--- title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX" author: "Livy" translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore" languages: [la, en] shelf: "Classical Latin" section: 17 of 50 url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/ cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 17. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/" --- # History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX *Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore* The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama. > Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 17. Book XXIV · chapters 1–10 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/17/#p-N [¶0] 1.1. HAVING returned from Campania to the land of the Bruttii, Hanno, with the Bruttii as supporters and guides, attacked the Greek cities, which were all the more ready to remain in alliance with Rome because they saw that the Bruttii, whom they both hated and feared, had gone over to the side of the Carthaginians. > Latin: 1.1. ut ex Campania in Bruttios reditum est, Hanno adiutoribus et ducibus Bruttiis Graecas urbes temptauit, eo facilius in societate manentes Romana quod Bruttios, quos et oderant et metuebant, Carthaginiensium partis factos cernebant. [¶1] 1.2. Regium was the first city to be attacked, and some days were spent there to no purpose. Meantime the Locrians hastily brought grain and wood and the other things needed to supply their wants from the farms into the city, also that no booty might be left for the enemy. > Latin: 1.2. Regium primum temptatum est diesque aliquot ibi nequiquam absumpti. interim Locrenses frumentum lignaque et cetera necessaria usibus ex agris in urbem rapere, etiam ne quid relictum praedae hostibus esset, et in dies maior omnibus portis multitudo effundi; [¶2] 1.3. And every day a larger crowd poured out of all the gates. Finally there were left in the city only six hundred men, who were made to repair walls and gates and to carry arms to the battlements. > Latin: 1.3. postremo sescenti modo relicti in urbe erant qui reficere muros portas telaque in propugnacula congerere cogebantur. [¶3] 1.4. Against the multitude made up of all ages and classes, wandering about the country, many of the unarmed, Hamilcar the Carthaginian sent out his cavalry. Forbidden to injure anyone, they interposed their squadrons merely to shut off from the city those who had scattered in flight. > Latin: 1.4. in permixtam omnium aetatium ordinumque multitudinem et uagantem in agris magna ex parte inermem Hamilcar Poenos equites emisit, qui uiolare quemquam uetiti, tantum ut ab urbe excluderent fuga dissipatos, turmas obiecere. [¶4] 1.5. The commander himself, after capturing higher ground from which he could see the country and the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttii to go up to the walls and call out the chief men of the Locrians to a conference, and with a promise of Hannibal's friendship to encourage them to surrender the city. In the conference the Bruttians at first were not believed at all. > Latin: 1.5. dux ipse loco superiore capto unde agros urbemque posset conspicere, Bruttiorum cohortem adire muros atque euocare principes Locrensium ad conloquium iussit et pollicentes amicitiam Hannibalis adhortari ad urbem tradendam. Bruttiis in conloquio nullius rei primo fides est; [¶5] 1.6. Then, when the Carthaginians were seen on the hills, and a few returning fugitives repeatedly asserted that all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy, overcome by fear, they answered that they would consult the people. > Latin: 1.6. deinde ut Poenus apparuit in collibus et refugientes pauci aliam omnem multitudinem in potestate hostium esse adferebant, tum metu uicti consulturos se populum responderunt; [¶6] 1.7. An assembly being at once called, all the fickle preferred political change and a new alliance; also those whose relations had been shut off outside the city by the enemy had mortgaged their affections, having virtually given hostages. And the few silently approved of steadfast loyalty, rather than dared to declare and defend it. Hence surrender to the Carthaginians was voted with apparently unquestioned unanimity. > Latin: 1.7. aduocataque extemplo contione, cum et leuissimus quisque nouas res nouamque societatem mallent et, quorum propinqui extra urbem interclusi ab hostibus erant, uelut obsidibus datis pigneratos haberent animos, pauci magis taciti probarent constantem fidem quam propalam tueri auderent, haud dubio in speciem consensu fit ad Poenos deditio. [¶7] 1.9. After Lucius Atilius, commander of the garrison, and the Roman soldiers who were with him had been secretly led down to the harbour and put on ships to be carried to Regium, they admitted Hamilcar and the Carthaginians into the city on condition that a treaty be made at once on fair terms. > Latin: 1.9. L. Atilio, praefecto praesidii, quique cum eo milites Romani erant clam in portum deductis atque impositis in naues ut Regium deueherentur Hamilcarem Poenosque ea condicione ut foedus extemplo aequis legibus fieret in urbem acceperunt; [¶8] 1.10. The promise of such a treaty was almost broken after they surrendered, when the Carthaginian charged that the Roman had been allowed by trickery to go away, while the Locrians pleaded that he had escaped unaided. > Latin: 1.10. cuius rei prope non seruata fides deditis est, cum Poenus dolo dimissum Romanum incusaret, Locrenses profugisse ipsum causarentur. [¶9] 1.11. Also the cavalry pursued him in the hope that possibly the current in the strait might delay the ships or bring them to shore. They did not indeed overtake the men they were pursuing, but they sighted other ships crossing the strait from Messana to Regium. It was the Roman soldiers sent by Claudius, the praetor, to garrison and hold the city. > Latin: 1.11. insecuti etiam equites sunt, si quo casu in freto aestus morari aut deferre naues in terram posset. et eos quidem quos sequebantur non sunt adepti: alias a Messana traicientes freto Regium naues conspexerunt. [¶10] 1.12. And so the siege of Regium was at once raised. Peace was granted the Locrians by Hannibal's order: they were, namely, to live in freedom under their own laws, the city to be open to the Carthaginians, the harbour in the power of the Locrians, the alliance to rest upon this basis: that the Carthaginian should help the Locrian, the Locrian the Carthaginian, in peace and in war. > Latin: 1.12. milites erant Romani a Claudio praetore missi ad obtinendam urbem praesidio. itaque Regio extemplo abscessum est. Locrensibus iussu Hannibalis data pax ut liberi suis legibus uiuerent, urbs pateret Poenis, portus in potestate Locrensium esset, societas eo iure staret ut Poenus Locrensem Locrensisque Poenum pace ac bello iuuaret. [¶11] 2.1. Thus the Carthaginians were withdrawn from the strait, though the Bruttians were indignant because they had left Regium and Locri untouched, the cities which they had counted upon plundering. > Latin: 2.1. sic a freto Poeni reducti frementibus Bruttiis quod Regium ac Locros, quas urbes direpturos se destinauerant, intactas reliquissent. [¶12] 2.2. And so without aid they enlisted and armed 15,000 of their young men and set out to besiege Croton, another Greek city and on the sea, believing that it would be a great addition to their resources if they should hold a fortified city and harbour on the seacoast. > Latin: 2.2. itaque per se ipsi conscriptis armatisque iuuentutis suae quindecim milibus ad Crotonem oppugnandum pergunt ire, Graecam et ipsam urbem et maritimam, plurimum accessurum opibus, si in ora maris urbem portu ac moenibus ualidam tenuissent, credentes. [¶13] 2.4. It troubled them that they did not quite dare not to call the Carthaginians to their aid, for fear they might seem to have failed to act as became allies. At the same time they feared that, if the Carthaginian should again be rather an arbiter of peace than a helper in war, fighting to secure freedom for Croton might be profitless, as previously for Locri. > Latin: 2.4. ea cura angebat quod neque non accersere ad auxilium Poenos satis audebant, ne quid non pro sociis egisse uiderentur et, si Poenus rursus magis arbiter pacis quam adiutor belli fuisset, ne in libertatem Crotonis, sicut ante Locrorum, frustra pugnaretur. [¶14] 2.5. And thus it seemed best to send legates to Hannibal and gain assurance from him that Croton when captured should belong to the Bruttians. Hannibal having replied that decision in the matter lay with those on the ground, thus referring them to Hanno, they obtained no definite answer from Hanno. > Latin: 2.5. itaque optimum uisum est ad Hannibalem mitti legatos cauerique ab eo ut receptus Croto Bruttiorum esset. [¶15] 2.6. He did not wish a city well-known and rich to be plundered, and he was hoping that, while the Bruttian was besieging them and the Carthaginians obviously neither approving nor helping the siege, they would all the more promptly come over to his side. > Latin: 2.6. Hannibal cum praesentium eam consultationem esse respondisset et ad Hannonem eos reiecisset, ab Hannone nihil certi ablatum; [¶16] 2.7. At Croton there was among the citizens no one policy or common preference. One malady, so to speak, had attacked all the city-states of Italy, that the common people were at odds with the upper class, the senate inclining to the Romans, the common people drawing the state to the side of the Carthaginians. > Latin: 2.7. nec enim diripi uolebat nobilem atque opulentam urbem et sperabat, cum Bruttius oppugnaret, Poenos nec probare nec iuuare eam oppugnationem appareret, eo maturius ad se defecturos. Crotone nec consilium unum inter populares nec uoluntas erat. unus uelut morbus inuaserat omnes Italiae ciuitates ut plebes ab optimatibus dissentirent, senatus Romanis faueret, plebs ad Poenos rem traheret. [¶17] 2.9. This disagreement in the city was reported to the Bruttians by a deserter: that Aristomachus was the leader of the plebeians and advised surrender of the city; also that in the sparsely inhabited city, with its walls at a great distance, there were only scattered posts and guards of the senators; that wherever plebeians were on guard there was free access to the city. > Latin: 2.9. eam dissensionem in urbe perfuga nuntiat Bruttiis: Aristomachum esse principem plebis tradendaeque auctorem urbis, et in uasta urbe lateque moenibus disiectis raras stationes custodiasque senatorum esse; [¶18] 2.10. With the deserter as adviser and leader the Bruttians completely encircled the city, and being admitted by the plebeians, they took the whole city by assault, with the exception of the citadel. > Latin: 2.10. quacumque custodiant plebis homines, ea patere aditum. auctore ac duce perfuga Bruttii corona cinxerunt urbem acceptique ab plebe primo impetu omnem praeter arcem cepere. [¶19] 2.11. The optimates held the citadel, having previously prepared a place of refuge for such an emergency. To it Aristomachus also fled, as though he had advised surrendering the city to the Carthaginians, not to the Bruttians. > Latin: 2.11. arcem optimates tenebant praeparato iam ante ad talem casum perfugio. eodem Aristomachus perfugit, tamquam Poenis, non Bruttiis auctor urbis tradendae fuisset. [¶20] 3.1. The city of Croton had a wall with a circuit of twelve miles before the coming of Pyrrhus to Italy. > Latin: 3.1. urbs Croto murum in circuitu patentem duodecim milia passuum habuit ante Pyrrhi in Italiam aduentum; [¶21] 3.2. Since the desolation caused by that war scarcely half of the city was inhabited. The river which had flowed through the middle of the city now flowed past, outside the quarters which had numerous houses, and the citadel was far from the inhabited portions. > Latin: 3.2. post uastitatem eo bello factam uix pars dimidia habitabatur; flumen, quod medio oppido fluxerat, extra frequentia tectis loca praeterfluebat, et arx procul eis quae habitabantur. [¶22] 3.3. Six miles from the famous city was a temple more famous than the city itself, that of Lacinian Juno, revered by all the surrounding peoples. > Latin: 3.3. sex milia aberat in [urbe nobili] templum, ipsa urbe [erat] nobilius, Laciniae Iunonis, sanctum omnibus circa populis; [¶23] 3.4. There a sacred grove, which was enclosed by dense woods and tall fir-trees, had in its centre luxuriant pastures, where cattle of all kinds, being sacred to the goddess, used to pasture without any shepherd. And at night the flocks of each kind would return separately to their stalls, being never harmed by wild beasts lying in wait, nor by the dishonesty of men. > Latin: 3.4. lucus ibi frequenti silua et proceris abietis arboribus saeptus laeta in medio pascua habuit, ubi omnis generis sacrum deae pecus pascebatur sine ullo pastore, separatimque greges sui cuiusque generis nocte remeabant ad stabula, nunquam insidiis ferarum, non fraude uiolati hominum. [¶24] 3.6. Therefore great profits were made from the cattle, and out of the profits a massive golden column was wrought and consecrated. And the temple was famous for its wealth also, not merely for its sanctity. > Latin: 3.6. magni igitur fructus ex eo pecore capti columnaque inde aurea solida facta et sacrata est; inclitumque templum diuitiis etiam, non tantum sanctitate fuit. [¶25] 3.7. They give it some pretended marvels also, as generally in places so noted. It is reported that in the space in front of the temple there is an altar whose ashes are never stirred by any wind. > Latin: 3.7. ac miracula aliqua adfinguntur ut plerumque tam insignibus locis: fama est aram esse in uestibulo templi cuius cinerem nullo unquam moueri uento. [¶26] 3.8. But the citadel of Croton, on one side overhanging the sea, while the other slopes down toward the country, was once protected merely by its natural situation, but later encircled with a wall also, where, along the cliffs on the farther side, it had been taken by ruse of Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily. > Latin: 3.8. sed arx Crotonis, una parte imminens mari, altera uergente in agrum, situ tantum naturali quondam munita, postea et muro cincta est qua per auersas rupes ab Dionysio Siciliae tyranno per dolum fuerat capta. [¶27] 3.9. In that citadel, sufficiently safe, as it seemed, the optimates of Croton were at the time maintaining themselves, besieged even by their own plebs as well as by the Bruttians. > Latin: 3.9. ea tum arce satis ut uidebatur tuta Crotoniatum optimates tenebant se circumsedente cum Bruttiis eos etiam plebe sua. [¶28] 3.10. Finally the Bruttians, seeing that the citadel was for their resources impregnable, were of necessity constrained to beg aid of Hanno. > Latin: 3.10. postremo Bruttii, cum suis uiribus inexpugnabilem uiderent arcem, coacti necessitate Hannonis auxilium implorant. [¶29] 3.11. He attempted to compel the Crotonians to surrender on condition that they permit a colony of Bruttians to be established there, and allow the city, desolate and depopulated by wars, to recover its old-time numbers. > Latin: 3.11. is condicionibus ad deditionem compellere Crotoniates conatus ut coloniam Bruttiorum eo deduci antiquamque frequentiam recipere uastam ac desertam bellis urbem paterentur, omnium neminem praeter Aristomachum mouit. [¶30] 3.12. But among them all he prevailed upon no one except Aristomachus. They claimed that they would sooner die than mingle with the Bruttians and change to the rites, customs and laws, and presently even the language, of another people. > Latin: 3.12. morituros se adfirmabant citius quam immixti Bruttiis in alienos ritus mores legesque ac mox linguam etiam uerterentur. [¶31] 3.13. Aristomachus, since he was unable by persuasion to bring them to surrender and could find no opportunity to betray the citadel, as he had betrayed the city, alone went over to Hanno. > Latin: 3.13. Aristomachus unus, quando nec suadendo ad deditionem satis ualebat nec, sicut urbem prodiderat, locum prodendae arcis inueniebat, transfugit ad Hannonem. [¶32] 3.14. Soon after that the Locrian legates entered the citadel with Hanno's consent and persuaded them to allow themselves to be transferred to Locri, and not to risk desperate measures. > Latin: 3.14. Locrenses breui post legati, cum permissu Hannonis arcem intrassent, persuadent ut traduci se in Locros paterentur nec ultima experiri uellent; [¶33] 3.15. Permission to that effect they had already obtained from Hannibal, having sent legates for that very purpose. So Croton was evacuated, and the Crotonians were led down to the sea and went on shipboard. > Latin: 3.15. iam hoc ut sibi liceret impetrauerant et ab Hannibale missis ad is ipsum legatis. ita Crotone excessum est deductique Crotoniatae ad mare naues conscendunt; Locros omnis multitudo abeunt. [¶34] 3.16. They went, the whole number of them, to Locri. In Apulia even the winter was not without conflict between the Romans and Hannibal. Sempronius, the consul, was wintering at Luceria, Hannibal not far from Arpi. > Latin: 3.16. in Apulia ne hiemps quidem quieta inter Romanos atque Hannibalem erat. Luceriae Sempronius consul, Hannibal haud procul Arpis hibernabat. [¶35] 3.17. Skirmishes between them kept occurring as opportunity offered, or the favourable moment for one side or the other. And in consequence the Romans were better soldiers, daily more cautious and safer from surprise attacks. > Latin: 3.17. inter eos leuia proelia ex occasione aut opportunitate huius aut illius partis oriebantur meliorque eis Romanus et in dies cautior tutiorque ab insidiis fiebat. [¶36] 4.1. In Sicily everything had been changed for the Romans by the death of Hiero and the transfer of the kingdom to his grandson Hieronymus, a boy hardly able to keep his independence under control, much less absolute power. > Latin: 4.1. in Sicilia Romanis omnia mutauerat mors Hieronis regnumque ad Hieronymum nepotem eius translatum, puerum uixdum libertatem, nedum dominationem modice laturum. [¶37] 4.2. Such was the age, such the disposition which guardians and friends took in hand, to throw him into all the vices. Hiero, seeing that this would happen, is said in his extreme old age to have wished to leave Syracuse free, that kingly power gained and confirmed by good qualities might not come to an end in disgrace under the tyranny of a boy. > Latin: 4.2. eam aetatem, id ingenium tutores atque amici ad praecipitandum in omnia uitia acceperunt. quae ita futura cernens Hiero ultima senecta uoluisse dicitur liberas Syracusas relinquere, ne sub dominatu puerili per ludibrium bonis artibus partum firmatumque interiret regnum. [¶38] 4.3. This his plan was opposed might and main by his daughters, who thought the boy would have the kingly title, but that complete control would be in their hands and those of their husbands, Adranodorus and Zoippus, who were being left as the principal guardians. > Latin: 4.3. huic consilio eius summa ope obstitere filiae, nomen regium penes puerum futurum ratae, regimen rerum omnium penes se uirosque suos Adranorum primi relinquebantur. [¶39] 4.4. It was not easy for a man now in his ninetieth year, surrounded day and night by the blandishments of women, to be independent and turn his attention from the personal to the public interest. > Latin: 4.4. non facile erat nonagesimum iam agenti annum, circumsesso dies noctesque muliebribus blanditiis, liberare animum et conuertere ad publicam priuata curam. [¶40] 4.5. Accordingly he merely left fifteen guardians for the boy, and dying entreated them to keep inviolate that loyalty to the Roman people which he had maintained for fifty years and to choose above all to have the young man tread in his footsteps and continue the training in which he had been brought up. Such were his instructions. > Latin: 4.5. itaque tutores modo quindecim puero relinquit, quos precatus est moriens ut fidem erga populum Romanum quinquaginta annos ab se cultam inuiolatam seruarent iuuenemque suis potissimum uestigiis insistere uellent et disciplinae, in qua eductus esset. haec mandata. [¶41] 4.6. After he had breathed his last the guardians produced the will and brought the boy, at that time about fifteen years old, before an assembly of the people. While a few men, who had been posted in all parts of the assembly to start applause, showed approval of the will, while the rest, as if deprived of a father and in an orphaned city, had only fears, the guardians . > Latin: 4.6. cum exspirasset, tutores testamento prolato pueroque in contionem producto—erat autem quindecim tum ferme annorum—paucis, qui per contionem ad excitandos clamores dispositi erant, adprobantibus testamentum, ceteris uelut patre amisso in orba ciuitate omnia timentibus††. [¶42] 4.8. Then came the king's funeral, honoured rather by the love and regard of the citizens than by the grief of his family. > Latin: 4.8. funus fit regium magis amore ciuium et caritate quam cura suorum celebre. [¶43] 4.9. Soon afterwards Adranodorus removed the rest of the guardians, saying that Hieronymus was now a young man and capable of ruling. And laying down his own guardianship, which was shared with a number of others, he took to himself alone the powers of them all. > Latin: 4.9. breui deinde ceteros tutores summouet Adranodorus, iuuenem iam esse dictitans Hieronymum ac regni potentem; deponendoque tutelam ipse, quae cum pluribus communis erat, in se unum omnium uires conuertit. [¶44] 5.1. It would have been difficult for any king, even a good one and self-controlled, to find favour with the Syracusans as successor to Hiero, so beloved. > Latin: 5.1. uix quidem uel bono moderatoque regi facilis erat fauor apud Syracusanos, succedenti tantae caritati Hieronis; [¶45] 5.2. But certainly Hieronymus at his very first appearance showed how different everything was, just as if he wished by his vices to make them regret his grandfather. > Latin: 5.2. uerum enimuero Hieronymus, uelut suis uitiis desiderabilem efficere uellet auum, primo statim conspectu omnia quam disparia essent ostendit. [¶46] 5.3. For, though through so many years they had seen Hiero and his son Gelo not differing from the rest of the citizens in garb or in any other distinction, they beheld purple and a diadem and armed attendants and a man who came forth from the palace sometimes even in a chariot with four white horses after the manner of Dionysius the tyrant. > Latin: 5.3. nam qui per tot annos Hieronem filiumque eius Gelonem nec uestis habitu nec alio ullo insigni differentes a ceteris ciuibus uidissent, ei conspexere purpuram ac diadema ac satellites armatos, quadrigisque etiam alborum equorum interdum ex regia procedentem more Dionysi tyranni. [¶47] 5.5. This haughty state and costume were suitably attended by contempt shown towards everyone, by haughty ears, insulting words, infrequent access, not only for outsiders but even for his guardians, by unheard of lusts, by inhuman cruelty. > Latin: 5.5. hunc tam superbum adparatum habitumque conuenientes sequebantur contemptus omnium hominum, superbae aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus non alienis modo sed tutoribus etiam, libidines nouae, inhumana crudelitas. [¶48] 5.6. Consequently such alarm had laid hold of all that some of the guardians anticipated the dreaded punishments either by suicide or by flight. > Latin: 5.6. itaque tantus omnes terror inuaserat ut quidam ex tutoribus aut morte uoluntaria aut fuga praeuerterent metum suppliciorum. [¶49] 5.7. Three of them, who alone had more intimate access to the palace, Adranodorus and Zoippus, the sons-in-law of Hiero, and a certain Thraso, were not indeed much listened to on other matters; > Latin: 5.7. tres ex iis quibus solis aditus in domum familiarior erat, Adranodorus et Zoippus, generi Hieronis, et Thraso quidam, de aliis quidem rebus haud magno opere audiebantur; [¶50] 5.8. but as two of them were inclining to the Carthaginians, Thraso to alliance with Rome, by their partisan rivalry they were occasionally attracting the young man's attention, when a conspiracy formed against the life of the tyrant was revealed by one Callo, of the same age as Hieronymus and from boyhood accustomed to all the rights of intimacy. The informer was able to name but one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he had himself been approached. > Latin: 5.8. tendendo autem duo ad Carthaginienses, Thraso ad societatem Romanam, certamine ac studiis interdum in se conuertebant animum adulescentis, cum coniuratio in tyranni caput facta indicatur per Callonem quendam, aequalem Hieronymi et iam inde a puero in omnia familiaria iura adsuetum. [¶51] 5.10. And Theodotus, at once seized and handed over for torture to Adranodorus, confessed without hesitation in regard to himself, but did not reveal his accomplices. > Latin: 5.10. index unum ex coniuratis Theodotum, a quo ipse appellatus erat, nominare potuit. qui comprensus extemplo traditusque Adranodoro torquendus, de se ipse haud cunctanter fassus conscios celabat; [¶52] 5.11. Finally, racked by all the tortures which pass human endurance, pretending to be mastered by his sufferings, he turned informer against the innocent instead of against his accomplices, and falsely stated that Thraso was responsible for the plan: that they would not have ventured upon such an undertaking if they had not relied upon so powerful a leader. He also named attendants of the tyrant as associates, men whose lives, it occurred to him, as he was fabricating between pains and groans, were of the least account. > Latin: 5.11. postremo cum omnibus intolerandis patientiae humanae cruciatibus laceraretur, uictum malis se simulans auertit ab consciis in insontes indicium, Thrasonem esse auctorem consilii mentitus, nec nisi tam potenti duce confisos rem tantam ausuros Latin: 5.13. addit socios> ab latere tyranni quorum capita uilissima fingenti inter dolores gemitusque occurrere. maxime animo tyranni credibile indicium Thraso nominatus fecit; itaque extemplo traditur ad supplicium adiectique poenae ceteri iuxta insontes. [¶54] 5.14. Not one of the accomplices either hid himself or fled, though their partner in the plot was long under torture. Such confidence was theirs in the courage and loyalty of Theodotus, and such will-power to keep secrets did Theodotus himself possess. > Latin: 5.14. consciorum nemo, cum diu socius consilii torqueretur, aut latuit aut fugit; tantum illis in uirtute ac fide Theodoti fiduciae fuit tantumque ipsi Theodoto uirium ad arcana occultanda. [¶55] 6.1. Thus as soon as Thraso, who was the sole link to an alliance with the Romans, had been removed from their midst, matters at once tended unquestionably toward defection. And ambassadors were sent to Hannibal, and he sent back with a young noble named Hannibal also Hippocrates and Epicydes, who were born at Carthage but Syracusans by origin (their grandfather being an exile), Carthaginians themselves on the mother's side. Through these men an alliance was made between Hannibal and the tyrant of Syracuse, and with Hannibal's consent they remained with the tyrant. Appius Claudius, the praetor, whose province was Sicily, on learning of this, forthwith sent legates to Hieronymus. While they were saying that they had come to renew the alliance which they had had with his grandfather, they were heard with derision and dismissed by Hieronymus, who in jest asked what success they had had in the battle at Cannae; for Hannibal's envoys reported what was scarcely to be believed. He wished to know, he said, what the truth was, that he might accordingly determine from which side he had the more to hope. The Romans departed, saying that they would return to him when he began to give a sober hearing to embassies, and warning rather than asking him not to be rash in changing his loyalty. Hieronymus sent ambassadors to Carthage to make a treaty in accordance with the alliance arranged with Hannibal. The agreement was that, after they had driven the Romans out of Sicily (and this would be shortly done if they would send ships and an army), the river Himera, which nearly divides the island in halves, should be the boundary of the kingdom of Syracuse and the Carthaginian empire. > Latin: 6.1. ita, quod unum uinculum cum Romanis societatis erat, Thrasone sublato e medio extemplo haud dubie ad defectionem res spectabat, legatique ad Hannibalem missi ac remissi ab eo cum Hannibale, nobili adulescente, Hippocrates et Epicydes, nati Carthagine sed oriundi ab Syracusis exsule auo, Poeni ipsi materno genere. per hos iuncta societas Hannibali ac Syracusano tyranno nec inuito Hannibale apud tyrannum manserunt. Ap. Claudius praetor, cuius Sicilia prouincia erat, ubi ea accepit, extemplo legatos ad Hieronymum misit. qui cum sese ad renouandam societatem quae cum auo fuisset uenisse dicerent, per ludibrium auditi dimissique sunt ab quaerente per iocum Hieronymo quae fortuna eis pugnae ad Cannas fuisset; uix credibilia enim legatos Hannibalis narrare; uelle quid ueri sit scire, ut ex eo utram spem sequatur consilium capiat. Romani, cum serio legationes audire coepisset redituros se ad eum dicentes esse, monito magis eo quam rogato ne fidem temere mutaret proficiscuntur. Hieronymus legatos Carthaginem misit ad foedus ex societate cum Hannibale pacta faciendum. conuenit ut, cum Romanos Sicilia expulissent—id autem breui fore, si naues atque exercitum misissent—, Himera amnis, qui ferme diuidit, finis regni Syracusani ac Punici imperii esset. aliam deinde, inflatus adsentationibus eorum qui eum non Hieronis tantum sed Pyrrhi etiam regis, materni aui, iubebant meminisse, legationem misit, qua aequum censebat Sicilia sibi omni cedi, Italiae imperium proprium quaeri Carthaginiensi populo. hanc leuitatem ac iactationem animi neque mirabantur in iuuene furioso neque arguebant, dummodo auerterent eum ab Romanis. sed omnia in eo praecipitia ad exitium fuerunt. nam cum praemissis Hippocrate atque Epicyde cum binis milibus armatorum ad temptandas urbes quae praesidiis tenebantur Romanis, et ipse in Leontinos cum cetero omni exercitu —erant autem ad quindecim milia peditum equitumque— profectus esset, liberas aedes coniurati—et omnes forte militabant—imminentes uiae angustae qua descendere ad forum rex solebat sumpserunt. ibi cum instructi armatique ceteri transitum exspectantes starent, uni ex eis—Dinomeni fuit nomen—, quia custos corporis erat, partes datae sunt ut, cum adpropinquaret ianuae rex, per causam aliquam in angustiis sustineret ab tergo agmen. ita ut conuenerat factum est. [¶56] 7.5. Thereupon, puffed up by the flatteries of those who bade him remember not Hiero only but also King Pyrrhus, his maternal grandfather, Hieronymus sent another embassy, through which he declared it was fair for them to yield all Sicily to him, and for the Carthaginian people to seek their own dominion over Italy. At this trifling and boastful spirit in a madcap youth they did not wonder, nor find fault either, provided they made him break with the Romans. VII. But in everything he was on the verge of ruin. > Latin: 7.5. tamquam laxaret elatum pedem ab stricto nodo, moratus turbam Dinomenes tantum interualli fecit ut, cum in praetereuntem sine armatis regem impetus fieret, confoderetur aliquot prius uolneribus quam succurri posset. [¶57] 7.6. For after sending Hippocrates and Epicydes in advance, each with two thousand armed men, to attack the cities which were held by Roman garrisons, he too setting out with all the rest of the army —and they were about fifteen thousand infantry and cavalry —had gone to Leontini. The conspirators all of whom, as it happened, were in the army, took possession of an empty house looking down upon the narrow street by which the king used to go down to the market-place. There, while the rest, drawn up under arms, were to stand waiting for him to pass, one of them —his name was Dinomenes —, as being a body-guard, was assigned the rôle of halting, on some pretext, the column following the king in the narrow street, when he approached the door of the house. This was carried out as had been arranged. > Latin: 7.6. clamore et tumultu audito in Dinomenem iam haud dubie obstantem tela coniciuntur, inter quae tamen duobus acceptis uolneribus euasit. fuga satellitum, ut iacentem uidere regem, facta est; interfectores pars in forum ad multitudinem laetam libertate, pars Syracusas pergunt ad praeoccupanda Adranodori regiorumque aliorum consilia. [¶58] 7.8. Dinomenes, raising one foot and pretending to loosen a knot drawn too tight, delayed the crowd and caused such a gap that, when the attack on the king was made as he passed without guards, he was stabbed with several thrusts before help could reach him. On hearing the shouting and uproar they hurled their weapons at Dinomenes, who was now obviously blocking the way. In the midst of these, however, he escaped with only two wounds. The guards fled as soon as they saw the king lying there. > Latin: 7.8. incerto rerum statu Ap. Claudius bellum oriens ex propinquo cum cerneret, senatum litteris certiorem fecit Siciliam Carthaginiensi populo et Hannibali conciliari, ipse aduersus Syracusana consilia prouinciae regnique fines omnia conuertit praesidia. [¶59] 7.10. Of the assassins some proceeded to the market-place and into a crowd which rejoiced in its freedom, some to Syracuse to forestall the designs of Adranodorus and the other supporters of the king. In the unsettled state of affairs Appius Claudius, seeing a war beginning near at hand, informed the senate by letter that Sicily was being won over to the Carthaginian people and Hannibal. > Latin: 7.10. exitu anni eius Q. Fabius ex auctoritate senatus Puteolos, per bellum coeptum frequentari emporium, communiit praesidiumque imposuit. [¶60] 7.11. For his own part, to meet the schemes of the Syracusans, he concentrated all his garrisons on the frontier between the province and the kingdom. At the end of that year Quintus Fabius by the authority of the senate fortified and garrisoned Puteoli, which as a commercial centre had grown in population during the war. > Latin: 7.11. inde Romam comitiorum causa ueniens in eum quem primum diem comitialem habuit comitia edixit atque ex itinere praeter urbem in campum descendit. [¶61] 7.12. Then, while on his way to Rome to hold the elections, he proclaimed them for the first date available for an election, and without stopping passed the city and came down to the Campus. On the day set the right to vote first fell to the century of the younger men of the Aniensis tribe, and it named Titus Otacilius and Marcus Aemilius Regillus as consuls. Thereupon Quintus Fabius, after silence had been made, spoke somewhat as follows: > Latin: 7.12. eo die cum sors praerogatiuae Aniensi iuniorum exisset eaque T. Otacilium M. Aemilium Regillum consules diceret, tum Q. Fabius silentio facto tali oratione est usus: [¶62] 8.1. “If we had either peace in Italy or such a war and such an enemy that there was ample room for carelessness, should someone interpose any delay to the enthusiasm which you bring to the Campus in order to entrust magistracies to the men of your choice, such a man would seem to me forgetful of your freedom.” > Latin: 8.1. 'si aut pacem in Italia aut bellum eumque hostem haberemus in quo neglegentiae laxior locus esset, qui uestris studiis, quae in campum ad mandandos quibus uelitis honores adfertis, moram ullam offerret, is mihi parum meminisse uideretur uestrae libertatis; [¶63] 8.2. “But since in this war, in dealing with this enemy, never has a mistake been made by any commander without huge losses to us, you ought in electing consuls to enter the polls with the same seriousness with which you go into battle-line under arms, and each man should say to himself: 'I name as consul a man who is a match for Hannibal the general.' ” “This year at Capua, when Vibellius Taurea, a distinguished Campanian knight, challenged, Asellus Claudius, a distinguished Roman knight, was matched against him.” > Latin: 8.2. sed cum in hoc bello, in hoc hoste nunquam ab ullo duce sine ingenti nostra clade erratum sit, eadem uos cura qua in aciem armati descenditis inire suffragium ad creandos consules decet et sibi quemque dicere: "Hannibali imperatori parem consulem nomino. " hoc anno ad Capuam Uibellio Taureae, Campano summo equiti, prouocanti summus Romanus eques Asellus Claudius est oppositus. [¶64] 8.4. “Against the Gaul who once challenged at the bridge over the Anio our ancestors sent Titus Manlius, who relied upon his courage and his strength.” > Latin: 8.4. aduersus Gallum quondam prouocantem in ponte Anienis T. Manlium fidentem et animo et uiribus misere maiores nostri. [¶65] 8.5. “There was the same reason, I am inclined to admit, why not many years later Marcus Valerius found no lack of confidence in him when he took up arms for the fray against a Gaul who made a like challenge.” > Latin: 8.5. eandem causam haud multis annis post fuisse non negauerim cur M. Ualerio non diffideretur aduersus similiter prouocantem ad certamen arma capienti Gallum. [¶66] 8.6. “Just as we desire to have foot and horse stronger than those of the enemy, if not, then a match for him, so let us seek a general who is a match for the commander of the enemy.” > Latin: 8.6. quemadmodum pedites equitesque optamus ut ualidiores, si minus, ut pares hosti habeamus, ita duci hostium parem imperatorem quaeramus. [¶67] 8.7. “When we shall have chosen the man who is the greatest commander in the state, nevertheless, although suddenly chosen, elected for a single year, he will be pitted against an experienced permanent general, hampered by no restrictions of time or authority to prevent him from doing and directing everything as the phases of the war shall require.” > Latin: 8.7. cum qui est summus in ciuitate dux eum legerimus, tamen repente lectus, in annum creatus aduersus ueterem ac perpetuum imperatorem comparabitur, nullis neque temporis nec iuris inclusum angustiis quo minus ita omnia gerat administretque ut tempora postulabunt belli; [¶68] 8.8. “But with us the year rolls round in mere preparation and while we are just beginning.” > Latin: 8.8. nobis autem in adparatu ipso ac tantum incohantibus res annus circumagitur. [¶69] 8.9. “Having sufficiently stated what kind of men you ought to elect as consuls, it remains for me to say a few words in regard to those to whom the favour of the first century to vote has inclined.” > Latin: 8.9. quoniam quales uiros creare uos consules deceat satis est dictum, restat ut pauca de eis in quos praerogatiuae fauor inclinauit dicam. [¶70] 8.10. “Marcus Aemilius Regillus is the flamen of Quirinus, and we can neither send him away from the sacred rites nor keep him at home without abandoning our responsibility for the gods or else for the war.” > Latin: 8.10. M. Aemilius Regillus flamen est Quirinalis, quem neque mittere a sacris neque retinere possumus ut non deum aut belli deseramus curam. [¶71] 8.11. “Titus Otacilius has my sister's daughter as his wife and children by her. But not so slight are your favours to my ancestors and myself that I can fail to hold the state of more account than personal ties.” > Latin: 8.11. Otacilius sororis meae filiam uxorem atque ex ea liberos habet; ceterum non ea uestra in me maioresque meos merita sunt ut non potiorem priuatis necessitudinibus rem publicam habeam. [¶72] 8.12. “Any one of the sailors and passengers can steer when the sea is calm. When a savage storm comes and the ship is swept over a rough sea by the wind, then there is need of a man and a pilot.” > Latin: 8.12. quilibet nautarum uectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest; ubi saeua orta tempestas est ac turbato mari rapitur uento nauis, tum uiro et gubernatore opus est. [¶73] 8.13. “We are not sailing a calm sea, but have been almost sunk already by a number of squalls. And so who is to sit at the helm is for you to decide with the greatest seriousness and foresight. In a lesser affair we have tested you, Titus Otacilius. Certainly you have not shown any reason why we should trust you for greater things.” > Latin: 8.13. non tranquillo nauigamus sed iam aliquot procellis summersi paene sumus; itaque quis ad gubernacula sedeat summa cura prouidendum ac praecauendum uobis est. in minore te experti, T. Otacili, re sumus; haud sane cur ad maiora tibi fidamus documenti quicquam dedisti. [¶74] 8.14. “This year we equipped the fleet which you commanded for three purposes: to ravage the coast of Africa, to make our Italian shores safe, but above all to prevent reinforcements with pay and supplies from being brought over from Carthage for Hannibal.” > Latin: 8.14. classem hoc anno, cui tu praefuisti, trium rerum causa parauimus, ut Africae oram popularetur, ut tuta nobis Italiae litora essent, ante omnia ne supplementum cum stipendio commeatuque ab Carthagine Hannibali transportaretur. [¶75] 8.15. “Citizens, elect Titus Otacilius consul, if he has performed, I do not say all of these things, but some part of them, for the state. But if, while you, Titus Otacilius, commanded the fleet, even the things he did not need came to Hannibal from home safe and intact, as though he had conquered the sea, if the coast of Italy has been more unsafe this ” “year than that of Africa, what reason can you give why we are to match you by preference as commander against such an enemy as Hannibal?” > Latin: 8.15. create consulem T. Otacilium, non dico si omnia haec, sed si aliquid eorum rei publicae praestitit. sin autem te classem obtinente, ea etiam uelut pacato mari quibus Hannibali tuta atque integra ab domo uenerunt, si ora Italiae infestior hoc anno quam Africae fuit, quid dicere potes cur te potis- [¶76] 8.17. “If you were consul we should propose the appointment of a dictator, following the precedent of our ancestors, and you could not be incensed that some one in the Roman state was considered a better man in war than you. It is to no one's interest more than yours, Titus Otacilius, that no such burden be placed on your shoulders that you may fall beneath it.” > Latin: 8.17. simum ducem Hannibali hosti opponant? si consul esses, dictatorem dicendum exemplo maiorum nostrorum censeremus, nec tu id indignari posses aliquem in ciuitate Romana meliorem bello haberi quam te. magis nullius interest quam tua, T. Otacili, non imponi ceruicibus tuis onus sub quo concidas. [¶77] 8.18. “I earnestly entreat and urge you, citizens, that the same spirit which you would show if, while standing armed in battle-line, you had suddenly to choose two generals under whose command and auspices you should fight, be yours today also in electing ” “consuls to whom your sons shall repeat the oath, in response to whose edict they shall assemble, under whose guardian care they shall serve.” > Latin: 8.18. ego magno opere suadeo, Quirites, eodem animo quo si stantibus uobis in acie armatis repente deligendi duo imperatores essent quorum ductu atque auspicio dimicaretis, hodie quoque consules creetis quibus sacramento liberi uestri dicant, ad quorum edictum conueniant, sub quorum tutela atque cura militent. [¶78] 8.20. “The Lake of Trasumennus and Cannae are sad examples to recall, but to guard against like disasters they are a warning. Herald, summon the Aniensis century of the younger men to vote again!” > Latin: 8.20. lacus Trasumennus et Cannae tristia ad recordationem exempla sed ad praecauenda similia [utiles] documento sunt. praeco, Aniensem iuniorum in suffragium reuoca.' [¶79] 9.1. While Titus Otacilius was fiercely and noisily shouting that Fabius wanted to have his consulship prolonged, the consul ordered the lictors to go up to him, and, as he had not entered the city, having gone without > Latin: 9.1. cum T. Otacilius ferociter eum continuare consulatum uelle uociferaretur atque obstreperet, lictores ad eum accedere consul iussit et, quia urbem non inierat protinus in campum ex itinere profectus, admonuit cum securibus sibi fasces praeferri. [¶80] 9.3. a halt directly to the Campus, he warned Otacilius that the fasces carried before the consul had their axes. > Latin: 9.3. interim praerogatiua suffragium init creatique in ea consules Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. Marcellus tertium. eosdem consules ceterae centuriae sine uariatione ulla dixerunt; [¶81] 9.4. Meanwhile the leading century proceeded to vote, and in it were elected consuls Quintus Fabius Maximus for the fourth time and Marcus Marcellus for the third time. > Latin: 9.4. et praetor unus refectus Q. Fuluius Flaccus, noui alii creati, T. Otacilius Crassus iterum, Q. Fabius consulis filius qui tum aedilis curulis erat, P. Cornelius Lentulus. [¶82] 9.5. The rest of the centuries without exception named the same men as consuls. And of the praetors one, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was reflected, the others newly created, Titus Otacilius Crassus for the second time, Quintus Fabius, son of the consul and at the time curule aedile, and Publius Cornelius Lentulus. > Latin: 9.5. comitiis praetorum perfectis senatus consultum factum, ut Q. Fuluio extra ordinem urbana prouincia esset isque potissimum consulibus ad bellum profectis urbi praeesset. aquae magnae bis eo anno fuerunt Tiberisque agros inundauit cum magna strage tectorum pecorumque et hominum pernicie. [¶83] 9.7. The election of praetors being now completed, the senate decreed that Quintus Fulvius by special designation should have the duties of city praetor, and that he, and no one else, should be in charge of the city when the consuls took the field. > Latin: 9.7. quinto anno secundi Punici belli Q. Fabius Maximus quartum M. Claudius Marcellus tertium consulatum ineuntes plus solito conuerterant in se ciuitatis animos; multis enim annis tale consulum par non fuerat. referebant senes sic Maximum Rullum cum P. Decio ad bellum Gallicum, sic postea Papirium Caruiliumque aduersus Samnites Bruttiosque et Lucanum cum Tarentino populum consules declaratos. [¶84] 9.9. There were great floods twice that year and the Tiber overflowed the farms with great destruction of buildings and cattle and much loss of life. > Latin: 9.9. absens Marcellus consul creatus, cum ad exercitum esset; praesenti Fabio atque ipsi comitia habenti consulatus continuatus. [¶85] 9.10. In the fifth year of the Second Punic War, Quintus Fabius Maximus entering his fourth consulship and Marcus Claudius Marcellus his third attracted the attention of the citizens more than was usual. > Latin: 9.10. tempus ac necessitas belli ac discrimen summae rerum faciebant ne quis aut exemplum exquireret aut suspectum cupiditatis imperii consulem haberet; [¶86] 9.11. For many years there had been no such pair of consuls. Old men recalled that thus Maximus Rullus had been declared consul with Publius Decius for the Gallic war, thus, later on, Papirius and Carvilius against the Samnites and Bruttians and the people of Lucania and of Tarentum. Marcellus was made consul in his absence, being with the army; for Fabius, who was present and himself conducted the election, his consulship was continued. > Latin: 9.11. quin laudabant potius magnitudinem animi quod, cum summo imperatore esse opus rei publicae sciret seque eum haud dubie esse, minoris inuidiam suam, si qua ea re oreretur, quam utilitatem rei publicae fecisset. quo die magistratum inierunt consules, senatus in Capitolio est habitus decretumque omnium primum ut consules sortirentur compararentue inter se uter censoribus creandis comitia haberet priusquam ad exercitum proficisceretur. [¶87] 10.3. The times and the straits of war and danger to the existence of the state deterred any one from searching for a precedent for that, and from suspecting the consul of greed for power. > Latin: 10.3. prorogatum deinde imperium omnibus qui ad exercitus erant iussique in prouinciis manere, Ti. Gracchus Luceriae, ubi cum uolonum exercitu erat, C. Terentius Uarro in agro Piceno, M. [¶88] 10.4. On the contrary they praised his high-mindedness, in that, knowing the state had need of a great commander, and that he was himself undoubtedly that man, he counted his own unpopularity, should any be the consequence, as of less moment than the advantage of the state. X. On the day on which the consuls entered upon office the senate met on the Capitol, and it was decreed first of all that the consuls should decide by lot or by mutual arrangement which of them should hold the election for naming the censors before leaving for the army. > Latin: 10.4. Pomponius in Gallico; et praetorum prioris anni pro praetoribus, Q. Mucius obtineret Sardiniam, M. Ualerius ad Brundisium orae maritimae, intentus aduersus omnes motus Philippi Macedonum regis, praeesset.