---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 12 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 12. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 12. Book XXIII · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/12/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. AFTER the battle of Cannae and the capture and plunder of the camps, Hannibal had moved at once out of Apulia into Samnium, being invited into the land of the Hirpini by Statius Trebius, who promised that he would turn over Compsa to him.

> Latin: 1.1. Hannibal post Cannensem pugnam ltcastraquegt capta ac direpta confestim ex Apulia in Samnium mouerat, accitus in Hirpinos a Statio ltTrebiogt pollicente se Compsam traditurum.

[¶1] 1.2. Trebius was a Compsan of high rank among his people, but opposed by the party of the Mopsii, a family made powerful by the favour of the Romans.

> Latin: 1.2. Compsanus erat Trebius nobilis inter suos; sed premebat eum Mopsiorum factio, familiae per gratiam Romanorum potentis.

[¶2] 1.3. After the news of the battle of Cannae, and when the coming of Hannibal had been made known by utterances of Trebius, since the Mopsii had left the city, it was handed over to the Carthaginians without resistance and a garrison admitted.

> Latin: 1.3. post famam Cannensis pugnae uolgatumque Trebi sermonibus aduentum Hannibalis cum Mopsiani urbe excessissent, sine certamine tradita urbs Poeno praesidiumque acceptum est.

[¶3] 1.4. There Hannibal left all his booty and the baggage, divided his army, and ordered Mago either to take over such cities of that region as were deserting the Romans or to compel them to desert in case they refused. He himself made his way through the Campanian region to the Lower Sea, intending to attack Neapolis, that he might have a seaport.

> Latin: 1.4. ibi praeda omni atque impedimentis relictis, exercitu partito Magonem regionis eius urbes aut deficientes ab Romanis accipere aut detractantes cogere ad defectionem iubet, ipse per agrum Campanum mare inferum petit, oppugnaturus Neapolim, ut urbem maritimam haberet.

[¶4] 1.6. On entering the territory of the Neapolitans, he stationed some of the Numidians in ambush, wherever he conveniently could (and most of the roads are deep-cut and the turnings concealed). Other Numidians he ordered to ride up to the gates, making a display of the booty they were driving along before them from the farms.

> Latin: 1.6. ubi fines Neapolitanorum intrauit, Numidas partim in insidiis—et pleraeque cauae sunt uiae sinusque occulti—quacumque apte poterat disposuit, alios prae se actam praedam ex agris ostentantes obequitare portis iussit.

[¶5] 1.7. Against these men, because they seemed to be few in number and disorganized, a troop of cavalry made a sally, but being drawn into the ambush by the enemy's purposely retreating, it was overpowered.

> Latin: 1.7. in quos, quia nec multi et incompositi uidebantur, cum turma equitum erupisset, ab cedentibus consulto tracta in insidias circumuenta est;

[¶6] 1.8. And not a: man would have escaped if the proximity of the sea and the sight of vessels, chiefly of fishermen, not far from the shore had not given those who could swim a way of escape.

> Latin: 1.8. nec euasisset quisquam, ni mare propinquum et haud procul litore naues, piscatoriae pleraeque, conspectae peritis nandi dedissent effugium.

[¶7] 1.9. However a number of young nobles were captured or slain in that battle, among them, Hegeas, a cavalry commander, who fell as he rashly pursued the retreating.

> Latin: 1.9. aliquot tamen eo proelio nobiles iuuenes capti caesique, inter quos et Hegeas, praefectus equitum, intemperantius cedentes secutus cecidit.

[¶8] 1.10. From besieging the city the Carthaginian was deterred by the sight of walls such as by no means invited an attacker.

> Latin: 1.10. ab urbe oppugnanda Poenum absterruere conspecta moenia haudquaquam prompta oppugnanti.

[¶9] 2.1. Hannibal then directed his march to Capua, which was pampered by its long-continued prosperity and the favour of fortune, but, along with the general corruption, especially from the licence of the common people, who enjoyed an unlimited freedom.

> Latin: 2.1. inde Capuam flectit iter, luxuriantem longa felicitate atque indulgentia fortunae, maxime tamen inter corrupta omnia licentia plebis sine modo libertatem exercentis.

[¶10] 2.2. As for the senate, Pacuvius Calavius, a noble who was at the same time of the people's party, but had gained his influence by base arts, had made it subservient both to himself and to the common people.

> Latin: 2.2. senatum et sibi et plebi obnoxium Pacuuius Calauius fecerat, nobilis idem ac popularis homo, ceterum malis artibus nanctus opes.

[¶11] 2.3. He, being in their highest office, as is happened, in the year of the defeat at Lake Trasumennus, thought that the commons, long hostile to the senate, would use the opportunity of a revolution and dare to commit a great crime, namely, if Hannibal should come into the region with his victorious army, they would slay the senators and hand over Capua to the Carthaginians. A bad man, but not utterly abandoned, he preferred to dominate a state still intact rather than one that had been wrecked, yet believed that none was intact if deprived of its deliberative body. He accordingly entered upon a scheme to save the senate and at the same time to make it submissive to himself and to the commons.

> Latin: 2.3. is cum eo forte anno, quo res male gesta ad Trasumennum est, in summo magistratu esset, iam diu infestam senatui plebem ratus per occasionem nouandi res magnum ausuram facinus ut, si in ea loca Hannibal cum uictore exercitu uenisset, trucidato senatu traderet Capuam Poenis, improbus homo sed non ad extremum perditus, cum mallet incolumi quam euersa re publica dominari, nullam autem incolumem esse orbatam publico consilio crederet, rationem iniit qua et senatum seruaret et obnoxium sibi ac plebi faceret.

[¶12] 2.5. Summoning the senate he began by saying that, unless it should prove necessary, a plan to revolt from the Romans would by no means have his approval, since he had children by a daughter of Appius Claudius and had given a daughter in marriage to Marcus Livius at Rome.

> Latin: 2.5. uocato senatu cum sibi defectionis ab Romanis consilium placiturum nullo modo, nisi necessarium fuisset, praefatus esset, quippe qui liberos ex Ap.

[¶13] 2.6. But, he went on to say, something much more serious and more to be dreaded was impending;

> Latin: 2.6. Claudi filia haberet filiamque Romam nuptum M. Liuio dedisset; ceterum maiorem multo rem magisque timendam instare;

[¶14] 2.7. for the common people were not aiming to rid the state of the senate by a revolt, but by the massacre of the senate wished to hand over the republic, left helpless, to Hannibal and the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 2.7. non enim per defectionem ad tollendum ex ciuitate senatum plebem spectare sed per caedem senatus uacuam rem publicam tradere Hannibali ac Poenis uelle;

[¶15] 2.8. From that danger he could free them if they should leave it to him, and, forgetting civil conflicts, trust him. When, overcome by fear, they unanimously left matters to him, “I will shut you up,” he said, “in the Senate House and,” “just as if I were myself a sharer in the crime intended, by approving plans which it would be vain for me to oppose, I will find a way to save you.

> Latin: 2.8. eo se periculo posse liberare eos si permittant sibi et certaminum in re publica obliti credant,—cum omnes uicti metu permitterent, 'claudam' inquit 'in curia uos et, tamquam et ipse cogitati facinoris particeps, approbando consilia quibus nequiquam aduersarer uiam saluti uestrae inueniam.

[¶16] 2.9. For this accept a pledge, as you yourselves desire.”

> Latin: 2.9. in hoc fidem, quam uoltis ipsi, accipite.'

[¶17] 2.10. Having given the pledge he went out, ordered the Senate House to be closed and left a guard before the entrance, that no one might be able to enter the Senate House or leave it without his order.

> Latin: 2.10. fide data egressus claudi curiam iubet praesidiumque in uestibulo relinquit ne quis adire curiam iniussu suo neue inde egredi possit.

[¶18] 3.1. Then calling the people to an assembly he said: “You have often desired, Campanians, to have the power to exact punishment from a base and odious senate. That power you have, not by riotously storming, with great danger to yourselves, the houses of individuals who defend them with garrisons of clients and slaves, but you have the power secure and unrestricted.”

> Latin: 3.1. tum uocato ad contionem populo 'quod saepe' inquit 'optastis, Campani, ut supplicii sumendi uobis ex improbo ac detestabili senatu potestas esset, eam non per tumultum expugnantes domos singulorum, quas praesidiis clientium seruorumque tuentur, cum summo uestro periculo, sed tutam habetis ac liberam;

[¶19] 3.2. “As they are shut up there, every man of them, in the Senate House, seize them, left alone, unarmed!”

> Latin: 3.2. clausos omnes in curia accipite, solos, inermes.

[¶20] 3.3. “And do nothing in haste or at haphazard. I will give you the right to decide their fate in each separate case, so that each shall pay the penalty he has deserved.”

> Latin: 3.3. nec quicquam raptim aut forte temere egeritis; de singulorum capite uobis ius sententiae dicendae faciam, ut quas quisque meritus est poenas pendat;

[¶21] 3.4. “But above all things you should vent your wrath with due regard to the conviction that your safety and advantage are worth more than wrath. For it is these senators that you hate, I think; it is not your wish to have no senate at all.”

> Latin: 3.4. sed ante omnia ita uos irae indulgere oportet, ut potiorem ira salutem atque utilitatem uestram habeatis. etenim hos, ut opinor, odistis senatores, non senatum omnino habere non uoltis;

[¶22] 3.5. “In fact you must either have a king —save the mark! —or else a senate, the only deliberative body in a free state. And so you have two things to do at the same time —to do away with the old senate, and to choose a new one.”

> Latin: 3.5. quippe aut rex, quod abominandum, aut, quod unum liberae ciuitatis consilium est, senatus habendus est. itaque duae res simul agendae uobis sunt, ut et ueterem senatum tollatis et nouum cooptetis.

[¶23] 3.6. “I will order the senators to be called one by one and will consult you as to their fate. Whatever is your opinion in each case shall be done, but before punishment is inflicted on the guilty one you will choose in his place a brave and active man as a new senator.”

> Latin: 3.6. citari singulos senatores iubebo de quorum capite uos consulam; quod de quoque censueritis fiet; sed prius in eius locum uirum fortem ac strenuum nouum senatorem cooptabitis quam de noxio supplicium sumatur.'

[¶24] 3.7. He then sat down, and after the names had been placed in the urn, he ordered the first name drawn by lot to be called and the man himself to be led out of the Senate House.

> Latin: 3.7. inde consedit et nominibus in urnam coniectis citari quod primum sorte nomen excidit ipsumque e curia produci iussit.

[¶25] 3.8. On hearing the name every man shouted his loudest, that he was a bad man and base and deserved punishment.

> Latin: 3.8. ubi auditum est nomen, malum et improbum pro se quisque clamare et supplicio dignum.

[¶26] 3.9. Upon that Pacuvius said: “I see what your verdict is in this man's case; therefore in place of a bad man and base nominate a good and just senator.”

> Latin: 3.9. tum Pacuuius: 'uideo quae de hoc sententia sit; date igitur pro malo atque improbo bonum senatorem et iustum.'

[¶27] 3.10. At first there was silence from their inability to suggest a better man. Then when someone, overcoming his timidity, named a man, at once there was a much louder outcry, some saying they did not know him, others taunting him, now with shameful conduct, now with low rank and sordid poverty and the disreputable nature of his trade or business.

> Latin: 3.10. primo silentium erat inopia potioris subiciundi; deinde cum aliquis omissa uerecundia quempiam nominasset, multo maior extemplo clamor oriebatur, cum alii negarent nosse, alii nunc probra, nunc humilitatem sordidamque inopiam et pudendae artis aut quaestus genus obicerent.

[¶28] 3.12. All the more was this done in the case of the second and third senator called. So it was clear that people were dissatisfied with the man himself, but had no one to put in his place. For nothing was gained by once more naming the same men, who had been named only to be reviled. And the rest were much lower in rank and less known than those who first came to mind.

> Latin: 3.12. hoc multo magis in secundo ac tertio citato senatore est factum, ut ipsius paenitere homines appareret, quem autem in eius substituerent locum deesse, quia nec eosdem nominari attinebat, nihil aliud quam ad audienda probra nominatos, et multo humiliores obscurioresque ceteri erant eis qui primi memoriae occurrebant.

[¶29] 3.14. Accordingly men slipped away, saying that the most familiar evil is the most endurable, and bidding Pacuvius release the senate from confinement.

> Latin: 3.14. ita dilabi homines, notissimum quodque malum maxime tolerabile dicentes esse iubentesque senatum ex custodia dimitti.

[¶30] 4.1. In this way Pacuvius, having made the senate much more subservient to himself than to the common people by saving their lives, ruled without arms, as all now gave way to him.

> Latin: 4.1. hoc modo Pacuuius cum obnoxium uitae beneficio senatum multo sibi magis quam plebi fecisset, sine armis iam omnibus concedentibus dominabatur.

[¶31] 4.2. Thereafter the senators, forgetting their rank and freedom, flattered the common people, greeted them, invited them graciously, entertained them at well appointed feasts;

> Latin: 4.2. hinc senatores omissa dignitatis libertatisque memoria plebem adulari;

[¶32] 4.3. invariably undertook cases, appeared as counsel, or as jurors gave a verdict, only for that side which was the more popular and better suited to win favour with the populace.

> Latin: 4.3. salutare, benigne inuitare, apparatis accipere epulis, eas causas suscipere, ei semper parti adesse, secundum eam litem iudices dare quae magis popularis aptiorque in uolgus fauori conciliando esset;

[¶33] 4.4. Moreover, nothing was done in the senate otherwise than if a meeting of the common people was being held there. The state had always been inclined to luxury, not only from defects in character, but also from the abundant opportunity for indulgences and the beguilement of all the charms of sea and land. But at that time, thanks to the servility of the leading men and the licence of the common people, they were so unrestrained that no limit was set to passion or to expense.

> Latin: 4.4. iam uero nihil in senatu agi aliter quam si plebis ibi esset concilium. prona semper ciuitas in luxuriam non ingeniorum modo uitio sed afluenti copia uoluptatium et illecebris omnis amoenitatis maritimae terrestrisque, tum uero ita obsequio principum et licentia plebei lasciuire ut nec libidini nec sumptibus modus esset.

[¶34] 4.6. To their contempt for laws, the magistrates, the senate, there was now added, after the defeat at Cannae, their disparagement of the Roman power also, for which there used to be some respect.

> Latin: 4.6. ad contemptum legum, magistratuum, senatus accessit tum, post Cannensem cladem, ut, cuius aliqua uerecundia erat, Romanum quoque spernerent imperium.

[¶35] 4.7. All that held them back from at once revolting was that the long-established right of intermarriage had united many distinguished and powerful families with the Romans, and that, although a considerable number were serving on the Roman side, the strongest bond was the three hundred horsemen, noblest of the Campanians, who had been chosen to garrison Sicilian cities by the Romans and sent thither.

> Latin: 4.7. id modo erat in mora ne extemplo deficerent, quod conubium uetustum multas familias claras ac potentes Romanis miscuerat, et, quod maximum uinculum erat, trecenti equites, nobilissimus quisque Campanorum, cum militarent aliquando apud Romanos in praesidia Sicularum urbium delecti ab Romanis ac missi.

[¶36] 5.1. Their parents and relatives with difficulty carried their point, that representatives should be sent to the Roman consul. These men found the consul not yet departed for Canusium, but with a few half-armed men at Venusia, exciting the utmost pity in good allies, but contempt in the haughty and faithless, such as were the Campanians.

> Latin: 5.1. horum parentes cognatique aegre peruicerunt ut legati ad consulem Romanum mitterentur. ii nondum Canusium profectum sed Uenusiae cum paucis ac semiermibus consulem inuenerunt, quam poterant maxime miserabilem bonis sociis, superbis atque infidelibus, ut erant Campani, spernendum.

[¶37] 5.2. And the consul increased the contempt for his situation and for himself by needlessly uncovering and laying bare the disaster.

> Latin: 5.2. et auxit rerum suarum suique contemptum consul nimis detegendo cladem nudandoque.

[¶38] 5.3. For when the delegation had reported that the senate and the Campanian people were distressed that any reverse had befallen the Romans, and were promising everything that might be needed for the war, he said: “You, Campanians, have observed the customary manner of speaking to allies, in bidding me requisition whatever is needed for the war, rather than spoken conformably to the present state of our fortunes.”

> Latin: 5.3. nam cum legati aegre ferre senatum populumque Campanum aduersi quicquam euenisse Romanis nuntiassent pollicerenturque omnia quae ad bellum opus essent, 'morem magis' inquit 'loquendi cum sociis seruastis, Campani, iubentes quae opus essent ad bellum imperare, quam conuenienter ad praesentem fortunae nostrae statum locuti estis.

[¶39] 5.5. “For what has been left to us at Cannae, so that, as if we had something, we may wish what is lacking to be made up by the allies? Are we to requisition infantry from you, as though we had cavalry? Are we to say that money is lacking, as if that alone were lacking? Nothing has fortune left us, even to supplement.”

> Latin: 5.5. quid enim nobis ad Cannas relictum est ut, quasi aliquid habeamus, id quod deest expleri ab sociis uelimus? pedites uobis imperemus tamquam equites habeamus? pecuniam deesse dicamus tamquam ea tantum desit? nihil, ne quod suppleremus quidem, nobis reliquit fortuna.

[¶40] 5.6. “Legions, cavalry, arms, standards, horses and men, money and supplies have vanished either in the battle or in the loss of two camps the next day.”

> Latin: 5.6. legiones, equitatus, arma, signa, equi uirique, pecunia, commeatus aut in acie aut binis postero die amissis castris perierunt.

[¶41] 5.7. “And so you, Campanians, have not to help us in war, but almost to undertake the war in our stead.”

> Latin: 5.7. itaque non iuuetis nos in bello oportet, Campani, sed paene bellum pro nobis suscipiatis.

[¶42] 5.8. “Recall how, when your ancestors were once confined in alarm within their walls, dreading not only the Samnite enemy but also the Sidicinian, we took them under our protection and defended them at Saticula. Also how with varying fortunes we endured for almost a hundred years the war begun with the Samnites on your account.”

> Latin: 5.8. ueniat in mentem, ut trepidos quondam maiores uestros intra moenia compulsos, nec Samnitem modo hostem sed etiam Sidicinum pauentes, receptos in fidem ltadgt Saticulam defenderimus coeptumque propter uos cum Samnitibus bellum per centum prope annos uariante fortuna euentum tulerimus.

[¶43] 5.9. “Add to this that upon your submission we gave you a fair treaty and your own laws, and finally —and before the disaster at Cannae this was certainly the greatest privilege —our citizenship to a large number of you and shared it with you.”

> Latin: 5.9. adicite ad haec, quod foedus aequum deditis, quod leges uestras, quod ad extremum, id quod ante Cannensem certe cladem maximum fuit, ciuitatem nostram magnae parti uestrum dedimus communicauimusque uobiscum.

[¶44] 5.10. “A share, then, Campanians, you should believe you have in this disaster which has befallen us, and should think that you must defend the country in which you have a share.”

> Latin: 5.10. itaque communem uos hanc cladem quae accepta est credere, Campani, oportet, communem patriam tuendam arbitrari esse.

[¶45] 5.11. “Not with the Samnite or Etruscan is the struggle to have the power which has been wrested from us nevertheless remain in Italy. A Carthaginian enemy, not even of African origin, is dragging after him from the farthest limits of the world, from the strait of Ocean and the Pillars of Hercules, soldiers who are unacquainted with any civilized laws and organization and, one may almost add, language too.”

> Latin: 5.11. non cum Samnite aut Etrusco res est ut quod a nobis ablatum sit in Italia tamen imperium maneat; Poenus hostis ne Africae quidem indigenam ab ultimis terrarum oris, freto Oceani Herculisque columnis, expertem omnis iuris et condicionis et linguae prope humanae militem trahit.

[¶46] 5.12. “Ruthless and barbarous by nature and custom, these men have been further barbarized by the general himself, in making bridges and embankments of piled up human bodies, and by teaching them —horrible even to relate —to feed upon the bodies of men.”

> Latin: 5.12. hunc natura et moribus immitem ferumque insuper dux ipse efferauit, pontibus ac molibus ex humanorum corporum strue faciendis et, quod proloqui etiam piget, uesci corporibus humanis docendo.

[¶47] 5.13. “To see and have as our masters men who fatten upon these unspeakable feasts, men whom it is a crime even to touch, and to get our law from Africa and Carthage, and to allow Italy to be a province of the Numidians and the Mauri —who, if merely born in Italy, would not find that abominable?”

> Latin: 5.13. his infandis pastos epulis, quos contingere etiam nefas sit, uidere atque habere dominos et ex Africa et a Carthagine iura petere et Italiam Numidarum ac Maurorum pati prouinciam esse, cui non, genito modo in Italia, detestabile sit?

[¶48] 5.14. “It will be a glorious thing, Campanians, if the Roman power, brought low by disaster, shall have been maintained and restored by your loyalty and your resources.”

> Latin: 5.14. pulchrum erit, Campani, prolapsum clade Romanum imperium uestra fide, uestris uiribus retentum ac reciperatum esse.

[¶49] 5.15. “Thirty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand horsemen can be enrolled from Campania, I believe. Moreover you have sufficient money and grain. If you have a loyalty to match your prosperity Hannibal will not be aware of his victory, nor the Romans of their defeat.”

> Latin: 5.15. triginta milia peditum, quattuor milia equitum arbitror ex Campania scribi posse; iam pecuniae adfatim est frumentique. si parem fortunae uestrae fidem habetis, nec Hannibal se uicisse sentiet nec Romani uictos esse.'

[¶50] 6.1. After this speech of the consul the legates were dismissed, and on their way home Vibius Virrius, one of them, said the time had come when the Campanians could not only recover the territory formerly taken from them unjustly by the Romans, but could also gain authority over Italy. For they would make a treaty with Hannibal on their own terms.

> Latin: 6.1. ltabgt hac oratione consulis dimissis redeuntibusque domum legatis unus ex iis Uibius Uirrius tempus uenisse ait, quo Campani non agrum solum ab Romanis quondam per iniuriam ademptum reciperare sed imperio etiam Italiae potiri possint;

[¶51] 6.2. And there would be no doubt that, when Hannibal, upon the completion of the war, retired as victor to Africa and removed his army, authority over Italy would be left to the Campanians.

> Latin: 6.2. foedus enim cum Hannibale quibus uelint legibus facturos; neque controuersiam fore quin, cum ipse confecto bello Hannibal uictor in Africam decedat exercitumque deportet, Italiae imperium Campanis relinquatur.

[¶52] 6.3. Having agreed unanimously with these words of Virrius, they made such a report of their embassy that the Roman name seemed to all to have been blotted out.

> Latin: 6.3. haec Uirrio loquenti assensi omnes ita renuntiant legationem uti deletum omnibus uideretur nomen Romanum.

[¶53] 6.4. At once the populace and most of the senate were aiming to revolt.

> Latin: 6.4. extemplo plebes ad defectionem ac pars maior senatus spectare;

[¶54] 6.5. But action was postponed for a few days by the weighty advice of the older men. Finally the view of the majority prevailed, that the same legates who had gone to the Roman consul should be sent to Hannibal.

> Latin: 6.5. extracta tamen auctoritatibus seniorum per paucos dies est res. postremo uicit sententia plurium ut iidem legati qui ad consulem Romanum ierant ad Hannibalem mitterentur.

[¶55] 6.6. Before they went to him and' before the plan to revolt was settled upon, I find in some of the annals that legates were sent to Rome by the Campanians with the demand that, if they wished' them to aid the Roman state, one of the consuls should be a Campanian;

> Latin: 6.6. quo priusquam iretur certumque defectionis consilium esset, Romam legatos missos a Campanis in quibusdam annalibus inuenio, postulantes ut alter consul Campanus fieret, si rem Romanam adiuuari uellent;

[¶56] 6.7. that resentment was aroused and the legates were ordered to be removed from the Senate House, and that a lictor was sent to lead them out of the city and bid them lodge that night outside of Roman territory.

> Latin: 6.7. indignatione orta summoueri a curia iussos esse, missumque lictorem qui ex urbe educeret eos atque eo die manere extra fines Romanos iuberet.

[¶57] 6.8. Because there was once a suspiciously similar demand made by the Latins, and Coelius and other historians had not without reason omitted the matter, I have been afraid to set this down as established.

> Latin: 6.8. quia nimis compar Latinorum quondam postulatio erat Coeliusque et alii id haud sine causa praetermiserint scriptores, ponere pro certo sum ueritus.

[¶58] 7.1. The legates came to Hannibal and made an alliance with him on these terms: that no general or magistrate of the Carthaginians should have any authority over a Campanian citizen, and that no Campanian citizen should be a soldier or perform any service against his will;

> Latin: 7.1. legati ad Hannibalem uenerunt pacemque cum eo condicionibus fecerunt ne quis imperator magistratusue Poenorum ius ullum in ciuem Campanum haberet neue ciuis Campanus inuitus militaret munusue faceret;

[¶59] 7.2. that Capua should have its own laws, its own magistrates; that the Carthaginian should give the Campanians three hundred of the Roman captives of their own choosing, with whom there should be an exchange of the Campanian horsemen who were serving in Sicily.

> Latin: 7.2. ut suae leges, sui magistratus Capuae essent; ut trecentos ex Romanis captiuis Poenus daret Campanis, quos ipsi elegissent, cum quibus equitum Campanorum, qui in Sicilia stipendia facerent, permutatio fieret.

[¶60] 7.3. Such were the terms. In addition to what was agreed upon the Campanians perpetrated these misdeeds: the populace suddenly seized prefects of the allies and other Roman citizens, some of them employed in a military duty, some engaged in private business, and with the pretence of guarding them ordered them all to be confined in the baths, that there they might die a terrible death, being suffocated by the extreme heat.

> Latin: 7.3. haec pacta: illa insuper quam quae pacta erant facinora Campani ediderunt: nam praefectos socium ciuesque Romanos alios, partim aliquo militiae munere occupatos, partim priuatis negotiis implicitos, plebs repente omnes comprehensos uelut custodiae causa balneis includi iussit, ubi feruore atque aestu anima interclusa foedum in modum exspirarent.

[¶61] 7.4. Such conduct and the sending of an embassy to the Carthaginian had been opposed to the utmost by Decius Magius, a man who lacked nothing for the attainment of the highest authority except sanity on the part of the citizens.

> Latin: 7.4. ea ne fierent neu legatio mitteretur ad Poenum, summa ope Decius Magius, uir cui ad summam auctoritatem nihil praeter sanam ciuium mentem defuit, restiterat.

[¶62] 7.5. But when he heard that a garrison was being sent by Hannibal, recalling the haughty rule of Pyrrhus and the wretched servitude of the Tarentines as warning examples, he at first openly protested that the garrison should not be admitted; then, after it had been admitted, either that it should be driven out, or, if they wished to atone for their evil action in having revolted from their oldest allies and men of the same blood by a brave and notable act, that they should slay the Punic garrison and return to their Roman allegiance.

> Latin: 7.5. ut uero praesidium mitti ab Hannibale audiuit, Pyrrhi superbam dominationem miserabilemque Tarentinorum seruitutem exempla referens, primo ne reciperetur praesidium palam uociferatus est, deinde ut receptum aut eiceretur aut, si malum facinus quod a uetustissimis sociis consanguineisque defecissent forti ac memorabili facinore purgare uellent, ut interfecto Punico praesidio restituerent Romanis se.

[¶63] 7.7. When this was reported to Hannibal (for it was not done in secret), he first sent men to summon Magius to him at the camp. Then when the latter replied with spirit that he would not go, for Hannibal had no authority over a Campanian citizen, the Carthaginian was enraged and ordered the man to be seized and brought before him in chains.

> Latin: 7.7. haec— nec enim occulta agebantur—cum relata Hannibali essent, primo misit qui uocarent Magium ad sese in castra; deinde, cum is ferociter negasset se iturum nec enim Hannibali ius esse in ciuem Campanum, concitatus ira Poenus comprehendi hominem uinctumque attrahi ad sese iussit.

[¶64] 7.8. Later, fearing that in the use of force some commotion, and in view of the excitement some unpremeditated conflict, might occur, he first sent word to Marius Blossius, the Campanian magistrate, that he would be in Capua the next day, and then he set out from the camp with a small escort.

> Latin: 7.8. ueritus deinde ne quid inter uim tumultus atque ex concitatione animorum inconsulti certaminis oreretur, ipse praemisso nuntio ad Marium Blossium, praetorem Campanum, postero die se Capuae futurum, proficiscitur e castris cum modico praesidio.

[¶65] 7.9. Marius, calling an assembly, ordered them to go out to meet Hannibal en masse with wives and children. This was done by all not only obediently but also eagerly, owing to the enthusiasm of the crowd as well and the desire to go and see a general already famous for so many victories.

> Latin: 7.9. Marius contione aduocata edicit, ut frequentes cum coniugibus ac liberis obuiam irent Hannibali. ab uniuersis id non obedienter modo sed enixe, fauore etiam uolgi et studio uisendi tot iam uictoriis clarum imperatorem, factum est.

[¶66] 7.10. Decius Magius neither went out to meet him nor remained in seclusion, by doing which he might show some fear due to conscience. He strolled idly in the market-place with his son and a few clients, although the whole city was astir to welcome and to see the Carthaginian.

> Latin: 7.10. Decius Magius nec obuiam egressus est nec, quo timorem aliquem ex conscientia significare posset, priuatim se tenuit; in foro cum filio clientibusque paucis otiose inambulauit trepidante tota ciuitate ad excipiendum Poenum uisendumque.

[¶67] 7.11. Hannibal entered the city and at once demanded a session of the senate, and then when the leading Campanians begged him not to do any serious business that day, and that he should himself cheerfully and willingly honour the day gladdened by his coming, though he was naturally hot-tempered, still in order not to deny them anything at the start, he spent a large part of the day in seeing the city.

> Latin: 7.11. Hannibal ingressus urbem senatum extemplo postulat, precantibusque inde primoribus Campanorum ne quid eo die seriae rei gereret diemque ut ipse, aduentu suo festum, laetus ac libens celebraret, quamquam praeceps ingenio in iram erat, tamen, ne quid in principio negaret, uisenda urbe magnam partem diei consumpsit.

[¶68] 8.1. He lodged at the house of the Ninnii Celeres, the brothers Sthenius and Pacuvius, men distinguished for their rank and wealth.

> Latin: 8.1. deuersatus est apud Ninnios Celeres, Sthenium Pacuuiumque, inclitos nobilitate ac diuitiis.

[¶69] 8.2. To that house Pacuvius Calavius, of whom mention has been made above, leader of the party which had drawn the state to the side of the Carthaginians, came bringing his young son. He had got him away from the company of Decius Magius, with whom the son in the most confident spirit had stood up for the Roman alliance against a treaty with Carthage. And neither the decision of the state for the other side nor his father's high position had dislodged him from his opinion.

> Latin: 8.2. eo Pacuuius Calauius, de quo ante dictum est, princeps factionis eius quae traxerat rem ad Poenos, filium iuuenem adduxit abstractum ab Deci Magi latere, cum quo ferocissime pro Romana societate aduersus Punicum foedus steterat, nec eum aut inclinata in partem alteram ciuitas aut patria maiestas sententia depulerat.

[¶70] 8.4. Such was the young man to whom his father, rather by pleading than by excusing, reconciled Hannibal, and he, prevailed upon by the father's prayers and tears, even ordered that the son should be invited with the father to a dinner at which he was to have the company of no Campanian except his hosts and Vibellius Taurea, a distinguished soldier.

> Latin: 8.4. huic tum pater iuueni Hannibalem deprecando magis quam purgando placauit, uictusque patris precibus lacrimisque etiam ad cenam eum cum patre uocari iussit, cui conuiuio neminem Campanum praeterquam hospites Uibelliumque Tauream, insignem bello uirum, adhibiturus erat.

[¶71] 8.6. They began feasting by daylight, and the banquet was not according to Carthaginian custom or military regimen, but provided with all that tempts indulgence, as it was to be expected in a city, and a house as well, of wealth and luxury.

> Latin: 8.6. epulari coeperunt de die, et conuiuium non ex more Punico aut militari disciplina esse sed, ut in ciuitate atque etiam domo diti ac luxuriosa, omnibus uoluptatium inlecebris instructum.

[¶72] 8.7. Calavius the son was the only one who could not be prevailed upon to drink either by the invitation of the owners or even, now and then, of Hannibal. He himself pleaded ill health as an excuse, while his father alleged distress of mind also, at which one could not wonder.

> Latin: 8.7. unus nec dominorum inuitatione nec ipsius interdum Hannibalis Calauius filius perlici ad uinum potuit, ipse ualetudinem excusans patre animi quoque eius haud mirabilem perturbationem causante.

[¶73] 8.8. About sunset the son followed the elder Calavius coming out from the feast, and when they had reached a secluded spot —it was a garden in the rear of the house —he said: “I propose a plan, father, by which we may not only gain pardon from the Romans for our offence in having revolted to Hannibal, but as Campanians may be in a position of much greater respect and favour than we should ever have been otherwise.”

> Latin: 8.8. solis ferme occasu patrem Calauium ex conuiuio egressum secutus filius, ubi in secretum—hortus erat posticis aedium partibus— peruenerunt, 'consilium' inquit 'adfero, pater, quo non ueniam solum peccati, quod defecimus ad Hannibalem, impetraturi ab Romanis sed in multo maiore dignitate et gratia simus Campani ltfuturigt quam unquam fuimus.

[¶74] 8.10. When the astonished father asked what that plan was, the son throwing his toga off his shoulder bared his side girt with a sword.

> Latin: 8.10. cum mirabundus pater quidnam id esset consilii quaereret, toga reiecta ab umero latus succinctum gladio nudat.

[¶75] 8.11. “Presently,” he said, “I will ratify a treaty with the Romans by the blood of Hannibal. I wished you to know that in advance, in case you should prefer not to be there when the deed is being done.”

> Latin: 8.11. 'iam ego' inquit 'sanguine Hannibalis sanciam Romanum foedus. te id prius scire uolui, si forte abesse, dum facinus patratur, malles.'

[¶76] 9.1. When the old man saw and heard that, he was beside himself with fear, as if he were already present at the execution of the plan of which he was being told, and said: “I pray and implore you, my son, by all the rights which link children to their parents, not to do and suffer all that is unutterable before the eyes of your father.”

> Latin: 9.1. quae ubi uidit audiuitque senex, uelut si iam agendis quae audiebat interesset, amens metu 'per ego te' inquit, 'fili, quaecumque iura liberos iungunt parentibus, precor quaesoque ne ante oculos patris facere et pati omnia infanda uelis.

[¶77] 9.3. “It is but a few hours since, with an oath by all the gods that exist and joining our right hands to his, we pledged our honour. Was it with the intention, as soon as we left the conference, to arm against him the hands hallowed by our plighted faith?”

> Latin: 9.3. paucae horae sunt intra quas iurantes per quidquid deorum est, dextrae dextras iungentes, fidem obstrinximus—ut sacratas fide manus, digressi a conloquio, extemplo in eum armaremus?

[¶78] 9.4. “From the hospitable board, to which you were invited by Hannibal with but two other Campanians, do you rise with the intention of staining that very board with the blood of a guest?”

> Latin: 9.4. ab hospitali mensa surgis, ad quam tertius Campanorum adhibitus es ab Hannibale,—ut eam ipsam mensam cruentares hospitis sanguine? Hannibalem pater filio meo potui placare, filium Hannibali non possum?

[¶79] 9.5. “Was I able as a father to reconcile Hannibal with my son, and can not reconcile my son with Hannibal? But assuming that there is nothing hallowed, no honour, no scruple, no filial devotion, dare to do unspeakable things, if they do not bring destruction to us as well as guilt.”

> Latin: 9.5. sed sit nihil sancti, non fides, non religio, non pietas; audeantur infanda, si non perniciem nobis cum scelere ferunt.

[¶80] 9.6. “Single-handed will you attack Hannibal? What of that crowd, so many free men and slaves? What of all men's eyes fixed upon one man?”

> Latin: 9.6. unus adgressurus es Hannibalem? quid illa turba tot liberorum seruorumque? quid in unum intenti omnium oculi? quid tot dextrae?

[¶81] 9.7. “What of so many sword-hands? Will they be paralysed in the moment of that mad deed? Will you withstand Hannibal's own countenance, which armed forces have been unable to withstand, which the Roman people dreads? Supposing that help from others is lacking, will you bring yourself to strike me, when I interpose my body in place of Hannibal's? And yet it is through my breast that you will have to attack him and run him through.”

> Latin: 9.7. torpescent in amentia illa? uoltum ipsius Hannibalis, quem armati exercitus sustinere nltequeuntgt, quem horret populus Romanus, tu sustinebis? ut alia auxilia desint, me ipsum ferire corpus meum opponentem pro corpore Hannibalis sustinebis?

[¶82] 9.8. “But allow yourself to be dissuaded here, rather than overpowered there. Let my prayers prove effectual with you, as they have proved this day for you.”

> Latin: 9.8. atqui per meum pectus petendus ille tibi transfigendusque est. sed hic te deterreri sine potius quam illic uinci. ualeant preces apud te meae, sicut pro te hodie ualuerunt.'

[¶83] 9.9. Seeing the young man in tears he threw his arms about his waist, and repeatedly kissing him he did not desist from entreaties until he had prevailed upon him to put down his sword and give his pledge that he would do no such crime.

> Latin: 9.9. lacrimantem inde iuuenem cernens medium complectitur atque osculo haerens non ante precibus abstitit quam peruicit, ut gladium poneret fidemque daret nihil facturum tale.

[¶84] 9.10. Then the young man said: “As for me, I will pay my father the debt of devotion which I owe to my country.” “For you I am sorry, for you will have to meet the charge of thrice betraying your country, once when you took part in the revolt from the Romans, a second time when you advised peace with Hannibal, a third time today when you are an obstacle and a hindrance to restoring Capua to the Romans.”

> Latin: 9.10. tum iuuenis 'ego quidem' inquit, 'quam patriae debeo pietatem exsoluam patri. tuam doleo uicem, cui ter proditae patriae sustinendum est crimen, semel cum defectionem inisti ab Romanis, iterum cum pacis cum Hannibale fuisti auctor, tertio hodie, cum restituendae Romanis Capuae mora atque impedimentum es.

[¶85] 9.12. “Do you, my country, take back the sword with which I had armed myself in your defence and entered this stronghold of the enemy; for my father wrests it from me.”

> Latin: 9.12. tu, patria, ferrum, quo pro te armatus hanc arcem hostium inii, quoniam parens extorquet, recipe.'

[¶86] 9.13. Having thus spoken, he threw the sword over the garden wall into a street, and, that his conduct might not be open to suspicion, himself returned to the banquet.

> Latin: 9.13. haec cum dixisset, gladium in publicum trans maceriam horti abiecit et, quo minus res suspecta esset, se ipse conuiuio reddidit.

[¶87] 10.1. On the following day a full session of the senate was given to Hannibal. There his speech was at the outset very genial and kindly, thanking the Campanians for having preferred his friendship to a Roman alliance. And among his other magnificent assurances he promised them that Capua should soon be the capital of all Italy, and that from it the Roman people along with the rest of the nations should derive its law.

> Latin: 10.1. postero die senatus frequens datus Hannibali; ubi prima eius oratio perblanda ac benigna fuit, qua gratias egit Campanis quod amicitiam suam Romanae societati praeposuissent, [et] inter cetera magnifica promissa pollicitus breui caput Italiae omni Capuam fore iuraque inde cum ceteris populis Romanum etiam petiturum.

[¶88] 10.3. He said that one man had no part in friendship with Carthage and the treaty made with himself, namely Magius Decius, a man who ought neither to be a Campanian nor to be so called; he demanded that the man be surrendered to him, and that in his own presence his case be brought up and a decree of the senate framed.

> Latin: 10.3. unum esse exsortem Punicae amicitiae foederisque secum facti, quem neque esse Campanum neque dici debere, Magium Decium; eum postulare ut sibi dedatur, ac se praesente de eo referatur senatusque consultum fiat.

[¶89] 10.4. All voted for that proposal, although it seemed to many of them that the man did not deserve that misfortune; also that the right of liberty was being infringed by a first act that was not insignificant.

> Latin: 10.4. omnes in eam sententiam ierunt, quamquam magnae parti et uir indignus ea calamitate et haud paruo initio minui uidebatur ius libertatis.

[¶90] 10.5. Leaving the Senate House Hannibal took his seat on the tribune of the magistrates and ordered the arrest of Decius Magius, and that he be placed at his feet and make his defence.

> Latin: 10.5. egressus curia in templo magistratuum consedit comprehendique Decium Magium atque ante pedes destitutum causam dicere iussit.

[¶91] 10.6. While with undaunted spirit Magius was saying that by the terms of the treaty he could not be compelled to do that, chains were put upon him and he was ordered to be led to the camp with a lictor following.

> Latin: 10.6. qui cum manente ferocia animi negaret lege foederis id cogi posse, tum iniectae catenae ducique ante lictorem in castra est iussus.

[¶92] 10.7. So long as they led him with bare head, he kept haranguing as he went, shouting to the crowd all about him: “You have the freedom you wanted, Campanians. Through the middle of the market-place, in broad daylight, before your eyes, I, who am second to no one of the Campanians, am being hurried away in chains to my death.”

> Latin: 10.7. quoad capite aperto est ductus, contionabundus incessit, ad circumfusam undique multitudinem uociferans: 'habetis libertatem, Campani, quam petistis. foro medio, luce clara, uidentibus uobis nulli Campanorum secundus uinctus ad mortem rapior.

[¶93] 10.8. “What deed of greater violence could be done if Capua had been taken? Go to meet Hannibal, decorate your city and make the day of his coming a holiday, —that you may witness this triumph over your fellow-citizen.”

> Latin: 10.8. quid uiolentius capta Capua fieret? ite obuiam Hannibali, exornate urbem diemque aduentus eius consecrate, ut hunc triumphum de ciue uestro spectetis.'

[¶94] 10.9. As he was thus shouting and the populace seemed to be aroused, his head was covered and they were ordered to drag him more swiftly outside the gate. Thus he was led into the camp, at once put on shipboard and consigned to Carthage, for fear, if there should be some outbreak at Capua in consequence of the shameful act, the senate also might regret having surrendered a leading man, and, when an embassy was sent to demand his return, Hannibal either must offend his new allies by refusing their first request, or by granting it be obliged to keep at Capua a fomenter of insurrection and riots.

> Latin: 10.9. haec uociferanti, cum moueri uolgus uideretur, obuolutum caput est ociusque rapi extra portam iussus. ita in castra perducitur extemploque impositus in nauem et Carthaginem missus, ne motu aliquo Capuae ex indignitate rei orto senatum quoque paeniteret dediti principis et legatione missa ad repetendum eum aut negando rem quam primam peterent offendendi sibi noui socii aut tribuendo habendus Capuae esset seditionis ac turbarum auctor.

[¶95] 10.11. A storm carried the ship to Cyrenae, which was then subject to kings. On fleeing for refuge to the statue of King Ptolemy there, Magius was carried under guard to Ptolemy at Alexandria. And having informed him that he had been bound by Hannibal contrary to his treaty rights, he was freed from his chains and allowed to return to Rome or to Capua, as he might prefer.

> Latin: 10.11. nauem Cyrenas detulit tempestas, quae tum in dicione regum erant. ibi cum Magius ad statuam Ptolomaei regis confugisset, deportatus a custodibus Alexandream ad Ptolomaeum, cum eum docuisset contra ius foederis uinctum se ab Hannibale esse, uinclis liberatur, permissumque ut rediret seu Romam seu Capuam mallet.

[¶96] 10.13. Magius said that Capua was unsafe for him, and on the other hand, at a time when there was a war between the Romans and the Campanians, Rome would be the abode of a deserter rather than of a guest; that he had no wish to live elsewhere than in the land of a king in whom he found the giver and defender of his freedom.

> Latin: 10.13. nec Magius Capuam sibi tutam dicere et Romam eo tempore quo inter Romanos Campanosque bellum sit transfugae magis quam hospitis fore domicilium; nusquam malle quam in regno eius uiuere quem uindicem atque auctorem habeat libertatis.

[¶97] 11.1. While these things were going on, Quintus Fabius Pictor returned to Rome from his embassy to Delphi and read from a manuscript the response of the oracle. In it were indicated the gods and goddesses to whom offerings should be made, and in what manner.

> Latin: 11.1. dum haec geruntur, Q. Fabius Pictor legatus a Delphis Romam rediit responsumque ex scripto recitauit. diui diuaeque in eo erant quibus quoque modo supplicaretur; tum:

[¶98] 11.2. It continued: “If you do thus, Romans, your situation will be better and easier, and your state will go on more in accordance with your desire, and the Roman people will have the victory in the war.”

> Latin: 11.2. 'si ita faxitis, Romani, uestrae res meliores facilioresque erunt magisque ex sententia res publica uestra uobis procedet uictoriaque duelli populi Romani erit.

[¶99] 11.3. “When you have successfully administered and preserved your state, from the gains made you shall send a gift to Pythian Apollo and do honour to him out of the booty, the profits and the spoils.”

> Latin: 11.3. Pythio Apollini re publica uestra bene gesta seruataque lucris meritis donum mittitote deque praeda manubiis spoliisque honorem habetote;

[¶100] 11.4. “You shall keep yourselves from exulting.” After reading these words translated from the Greek verses, he went on to say that, on coming out of the oracle, he had at once made offerings to all those divinities with incense and wine; also that he had been bidden by the high-priest of the temple, just as he had come to the oracle and also conducted the rite while wearing a garland of laurel, so also to wear the garland when he boarded the ship, and not to lay it aside until he should reach Rome.

> Latin: 11.4. lasciuiam a uobis prohibetote.' haec ubi ex Graeco carmine interpretata recitauit, tum dixit se oraculo egressum extemplo iis omnibus diuis rem diuinam ture ac uino fecisse, iussumque ab templi antistite, sicut coronatus laurea corona et oraculum adisset et rem diuinam fecisset, ita coronatum nauem adscendere nec ante deponere eam quam Romam peruenisset;

[¶101] 11.6. Further, that he had carried out with the utmost scrupulosity and care all the instructions given him, and had then laid the wreath upon the altar of Apollo at Rome.

> Latin: 11.6. se, quaecumque imperata sint, cum summa religione ac diligentia exsecutum coronam Romae in aram Apollinis deposuisse. senatus decreuit ut eae res diuinae supplicationesque primo quoque tempore cum cura fierent.

[¶102] 11.7. The senate decreed that at the first opportunity those rites should be duly observed with prayers. While these things were happening at Rome and in Italy, Mago, the son of Hamilcar, had come to Carthage to report the victory at Cannae. He had not been sent by his brother directly from the battle, but had been detained for some time in taking over the Bruttian states which were revolting.

> Latin: 11.7. dum haec Romae atque ltingt Italia geruntur, nuntius uictoriae ad Cannas Carthaginem uenerat Mago Hamilcaris filius, non ex ipsa acie a fratre missus sed retentus aliquot dies in recipiendis ciuitatibus Bruttiorum quae deficiebant.

[¶103] 11.8. Accorded a hearing in the senate, he set forth the achievements of his brother in Italy: that he had fought pitched battles with six high commanders, of whom four were consuls, and two a dictator and a master of the horse, in all with six consular armies;

> Latin: 11.8. is, cum ei senatus datus esset, res gestas in Italia a fratre exponit: cum sex imperatoribus eum, quorum quattuor consules, duo dictator ac magister equitum fuerint, cum sex consularibus exercitibus acie conflixisse;

[¶104] 11.9. that he had slain over 200,000 of the enemy and captured over 50,000; that of the four consuls he had slain two; of the other two one had fled wounded, the other with barely fifty men, after losing his entire army; that the master of the horse, whose power is that of a consul, had been routed and put to flight;

> Latin: 11.9. occidisse supra ducenta milia hostium, supra quinquaginta milia cepisse. ex quattuor consulibus duos occidisse; ex duobus saucium alterum, alterum toto amisso exercitu uix cum quinquaginta hominibus effugisse.

[¶105] 11.10. that the dictator was accounted an extraordinary general because he never ventured into battle-line;

> Latin: 11.10. magistrum equitum, quae consularis potestas sit, fusum fugatum; dictatorem, quia se in aciem nunquam commiserit, unicum haberi imperatorem.