carthaginiensibus redderet. fetiales cum in Africam ad foedus feriundum ire iuberentur, ipsis postulantibus senatus consultum in haec uerba factum est ut priuos lapides silices priuasque uerbenas secum ferrent ut, ubi praetor Romanus imperaret ut foedus ferirent, illi praetorem sagmina poscerent.—herbae id genus ex arce sumptum fetialibus dari solet.

[¶101] 43.10. It is customary to gather foliage of this kind from the Citadel and give it to the fetials. Under these circumstances the Carthaginians were sent away from Rome, and having presented themselves to Scipio in Africa, they made peace upon the terms above mentioned.

> Latin: 43.10. ita dimissi ab Roma Carthaginienses cum in Africam uenissent ad Scipionem, quibus ante dictum est legibus pacem fecerunt.

[¶102] 43.11. They surrendered warships, elephants, deserters, runaway slaves, and four thousand captives, among whom was Quintus Terentius Culleo, a senator.

> Latin: 43.11. naues longas elephantos perfugas fugitiuos captiuorum quattuor milia tradiderunt, inter quos Q. Terentius Culleo senator fuit.

[¶103] 43.12. The ships Scipio ordered to be put to sea and to be burned. Some historians relate that there were five hundred of them —every type of vessel propelled by oars; and that when the Carthaginians suddenly caught sight of the fire it was as doleful for them as if Carthage itself were in flames.

> Latin: 43.12. naues prouectas in altum incendi iussit; quingentas fuisse omnis generis quae remis agerentur quidam tradunt; quarum conspectum repente incendium tam lugubre fuisse Poenis quam si ipsa Carthago arderet.

[¶104] 43.13. The deserters were more severely treated than the runaway slaves, Latin citizens being beheaded, Romans crucified.

> Latin: 43.13. de perfugis grauius †quam de fugitiuis† consultum: nominis Latini qui erant securi percussi, Romani in crucem sublati.

[¶105] 44.1. Forty years before, in the consulship of Quintus Lutatius and Aulus Manlius, peace had last been made with the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 44.1. annis ante quadraginta pax cum Carthaginiensibus postremo facta erat, Q. Lutatio A. Manlio consulibus.

[¶106] 44.2. The war which began twenty-three years later, in the consulship of Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius, was brought to an end in the seventeenth year, the consulship of Gnaeus Cornelius and Publius Aelius.

> Latin: 44.2. bellum initum annis post tribus et uiginti, P. Cornelio Ti. Sempronio consulibus, finitum est septimo decimo anno, Cn. Cornelio P. Aelio consulibus.

[¶107] 44.3. Later Scipio often stated, so they say, that first Tiberius Claudius' thirst for fame, and then that of Gnaeus Cornelius had hindered him from ending that war with the destruction of Carthage.

> Latin: 44.3. saepe postea ferunt Scipionem dixisse Ti. Claudi primum cupiditatem, deinde Cn. Corneli fuisse in mora quo minus id bellum exitio Carthaginis finiret.

[¶108] 44.4. At Carthage when raising money for the first payment seemed difficult to men whose resources were drained by the long war, and in the Senate House there was mourning and weeping, they say that Hannibal was seen laughing.

> Latin: 44.4. Carthagini cum prima conlatio pecuniae diutino bello exhaustis difficilis uideretur, maestitiaque et fletus in curia esset, ridentem Hannibalem ferunt conspectum.

[¶109] 44.5. When Hasdrubal Haedus upbraided him for laughing while the people wept, he being himself the cause of their tears, he said: “If the mind within us could be seen, just as expression of face is seen by our eyes, it would readily be clear to you that this laughter which you upbraid is not that of a happy spirit but of one almost beside itself through misfortunes.”

> Latin: 44.5. cuius cum Hasdrubal Haedus risum increparet in publico fletu cum ipse lacrimarum causa esset, 'si, quemadmodum oris habitus cernitur oculis', inquit 'sic et animus intus cerni posset, facile uobis appareret non laeti sed prope amentis malis cordis hunc quem increpatis risum esse;

[¶110] 44.6. “Nevertheless it is by no means so untimely as are those senseless, misplaced tears of yours.”

> Latin: 44.6. qui tamen nequaquam adeo est intempestiuus quam uestrae istae absurdae atque abhorrentes lacrimae sunt.

[¶111] 44.7. “The time for us to weep was when our arms were taken from us, our ships burned, foreign wars forbidden; for that wound was fatal to us. And you have no reason to believe that the Romans had regard for your domestic peace. No great state can long be in peace.”

> Latin: 44.7. tunc flesse decuit cum adempta sunt nobis arma, incensae naues, interdictum externis bellis; illo enim uolnere concidimus. nec est cur uos otio uestro consultum ab Romanis credatis.

[¶112] 44.8. “If it lacks an enemy abroad it finds one at home, just as powerful bodies seem protected against infection from without, but are of themselves weighed down by their very strength.”

> Latin: 44.8. nulla magna ciuitas diu quiescere potest; si foris hostem non habet, domi inuenit, ut praeualida corpora ab externis causis tuta uidentur, suis ipsa uiribus onerantur.

[¶113] 44.9. “Of course we feel only so much of the public misfortunes as bears upon our private concerns, and in these nothing has so painful a sting as the loss of money.”

> Latin: 44.9. sed tantum nimirum ex publicis malis sentimus quantum ad priuatas res pertinet, nec in iis quicquam acrius quam pecuniae damnum stimulat.

[¶114] 44.10. “Hence when the spoils were being stripped from vanquished Carthage, although you saw her placed, now unarmed and naked, in the midst of so many armed tribes of Africa, no one moaned, while now because tribute must be raised from private property you are mourners, as it were, at a public funeral.”

> Latin: 44.10. itaque cum spolia uictae Carthagini detrahebantur, cum inermem iam ac nudam destitui inter tot armatas gentes Africae cerneretis, nemo ingemuit:

[¶115] 44.11. “How much I fear you will very soon be aware that today you have wept over a very slight misfortune!” So spoke Hannibal to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 44.11. nunc quia tributum ex priuato conferendum est, tamquam in publico funere comploratis. quam uereor ne propediem sentiatis leuissimo in malo uos hodie lacrimasse.' haec Hannibal apud Carthaginienses.

[¶116] 44.12. Scipio summoned an assembly and assigning to him his father's kingdom, presented Masinissa with the city of Cirta in addition and the rest of the cities and lands which, he said, had passed from the kingdom of Syphax into the power of the Roman people.

> Latin: 44.12. Scipio contione aduocata Masinissam ad regnum paternum Cirta oppido et ceteris urbibus agrisque quae ex regno Syphacis in populi Romani potestatem uenissent adiectis donauit.

[¶117] 44.13. He ordered Gnaeus Octavius to take the fleet to Sicily and turn it over to Gnaeus Cornelius, the consul; also the Carthaginian envoys to go to Rome, in order that all his acts on the advice of his ten legati might be confirmed by the authority of the senate and command of the people.

> Latin: 44.13. Cn. Octauium classem in Siciliam ductam Cn. Cornelio consuli tradere iussit, legatos Carthaginiensium Romam proficisci ut quae ab se ex decem legatorum sententia acta essent ea patrum auctoritate populique iussu confirmarentur.

[¶118] 45.1. When peace had been secured by land and sea, Scipio embarked his army and crossed over to Lilybaeum in Sicily.

> Latin: 45.1. pace terra marique parta, exercitu in naues imposito in Siciliam Lilybaeum traiecit.

[¶119] 45.2. Then after sending a large part of the army by sea, he himself, making his way through Italy, which was exulting in peace no less than in the victory, while not cities only poured out to do him honour, but crowds of rustics also were blocking the roads, reached Rome and rode into the city in the most distinguished of all triumphs.

> Latin: 45.2. inde magna parte militum nauibus missa ipse per laetam pace non minus quam uictoria Italiam effusis non urbibus modo ad habendos honores sed agrestium etiam turba obsidente uias Romam peruenit triumphoque omnium clarissimo urbem est inuectus.

[¶120] 45.3. He brought into the treasury one hundred and twenty-three thousand pounds weight of silver. To his soldiers he distributed four hundred asses apiece out of the booty. The death of Syphax withdrew him rather from the eyes of spectators than from the glory of the triumphing general.

> Latin: 45.3. argenti tulit in aerarium pondo centum uiginti tria milia. militibus ex praeda quadringenos aeris diuisit. morte subtractus spectaculo magis hominum quam triumphantis gloriae Syphax est, Tiburi haud ita multo ante mortuus, quo ab Alba traductus fuerat.

[¶121] 45.4. He had died not long before at Tibur, to which he had been transferred from Alba. Nevertheless his death attracted attention because he was given a state funeral. Polybius, an authority by no means to be despised, relates that this king was led in the triumphal procession. Following Scipio as he triumphed was Quintus Terentius Culleo wearing the liberty cap; and for all the rest of his life, as was fitting, he honoured in Scipio the giver of his freedom.

> Latin: 45.4. conspecta tamen mors eius fuit quia publico funere est elatus. —hunc regem in triumpho ductum Polybius, haudquaquam spernendus auctor, tradit.— secutus Scipionem triumphantem est pilleo capiti imposito Q. Terentius Culleo, omnique deinde uita, ut dignum erat, libertatis auctorem coluit.

[¶122] 45.6. As for the surname Africanus, whether his popularity among the soldiers, or fickle favour of the people first gave it currency I am unable to state, or whether it began with the flattery of his intimates, as did the surname Felix for Sulla and Magnus for Pompey in the time of our fathers.

> Latin: 45.6. Africani cognomen militaris prius fauor an popularis aura celebrauerit an, sicuti Felicis Sullae Magnique Pompeii patrum memoria, coeptum ab adsentatione familiari sit parum compertum habeo;

[¶123] 45.7. What is certain is that he was the first general to be distinguished by the name of a nation conquered by him. Later, following his example men who were by no means his equals in their victories gained outstanding inscriptions for their masks and glorious surnames for their families.

> Latin: 45.7. primus certe hic imperator nomine uictae ab se gentis est nobilitatus; exemplo deinde huius nequaquam uictoria pares insignes imaginum titulos claraque cognomina familiarum fecerunt.