1.1. IN this preface to a part of my history I may properly assert what many an historian has declared at the outset of his entire work, to wit, that the war which I am going to describe was the most memorable of all wars ever waged —the war, that is, which, under the leadership of Hannibal, the Carthaginians waged with the Roman People.
1.1. in parte operis mei licet mihi praefari, quod in principio summae totius professi plerique sunt rerum scriptores, bellum maxime omnium memorabile quae unquam gesta sint me scripturum, quod Hannibale duce Carthaginienses cum populo Romano gessere.
1.2. For neither have states or nations met in arms possessed of ampler resources, nor was their own might and power ever so great. Nor yet were they strangers to one another's modes of fighting, which the First Punic War had made them understand. And so variable were the fortunes of the war and so uncertain was its outcome that those who ultimately conquered had been nearer ruin.
1.2. nam neque ualidiores opibus ullae inter se ciuitates gentesque contulerunt arma neque his ipsis tantum unquam uirium aut roboris fuit; et haud ignotas belli artes inter sese sed expertas primo Punico conferebant bello, et adeo uaria fortuna belli ancepsque Mars fuit ut propius periculum fuerint qui uicerunt.
1.3. The animosity, too, with which they fought was almost greater than their strength: the Romans were enraged that the conquered should be actually drawing sword upon their conquerors; the Phoenicians, because they believed that the conquered had been treated with domineering arrogance and greed.
1.3. odiis etiam prope maioribus certarunt quam uiribus, Romanis indignantibus quod uictoribus uicti ultro inferrent arma, Poenis quod superbe auareque crederent imperitatum uictis esse.
1.4. It is said moreover that when Hannibal, then about nine years old, was childishly teasing his father Hamilcar to take him with him into Spain, his father, who had finished the African war and was sacrificing, before crossing over with his army, led the boy up to the altar and made him touch the offerings and bind himself with an oath that so soon as he should be able he would be the declared enemy of the Roman People.
1.4. fama est etiam Hannibalem annorum ferme nouem, pueriliter blandientem patri Hamilcari ut duceretur in Hispaniam, cum perfecto Africo bello exercitum eo traiecturus sacrificaret, altaribus admotum tactis sacris iure iurando adactum se cum primum posset hostem fore populo Romano.
1.5. The loss of Sicily and Sardinia was a continual torture to the proud spirit of Hamilcar. For he maintained that they had surrendered Sicily in premature despair, and that the Romans had wrongfully appropriated Sardinia — and even imposed an indemnity on them besides —in the midst of their African disturbances.
1.5. angebant ingentis spiritus uirum Sicilia Sardiniaque amissae: nam et Siciliam nimis celeri desperatione rerum concessam et Sardiniam inter motum Africae fraude Romanorum, stipendio etiam insuper imposito, interceptam.
2.1. Tormented by these thoughts, he so bore himself in the African War, which followed hard upon the Roman peace and lasted for five years, and likewise afterwards, during the nine years he spent in Spain in extending the Punic empire, that it was plain to see that he meditated a more important war than the one he was engaged in, and that if his life had been prolonged, the Phoenicians would have invaded Italy under the leadership of Hamilcar, as they did in fact under that of Hannibal.
2.1. his anxius curis ita se Africo bello quod fuit sub recentem Romanam pacem per quinque annos, ita deinde nouem annis in Hispania augendo Punico imperio gessit ut appareret maius eum quam quod gereret agitare in animo bellum et, si diutius uixisset, Hamilcare duce Poenos arma Italiae inlaturos fuisse qui Hannibalis ductu intulerunt.
2.3. Hamilcar's very timely death and the boyhood of Hannibal delayed the war. In the interval betwixt father and son, the supreme command devolved, for about eight years, on Hasdrubal. It was his youthful beauty, they say, that won for him in the first instance the favour of Hamilcar, who subsequently selected him, no doubt for other, that is mental, qualifications, to be his son-in-law. As such —through the influence of the Barcine faction which was very strong with the soldiers and the common people —he was given the command, though the leading citizens had no liking for this step.
2.3. mors Hamilcaris peropportuna et pueritia Hannibalis distulerunt bellum. medius Hasdrubal inter patrem ac filium octo ferme annos imperium obtinuit, flore aetatis, uti ferunt, primo Hamilcari conciliatus, gener inde ob aliam indolem profecto animi adscitus et, quia gener erat, factionis Barcinae opibus, quae apud milites plebemque plus quam modicae erant, haud sane uoluntate principum, in imperio positus.
2.5. Relying more often on policy than force, Hasdrubal enlarged the sway of Carthage rather by setting up friendly relations with the petty kings and winning over new tribes through the goodwill of their leaders than by war and arms.
2.5. is plura consilio quam ui gerens, hospitiis magis regulorum conciliandisque per amicitiam principum nouis gentibus quam bello aut armis rem Carthaginiensem auxit.
2.6. But he was not a whit more safe for being at peace. A certain barbarian slew him openly, to avenge his master, whom Hasdrubal had put to death. On being seized by the bystanders he expressed in his countenance the cheerfulness of one who had escaped, and even as he was being tortured, joy so got the upper hand of agony that he seemed actually to smile.
2.6. ceterum nihilo ei pax tutior fuit; barbarus eum quidam palam ob iram interfecti ab eo domini obtruncat; comprensusque ab circumstantibus haud alio quam si euasisset uoltu, tormentis quoque cum laceraretur, eo fuit habitu oris ut superante laetitia dolores ridentis etiam speciem praebuerit.
2.7. With this Hasdrubal, because of the marvellous skill which he had shown in tempting the native tribes to join his empire, the Roman People had renewed their covenant, with the stipulation that neither side should extend its dominion beyond the Ebro, while the Saguntines, situated between the empires of the two peoples, should be preserved in independence.
2.7. cum hoc Hasdrubale, quia mirae artis in sollicitandis gentibus imperioque suo iungendis fuerat, foedus renouauerat populus Romanus ut finis utriusque imperii esset amnis Hiberus Saguntinisque mediis inter imperia duorum populorum libertas seruaretur.
3.1. For Hasdrubal's successor there could be no question but that the choice originating with the soldiers —who immediately bore young Hannibal into the praetorium and with loud and universal acclamation hailed him general —would obtain the ratification of the senate. The approval of the commons followed.
3.1. in Hasdrubalis locum haud dubia res fuit quin<am successurus esset;> praerogatiuam militarem qua extemplo iuuenis Hannibal in praetorium delatus imperatorque ingenti omnium clamore atque adsensu appellatus erat fauor etiam plebis sequebatur.
3.2. The new commander had been summoned to Spain by Hasdrubal when a mere lad, and the matter had even been debated in the senate. The Barcine party were urging that Hannibal should become inured to warfare and succeed to the resources of his father, when Hanno, the leader of the other faction, addressed the House. “There is reason,” said he, “in Hasdrubal's request, nevertheless I am opposed to granting it.”
3.2. hunc uixdum puberem Hasdrubal litteris ad se accersierat, actaque res etiam in senatu fuerat. Barcinis nitentibus ut adsuesceret militiae Hannibal atque in paternas succederet opes Hanno, alterius factionis princeps, 'et aequum postulare uidetur' inquit, 'Hasdrubal, et ego tamen non censeo quod petit tribuendum.'
3.4. When astonishment at a speech so inconsistent had attracted everybody's attention, he continued: “The youthful charms which Hasdrubal himself permitted Hannibal's father to enjoy he considers that he has the right to require again at the hands of the son. But that we should accustom our young men, by way of military training, to gratify the concupiscence of our generals is most unseemly.”
3.4. cum admiratione tam ancipitis sententiae in se omnes conuertisset, 'florem aetatis' inquit, 'Hasdrubal, quem ipse patri Hannibalis fruendum praebuit, iusto iure eum a filio repeti censet; nos tamen minime decet iuuentutem nostram pro militari rudimento adsuefacere libidini praetorum.
3.5. “Or do we fear lest Hamilcar's son may too late behold the inordinate powers and the regal pomp which his father has set up? that the son of the king who left our armies as a legacy to his son-in-law may find us too slow in accepting him for our master?”
3.5. an hoc timemus ne Hamilcaris filius nimis sero imperia immodica et regni paterni speciem uideat et, cuius regis genero hereditarii sint relicti exercitus nostri, eius filio parum mature seruiamus?
3.6. “For my part, I think that the young man should be kept at home and taught to live in submission to the laws and the magistrates, upon an equal footing with the others, lest one day this small fire kindle a great conflagration.”
3.6. ego istum iuuenem domi tenendum sub legibus, sub magistratibus, docendum uiuere aequo iure cum ceteris censeo, ne quandoque paruus hic ignis incendium ingens exsuscitet.'
4.1. A few, and these included nearly all the best men, supported Hanno, but, as often happens, the larger party prevailed over the better. Hannibal was sent to Spain, where he was no sooner come than he won the favour of the entire army.
4.1. pauci ac ferme optimus quisque Hannoni adsentiebantur; sed, ut plerumque fit, maior pars meliorem uicit. missus Hannibal in Hispaniam primo statim aduentu omnem exercitum in se conuertit;
4.2. The old soldiers thought that Hamilcar was restored to them as he had been in his youth; they beheld the same lively expression and piercing eye, tile same cast of countenance and features. But he soon brought it to pass that his likeness to his father was the least consideration in gaining him support.
4.2. Hamilcarem iuuenem redditum sibi ueteres milites credere; eundem uigorem in uoltu uimque in oculis, habitum oris lineamentaque intueri. dein breui effecit ut pater in se minimum momentum ad fauorem conciliandum esset.
4.3. Never was the same nature more adaptable to things the most diverse —obedience and command. And so one could not readily have told whether he were dearer to the general or the army.
4.3. nunquam ingenium idem ad res diuersissimas, parendum atque imparandum, habilius fuit. itaque haud facile discerneres utrum imperatori an exercitui carior esset;
4.4. When any bold or difficult deed was to be done, there was no one whom Hasdrubal liked better to entrust with it, nor did any other leader inspire his men with greater confidence or daring.
4.4. neque Hasdrubal alium quemquam praeficere malle ubi quid fortiter ac strenue agendum esset, neque milites alio duce plus confidere aut audere.
4.5. To reckless courage in incurring dangers he united the greatest judgment when in the midst of them. No toil could exhaust his body or overcome his spirit. Of heat and cold he was equally tolerant. His consumption of meat and drink was determined by natural desire, not by pleasure.
4.5. plurimum audaciae ad pericula capessenda, plurimum consilii inter ipsa pericula erat. nullo labore aut corpus fatigari aut animus uinci poterat. caloris ac frigoris patientia par;
4.6. His times of waking and sleeping were not marked off by day or night: what time remained when his work was done he gave to sleep, which he did not court with a soft bed or stillness, but was seen repeatedly by many lying on the ground wrapped in a common soldier's cloak amongst the sentinels and outguards. His dress was in no way superior to that of his fellows, but his arms and horses were conspicuous.
4.6. cibi potionisque desiderio naturali, non uoluptate modus finitus; uigiliarum somnique nec die nec nocte discriminata tempora; id quod gerendis rebus superesset quieti datum; ea neque molli strato neque silentio accersita; multi saepe militari sagulo opertum humi iacentem inter custodias stationesque militum conspexerunt. uestitus nihil inter aequales excellens:
4.8. Both of horsemen and of foot-soldiers he was undoubtedly the first —foremost to enter battle, and last to leave it when the fighting had begun.
4.8. arma atque equi conspiciebantur. equitum peditumque idem longe primus erat; princeps in proelium ibat, ultimus conserto proelio excedebat.
4.9. These admirable qualities of the man were equalled by his monstrous vices: his cruelty was inhuman, his perfidy worse than Punic; he had no regard for truth, and none for sanctity, no fear of the gods, no reverence for an oath, no religious scruple.
4.9. has tantas uiri uirtutes ingentia uitia aequabant, inhumana crudelitas, perfidia plus quam Punica, nihil ueri, nihil sancti, nullus deum metus, nullum ius iurandum, nulla religio.
4.10. With this endowment of good and evil traits he served for the space of three years under Hasdrubal, omitting nothing that should be done or seen by one who was to become a great commander.
4.10. cum hac indole uirtutum atque uitiorum triennio sub Hasdrubale imperatore meruit, nulla re quae agenda uidendaque magno futuro duci esset praetermissa.
5.1. For the rest, from the day on which he was proclaimed commander-in-chief, as though Italy had been assigned to him for his field of operations and he had been instructed to make war on Rome, he felt that no postponement was permissible, lest he too, like his father Hamilcar, and afterwards Hasdrubal, should be overtaken, while delaying, by some accident, and resolved upon attacking the Saguntines.
5.1. ceterum ex quo die dux est declaratus, uelut Italia ei prouincia decreta bellumque Romanum mandatum esset, nihil prolatandum ratus ne se quoque, ut patrem Hamilcarem, deinde Hasdrubalem, cunctantem casus aliquis opprimeret, Saguntinis inferre bellum statuit.
5.3. But since an attack on them must certainly provoke the Romans to hostile action, he marched first into the territory of the Olcades —a tribe living south of the Ebro, within the limits of the Carthaginians but not under their dominion —that he might appear not to have aimed at the Saguntines but to have been drawn into that war by a chain of events, as he conquered the neighbouring nations and annexed their territories.
5.3. quibus oppugnandis quia haud dubie Romana arma mouebantur, in Olcadum prius fines—ultra Hiberum ea gens in parte magis quam in dicione Carthaginiensium erat—induxit exercitum, ut non petisse Saguntinos sed rerum serie finitimis domitis gentibus iungendoque tractus ad id bellum uideri posset.
5.4. Cartala, a wealthy town, the capital of that tribe, he stormed and sacked; and this so terrified the lesser towns that they submitted and agreed to an indemnity. The victorious army, enriched with spoil, was led back to New Carthage for the winter.
5.4. Cartalam, urbem opulentam, caput gentis eius, expugnat diripitque; quo metu perculsae minores ciuitates stipendio imposito imperium accepere. uictor exercitus opulentusque praeda Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna est deductus.
5.5. There, by a generous partition of the booty and the faithful discharge of all arrears of pay, he confirmed them all, both citizens and allies, in their allegiance to himself; and early in the spring pushed forward into the land of the Vaccaei.
5.5. ibi large partiendo praedam stipendioque praeterito cum fide exsoluendo cunctis ciuium sociorumque animis in se firmatis uere primo in Uaccaeos promotum bellum.
5.6. Their cities, Hermandica and Arbocala, were taken by assault. Arbocala, thanks to the bravery and numbers of its inhabitants, held out for a long time.
5.6. Hermandica et Arbocala, eorum urbes, ui captae. Arbocala et uirtute et multitudine oppidanorum diu defensa;
5.7. The fugitives from Hermandica, uniting with the exiles of the Olcades —the tribe which had been subdued in the previous summer —roused up the Carpetani, and falling upon Hannibal as he was returning from the Vaccaei, not far from the river Tagus, threw his column, encumbered as it was with booty, into
5.7. ab Hermandica profugi exsulibus Olcadum, priore aestate domitae gentis, cum se iunxissent, concitant Carpetanos adortique Hannibalem regressum ex Uaccaeis haud procul Tago flumine agmen graue praeda turbauere.
5.9. some disorder. Hannibal refrained from battle and encamped on the bank of the river. As soon as the enemy were settled for the night and silent, he crossed the river by a ford, and so laid out his rampart as to allow them room for crossing, resolving to attack them as they were passing over.
5.9. Hannibal proelio abstinuit castrisque super ripam positis, cum prima quies silentiumque ab hostibus fuit, amnem uado traiecit ualloque ita praeducto ut locum ad transgrediendum hostes haberent inuadere eos transeuntes statuit.
5.10. He ordered his cavalry to charge their column of foot when they saw that it had entered the stream, and posted the elephants, of which he had forty, along the bank.
5.10. equitibus praecepit ut, cum ingressos aquam uiderent, adorirentur impeditum agmen; in ripa elephantos—quadraginta autem erant—disponit.
5.11. The Carpetani, together with the contingents of the Olcades and Vaccaei, numbered a hundred thousand —an invincible array, had they been going to fight in a fair field.
5.11. Carpetanorum cum appendicibus Olcadum Uaccaeorumque centum milia fuere, inuicta acies si aequo dimicaretur campo.
5.12. And so, inspired by a native intrepidity, confiding in their multitude, and believing —since they supposed that their enemies had retreated out of fear —that victory was delayed but till they should have passed the river, they broke into a cheer, and, staying for no man's orders, rushed into the stream wherever it happened to be nearest.
5.12. itaque et ingenio feroces et multitudine freti et, quod metu cessisse credebant hostem, id morari uictoriam rati quod interesset amnis, clamore sublato passim sine ullius imperio qua cuique proximum est in amnem ruunt.
5.13. From the other side a great body of cavalry was sent in against them. The meeting in mid-channel was no equal conflict, for there the footmen were unsteady, and, scarce trusting to the ford, might even have been overthrown by unarmed riders, urging their horses forward at haphazard; while the horsemen, having their bodies and weapons free and horses that were steady even in the deep pools, could fight either at close quarters or long range.
5.13. et ex parte altera ripae uis ingens equitum in flumen immissa, medioque alueo haudquaquam pari certamine concursum, quippe ubi pedes instabilis ac uix uado fidens uel ab inermi equite, equo temere acto, peruerti posset, eques corpore armisque liber, equo uel per medios gurgites stabili, comminus eminusque rem gereret.
5.15. A great part of them perished in the stream; some the eddying current carried over to their enemies, where they were trampled down by the elephants.
5.15. pars magna flumine absumpta; quidam uerticoso amni delati in hostes ab elephantis obtriti sunt.
5.16. The rearmost, who could retreat to their own bank more safely, were gathering from the various directions in which they had fled, when, before they could recover from so great a panic, Hannibal entered the stream in a fighting column, and driving them in confusion from the bank, laid waste their fields, and in a few days' time received the surrender of the Carpetani also.
5.16. postremi, quibus regressus in suam ripam tutior fuit, ex uaria trepidatione cum in unum colligerentur, priusquam in tanto pauore reciperent animos, Hannibal agmine quadrato amnem ingressus fugam ex ripa fecit uastatisque agris intra paucos dies Carpetanos quoque in deditionem accepit;
5.17. And now everything south of the Ebro, except Saguntum, was in the hands of the Carthaginians.
5.17. et iam omnia trans Hiberum praeter Saguntinos Carthaginiensium erant.
6.1. With the Saguntines there was as yet no war, but quarrels that might be a pretext for it were already being sown betwixt them and their neighbours, especially the Turdetani. Now when the side of the Turdetani was espoused by the same man who had sowed the quarrel, and it was clearly seen that he was aiming not at arbitration but force, the Saguntines sent ambassadors to Rome, imploring help for a war that was now indubitably imminent. The Roman consuls at that time were Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius Longus. After introducing the ambassadors into the senate, they had brought up the question of public policy, and the senators had voted to dispatch envoys to Spain, to examine into the affairs of their allies, to the end that, if there appeared to be just cause, they might formally warn Hannibal to keep aloof from the Saguntines, the allies of the Roman People; after which they were to cross over into Africa, to Carthage, and present the complaint of Rome's allies. This embassy had been voted but not yet sent off, when, sooner than all expectation, came the news that Saguntum was besieged. The case was then referred anew to the senate.
6.1. cum Saguntinis bellum nondum erat; ceterum iam belli causa certamina cum finitimis serebantur, maxime Turdetanis. quibus cum adesset idem qui litis erat sator, nec certamen iuris sed uim quaeri appareret, legati a Saguntinis Romam missi auxilium ad bellum iam haud dubie imminens orantes. consules tunc Romae erant P. Cornelius Scipio et Ti. Sempronius Longus. qui cum legatis in senatum introductis de re publica rettulissent placuissetque mitti legatos in Hispaniam ad res sociorum inspiciendas, quibus si uideretur digna causa, et Hannibali denuntiarent ut ab Saguntinis, sociis populi Romani, abstineret et Carthaginem in Africam traicerent ac sociorum populi Romani
6.5. Some were for sending the consuls into Spain and Africa respectively and waging war by land and sea; others wanted to direct their whole force against Spain and Hannibal; some there were who argued that so grave a quarrel should not be lightly entered on, and proposed to await the return
6.5. querimonias deferrent—hac legatione decreta necdum missa, omnium spe celerius Saguntum oppugnari allatum est. tunc relata de integro res ad senatum est; alii prouincias consulibus Hispaniam atque Africam decernentes terra marique rem gerendam censebant, alii totum in Hispaniam Hannibalemque intenderant bellum;
6.7. of the envoys out of Spain. This last opinion, which seemed the safest, carried the day, and the envoys, Publius Valerius Flaccus and Quintus Baebius Tamphilus, were sent off with the more dispatch. They were to go to Saguntum first, to Hannibal, and thence, if he would not cease hostilities, to Carthage, to demand the surrender of the general himself in satisfaction of the broken treaty.
6.7. erant qui non temere mouendam rem tantam exspectandosque ex Hispania legatos censerent. haec sententia, quae tutissima uidebatur, uicit legatique eo maturius missi, P. Ualerius Flaccus et Q. Baebius Tampilus, Saguntum ad Hannibalem atque inde Carthaginem si non absisteretur bello ad ducem ipsum in poenam foederis rupti deposcendum.
7.1. While the Romans were thus planning and deliberating, the siege of Saguntum was already being pressed with the greatest vigour.
7.1. dum ea Romani parant consultantque, iam Saguntum summa ui oppugnabatur.
7.2. This city was much the wealthiest of those beyond the Ebro and was situated about a mile from the sea. Its inhabitants are said to have come originally from the island of Zacynthus, and to have included also a strain from the Ardeate Rutulians.
7.2. ciuitas ea longe opulentissima ultra Hiberum fuit, sita passus mille ferme a mari. oriundi a Zacyntho insula dicuntur mixtique etiam ab Ardea Rutulorum quidam generis;
7.3. Be this as it may, they had attained quickly to their great prosperity, whether owing to the produce of the sea or the land, to the growth of their population, or to the integrity of their discipline, which caused them to keep faith with their allies even to their own undoing.
7.3. ceterum in tantas breui creuerant opes seu maritimis seu terrestribus fructibus seu multitudinis incremento seu disciplinae sanctitate qua fidem socialem usque ad perniciem suam coluerunt. Hannibal infesto exercitu ingressus fines, peruastatis passim agris urbem tripertito adgreditur.
7.5. Crossing their borders with a hostile army Hannibal laid waste their country far and wide and advanced in three divisions against their city. There was an angle of the wall that gave on a valley more open and more level than the other ground about the town.
7.5. angulus muri erat in planiorem patentioremque quam cetera circa uallem uergens; aduersus eum uineas agere instituit per quas aries moenibus admoueri posset.
7.6. Against this he determined to bring up pent-houses, that under their cover the battering-rams might be brought into contact with the walls.
7.6. sed ut locus procul muro satis aequus agendis uineis fuit, ita haudquaquam prospere, postquam ad effectum operis uentum est, coeptis succedebat.
7.7. But though the ground at some distance from the wall was smooth enough for moving the pent-houses, the attempt succeeded very ill when it came to the final execution of it. There was a great overhanging tower, and the wall —as was natural in a suspected place —had been carried up to a greater height than elsewhere, and the pick of the fighting men having been stationed there, where the greatest danger threatened, offered a more strenuous resistance.
7.7. et turris ingens imminebat et murus, ut in suspecto loco, supra ceterae modum altitudinis emunitus erat, et iuuentus delecta ubi plurimum periculi ac timoris ostendebatur ibi ui maiore obsistebant.
7.8. At first they drove the assailants off with missiles and left no spot safe for their pioneers; afterwards not only did their javelins dart from wall and tower, but they even had the hardihood to sally out against the pickets and earthworks of their enemies, and in these rough-and-tumble fights hardly more Saguntines fell than Phoenicians.
7.8. ac primo missilibus summouere hostem nec quicquam satis tutum munientibus pati; deinde iam non pro moenibus modo atque turri tela micare, sed ad erumpendum etiam in stationes operaque hostium animus erat; quibus tumultuariis certaminibus haud ferme plures Saguntini cadebant quam Poeni.
7.10. But when Hannibal himself, who had somewhat incautiously ventured up under the wall, was severely wounded in the front of his thigh with a heavy javelin and sank to the ground, those about him fell into such confusion and dismay as almost to abandon their works and pent-houses.
7.10. ut uero Hannibal ipse, dum murum incautius subit, aduersum femur tragula grauiter ictus cecidit, tanta circa fuga ac trepidatio fuit ut non multum abesset quin opera ac uineae desererentur.
8.1. For the next few days, while the general's hurt was healing, there was rather a blockade than an assault; but though during this interval there was rest from combat, yet was there no slackening in the preparation of engines and defences.
8.1. obsidio deinde per paucos dies magis quam oppugnatio fuit dum uolnus ducis curaretur; per quod tempus ut quies certaminum erat ita ab apparatu operum ac munitionum nihil cessatum.
8.2. Accordingly the fighting broke out afresh more fiercely than before, and pent-houses began to be pushed forward and rams brought up at many points, though in some places the ground would hardly admit of them.
8.2. itaque acrius de integro coortum est bellum pluribusque partibus, uix accipientibus quibusdam opera locis, uineae coeptae agi admouerique aries.
8.3. The Phoenician was lavishly equipped with men —he is credibly supposed to have had a hundred and fifty thousand under arms —but the townsmen, who, in order to guard and defend every quarter, had been divided into numerous companies, found their strength inadequate.
8.3. abundabat multitudine hominum Poenus—ad centum enim quinquaginta milia habuisse in armis satis creditur—: oppidani ad omnia tuenda atque obeunda multifariam distineri coepti non sufficiebant.
8.5. And so now the walls were being battered with rams and in many places had been severely shaken. One section, giving way continuously for some distance, had exposed the town: three towers in a row, together with the wall connecting them, had come down with a loud crash.
8.5. itaque iam feriebantur arietibus muri quassataeque multae partes erant; una continentibus ruinis nudauerat urbem; tres deinceps turres quantumque inter eas muri erat cum fragore ingenti prociderant.
8.6. The Phoenicians believed that the town was taken with that breach, through which from either side men rushed to attack, as though the wall had protected both parties alike.
8.6. captum oppidum ea ruina crediderant Poeni, qua, uelut si pariter utrosque murus texisset, ita utrimque in pugnam procursum est.
8.7. It was not at all like the mellays that commonly occur in sieges, where one side gets an opportunity, but regular battle lines had formed, as in an open field, between the ruins of the wall and the buildings of the city, which stood at some distance off.
8.7. nihil tumultuariae pugnae simile erat, quales in oppugnationibus urbium per occasionem partis alterius conseri solent, sed iustae acies, uelut patenti campo, inter ruinas muri tectaque urbis modico distantia interuallo constiterant.
8.8. On this side hope, on that despair inspired courage. The Phoenicians believed the city to be theirs, if they put forth a little effort. The Saguntines opposed their bodies to defend their city, denuded of its walls, nor would one of them draw back his foot lest he admit an enemy to the spot which he had vacated.
8.8. hinc spes, hinc desperatio animos inritat, Poeno cepisse iam se urbem si paulum adnitatur credente, Saguntinis pro nudata moenibus patria corpora opponentibus nec ullo pedem referente ne in relictum a se locum hostem immitteret.
8.9. And the harder both sides fought and the more they crowded in together, the greater was the number of those wounded, for no missile fell without taking effect on shield or body.
8.9. itaque quo acrius et confertim magis utrimque pugnabatur, eo plures uolnerabantur nullo inter arma corporaque uano intercidente telo.
8.10. The Saguntines had a javelin, called a phalarica, with a shaft of fir, which was round except at the end whence the iron projected; this part, four-sided as in the pilum, they wrapped with tow and smeared with pitch.
8.10. phalarica erat Saguntinis missile telum hastili abiegno et cetera tereti praeterquam ad extremum unde ferrum exstabat; id, sicut in pilo, quadratum stuppa circumligabant linebantque pice;
8.11. Now the iron was three feet long, that it might be able to go through both shield and body. But what chiefly made it terrible, even if it stuck fast in the shield and did not penetrate the body, was this, that when it had been lighted at the middle and so hurled, the flames were fanned to a fiercer heat by its very motion, and it forced the soldier to let go his shield, and left him unprotected against the blows that followed.
8.11. ferrum autem tres longum habebat pedes ut cum armis transfigere corpus posset. sed id maxime, etiamsi haesisset in scuto nec penetrasset in corpus, pauorem faciebat quod, cum medium accensum mitteretur conceptumque ipso motu multo maiorem ignem ferret, arma omitti cogebat nudumque militem ad insequentes ictus praebebat.
9.1. When the outcome of the struggle had long been doubtful, and the Saguntines, because they were holding out beyond their hopes, had gained new courage, while the Phoenician, because he had not conquered, was as good as beaten;
9.1. cum diu anceps fuisset certamen et Saguntinis quia praeter spem resisterent creuissent animi, Poenus quia non uicisset pro uicto esset, clamorem repente oppidani tollunt hostemque in ruinas muri expellunt, inde impeditum trepidantemque exturbant, postremo fusum fugatumque in castra redigunt.
9.2. suddenly the townspeople set up a shout and thrust forth their enemies amongst the ruins of the wall, and routing them out from thence, confused and frightened, drove them back at last in full flight to their camp. In the meantime it was announced that ambassadors had come from Rome. Hannibal sent men to the shore to meet them and say that it would not be safe for them to come to him through the armed bands of so many unruly tribes, and that he had no time for listening to embassies at so critical a juncture. It was clear that, if they were denied a hearing, they would at once proceed to Carthage.
9.2. interim ab Roma legatos uenisse nuntiatum est; quibus obuiam ad mare missi ab Hannibale qui dicerent nec tuto eos adituros inter tot tam effrenatarum gentium arma nec Hannibali in tanto discrimine rerum operae esse legationes audire.
9.4. He therefore dispatched couriers before them, with a letter for the leaders of the Barcine faction, so that they might prepare the minds of their adherents to prevent the opposing party from affording any satisfaction to the Roman People.
9.4. apparebat non admissos protinus Carthaginem ituros. litteras igitur nuntiosque ad principes factionis Barcinae praemittit ut praepararent suorum animos ne quid pars altera gratificari populo Romano posset.
10.1. Accordingly, save for being admitted and allowed a hearing, this mission also was idle and of no effect.
10.1. itaque, praeterquam quod admissi auditique sunt, ea quoque uana atque inrita legatio fuit.
10.2. Hanno stood alone in pleading for the treaty against the views of the senate. There was a deep hush while he spoke, by reason of his personal authority, but he was listened to without approval. He adjured the senators in the name of the gods, vouchers for treaties and their witnesses, to provoke not a Roman along with the Saguntine war.
10.2. Hanno unus aduersus senatum causam foederis magno silentio propter auctoritatem suam, non cum adsensu audientium egit, per deos foederum arbitros ac testes obtestans ne Romanum cum Saguntino suscitarent bellum;
10.3. He had advised them and forewarned them not to send the offspring of Hamilcar to the army; neither the man's ghost nor his progeny was at rest, nor ever, so long as any of the lineage and name of Barca should survive, would the treaty with the Romans rest untroubled.
10.3. monuisse, praedixisse se ne Hamilcaris progeniem ad exercitum mitterent; non manes, non stirpem eius conquiescere uiri, nec unquam donec sanguinis nominisque Barcini quisquam supersit quietura Romana foedera.
10.4. “You have sent to your armies,” he went on, “as though heaping fuel on a fire, a youth who burns with lust for sovereign power and sees but one way to obtain it —if, by sowing seeds of war, he can raise up other wars and live girt round with arms and legions.”
10.4. 'iuuenem flagrantem cupidine regni uiamque unam ad id cernentem si ex bellis bella serendo succinctus armis legionibusque uiuat, uelut materiam igni praebentes, ad exercitus misistis. aluistis ergo hoc incendium quo nunc ardetis.
10.5. “You have therefore fed these flames with which you are now ablaze. Your armies now invest Saguntum, which the treaty forbids them to approach: ere long the Roman legions will be investing Carthage, led by those very gods who helped them in the former war to avenge the broken treaty.”
10.5. Saguntum uestri circumsedent exercitus unde arcentur foedere; mox Carthaginem circumsedebunt Romanae legiones ducibus iisdem dis per quos priore bello rupta foedera sunt ulti.
10.6. “Is it your enemy you know not, or yourselves, or the fortunes of both peoples? When ambassadors came from allies on behalf of allies, your worthy general would not admit them to his camp, but thrust aside the law of nations; nevertheless these men, being driven from a place where even an enemy's envoys are admitted, have come to you. They seek amends in accordance with a treaty. That the state may be void of offence, they demand the author of the wrong, the man on whom they charge the guilt.”
10.6. utrum hostem an uos an fortunam utriusque populi ignoratis? legatos ab sociis et pro sociis uenientes bonus imperator uester in castra non admisit; ius gentium sustulit; hi tamen, unde ne hostium quidem legati arcentur, pulsi, ad uos uenerunt. res ex foedere repetuntur; publica fraus absit: auctorem culpae et reum criminis deposcunt.
10.7. “The more mildly they proceed, the more slowly they begin, the more obstinate, I fear, when they have begun, will be their rage. Set Eryx and the Aegatian islands before your eyes, and all that you suffered by land and sea for four and twenty years.”
10.7. quo lenius agunt, segnius incipiunt, eo cum coeperint uereor ne perseuerantius saeuiant. Aegates insulas Erycemque ante oculos proponite, quae terra marique per quattuor et uiginti annos passi sitis.
10.8. “Nor was this boy your leader, but Hamilcar himself, the father, a second Mars, as his partisans will have it. But we could not keep our hands from Tarentum, that is, from Italy, as by treaty bound, even as now we cannot keep them from Saguntum.”
10.8. nec puer hic dux erat sed pater ipse Hamilcar, Mars alter, ut isti uolunt. sed Tarento, id est Italia, non abstinueramus ex foedere, sicut nunc Sagunto non abstinemus;
10.9. “Gods therefore vanquished men, and that which had been verbally disputed —which people of the twain had broken the treaty — the outcome of the war, like an impartial judge, decided, and to those who had the right granted the victory.”
10.9. uicerunt ergo di hominesque et, id de quo uerbis ambigebatur uter populus foedus rupisset, euentus belli uelut aequus iudex, unde ius stabat, ei uictoriam dedit. Carthagini nunc Hannibal uineas turresque admouet:
10.10. “It is Carthage against which Hannibal is now bringing up his pent-houses and towers; it is the walls of Carthage he is battering with his rams. Saguntum's walls —may my prophecy prove false! — will fall upon our heads, and the war we have entered upon with the Saguntines we must carry on against the Romans.”
10.10. Carthaginis moenia quatit ariete. Sagunti ruinae—falsus utinam uates sim—nostris capitibus incident, susceptumque cum Saguntinis bellum habendum cum Romanis est. dedemus ergo Hannibalem?
10.11. 'Shall we then surrender Hannibal?' someone will ask. I know that my influence is slight, because of my quarrel with his father; but I rejoiced when Hamilcar perished, for this reason, that were he living, we should now be at war with Rome;
10.11. dicet aliquis. scio meam leuem esse in eo auctoritatem propter paternas inimicitias; sed et Hamilcarem eo perisse laetatus sum quod, si ille uiueret, bellum iam haberemus cum Romanis, et hunc iuuenem tamquam furiam facemque huius belli odi ac detestor;
10.12. “and this young man, who, like a fury, now brandishes the torch of war, I loathe and abominate, and I hold, not only that he ought to be surrendered in expiation of the broken treaty, but that, if none demanded him, he ought to be deported to the farthest limits of land and sea —to be banished to a place whence neither name nor fame of his could reach us, nor he be able to vex the quiet of our state.”
10.12. nec dedendum solum id piaculum rupti foederis, sed si nemo deposcit, deuehendum in ultimas maris terrarumque oras, ablegandum eo unde nec ad nos nomen famaque eius accedere neque ille sollicitare quietae ciuitatis statum possit, ego ita censeo.
10.13. “My opinion is this: we should send ambassadors at once to Rome, to give satisfaction to the senate; and others to announce to Hannibal that he must withdraw his army from Saguntum, and to hand over Hannibal himself to the Romans as the treaty requires; a third embassy I would send to make restitution to the Saguntines.”
10.13. legatos extemplo Romam mittendos qui senatui satisfaciant, alios qui Hannibali nuntient ut exercitum ab Sagunto abducat ipsumque Hannibalem ex foedere Romanis dedant, tertiam legationem ad res Saguntinis reddendas decerno.'
11.1. When Hanno had concluded, not a single person found it necessary to oppose his arguments, so nearly unanimous was the senate in supporting Hannibal. They declared that Hanno had spoken more bitterly than Valerius Flaccus, the Roman envoy.
11.1. cum Hanno perorasset, nemini omnium certare oratione cum eo necesse fuit; adeo prope omnis senatus Hannibalis erat, infestiusque locutum arguebant Hannonem quam Flaccum Ualerium, legatum Romanum.
11.2. They then gave their answer to the envoys, to the effect that the war had been begun by the Saguntines, not by Hannibal, and that the Roman People would be doing wrong if they preferred the Saguntines to their very ancient alliance with the Carthaginians.
11.2. responsum inde legatis Romanis est bellum ortum ab Saguntinis, non ab Hannibale esse; populum Romanum iniuste facere, si Saguntinos uetustissimae Carthaginiensium societati praeponat.
11.3. While the Romans were wasting time in dispatching embassies, Hannibal had allowed his soldiers, exhausted as they were with fighting and constructing works, to rest for a few days, after posting outguards to look to the pent-houses and other engines. Meanwhile he kindled their ardour, now by inciting them to rage against their enemies, again by holding out hopes of rewards.
11.3. dum Romani tempus terunt legationibus mittendis, Hannibal, quia fessum militem proeliis operibusque habebat, paucorum iis dierum quietem dedit stationibus ad custodiam uinearum aliorumque operum dispositis. interim animos eorum nunc ira in hostes stimulando, nunc spe praemiorum accendit;
11.4. But when he made a speech proclaiming that the spoils of the captured city should go to the soldiers, they were so excited, one and all, that if the signal had been given instantly, it seemed as if no force could have withstood them.
11.4. ut uero pro contione praedam captae urbis edixit militum fore, adeo accensi omnes sunt ut, si extemplo signum datum esset, nulla ui resisti uideretur posse.
11.5. The Saguntines, though they had had a rest from fighting, neither attacking nor being attacked for several days, had laboured incessantly, both day and night, to replace the wall where its collapse had exposed the town. The assault was now resumed, with far greater fury than before, and it was hard for the inhabitants to know, when shouts and cries were resounding on every hand, to what point they should first, or preferably, bring up supports.
11.5. Saguntini ut a proeliis quietem habuerant nec lacessentes nec lacessiti per aliquot dies, ita non nocte, non die unquam cessauerant ab opere, ut nouum murum ab ea parte qua patefactum oppidum ruinis erat reficerent.
11.6. Hannibal was present in person to urge on his men, where they were pushing up a movable tower that surpassed in height all the defences of the city.
11.6. inde oppugnatio eos aliquanto atrocior quam ante adorta est, nec qua primum aut potissimum parte ferrent opem, cum omnia uariis clamoribus streperent, satis scire poterant.
11.7. As soon as it had been brought up, and the catapults and ballistae distributed through all its platforms had stripped the ramparts of defenders, Hannibal, believing that he now had his opportunity, sent about five hundred Africans with pickaxes to undermine the wall. This was no hard task, for the rubble had not been solidified with mortar, but filled in with mud, after an ancient mode of building.
11.7. ipse Hannibal qua turris mobilis, omnia munimenta urbis superans altitudine, agebatur hortator aderat. quae cum admota catapultis ballistisque per omnia tabulata dispositis muros defensoribus nudasset, tum Hannibal occasionem ratus, quingentos ferme Afros cum dolabris ad subruendum ab imo murum mittit;
11.8. It therefore fell for wider stretches than were actually hacked away, and through the breaches bands of armed men passed into the city.
11.8. nec erat difficile opus, quod caementa non calce durata erant sed interlita luto, structurae antiquae genere.
11.9. They even seized an elevation, and setting up catapults and ballistae there, built a wall around it, so as to have within the town itself a stronghold that commanded it like a citadel.
11.9. itaque latius quam qua caederetur ruebat perque patentia ruinis agmina armatorum in urbem uadebant.
11.10. The Saguntines too built a wall within the old one, to protect that part of the city that was not yet taken. On both sides the soldiers worked and fought with the utmost energy; but the Saguntines, contracting their defences, were bringing their city day by day within a smaller compass.
11.10. locum quoque editum capiunt, conlatisque eo catapultis ballistisque ut castellum in ipsa urbe uelut arcem imminentem haberent muro circumdant; et Saguntini murum interiorem ab nondum capta parte urbis ducunt. utrimque summa ui et muniunt et pugnant;
11.11. At the same time there was an increasing scarcity of everything, on account of the long blockade; and the prospect of help from without was growing less, since the Romans, their only hope, were so far away, and all the country round about was in the possession of their enemies.
11.11. sed interiora tuendo minorem in dies urbem Saguntini faciunt. simul crescit inopia omnium longa obsidione et minuitur exspectatio externae opis, cum tam procul Romani, unica spes, circa omnia hostium essent.
11.13. Yet their drooping spirits were revived for a little while by the sudden departure of Hannibal for the territories of the Oretani and the Carpetani. These two nations, exasperated by a rigorous conscription, had seized the recruiting officers and thereby given rise to fears of a revolt, but were caught unprepared by Hannibal's celerity, and laid down the arms they had taken up.
11.13. paulisper tamen adfectos animos recreauit repentina profectio Hannibalis in Oretanos Carpetanosque, qui duo populi, dilectus acerbitate consternati, retentis conquisitoribus metum defectionis cum praebuissent, oppressi celeritate Hannibalis omiserunt mota arma.
12.1. But the siege of Saguntum did not flag. Maharbal, the son of Himilco, whom Hannibal had left in charge, so bestirred himself that the absence of the general was felt neither by his countrymen nor by the enemy.
12.1. nec Sagunti oppugnatio segnior erat Maharbale Himilconis filio—eum praefecerat Hannibal—ita impigre rem agente ut ducem abesse nec ciues nec hostes sentirent.
12.2. He fought a number of successful skirmishes, and with three battering-rams laid low a considerable portion of the wall, and on Hannibal's return, showed him the place all covered with the newly fallen ruins.
12.2. is et proelia aliquot secunda fecit et tribus arietibus aliquantum muri discussit strataque omnia recentibus ruinis aduenienti Hannibali ostendit.
12.3. And so the troops were led at once against the citadel itself, and a fierce battle began, in which many on both sides were killed and a part of the citadel was taken. An all but hopeless attempt to arrange a peace was then made by two men, Alco, a Saguntine, and a Spaniard named Alorcus.
12.3. itaque ad ipsam arcem extemplo ductus exercitus atroxque proelium cum multorum utrimque caede initum et pars arcis capta est. temptata deinde per duos est exigua pacis spes, Alconem Saguntinum et Alorcum Hispanum.
12.4. Alco, thinking that something might be effected by entreaties, went over to Hannibal in the night, without the knowledge of the Sanguntines. But finding that tears were of no avail and that the terms obtainable were such as a wrathful conqueror would impose, he changed from pleader to deserter, and remained with the enemy, declaring that anybody who should treat for peace on those conditions would be put to death.
12.4. Alco insciis Saguntinis, precibus aliquid moturum ratus, cum ad Hannibalem noctu transisset, postquam nihil lacrimae mouebant condicionesque tristes, ut ab irato uictore, ferebantur, transfuga ex oratore factus apud hostem mansit, moriturum adfirmans qui sub condicionibus iis de pace ageret.
12.5. The conditions were as follows: they must make restitution to the Turdetani, and, delivering up all their gold and silver, quit their city with a single garment each and take up their abode where the Phoenician should direct them.
12.5. postulabatur autem, redderent res Turdetanis traditoque omni auro atque argento egressi urbe cum singulis uestimentis ibi habitarent ubi Poenus iussisset.
12.6. When Alco asserted that the Saguntines would not accept such terms, Alorcus, affirming that where all else is conquered the heart is conquered too, undertook the negotiation of a peace. He was at that time a soldier in the service of Hannibal, but was officially recognized by the Saguntines as their friend and guest.
12.6. has pacis leges abnuente Alcone accepturos Saguntinos, Alorcus, uinci animos ubi alia uincantur adfirmans, se pacis eius interpretem fore pollicetur; erat autem tum miles Hannibalis, ceterum publice Saguntinis amicus atque hospes.
12.7. Openly surrendering his weapon to the sentries, he passed the enemy's lines, and was conducted —by his own command —before the Saguntine general.
12.7. traditio palam telo custodibus hostium transgressus munimenta ad praetorem Saguntinum—et ipse ita iubebat—est deductus.
12.8. A crowd of all descriptions immediately flocked together there; but all save the senators were sent away, and Alorcus, being permitted to address them, spoke as follows:
12.8. quo cum extemplo concursus omnis generis hominum esset factus, submota cetera multitudine senatus Alorco datus est, cuius talis oratio fuit:
13.1. “If Alco, your own fellow citizen, after going to Hannibal to sue for peace, had brought back to you the terms of peace which Hannibal offers, this journey of mine would have been superfluous, for I should have come to you neither as Hannibal's spokesman nor yet as a deserter.”
13.1. 'si ciuis uester Alco, sicut ad pacem petendam ad Hannibalem uenit, ita pacis condiciones ab Hannibale ad uos rettulisset, superuacaneum hoc mihi fuisset iter, quo nec orator Hannibalis nec transfuga ad uos ueni;
13.2. “But seeing that, whether through your fault or his own, he has stopped behind with your enemy —his own if his fears were feigned, yours if it is unsafe to bring you a true report —that you might not be ignorant that terms there are upon which you may enjoy both life and peace, I have come to you myself, having regard to the long-standing friendship which subsists between us.”
13.2. sed cum ille aut uestra aut sua culpa manserit apud hostem—sua, si metum simulauit: uestra, si periculum est apud uos uera referentibus—ego, ne ignoraretis esse et salutis aliquas et pacis uobis condiciones, pro uetusto hospitio quod mihi uobiscum est ad uos ueni.
13.3. “Moreover, that I say what I say for your sake and no other's, you may take this as proof: so long as you held your ground with your own forces, and expected to receive help from the Romans, I never mentioned peace to you;”
13.3. uestra autem causa me nec ullius alterius loqui quae loquor apud uos uel ea fides sit quod neque dum uestris uiribus restitistis neque dum auxilia ab Romanis sperastis pacis unquam apud uos mentionem feci.
13.4. “but now that you have no longer any hope from Rome, and neither your arms nor your fortifications are adequate to defend you, I bring you a peace more necessary than equitable.”
13.4. postquam nec ab Romanis uobis ulla est spes nec uestra uos iam aut arma aut moenia satis defendunt, pacem adfero ad uos magis necessariam quam aequam.
13.5. “That this peace may be realized there is some ground for hoping only if, even as Hannibal proposes it in the spirit of a conqueror, so you shall hearken to it in the spirit of the conquered, and shall not consider as lost what is taken from you, since all things are the victor's, but consider whatever is left you as a gift.”
13.5. cuius ita aliqua spes est, si eam, quemadmodum ut uictor fert Hannibal, sic uos ut uicti audiatis; si non id quod amittitur in damno, cum omnia uictoris sint, sed quidquid relinquitur pro munere habituri estis.
13.6. “Your city, which he has in great part overthrown, and almost wholly captured, he takes from you: your lands he leaves you, and intends to designate a site whereon you may erect a new town.”
13.6. urbem uobis, quam ex magna parte dirutam, captam fere totam habet, adimit: agros relinquit, locum adsignaturus in quo nouum oppidum aedificetis. aurum et argentum omne, publicum priuatumque, ad se iubet deferri:
13.7. “All your gold and silver, both public and private, he orders to be brought to him: your persons, with those of your wives and children, he preserves inviolate, if you are willing to go forth unarmed from Saguntum with two garments each.”
13.7. corpora uestra coniugum ac liberorum uestrorum seruat inuiolata, si inermes cum binis uestimentis uelitis ab Sagunto exire.
13.8. “These terms a victorious enemy imposes on you; these terms, albeit harsh and cruel, your fortune counsels you to accept. Indeed I am not without hope that when full control of everything shall have been granted him, he may remit somewhat of this severity;”
13.8. haec uictor hostis imperat; haec quamquam sunt grauia atque acerba, fortuna uestra uobis suadet. equidem haud despero, cum omnium potestas ei facta sit, aliquid ex his rebus remissurum;
13.9. “but even this you ought, I think, rather to endure than to suffer yourselves to be massacred and your wives and children to be forcibly dragged away into captivity before your eyes, in accordance with the laws of war.”
13.9. sed uel haec patienda censeo potius quam trucidari corpora uestra, rapi trahique ante ora uestra coniuges ac liberos belli iure sinatis.'