42.2. Then, as it became quite evident that there was no one in the camp, there was a rush of men to the headquarters of the consuls, announcing that the enemy had retreated in such trepidation as to quit the camp without striking their tents, and had even left a great number of fires burning to conceal their flight.
42.2. tum satis comperta solitudine in castris concursus fit ad praetoria consulum nuntiantium fugam hostium adeo trepidam ut tabernaculis stantibus castra reliquerint, quoque fuga obscurior esset, crebros etiam relictos ignes.
42.3. Next they began to clamour for the order to advance and to pursue the enemy and plunder the camp without delay, and one of the consuls behaved like a member of the mob of soldiers.
42.3. clamor inde ortus ut signa proferri iuberent ducerentque ad persequendos hostes ac protinus castra diripienda et consul alter uelut unus turbae militaris erat:
42.4. Paulus kept insisting on the need for watchfulness and circumspection, and finally, when there was no other way in which he could withstand the mutiny and the leader of the mutiny, he sent the praefect Marius Statilius with a troop of Lucanian horse to reconnoitre.
42.4. Paulus etiam atque etiam dicere prouidendum praecauendumque esse; postremo, cum aliter neque seditionem neque ducem seditionis sustinere posset, Marium Statilium praefectum cum turma Lucana exploratum mittit.
42.5. Riding up to the gates, Statilius commanded the others to wait outside the trenches, and himself with two horsemen entered the camp. After making a thorough and careful examination he reported that there was undoubtedly some treachery afoot.
42.5. qui ubi adequitauit portis, subsistere extra munimenta ceteris iussis ipse cum duobus equitibus uallum intrauit speculatusque omnia cum cura renuntiat insidias profecto esse:
42.6. The fires, he said, had been left on the side of the camp that faced the Romans; the tents were open and all kinds of valuables were left exposed to view; here and there he had seen silver carelessly flung down in the lanes, as if to tempt a pillager.
42.6. ignes in parte castrorum quae uergat in hostem relictos; tabernacula aperta et omnia cara in promptu relicta; argentum quibusdam locis temere per uias uel<ut> obiectum ad praedam uidisse.
42.7. The report, which had been made with the purpose of checking the soldiers' greed, only inflamed it, and they began to shout that if the signal were not given, they would go without any leaders. But there was no lack of a leader; for Varro at once gave the command to start.
42.7. quae ad deterrendos a cupiditate animos nuntiata erant, ea accenderunt, et clamore orto a militibus, ni signum detur, sine ducibus ituros, haudquaquam dux defuit; nam extemplo Uarro signum dedit proficiscendi.
42.8. Paulus himself wished to delay; and when the sacred fowls had refused their sanction, he gave orders to notify his colleague, who was just setting forth with the standards from the gate.
42.8. Paulus, cum ei sua sponte cunctanti pulli quoque auspicio non addixissent, nuntiari iam efferenti porta signa collegae iussit.
42.9. Varro was greatly vexed at this, but the recent disaster of Flaminius and the memorable defeat at sea of the consul Claudius, in the first Punic War made him fearful of offending the heavenly powers.
42.9. quod quamquam Uarro aegre est passus, Flamini tamen recens casus Claudique consulis primo Punico bello memorata naualis clades religionem animo incussit.
42.10. On that day, it might almost be said, the very gods put off, but did not prevent, the calamity that impended over the Romans: for it chanced that when the consul ordered the standards back into the camp and the soldiers were refusing to obey him, two slaves appeared on the scene, one belonging to a Formian, the other to a Sidicinian knight. They had been captured by the Numidians, along with other foragers, in the consulship of Servilius and Atilius, and on that day had escaped back to their masters.
42.10. di prope ipsi eo die magis distulere quam prohibuere imminentem pestem Romanis; nam forte ita euenit ut, cum referri signa in castra iubenti consuli milites non parerent, serui duo Formiani unus, alter Sidicini equitis, qui Seruilio atque Atilio consulibus inter pabulatores excepti a Numidis fuerant, profugerent eo die ad dominos;
42.11. Being conducted to the consuls, they stated that Hannibal's entire army was lying in ambush just over the nearest hills.
42.11. deductique ad consules nuntiant omnem exercitum Hannibalis trans proximos montes sedere in insidiis.
42.12. Their opportune arrival restored the authority of the consuls, when one of them, by running after popularity, and by unprincipled indulgence, had impaired their prestige —beginning with his own —amongst the soldiers.
42.12. horum opportunus aduentus consules imperii potentes fecit, cum ambitio alterius suam primum apud eos praua indulgentia maiestatem soluisset.
43.1. Hannibal, perceiving that the Romans, although they had acted ill-advisedly, had not proceeded to the extremity of rashness, returned to the camp, his stratagem having been detected and rendered idle.
43.1. Hannibal postquam motos magis inconsulte Romanos quam ad ultimum temere euectos uidit, nequiquam detecta fraude in castra rediit.
43.2. There, however, the scarcity of corn forbade his remaining many days, and new plans were daily forming, not only amongst the soldiers, the mingled offscourings of every race on earth, but even in the mind of the general himself.
43.2. ibi plures dies propter inopiam frumenti manere nequit, nouaque consilia in dies non apud milites solum mixtos ex conluuione omnium gentium sed etiam apud ducem ipsum oriebantur.
43.3. For when the men, with murmurs at first and afterwards with loud clamours, demanded their arrears of pay, and complained at first of the scarcity of corn, and finally of being starved; and when the report went round that the mercenaries —particularly those of Spanish blood —had resolved on going over to the enemy; they say that even Hannibal himself had thoughts of abandoning all his infantry and saving himself and his cavalry by escaping into Gaul.
43.3. nam cum initio fremitus, deinde aperta uociferatio fuisset exposcentium stipendium debitum querentiumque annonam primo, postremo famem, et mercennarios milites, maxime Hispani generis, de transitione cepisse consilium fama esset, ipse etiam interdum Hannibal de fuga in Galliam dicitur agitasse ita ut relicto peditatu omni cum equitibus se proriperet.
43.5. Such being the projects that were entertained in camp and such the temper of his soldiers, he decided to move from his present quarters to Apulia, where the climate was warmer and in consequence of this the harvest earlier; at the same time it would be the more difficult, the greater their distance from the enemy, for those of his followers who were fickle to desert.
43.5. cum haec consilia atque hic habitus animorum esset in castris, mouere inde statuit in calidiora atque eo maturiora messibus Apuliae loca, simul ut, quo longius ab hoste recessisset, eo transfugia impeditiora leuibus ingeniis essent.
43.6. He set out in the night, after making up some fires, as before, and leaving a few tents standing where they would be seen, so that the Romans might be withheld from following him through fear of an ambush, as before. But when the same Lucanian, Statilius, had made a thorough reconnaissance beyond the camp and on the other side of the mountains, and had reported seeing the enemy on the march a long way off, then the question of pursuing him began to be debated. The consuls were each of the same mind as they had always been; but Varro had the support of almost everybody, Paulus of none except Servilius, the consul of the year before.
43.6. profectus est nocte ignibus similiter factis tabernaculisque paucis in speciem relictis, ut insidiarum par priori metus contineret Romanos. sed per eundem Lucanum Statilium omnibus ultra castra transque montes exploratis, cum relatum esset uisum procul hostium agmen, tum de insequendo eo consilia agitari coepta.
43.8. The will of the majority prevailed, and they set forward, under the urge of destiny, to make Cannae famous for the calamity which there befell the Romans. This was the village near which Hannibal had pitched his camp, with his back to the Volturnus, a wind that brings clouds of dust over the drought-parched plains.
43.8. cum utriusque consulis eadem quae ante semper fuisset sententia, ceterum Uarroni fere omnes, Paulo nemo praeter Seruilium, prioris anni consulem, adsentiretur, <ex> maioris partis sententia ad nobilitandas clade Romana Cannas urgente fato profecti sunt.
43.10. Such a disposition was very convenient for the camp itself and bound to be particularly salutary when the troops formed up for battle, facing in the opposite direction, with the wind blowing only on their backs, and ready to fight with enemies half-blinded by the dust driven into their faces.
43.10. prope eum uicum Hannibal castra posuerat auersa a Uolturno uento, qui campis torridis siccitate nubes pulueris uehit. id cum ipsis castris percommodum fuit, tum salutare praecipue futurum erat cum aciem dirigerent, ipsi auersi terga tantum adflante uento in occaecatum puluere offuso hostem pugnaturi.
44.1. The consuls, after making a sufficient reconnaissance of the roads, followed the Phoenicians until they came to Cannae, where, having the enemy in view, they divided their forces, as they had done before, and fortified two camps, at about the same distance from one another as at Gereonium.
44.1. consules satis exploratis itineribus sequentes Poenum, ut uentum ad Cannas est et in conspectu Poenum habebant, bina castra communiunt, eodem ferme interuallo quo ad Gereonium sicut ante copiis diuisis.
44.2. The river Aufidus, flowing past both their camps, was readily accessible to water-carriers at such spots as were convenient for each, though not without fighting;
44.2. Aufidus amnis, utrisque castris adfluens, aditum aquatoribus ex sua cuiusque opportunitate haud sine certamine dabat;
44.3. it was, however, from the smaller camp, which was situated across the Aufidus, that the Romans could fetch water more freely, since the enemy had no troops posted on the further bank.
44.3. ex minoribus tamen castris, quae posita trans Aufidum erant, liberius aquabantur Romani, quia ripa ulterior nullum habebat hostium praesidium.
44.4. Hannibal had conceived a hope that the consuls would give him an opportunity of fighting in a place that was formed by nature for a cavalry action, in which arm he was invincible. He therefore drew out his men in battle array and ordered the Numidians to make a sally and provoke the enemy.
44.4. Hannibal spem nanctus locis natis ad equestrem pugnam, qua parte uirium inuictus erat, facturos copiam pugnandi consules, dirigit aciem lacessitque Numidarum procursatione hostes.
44.5. This caused the camp of the Romans to be once more the scene of strife amongst the soldiers and dissension between the consuls. Paulus cast in Varro's teeth the recklessness of Sempronius and Flaminius;
44.5. inde rursus sollicitari seditione militari ac discordia consulum Romana castra, cum Paulus Sempronique et Flamini temeritatem Uarroni Uarro speciosum timidis ac segnibus ducibus exemplum Fabium obiceret testareturque deos hominesque hic nullam penes se culpam esse, quod Hannibal iam uel<ut> usu cepisset Italiam;
44.6. Varro retorted that Fabius was a specious example for timid and slothful generals, and called on gods and men to witness that it was through no fault of his that Hannibal had by now acquired as it were a prescriptive right to Italy, for he was kept in fetters by his colleague, and the soldiers, enraged as they were and eager to fight, were deprived of swords and arms. Paulus rejoined that if anything untoward should befall the legions, recklessly abandoned to an ill-advised and rash engagement, he would himself be guiltless of all blame, but would share in all the consequences; let Varro, he said, see to it, that where tongues were bold and ready, hands —when it came to fighting —were no less so.
44.6. se constrictum a collega teneri; ferrum atque arma iratis et pugnare cupientibus adimi militibus; ille, si quid proiectis ac proditis ad inconsultam atque improuidam pugnam legionibus accideret, se omnis culpae exsortem, omnis euentus participem fore diceret; uideret ut quibus lingua prompta ac temeraria, aeque in pugna uigerent manus.
45.1. While they wasted time, rather quarrelling than consulting, Hannibal withdrew the rest of his troops, whom he had kept in line till far on in the day, into his camp, and sent the Numidians across the river to attack the men from the smaller Roman camp who were fetching water.
45.1. dum altercationibus magis quam consiliis tempus teritur, Hannibal ex acie, quam ad multum diei tenuerat instructam, cum in castra ceteras reciperet copias, Numidas ad inuadendos ex minoribus castris Romanorum aquatores trans flumen mittit.
45.3. They had hardly come out upon the other bank when their shouts and tumult sent that unorganized rabble flying, and they rode on till they came to the party that was stationed in front of the rampart, and almost to the very gates.
45.3. quam inconditam turbam cum uixdum in ripam egressi clamore ac tumultu fugassent, in stationem quoque pro uallo locatam atque ipsas prope portas euecti sunt.
45.4. So wholly outrageous, however, did it seem that by now even a Roman camp should be terrorized by irregular auxiliaries, that only one thing kept the Romans from crossing the river forthwith and giving battle —the fact that Paulus happened then to be in command.
45.4. id uero indignum uisum ab tumultuario auxilio iam etiam castra Romana terreri, ut ea modo una causa ne extemplo transirent flumen dirigerentque aciem tenuerit Romanos quod summa imperii eo die penes Paulum fuerit.
45.5. The next morning, therefore, Varro, whom the lot had made commander for that day, hung out the signal, without saying a word of the matter to his colleague, and, making his troops fall in, led them over the river. Paulus followed him, for he could more easily disapprove the plan than deprive it of his help.
45.5. itaque postero die Uarro, cui sors eius diei imperii erat, nihil consulto collega signum proposuit instructasque copias flumen traduxit, sequente Paulo quia magis non probare quam non adiuuare consilium poterat.
45.6. Once across, they joined to their own the forces which they had kept in the smaller camp, and marshalled their battle-line as follows: on the right wing —the one nearer the river —they placed the Roman cavalry, and next them the Roman foot;
45.6. transgressi flumen eas quoque quas in castris minoribus habuerant copias suis adiungunt atque ita instructa acie in dextro cornu—id erat flumini propius—Romanos equites locant, deinde pedites:
45.7. the left wing had on the outside the cavalry of the allies; and nearer the centre, in contact with the Roman legions, the infantry of the allies. The slingers and other light-armed auxiliaries were formed up in front.
45.7. laeuum cornu extremi equites sociorum, intra pedites, ad medium iuncti legionibus Romanis, tenuerunt: iaculatores ex ceteris leuium armorum auxiliis prima acies facta.
45.8. The consuls had charge of the wings, Terentius of the left, Aemilius of the right; and Geminus Servilius was entrusted with the centre.
45.8. consules cornua tenuerunt, Terentius laeuum, Aemilius dextrum: Gemino Seruilio media pugna tuenda data.
46.1. Hannibal crossed the river at break of day, after sending ahead of him the Baliares and the other light-armed troops, and posted each corps in line of battle, in the order in which he had brought it over. The Gallic and Spanish horse were next the river, on the left wing, facing the Roman cavalry;
46.1. Hannibal luce prima Baliaribus leuique alia armatura praemissa transgressus flumen, ut quosque traduxerat, ita in acie locabat, Gallos Hispanosque equites prope ripam laeuo in cornu aduersus Romanum equitatum;
46.3. the right wing was assigned to the Numidian horse; the centre was composed of infantry, so arranged as to have the Africans at both ends, and between them Gauls and Spaniards.
46.3. dextrum cornu Numidis equitibus datum media acie peditibus firmata ita ut Afrorum utraque cornua essent, interponerentur his medii Galli atque Hispani.
46.4. The Africans might have passed for an array of Romans, equipped as they were with arms captured partly at the Trebia but mostly at Lake Trasumennus.
46.4. Afros Romanam [magna ex parte] crederes aciem; ita armati erant armis et ad Trebiam ceterum magna ex parte ad Trasumennum captis.
46.5. The Gauls and the Spaniards had shields of almost the same shape; their swords were different in use and in appearance, those of the Gauls being very long and pointless, whilst the Spaniards, who attacked as a rule more by thrusting than by striking, had pointed ones that were short and handy. These tribes were more terrifying to look on than the others, because of the size of their bodies and the display they made of them.
46.5. Gallis Hispanisque scuta eiusdem formae fere erant, dispares ac dissimiles gladii, Gallis praelongi ac sine mucronibus, Hispano, punctim magis quam caesim adsueto petere hostem, breuitate habiles et cum mucronibus. ante alios habitus gentium harum cum magnitudine corporum, tum specie terribilis erat:
46.6. The Gauls were naked from the navel up; the Spaniards had formed up wearing crimson-bordered linen tunics that shone with a dazzling whiteness. The total number of the infantry who then took their place in line was forty thousand, of the cavalry ten thousand.
46.6. Galli super umbilicum erant nudi: Hispani linteis praetextis purpura tunicis, candore miro fulgentibus, constiterant. numerus omnium peditum qui tum stetere in acie milium fuit quadraginta, decem equitum.
46.7. The generals commanding on the wings were Hasdrubal on the left, Maharbal on the right; Hannibal himself, with his brother Mago, had the centre.
46.7. duces cornibus praeerant sinistro Hasdrubal, dextro Maharbal; mediam aciem Hannibal ipse cum fratre Magone tenuit.
46.8. The sun —whether they had so placed themselves on purpose or stood as they did by accident —was, very conveniently for both sides, on their flanks, the Romans looking south, the Phoenicians north.
46.8. sol seu de industria ita locatis seu quod forte ita stetere peropportune utrique parti obliquus erat Romanis in meridiem, Poenis in septentrionem uersis;
46.9. A wind —which those who live in those parts call Volturnus —beginning to blow against the Romans carried clouds of dust right into their faces and prevented them from seeing anything.
46.9. uentus—Uolturnum regionis incolae uocant—aduersus Romanis coortus multo puluere in ipsa ora uoluendo prospectum ademit.
47.1. With a shout the auxiliaries rushed forward and the battle began between the light-armed troops. Then the Gallic and Spanish horse which formed the left wing engaged with the Roman right in a combat very unlike a cavalry action.
47.1. clamore sublato procursum ab auxiliis et pugna leuibus primum armis commissa; deinde equitum Gallorum Hispanorumque laeuum cornu cum dextro Romano concurrit, minime equestris more pugnae;
47.2. For they had to charge front to front, there being no room to move out round the flank, for the river shut them in on one side and the ranks of infantry on the other.
47.2. frontibus enim aduersis concurrendum erat, quia nullo circa ad euagandum relicto spatio hinc amnis, hinc peditum acies claudebant.
47.3. Both parties pushed straight ahead, and as the horses came to a standstill, packed together in the throng, the riders began to grapple with their enemies and drag them from their seats. They were fighting on foot now, for the most part; but sharp though the struggle was, it was soon over, and the defeated Roman cavalry turned and fled.
47.3. in derectum utrimque nitentes, stantibus ac confertis postremo turba equis uir uirum amplexus detrahebat equo. pedestre magna iam ex parte certamen factum erat; acrius tamen quam diutius pugnatum est pulsique Romani equites terga uertunt.
47.4. Towards the end of the cavalry engagement the infantry got into action. At first they were evenly matched in strength and courage, as long as the Gauls and Spaniards maintained their ranks;
47.4. sub equestris finem certaminis coorta est peditum pugna, primo et uiribus et animis par dum constabant ordines Gallis Hispanisque;
47.5. but at last the Romans, by prolonged and frequent efforts, pushing forward with an even front and a dense line, drove in the wedge-like formation which projected from the enemy's line, for it was too thin to be strong;
47.5. tandem Romani, diu ac saepe conisi, aequa fronte acieque densa impulere hostium cuneum nimis tenuem eoque parum ualidum, a cetera prominentem acie.
47.6. and then, as the Gauls and Spaniards gave way and fell back in confusion, pressed forward and without once stopping forced their way through the crowd of fleeing, panic-stricken foes, till they reached first the centre and ultimately —for they met with no resistance —the African supports.
47.6. impulsis deinde ac trepide referentibus pedem institere ac tenore uno per praeceps pauore fugientium agmen in mediam primum aciem inlati, postremo nullo resistente ad subsidia Afrorum peruenerunt, qui utrimque reductis alis constiterant †media, qua Galli Hispanique steterant, aliquantum prominente acie†.
47.7. These had been used to form the two wings, which had been drawn back, while the centre, where the Gauls and Spaniards had been stationed, projected somewhat. When this wedge was first driven back so far as to straighten the front, and then, continuing to yield, even left a hollow in the centre, the Africans had already begun a flanking movement on either side, and as the Romans rushed incautiously in between, they enveloped them, and presently, extending their wings, crescent-wise, even closed in on their rear.
47.7. qui cuneus ut pulsus aequauit frontem primum, dein cedendo etiam [in] sinum in medio dedit, Afri circa iam cornua fecerant inruentibusque incaute in medium Romanis circumdedere alas;
47.8. From this moment the Romans, who had gained one battle to no purpose, gave over the pursuit and slaughter of the Gauls and Spaniards and began a new fight with the Africans. In this they were at a twofold disadvantage: they were shut in, while their enemies ranged on every side of them; they were tired, and faced troops that were fresh and strong.
47.8. mox cornua extendendo clausere et ab tergo hostes. hinc Romani, defuncti nequiquam [de] proelio uno, omissis Gallis Hispanisque, quorum terga ceciderant, [et] aduersus Afros integram pugnam ineunt, non tantum [in] eo iniquam quod inclusi aduersus circumfusos sed etiam quod fessi cum recentibus ac uegetis pugnabant.
48.1. By this time the Roman left, where the cavalry of the allies had taken position facing the Numidians, was also engaged, though the fighting was at first but sluggish. It began with a Punic ruse.
48.1. iam et sinistro cornu Romanis, ubi sociorum equites aduersus Numidas steterant, consertum proelium erat, segne primo et a Punica coeptum fraude.
48.2. About five hundred Numidians, who, in addition to their customary arms and missiles, carried swords concealed under their corslets, pretended to desert. Riding over from their own side, with their bucklers at their backs, they suddenly dismounted and threw down bucklers and javelins at the feet of their enemies. Being received into the midst of their ranks they were conducted to the rear and ordered to fall in behind.
48.2. quingenti ferme Numidae, praeter solita arma telaque gladios occultos sub loricis habentes, specie transfugarum cum ab suis parmas post terga habentes adequitassent, repente ex equis desiliunt parmisque et iaculis ante pedes hostium proiectis in mediam aciem accepti ductique ad ultimos considere ab tergo iubentur. ac dum proelium ab omni parte conseritur, quieti manserunt;
48.4. And while the battle was getting under way at every point, they kept quite still; but no sooner were the minds and eyes of all absorbed in the struggle, than they snatched up the shields which lay strewn about everywhere amongst the heaps of slain, and assailing the Romans from behind and striking at their backs and hamstrings, effected a great slaughter and a terror and confusion that were even greater.
48.4. postquam omnium animos oculosque occupauerat certamen, tum arreptis scutis, quae passim inter aceruos caesorum corporum strata erant, auersam adoriuntur Romanam aciem, tergaque ferientes ac poplites caedentes stragem ingentem ac maiorem aliquanto pauorem ac tumultum fecerunt.
48.5. And now in one place there was a panic rout and in another an obstinate though hopeless struggle, when Hasdrubal, who commanded in that part of the field, withdrew the Numidians from the centre —since they fought but half-heartedly against men who met them face to face —and dispatching them in pursuit of the scattered fugitives, sent in the Spanish and Gallic cavalry to help the Africans, who were now almost exhausted, though more with slaying than with fighting.
48.5. cum alibi terror ac fuga, alibi pertinax in mala iam spe proelium esset, †Hasdrubal† qui ea parte praeerat, subductos ex media acie Numidas, quia segnis eorum cum aduersis pugna erat, ad persequendos passim fugientes mittit, Hispanos et Gallos pedites Afris prope iam fessis caede magis quam pugna adiungit.
49.1. In the other part of the field Paulus, although he had received a severe wound from a sling at the very outset of the battle, nevertheless repeatedly opposed himself to Hannibal, with his men in close formation, and at several points restored the
49.1. parte altera pugnae Paulus, quamquam primo statim proelio funda grauiter ictus fuerat, tamen et occurrit saepe cum confertis Hannibali et aliquot locis proelium restituit,
49.3. fight. He was guarded by Roman cavalry, who finally let their horses go, as the consul was growing too weak even to control his horse. At this Hannibal, being told by someone that the consul had ordered his troopers to dismount, is said to have exclaimed: “How much better if he had handed them over to me in ” “fetters!”
49.3. protegentibus eum equitibus Romanis, omissis postremo equis, quia consulem et ad regendum equum uires deficiebant. tum denuntianti cuidam iussisse consulem ad pedes descendere equites dixisse Hannibalem ferunt: 'quam mallem, uinctos mihi traderet.'
49.4. The dismounted horsemen fought as men no longer doubting that the enemy must be victorious. They were beaten, but chose rather to die where they stood than to run away; and the victors, angry that their victory was thus delayed, cut them down, when they could not rout them. But they routed them at last, when only a few were left, exhausted with fighting and with wounds.
49.4. equitum pedestre proelium, quale iam haud dubia hostium uictoria, fuit, cum uicti mori in uestigio mallent quam fugere, uictores morantibus uictoriam irati trucidarent quos pellere non poterant. pepulerunt tamen iam paucos superantes et labore ac uolneribus fessos. inde dissipati omnes sunt, equosque ad fugam qui poterant repetebant.
49.6. The survivors were now all dispersed, and those who could attempted to regain their horses and escape.
49.6. Cn. Lentulus tribunus militum cum praeteruehens equo sedentem in saxo cruore oppletum consulem uidisset, ' L.
49.7. Gnaeus Lentulus, a tribune of the soldiers, as he rode by on his horse, caught sight of the consul sitting on a stone and covered with blood.
49.7. Aemili ' inquit, 'quem unum insontem culpae cladis hodiernae dei respicere debent, cape hunc equum, dum et tibi uirium aliquid superest <et> comes ego te tollere possum ac protegere.
49.8. “Lucius Aemilius,” he cried, “on whom the gods ought to look down in mercy, as the only man without guilt in this day's disaster, take this horse, while you have still a little strength remaining and I can attend you and raise you up and guard ” “you.
49.8. ne funestam hanc pugnam morte consulis feceris; etiam sine hoc lacrimarum satis luctusque est.'
49.9. Make not this battle calamitous by a consul's death; even without that there are tears and grief enough.” To this the consul answered, “All honour, Cornelius, to your ” “manhood!
49.9. ad ea consul: 'tu quidem, Cn. Corneli, macte uirtute esto; sed caue, frustra miserando exiguum tempus e manibus hostium euadendi absumas.
49.10. But waste not in unavailing pity the little time you have to escape the enemy. Go, and tell the senators in public session to fortify the City of Rome and garrison it strongly before the victorious enemy draws near: in private say to Quintus Fabius that Lucius Aemilius has lived till this hour and now dies remembering his ” “precepts.
49.10. abi, nuntia publice patribus urbem Romanam muniant ac priusquam uictor hostis adueniat praesidiis firment; priuatim Q. Fabio L. Aemilium praeceptorum eius memorem et uixisse [et] adhuc et mori.
49.11. As for me, let me breathe my last in the midst of my slaughtered soldiers, lest either for a second time I be brought to trial after being consul, or else stand forth the accuser of my colleague, blaming another in defence of my own ” “innocence.”
49.11. me in hac strage militum meorum patere exspirare, ne aut reus iterum e consulatu sim <aut> accusator collegae exsistam ut alieno crimine innocentiam meam protegam.'
49.12. While they were speaking, there came up with them first a crowd of fleeing Romans, and then the enemy, who overwhelmed the consul, without knowing who he was, beneath a rain of missiles.
49.12. haec eos agentes prius turba fugientium ciuium, deinde hostes oppressere; consulem ignorantes quis esset obruere telis, Lentulum in tumultu abripuit equus. tum undique effuse fugiunt.
49.13. Lentulus, thanks to his horse, escaped in the confusion. The rout was now everywhere complete. Seven thousand men escaped into the smaller camp, ten thousand into the larger, and about two thousand into the village of Cannae itself.
49.13. septem milia hominum in minora castra, decem in maiora, duo ferme in uicum ipsum Cannas perfugerunt, qui extemplo a Carthalone atque equitibus nullo munimento tegente uicum circumuenti sunt.
49.14. These last were immediately cut off by Carthalo and his cavalry, for the village was not fortified. The other consul, whether by accident or by design, had not joined any throng of fugitives, but fled to Venusia with some fifty horsemen.
49.14. consul alter, seu forte seu consilio nulli fugientium insertus agmini, cum quinquaginta fere equitibus Uenusiam perfugit.
49.15. It is said that forty-five thousand five hundred foot and two thousand seven hundred horse were slain, in an almost equal proportion of citizens and allies.
49.15. quadraginta quinque milia quingenti pedites, duo milia septingenti equites, et tantadem prope ciuium sociorumque pars, caesi dicuntur; in his ambo consulum quaestores, L.
49.16. In the number were the quaestors of both consuls, Lucius Atilius and Lucius Furius Bibaculus, and twenty-nine military tribunes, some of consular rank, some of praetorian or aedilician —amongst others are mentioned Gnaeus Servilius Geminus and Marcus Minucius, who had been master of the horse in the preceding years and consul several years before —and besides these, eighty senators or men who had held offices which would have given them the right to be elected to the senate, but had volunteered to serve as soldiers in the
49.16. Atilius et L. Furius Bibaculus, et undetriginta tribuni militum, consulares quidam praetoriique et aedilicii—inter eos Cn. Seruilium Geminum et M. Minucium numerant, qui magister equitum priore anno, <consul> aliquot annis ante fuerat—octoginta praeterea aut senatores aut qui eos magistratus gessissent unde in senatum legi deberent cum sua uoluntate milites in legionibus facti essent.
49.18. legions. The prisoners taken in this battle are said to have numbered three thousand foot-soldiers and fifteen hundred horsemen.
49.18. capta eo proelio tria milia peditum et equites mille et quingenti dicuntur.
50.1. Such was the battle of Cannae, a calamity as memorable as that suffered at the Allia, and though less grave in its results —because the enemy failed to follow up his victory —yet for the slaughter of the army even more grievous and disgraceful.
50.1. haec est pugna <Cannensis>, Alliensi cladi nobilitate par, ceterum ut illis quae post pugnam accidere leuior, quia ab hoste est cessatum, sic strage exercitus grauior foediorque. fuga namque ad Alliam sicut urbem prodidit, ita exercitum seruauit:
50.3. For the flight at the Allia, though it betrayed the City, saved the army: at Cannae the consul who fled was accompanied by a scant fifty men; the other, dying, had well-nigh the entire army with him. In the two Roman camps the crowd was half-armed and destitute of leaders. The men in the larger camp sent a messenger bidding those in the smaller one come over to them in the night, while the enemy, exhausted by the fighting and by the feasting that had followed on their triumph, were sunk in sleep: they would then set out in one body for Canusium.
50.3. ad Cannas fugientem consulem uix quinquaginta secuti sunt, alterius morientis prope totus exercitus fuit. binis in castris cum multitudo semiermis sine ducibus esset, nuntium qui in maioribus erant mittunt, dum proelio, deinde ex laetitia epulis fatigatos quies nocturna hostes premeret ut ad se transirent: uno agmine Canusium abituros esse.
50.5. This plan some were for totally rejecting. Why, they asked, did not those who summoned them come themselves to the smaller camp, where they could just as well effect a junction? Clearly because the ground between was covered with enemies and they preferred to expose to such danger the persons of others rather than their own. Some were not so much displeased with the plan as wanting in resolution.
50.5. eam sententiam alii totam aspernari; cur enim illos, qui se arcessant, ipsos non uenire, cum aeque coniungi possent? quia uidelicet plena hostium omnia in medio essent, et aliorum quam sua corpora tanto periculo mallent obicere. aliis non tam sententia displicere quam animus deesse:
50.6. Then said the military tribune Publius Sempronius Tuditanus: "So you had rather be captured by the greediest and most cruel of foes, and be appraised at so much a head by those who ask, 'Are you a Roman citizen or a Latin ally?' in order that from the insults and misery you suffer, the other may win distinction?
50.6. P. Sempronius Tuditanus tribunus militum 'capi ergo mauoltis' inquit, 'ab auarissimo et crudelissimo hoste aestimarique capita uestra et exquiri pretia ab interrogantibus Romanus ciuis sis an Latinus socius, et ex tua contumelia et miseria alteri honos quaeratur?
50.7. 'Not so!' each man will answer, if you are indeed fellow citizens of Lucius Aemilius the consul, who preferred an honourable death to life with ignominy, and of all those heroes who lie in heaps around him!
50.7. non tu, si quidem L. Aemili consulis, qui se bene mori quam turpiter uiuere maluit, et tot fortissimorum uirorum qui circa eum cumulati iacent ciues estis.
50.8. But before daylight surprises us and the enemy blocks our way in greater force, let us break out through these men that are clamouring in disorder and confusion at our gates.
50.8. sed antequam opprimit lux maioraque hostium agmina obsaepiunt iter, per hos, qui inordinati atque incompositi obstrepunt portis, erumpamus.
50.9. With a sword and a stout heart a man may pass through enemies, be they never so thick. In close formation you may scatter this loose and unorganized force as though there were nothing in your way. Follow me, then, as many of you as desire safety for yourselves and for the commonwealth!
50.9. ferro atque audacia uia fit quamuis per confertos hostes. cuneo quidem hoc laxum atque solutum agmen, ut si nihil obstet, disicias. itaque ite mecum qui et uosmet ipsos et rem publicam saluam uoltis'.
50.10. "Uttering these words he grasped his sword, and, forming a column, strode away through the midst of the enemy; and when the Numidians hurled missiles at their right sides, which were unprotected, they shifted their shields to the right and so got through, about six hundred of them, to the larger camp; and thence, after being joined by the other great body of men, they made their way at once without loss to Canusium.
50.10. haec ubi dicta dedit, stringit gladium cuneoque facto per medios uadit hostes et, cum in latus dextrum quod patebat Numidae iacularentur, translatis in dextrum scutis in maiora castra ad sescenti euaserunt atque inde protinus alio magno agmine adiuncto Canusium incolumes perueniunt.
50.12. These things the conquered did rather from the urge of such courage as each derived from his own nature or from chance than in consequence of their own deliberation or any man's authority.
50.12. haec apud uictos magis impetu animorum, quos ingenium suum cuique aut fors dabat, quam ex consilio ipsorum aut imperio cuiusquam agebatur.
51.1. Hannibal's officers crowded round him with congratulations on his victory. The others all advised him, now that he had brought so great a war to a conclusion, to repose himself and to allow his weary soldiers to repose for the remainder of that day and the following night.
51.1. Hannibali uictori cum ceteri circumfusi gratularentur suaderentque ut, tanto perfunctus bello, diei quod reliquum esset noctisque insequentis quietem et ipse sibi sumeret et fessis daret militibus, Maharbal praefectus equitum, minime cessandum ratus, 'immo ut quid hac pugna sit actum scias, die quinto' inquit, 'uictor in Capitolio epulaberis.
51.2. But Maharbal, the commander of the cavalry, held that no time should be lost. “Nay,” he cried, “that you may realize what has been accomplished by this battle, in five days you shall banquet in the Capitol! Follow after; I will precede you with the cavalry, that the Romans may know that you are there before they know that you are coming!” To Hannibal the idea was too joyous and too vast for his mind at once to grasp it. And so, while praising Maharbal's goodwill, he declared that he must have time to deliberate regarding his advice.
51.2. sequere; cum equite, ut prius uenisse quam uenturum sciant, praecedam.' Hannibali nimis laeta res est uisa maiorque quam ut eam statim capere animo posset. itaque uoluntatem se laudare Maharbalis ait; ad consilium pensandum temporis opus esse.
51.4. Then said Maharbal, “In very truth the gods bestow not on the same man all their gifts; you know how to gain a victory, Hannibal: you know not how to use one.” That day's delay is generally believed to have saved the City and the empire.
51.4. tum Maharbal: 'non omnia nimirum eidem di dedere. uincere scis, Hannibal; uictoria uti nescis.' mora eius diei satis creditur saluti fuisse urbi atque imperio.
51.5. The morning after, as soon as it was light, they pressed forward to collect the spoil and to gaze on a carnage that was ghastly even to enemies.
51.5. postero die ubi primum inluxit, ad spolia legenda foedamque etiam hostibus spectandam stragem insistunt.
51.6. There lay those thousands upon thousands of Romans, foot and horse indiscriminately mingled, as chance had brought them together in the battle or the rout. Here and there amidst the slain there started up a gory figure whose wounds had begun to throb with the chill of dawn, and was cut down by his enemies;
51.6. iacebant tot Romanorum milia, pedites passim equitesque, ut quem cuique fors aut pugna iunxerat aut fuga; adsurgentes quidam ex strage media cruenti, quos stricta matutino frigore excitauerant uolnera, ab hoste oppressi sunt;
51.7. some were discovered lying there alive, with thighs and tendons slashed, baring their necks and throats and bidding their conquerors drain the remnant of their blood.
51.7. quosdam et iacentes uiuos succisis feminibus poplitibusque inuenerunt nudantes ceruicem iugulumque et reliquum sanguinem iubentes haurire;
51.8. Others were found with their heads buried in holes dug in the ground. They had apparently made these pits for themselves, and heaping the dirt over their faces shut off their breath.
51.8. inuenti quidam sunt mersis in effossam terram capitibus quos sibi ipsos fecisse foueas obruentesque ora superiecta humo interclusisse spiritum apparebat.
51.9. But what most drew the attention of all beholders was a Numidian who was dragged out alive from under a dead Roman, but with mutilated nose and ears; for the Roman, unable to hold a weapon in his hands, had expired in a frenzy of rage, while rending the other with his teeth.
51.9. praecipue conuertit omnes subtractus Numida mortuo superincubanti Romano uiuus naso auribusque laceratis, cum manibus ad capiendum telum inutilibus, in rabiem ira uersa laniando dentibus hostem exspirasset.
52.1. After spending a good part of the day in gathering spoils, Hannibal proceeded to attack the smaller camp. The first thing that he did was to throw up an entrenchment which cut them off from the river.
52.1. spoliis ad multum diei lectis, Hannibal ad minora ducit castra oppugnanda et omnium primum brachio obiecto <a> flumine eos excludit;
52.2. But they were all so tired out from fighting and lack of sleep, as well as from wounds, that they surrendered even sooner than he had expected. The terms agreed upon were as follows: they were to give up their arms and horses; the ransom was fixed at three hundred chariot-pieces for every Roman, two hundred for every ally, and one hundred for every slave; on the payment of this price they were to go free, with a single garment each.
52.2. ceterum omnibus labore, uigiliis, uolneribus etiam fessis maturior ipsius spe deditio est facta. pacti ut arma atque equos traderent, in capita Romana trecenis nummis quadrigatis, in socios ducenis, in seruos centenis et ut eo pretio persoluto cum singulis abirent uestimentis, in castra hostes acceperunt traditique in custodiam omnes sunt, seorsum ciues sociique.
52.4. They then received their enemies into the camp and were all placed in custody, citizens being separated from allies. During the delay there, those in the larger camp who possessed sufficient strength and courage, amounting to four thousand foot and two hundred horse, had escaped, some in a body, others scattering —no less safely —over the country-side, and reached Canusium. The camp itself the wounded and timorous surrendered to the enemy on the same terms as the other.
52.4. dum ibi tempus teritur, interea cum ex maioribus castris, quibus satis uirium aut animi fuit, ad quattuor milia hominum et ducenti equites, alii agmine, alii palati passim per agros, quod haud minus tutum erat, Canusium perfugissent, castra ipsa ab sauciis timidisque eadem condicione qua altera tradita hosti.
52.5. It yielded enormous spoils, and except for the horses and men and such silver as there was — which was mostly on the harness of the horses, for they then used very little plate, especially when in the field —the rest of the booty was all given up to pillage.
52.5. praeda ingens parta est, et praeter equos uirosque et si quid argenti (quod plurimum in phaleris equorum erat; nam ad uescendum facto perexiguo, utique militantes, utebantur) omnis cetera praeda diripienda data est.
52.6. He then commanded the bodies of his dead to be brought into one place for burial. It is said that they numbered about eight thousand of his bravest men. Some historians state that the Roman consul, too, was sought out and given burial.
52.6. tum sepeliendi causa conferri in unum corpora suorum iussit; ad octo milia fuisse dicuntur fortissimorum uirorum. consulem quoque Romanum conquisitum sepultumque quidam auctores sunt.
52.7. Those who escaped to Canusium were aided by an Apulian woman of birth and fortune named Busa. The townspeople had merely afforded them the protection of the walls and shelter, but she provided them with corn, clothing, and money for the way, in return for which munificence she was afterwards, on the conclusion of the war, voted honours by the senate.
52.7. eos qui Canusium perfugerant mulier Apula nomine Busa, genere clara ac diuitiis, moenibus tantum tectisque a Canusinis acceptos, frumento, ueste, uiatico etiam iuuit, pro qua ei munificentia postea bello perfecto ab senatu honores habiti sunt.
53.1. Now though there were four tribunes of the soldiers on the ground —Quintus Fabius Maximus of the first legion, whose father had been dictator the year before, Lucius Publicius Bibulus and Publius Cornelius Scipio of the second legion, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had very recently been aedile, of the third legion —the
53.1. ceterum cum ibi tribuni militum quattuor essent, Fabius Maximus de legione prima, cuius pater priore anno dictator fuerat, et de legione secunda L. Publicius Bibulus et P. Cornelius Scipio et de legione tertia Ap. Claudius Pulcher, qui proxime aedilis fuerat, omnium consensu ad P.
53.3. supreme command was by unanimous consent made over to Publius Scipio, the merest youth, and to Appius Claudius.
53.3. Scipionem admodum adulescentem et ad Ap. Claudium summa imperii delata est.
53.4. These two were considering the general situation, in company with a few others, when Publius Furius Philus, the son of an ex-consul, came in and told them that they were idly entertaining a lost hope; the state was already given over and mourned as dead;
53.4. quibus consultantibus inter paucos de summa rerum nuntiat P. Furius Philus, consularis uiri filius, nequiquam eos perditam spem fouere; desperatam comploratamque rem esse publicam;
53.5. some of the young nobles, of whom Marcus Caecilius Metellus was the chief, were looking to the sea and ships, proposing to abandon Italy and flee for refuge to some king.
53.5. nobiles iuuenes quosdam, quorum principem L. Caecilium Metellum, mare ac naues spectare, ut deserta Italia ad regum aliquem transfugiant.
53.6. These evil tidings, dreadful in themselves and coming as a new distress on the top of so many disasters, stunned those who heard them with a dull amazement. But when they would have called a council to talk the matter over, young Scipio, the predestined leader in this war, declared that it was no matter for taking counsel:
53.6. quod malum, praeterquam atrox, super tot clades etiam nouum, cum stupore ac miraculo torpidos defixisset qui aderant et consilium aduocandum de eo censerent, negat consilii rem esse [Scipio] iuuenis, fatalis dux huiusce belli:
53.7. they must be bold and act, not deliberate, in the face of this great evil; let them take arms and go with him at once, as many as wished to save the state;
53.7. audendum atque agendum, non consultandum ait in tanto malo esse. irent secum extemplo armati qui rem publicam saluam uellent;
53.8. no camp was so truly the camp of the enemy as one where such thoughts were rife.
53.8. nulla uerius quam ubi ea cogitentur hostium castra esse.
53.9. He proceeded, with only a few followers, to the quarters of Metellus, where he found a gathering of the young men of whom he had been informed. Raising his sword over their heads, as they sat in consultation, “I solemnly swear,” he said, “that even as I myself shall not desert the republic of the Roman People, so likewise shall I suffer no other Roman citizen to do so;”
53.9. pergit ire sequentibus paucis in hospitium Metelli et, cum concilium ibi iuuenum de quibus allatum erat inuenisset, stricto super capita consultantium gladio, 'ex mei animi sententia' inquit, 'ut ego rem publicam populi Romani non deseram neque alium ciuem Romanum deserere patiar;
53.11. “if I wittingly speak false, may Jupiter Optimus Maximus utterly destroy me, my house, my family, and my estate.”
53.11. si sciens fallo, tum me, Iuppiter optime maxime, domum, familiam remque meam pessimo leto adficias.
53.12. “Marcus Caecilius, I call on you and the others who are present to swear after these terms, and if any refuse to swear, let him know that against him this sword is drawn.”
53.12. in haec uerba, L. Caecili, iures postulo, ceterique qui adestis. qui non iurauerit in se hunc gladium strictum esse sciat.'
53.13. Quaking as though they beheld the victorious Hannibal, all took the oath, and delivered themselves into the custody of Scipio.
53.13. haud secus pauidi quam si uictorem Hannibalem cernerent, iurant omnes custodiendosque semet ipsos Scipioni tradunt.
54.1. While this was happening at Canusium, about four thousand five hundred horse and foot, who had scattered over the country-side in flight, made their way to Venusia, to the consul.
54.1. eo tempore quo haec Canusi agebantur Uenusiam ad consulem ad quattuor milia et quingenti pedites equitesque, qui sparsi fuga per agros fuerant, peruenere.