---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 18 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 18. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 18. Book XXIV · chapters 10–20

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/18/#p-N

[¶0] 10.5. Then for all who were with the army their commands were continued, and they were ordered to remain in their assignments, Tiberius Gracchus at Luceria, where he was with the army of slave-volunteers, Gaius Terentius Varro in the Picene district, Marcus Pomponius in the Gallic;

> Latin: 10.5. P. Cornelio Lentulo praetori Sicilia decreta prouincia, T. Otacilio classis eadem quam aduersus Carthaginienses priore anno habuisset. prodigia eo anno multa nuntiata sunt, quae quo magis credebant simplices ac religiosi homines, eo plura nuntiabantur:

[¶1] 10.6. and that of the praetors of the previous year, now as propraetors, Quintus Mucius should govern Sardinia and Marcus Valerius should be in command of the sea-coast at Brundisium, watchful against all movements of Philip, King of the Macedonians. Sicily was assigned as his province to Publius Cornelius Lentulus, the praetor, and to Titus Otacilius the same fleet which he had had against the Carthaginians the previous year.

> Latin: 10.6. Lanuui in aede intus Sospitae Iunonis coruos nidum fecisse; in Apulia palmam uiridem arsisse; Mantuae stagnum effusum Mincio amni cruentum uisum; et Calibus creta et Romae in foro bouario sanguine pluuisse;

[¶2] 10.8. Prodigies in large numbers —and the more they were believed by men simple and devout, the more of them used to be reported —were reported that year: that at Lanuvium ravens had made a nest inside the temple of Juno Sospita; that in Apulia a green palm took fire; that at Mantua a lake, the overflow of the river Mincius, appeared bloody;

> Latin: 10.8. et in uico Insteio fontem sub terra tanta ui aquarum fluxisse ut serias doliaque quae in eo loco erant prouoluta uelut impetu torrentis tulerit;

[¶3] 10.9. and at Cales it rained chalk, and at Rome in the Cattle Market blood; and that on the Vicus Insteius an underground spring flowed with such a volume of water that the force of a torrent, as it were, overturned the jars, great and small, that were there and carried them along;

> Latin: 10.9. tacta de caelo atrium publicum in Capitolio, aedem in campo Uolcani, Uacunae in Sabinis publicamque uiam, murum ac portam Gabiis.

[¶4] 10.10. that the Atrium Publicum on the Capitol, the temple of Vulcan in the Campus, that of Vacuna and a public street in the Sabine country, the wall and a gate at Gabii were struck by lightning. Moreover other marvels were widely circulated: that the spear of Mars at Praeneste moved of itself; that an ox in Sicily spoke; that among the Marrucini an infant in its mother's womb shouted “Hail, triumph!”;

> Latin: 10.10. iam alia uolgata miracula erant: hastam Martis Praeneste sua sponte promotam; bouem in Sicilia locutum; infantem in utero matris in Marrucinis 'io triumphe' clamasse; ex muliere Spoleti uirum factum; Hadriae aram in caelo speciesque hominum circum eam cum candida ueste uisas esse.

[¶5] 10.11. that at Spoletium a woman was changed into a man; that at Hadria an altar was seen in the sky, and about it the forms of men in white garments. In fact at Rome also, actually in the city, directly after the appearance of a swarm of bees in the Forum —a wonder because it is rare —certain men, asserting that they saw armed legions on the Janiculum, aroused the city to arms, whereas those who were on the Janiculum denied that anyone had been seen there except the usual dwellers on that hill.

> Latin: 10.11. quin Romae quoque in ipsa urbe, secundum apum examen in foro uisum—quod mirabile est, quia rarum—, adfirmantes quidam legiones se armatas in Ianiculo uidere concitauerunt ciuitatem ad arma, cum qui in Ianiculo essent negarent quemquam ibi praeter adsuetos collis eius cultores apparuisse.

[¶6] 10.13. Atonement was made for these prodigies with full-grown victims on the advice of the soothsayers, and a season of prayer to all the gods who had festal couches at Rome was proclaimed.

> Latin: 10.13. haec prodigia hostiis maioribus procurata sunt ex haruspicum responso et supplicatio omnibus deis quorum puluinaria Romae essent indicta est.

[¶7] 11.1. The rites which concerned peace with the gods being now completed, the consuls laid before the senate the condition of the state and the conduct of the war, and what forces there were and where severally stationed.

> Latin: 11.1. perpetratis quae ad pacem deum pertinebant, de re publica belloque gerendo et quantum copiarum et ubi quaeque essent consules ad senatum rettulerunt.

[¶8] 11.2. It was voted to carry on the war with eighteen legions; that each consul should take two; that with two legions in each case Gaul and Sicily and Sardinia should be held;

> Latin: 11.2. duodeuiginti legionibus bellum geri placuit; binas consules sibi sumere, binis Galliam Siciliamque ac Sardiniam obtineri; duabus Q. Fabium praetorem Apuliae, duabus uolonum Ti. Gracchum circa Luceriam praeesse;

[¶9] 11.3. that with two legions Quintus Fabius, a praetor, should be in charge of Apulia, and that with two legions of slave-volunteers Tiberius Gracchus should be in command in the region of Luceria;

> Latin: 11.3. singulas C. Terentio proconsuli ad Picenum et M. Ualerio ad classem circa Brundisium relinqui, duas urbi praesidio esse.

[¶10] 11.4. that one legion each should be left for Gaius Terentius, the proconsul, in the Picene district and for Marcus Valerius for service with the fleet near Brundisium; that two should form the garrison of the city. To make up this number of legions six new legions had to be enrolled. The consuls were ordered to enroll them as soon as possible, and to furnish a fleet, so that, including the ships at anchor defending the coast of Calabria, the fleet should amount that year to a hundred and fifty warships.

> Latin: 11.4. hic ut numerus legionum expleretur, sex nouae legiones erant scribendae. eas primo quoque tempore consules scribere iussi et classem parare, ut cum eis nauibus quae pro Calabriae litoribus in statione essent, centum quinquaginta longarum classis nauium eo anno expleretur.

[¶11] 11.6. After conducting the levy and launching a hundred new ships, Quintus Fabius held an election for the choosing of censors. Marcus Atilius Regulus and Publius Furius Philus were elected.

> Latin: 11.6. dilectu habito et centum nauibus nouis deductis Q. Fabius comitia censoribus creandis habuit; creati M. Atilius Regulus et P. Furius Philus. cum increbresceret rumor bellum in Sicilia esse, T. Otacilius eo cum classe proficisci iussus est.

[¶12] 11.7. As the rumour that there was a war in Sicily spread more widely, Titus Otacilius was ordered to set sail thither with his fleet. Owing to the lack of sailors the consuls in accordance with a decree of the senate issued an edict that a man who in the censorship of Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Flaminius had been rated —either he or his father —at from 50,000 to 100,000 asses, or if his property had since increased to that amount, should furnish one sailor provided with six months' pay;

> Latin: 11.7. cum deessent nautae, consules ex senatus consulto edixerunt ut, qui L. Aemilio C. Flaminio censoribus milibus aeris quinquaginta ipse aut pater eius census fuisset usque ad centum milia aut cui postea tanta res esset facta, nautam unum cum sex mensum stipendio daret; qui supra centum milia usque ad trecenta milia, tres nautas cum stipendio annuo;

[¶13] 11.8. that one who had more than 100,000 and up to 300,000 should furnish three sailors and a year's pay; he who had over 300,000 and up to a million asses, five sailors; he who had over a million, seven; that senators should furnish eight sailors and a year's pay.

> Latin: 11.8. qui supra trecenta milia usque ad deciens aeris, quinque nautas; qui supra deciens, septem; senatores octo nautas cum annuo stipendio darent.

[¶14] 11.9. The sailors furnished in accordance with this edict went on board armed and equipped by their masters, and with cooked rations for thirty days. It was the first time that a Roman fleet was manned with crews secured at private expense.

> Latin: 11.9. ex hoc edicto dati nautae, armati instructique ab dominis, cum triginta dierum coctis cibariis naues conscenderunt. tum primum est factum ut classis Romana sociis naualibus priuata impensa paratis compleretur.

[¶15] 12.1. This extraordinary preparation particularly alarmed the Campanians, for fear the Romans might begin that year's war with a siege of Capua. Accordingly they sent legates to Hannibal to beg him to bring his army to Capua.

> Latin: 12.1. hic maior solito apparatus praecipue conterruit Campanos ne ab obsidione Capuae bellum eius anni Romani inciperent. itaque legatos ad Hannibalem oratum miserunt ut Capuam exercitum admoueret:

[¶16] 12.2. New armies, they said, were being enrolled at Rome for besieging it, and the defection of no city had more embittered the Romans.

> Latin: 12.2. ad eam oppugnandam nouos exercitus scribi Romae nec ullius urbis defectioni magis infensos eorum animos esse.

[¶17] 12.3. Since they reported this with such excitement, Hannibal, thinking he must make haste, lest he be anticipated by the Romans, set out from Arpi and established himself by Tifata in his old camp above Capua.

> Latin: 12.3. id quia tam trepide nuntiabant, maturandum Hannibal ratus ne praeuenirent Romani, profectus Arpis ad Tifata in ueteribus castris super Capuam consedit.

[¶18] 12.4. Then leaving Numidians and Spaniards to defend the camp and Capua at the same time, he came down with the rest of his army to the Lake of Avernus, with the pretext of sacrificing, in reality to attack Puteoli and the garrison which was there.

> Latin: 12.4. inde Numidis Hispanisque ad praesidium simul castrorum simul Capuae relictis cum cetero exercitu ad lacum Auerni per speciem sacrificandi, re ipsa ut temptaret Puteolos quodque ibi praesidii erat, descendit.

[¶19] 12.5. Maximus, on being informed that Hannibal had left Arpi and was returning to Campania, without interrupting his journey by day or night returned to the army.

> Latin: 12.5. Maximus, postquam Hannibalem Arpis profectum et regredi in Campaniam allatum est, nec die nec nocte intermisso itinere ad exercitum redit, et Ti.

[¶20] 12.6. And he ordered Tiberius Gracchus to bring his troops from Luceria to Beneventum, and Quintus Fabius, the praetor —he was the consul's son —, to relieve Gracchus at Luceria.

> Latin: 12.6. Gracchum ab Luceria Beneuentum copias admouere, Q. Fabium praetorem—is filius consulis erat—<ad> Luceriam Graccho succedere iubet.

[¶21] 12.7. Two praetors set out at the same time for Sicily, Publius Cornelius to the army, and Titus Otacilius to take command of the sea-coast and of naval operations.

> Latin: 12.7. in Siciliam eodem tempore duo praetores profecti, P. Cornelius ad exercitum, T. Otacilius qui maritimae orae reique nauali praeesset;

[¶22] 12.8. And the others set out for their several assignments, and those whose commands had been prolonged held the same regions as in the previous year.

> Latin: 12.8. et ceteri in suas quisque prouincias profecti, et quibus prorogatum imperium erat easdem quas priori anno regiones obtinuerunt.

[¶23] 13.1. While Hannibal was at the Lake of Avernus five-noble young men came to him from Tarentum, some of whom had been captured at the Lake of Trasumennus, others at Cannae, and sent to their homes with that same courtesy which the Carthaginian had shown toward all allies of the Romans.

> Latin: 13.1. ad Hannibalem, cum ad lacum Auerni esset, quinque nobiles iuuenes ab Tarento uenerunt, partim ad Trasumennum lacum, partim ad Cannas capti dimissique domos cum eadem comitate qua usus aduersus omnes Romanorum socios Poenus fuerat.

[¶24] 13.2. Mindful of his favours, they reported that they had induced a large part of the young men of Tarentum to prefer the friendship and alliance of Hannibal to those of the Roman people; and that, as legates sent by their people, they asked Hannibal to bring his army nearer to Tarentum.

> Latin: 13.2. ei memores beneficiorum eius perpulisse magnam partem se iuuentutis Tarentinae referunt ut Hannibalis amicitiam ac societatem quam populi Romani mallent, legatosque ab suis missos rogare Hannibalem ut exercitum propius Tarentum admoueat:

[¶25] 13.3. If his standards, if his camp should be seen from Tarentum there would be no delay in the surrender of the city; that the common people were in the power of the younger men, the Tarentine state in the hands of the common people.

> Latin: 13.3. si signa eius, si castra conspecta a Tarento sint, haud ullam intercessuram moram quin <in deditionem ueniat> urbs; in potestate iuniorum plebem, in manu plebis rem Tarentinam esse.

[¶26] 13.4. Hannibal praised them and overwhelmed them with great promises, and bade them return home to carry out their undertaking promptly; that he would be there at the right moment.

> Latin: 13.4. Hannibal conlaudatos eos oneratosque ingentibus promissis domum ad coepta maturanda redire iubet; se in tempore adfuturum esse. hac cum spe dimissi Tarentini.

[¶27] 13.5. With this hope the Tarentines were sent away. He himself had conceived a great desire to gain possession of Tarentum. He saw that the city was not only rich and famous but also a seaport, and favourably placed in the direction of Macedonia, and that accordingly King Philip, if he should cross into Italy, would make for this port, since the Romans held Brundisium.

> Latin: 13.5. ipsum ingens cupido incesserat Tarenti potiundi. urbem esse uidebat cum opulentam nobilemque, tum maritimam et in Macedoniam opportune uersam regemque Philippum hunc portum, si transiret in Italiam, Brundisium cum Romani haberent, petiturum.

[¶28] 13.6. Then, after accomplishing the rite for which he had come, and devastating the territory of Cumae as far as the promontory of Misenum, while he lingered there, he suddenly headed his column toward Puteoli, to surprise the Roman garrison.

> Latin: 13.6. sacro inde perpetrato ad quod uenerat et, dum ibi moratur, peruastato agro Cumano usque ad Miseni promunturium Puteolos repente agmen conuertit ad opprimendum praesidium Romanum.

[¶29] 13.7. There were six thousand men and the place was defended by a wall also, not merely by nature. There the Carthaginian tarried three days, attacking the garrison from every side; and then, when he met with no success, he set out to ravage the territory of Neapolis, rather in anger than with the hope of taking the city.

> Latin: 13.7. sex milia hominum erant et locus munimento quoque, non natura modo tutus. triduum ibi moratus Poenus ab omni parte temptato praesidio, deinde, ut nihil procedebat, ad populandum agrum Neapolitanum magis ira quam potiundae urbis spe processit.

[¶30] 13.8. His coming into a neighbouring region aroused the common people of Nola, who had long been estranged from the Romans and hostile to their own senate. Consequently legates came to invite Hannibal, bringing a definitive promise to surrender the city.

> Latin: 13.8. aduentu eius in propinquum agrum mota Nolana est plebs, iam diu auersa ab Romanis et infesta senatui suo. itaque legati ad arcessendum Hannibalem cum haud dubio promisso tradendae urbis uenerunt.

[¶31] 13.9. Marcellus, the consul, was called in by the leading men and forestalled their undertaking. From Cales he had hastened in one day to Suessula, though the river Volturnus had delayed his crossing.

> Latin: 13.9. praeuenit inceptum eorum Marcellus consul a primoribus accitus. die uno Suessulam a Calibus, cum Uolturnus amnis traicientem moratus esset, contenderat;

[¶32] 13.10. Thence he sent six thousand infantry and three hundred horsemen that night into Nola, to defend the senate.

> Latin: 13.10. inde proxima nocte sex milia peditum, equites trecentos, qui praesidio senatui essent, Nolam intromisit.

[¶33] 13.11. And whereas the consul did everything with energy, in order to anticipate him in occupying Nola, Hannibal was wasting time, having twice already made the vain attempt, and being now less inclined to believe the men of Nola.

> Latin: 13.11. et uti a consule omnia impigre facta sunt ad praeoccupandam Nolam, ita Hannibal tempus terebat, bis iam ante nequiquam temptata re segnior ad credendum Nolanis factus.

[¶34] 14.1. At the same time not only did Quintus Fabius, the consul, come to Casilinum, to attack the city, held by a Carthaginian garrison, but also, as if by prearrangement, Hanno, with a large force of infantry and cavalry, from the land of the Bruttii, came to Beneventum from one side, while on the other side Tiberius Gracchus came to it from Luceria.

> Latin: 14.1. iisdem diebus et Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum temptandum, quod praesidio Punico tenebatur, uenit et ad Beneuentum uelut ex composito parte altera Hanno ex Bruttiis cum magna peditum equitumque manu, altera Ti. Gracchus ab Luceria accessit.

[¶35] 14.2. The latter at first entered the town, and then, on hearing that Hanno had pitched his camp about three miles from the city by the river Calor, and from that point was ravaging the country, he likewise left the city and pitched camp about a mile from the enemy. There he held an assembly of the soldiers.

> Latin: 14.2. qui primo oppidum intrauit, deinde, ut Hannonem tria milia ferme ab urbe ad Calorem fluuium castra posuisse et inde agrum populari audiuit, et ipse egressus moenibus mille ferme passus ab hoste castra locat. ibi contionem militum habuit.

[¶36] 14.3. The legions he had were largely made up of slave-volunteers, who now for two years had preferred silently to earn their freedom rather than openly to demand it. Yet as he came out of winter quarters he had been aware that there was murmuring in the column, as they asked whether they were ever at all to serve as free men.

> Latin: 14.3. legiones magna ex parte uolonum habebat, qui iam alterum annum libertatem tacite mereri quam postulare palam maluerant. senserat tamen hibernis egrediens murmur in agmine esse quaerentium, en unquam liberi militaturi essent, scripseratque senatui non tam quid desiderarent quam quid meruissent:

[¶37] 14.4. And he had written to the senate, not so much what they wanted as what they had deserved; that he had had good and brave service from them up to that time, and that they lacked nothing toward the standard of the real soldier except their freedom.

> Latin: 14.4. bona fortique opera eorum se ad eam diem usum neque ad exemplum iusti militis quicquam eis praeter libertatem deesse.

[¶38] 14.5. In this matter he had been given permission to do whatever he thought to be for the good of the state. And so, before engaging the enemy, he announced that the time had come for them to gain the freedom for which they so long had hoped; that the next day he would fight, standards against standards, in a clear and open field, where without any fear of ambush the battle could be fought with pure courage.

> Latin: 14.5. de eo permissum ipsi erat faceret quod e re publica duceret esse. itaque priusquam cum hoste manum consereret, pronuntiat tempus uenisse eis libertatis quam diu sperassent potiundae; postero die signis conlatis dimicaturum puro ac patenti campo, ubi sine ullo insidiarum metu uera uirtute geri res posset.

[¶39] 14.7. Whoever should bring back the head of an enemy would by his order be a free man at once.

> Latin: 14.7. qui caput hostis rettulisset, eum se extemplo liberum iussurum esse; qui loco cessisset, in eum seruili supplicio animaduersurum;

[¶40] 14.8. Whoever retreated from his post would meet the punishment of a slave. Each man's fortune was in his own hand. The giver of their freedom would be not merely himself, but the consul Marcus Marcellus, but the whole senate, for they had been consulted by him and had given him permission in the matter of their freedom.

> Latin: 14.8. suam cuique fortunam in manu esse. libertatis auctorem eis non se fore solum sed consulem M. Marcellum, sed uniuersos patres, quos consultos ab se de libertate eorum sibi permisisse.

[¶41] 14.9. He then read the letter of the consul and the decree of the senate. Upon that a shout was raised with great applause. They clamoured for battle and with high spirit insisted that he give the signal at once.

> Latin: 14.9. litteras inde consulis ac senatus consultum recitauit, ad quae clamor cum ingenti adsensu est sublatus. pugnam poscebant signumque ut daret extemplo ferociter instabant.

[¶42] 14.10. Gracchus announced a battle for the morrow and dismissed the assembly. The soldiers were happy, especially those for whom freedom was to be the reward of a single day's service, and spent the rest of the day in putting their arms in order.

> Latin: 14.10. Gracchus proelio in posterum diem pronuntiato contionem dimisit: milites laeti, praecipue quibus merces nauatae in unum diem operae libertas futura erat, armis expediendis diei reliquum consumunt.

[¶43] 15.1. On the next day, when the signals began to sound, these soldiers were the first of all to assemble at headquarters, ready and in formation. After sunrise Gracchus led his troops out into line, and the enemy did not delay the battle.

> Latin: 15.1. postero die ubi signa coeperunt canere, primi omnium parati instructique ad praetorium conueniunt. sole orto Gracchus in aciem copias educit nec hostes moram dimicandi fecerunt.

[¶44] 15.2. They had seventeen thousand infantry, mostly Bruttians and Lucanians, twelve hundred cavalry, among them very few Italians, nearly all the rest Numidians and Mauri. The battle was fierce and long; for four hours it did not incline either way.

> Latin: 15.2. septendecim milia peditum erant, maxima ex parte Bruttii ac Lucani, equites mille ducenti, inter quos pauci admodum Italici, ceteri Numidae fere omnes Maurique. pugnatum est et acriter et diu;

[¶45] 15.3. And nothing hampered the Romans more than that enemies' heads were made the price of freedom. For when a man had boldly slain an enemy, in the first place he was wasting time in cutting off the head with difficulty in the confusion and turmoil;

> Latin: 15.3. quattuor horis neutro inclinata est pugna nec alia magis Romanum impediebat res quam capita hostium pretia libertatis facta.

[¶46] 15.4. and then, as his right hand was occupied in holding the head, the bravest had ceased to be fighters, while the battle was turned over to the spiritless and the fearful.

> Latin: 15.4. nam ut quisque hostem impigre occiderat, primum capite aegre inter turbam tumultumque abscidendo terebat tempus; deinde occupata dextra tenendo caput fortissimus quisque pugnator esse desierat, segnibus ac timidis tradita pugna erat.

[¶47] 15.5. When the tribunes of the soldiers reported' this to Gracchus: that they were not wounding a single enemy standing, but butchering the fallen; and that in the soldier's right hands there were human heads instead of swords, he ordered the command at once given that they should throw away the heads and attack the enemy.

> Latin: 15.5. quod ubi tribuni militum Graccho nuntiauerunt, neminem stantem iam uolnerari hostem, carnificari iacentes et in dextris militum pro gladiis humana capita esse, signum dari propere iussit proicerent capita inuaderentque hostem:

[¶48] 15.6. Their courage, he said, was sufficiently clear and conspicuous, and for active men freedom would be beyond a doubt. Thereupon the battle Was renewed, and the cavalry also charged the enemy.

> Latin: 15.6. claram satis et insignem uirtutem esse nec dubiam libertatem futuram strenuis uiris. tum redintegrata pugna est et eques etiam in hostes emissus;

[¶49] 15.7. Since the Numidians met this charge gallantly and the cavalry battle was no less spirited than that of the infantry, the issue was for the second time made doubtful. While the commanders on both sides heaped abuse, the Roman on the Bruttians and Lucanians, so many times defeated and subdued by their ancestors, the Carthaginian on the Roman slaves and prison-house .soldiers, Gracchus finally declared that they had no reason to hope for freedom, unless on that day the enemy should-be routed and put to flight.

> Latin: 15.7. quibus cum impigre Numidae concurrissent nec segnior equitum quam peditum pugna esset, iterum in dubium adducta res. cum utrimque duces, Romanus Bruttium Lucanumque totiens a maioribus suis uictos subactosque, Poenus mancipia Romana et ex ergastulo militem uerbis obtereret, postremo pronuntiat Gracchus esse nihil quod de libertate sperarent, nisi eo die fusi fugatique hostes essent.

[¶50] 16.1. Those words at last so fired their courage that, as though they were suddenly different men, they raised a shout again and charged the enemy with such force that they could no longer be withstood.

> Latin: 16.1. ea demum uox ita animos accendit ut renouato clamore uelut alii repente facti tanta ui se in hostem intulerint, ut sustineri ultra non possent.

[¶51] 16.2. At first the front line of the Carthaginians, then the second was in confusion; finally the whole line was forced back. Then it was unmistakeable flight, and fleeing they dashed into their camp in such fright and excitement that no one halted even at the gates or on the wall. And the Romans, pursuing in almost unbroken column, fought an entirely new battle while hemmed in by the enemies' wall.

> Latin: 16.2. primo antesignani Poenorum, dein signa perturbata, postremo tota impulsa acies; inde haud dubie terga data ruuntque fugientes in castra adeo pauidi trepidique ut ne in portis quidem aut uallo quisquam restiterit ac prope continenti agmine Romani insecuti nouum de integro proelium inclusi hostium uallo ediderint.

[¶52] 16.3. There the battle was indeed more hampered in a confined space, but the slaughter was more savage. And they were aided by the captives, who, seizing weapons during the confusion and advancing in a mass, slashed the Carthaginians from the rear and also hindered their flight.

> Latin: 16.3. ibi sicut pugna impeditior in angustiis, ita caedes atrocior fuit; et adiuuere captiui, qui rapto inter tumultum ferro conglobati et ab tergo ceciderunt Poenos et fugam impedierunt.

[¶53] 16.4. And so out of that great army less than two thousand men, mainly cavalry at that, escaped along with the general himself. All the rest were slain or captured. Captured were also thirty-eight standards. Of the victors about two thousand fell.

> Latin: 16.4. itaque minus duo milia hominum ex tanto exercitu, et ea maior pars equitum, cum ipso duce effugerunt; alii omnes caesi aut capti; capta et signa duodequadraginta.

[¶54] 16.5. All the booty except the captives was given to the soldiers. Cattle also were excepted, if the owners should identify them within thirty days.

> Latin: 16.5. ex uictoribus duo milia ferme cecidere. praeda omnis, praeterquam hominum captorum, militi concessa est; et pecus exceptum est quod intra dies triginta domini cognouissent.

[¶55] 16.6. When they had returned to camp laden with booty, about four thousand of the slave-volunteers, who had fought with less spirit and had not dashed into the camp with the others, for fear of punishment occupied a hill not far from the camp. The next day they were brought down by military tribunes and arrived after an assembly of the soldiers had been called by Gracchus.

> Latin: 16.6. cum praeda onusti in castra redissent, quattuor milia ferme uolonum militum, quae pugnauerant segnius nec in castra inruperant simul, metu poenae collem haud procul castris ceperunt.

[¶56] 16.7. There the proconsul first presented military decorations to the old soldiers, to each according to his valour and his part in that battle;

> Latin: 16.7. postero die per tribunos militum inde deducti, contione militum aduocata a Graccho superueniunt.

[¶57] 16.8. and then he said that, so far as the slave-volunteers were concerned, he preferred to have all of them, the. worthy and the unworthy, praised by himself, rather than to have any one of them punished that day;

> Latin: 16.8. ubi cum proconsul ueteres milites primum, prout cuiusque uirtus atque opera in ea pugna fuerat, militaribus donis donasset, tunc quod ad uolones attineret omnes ait malle laudatos a se, dignos indignosque, quam quemquam eo die castigatum esse;

[¶58] 16.9. that, with the prayer that it might be good and happy and fortunate for the state and for the men themselves, he ordered them all to be free.

> Latin: 16.9. quod bonum faustum felixque rei publicae ipsisque esset, omnes eos liberos esse iubere.

[¶59] 16.10. At these words they raised a shout with great enthusiasm, and now embracing and congratulating each other, now raising their hands to heaven, they prayed for every blessing for the Roman people and for Gracchus himself. Thereupon Gracchus said: “Before making you all equals by the right of freedom, I wished to stamp not one man of you with the mark of a brave or of a cowardly soldier.”

> Latin: 16.10. ad quam uocem cum clamor ingenti alacritate sublatus esset ac nunc complexi inter se gratulantesque, nunc manus ad caelum tollentes bona omnia populo Romano Gracchoque ipsi precarentur, tum Gracchus 'priusquam omnes iure libertatis aequassem' inquit, 'neminem nota strenui aut ignaui militis notasse uolui;

[¶60] 16.12. “But now, the promise made in the name of the state being already fulfilled, to prevent the loss of every distinction between valour and cowardice, I shall order the names of those who, remembering their refusal to fight, left us a while ago to be reported to me;”

> Latin: 16.12. nunc exsoluta iam fide publica, ne discrimen omne uirtutis ignauiaeque pereat, nomina eorum qui detractatae pugnae memores secessionem paulo ante fecerunt referri ad me iubebo citatosque singulos iure iurando adigam, nisi quis morbus causa erit, non aliter quam stantes cibum potionemque quoad stipendia facient capturos esse.

[¶61] 16.13. “and summoning them one by one I shall make them swear that, excepting men who shall have illness as an excuse, they will take food and drink standing only, so long as they shall be in the service. This penalty you will bear with patience, if you will reflect that you could not have been marked with any slighter sign of cowardice.” He then gave the signal to pack baggage, and the soldiers carrying and driving their booty returned with sport and mirth so gaily to Beneventum that they seemed to be returning from a feast on a day of general festivity, not from a battle.

> Latin: 16.13. hanc multam ita aequo animo feretis, si reputabitis nulla ignauiae nota leuiore uos designari potuisse.' signum deinde colligendi uasa dedit; militesque praedam portantes agentesque per lasciuiam ac iocum ita ludibundi Beneuentum rediere ut ab epulis per celebrem festumque diem actis non ex acie reuerti uiderentur.

[¶62] 16.16. All the people of Beneventum, having come out en masse to the gates to meet them, embraced the soldiers, congratulated them, invited them into their houses.

> Latin: 16.16. Beneuentani omnes turba effusa cum obuiam ad portas exissent, complecti milites, gratulari, uocare in hospitium.

[¶63] 16.17. Feasts had been made ready by all in the atria of their houses. To these they invited the soldiers and implored Gracchus to allow the soldiers to feast. And Gracchus did permit them, provided they all feasted in the open, each before the door of his house.

> Latin: 16.17. apparata conuiuia omnibus in propatulo aedium fuerant; ad ea inuitabant Gracchumque orabant ut epulari permitteret militibus; et Gracchus ita permisit in publico epularentur omnes ante suas quisque fores. prolata omnia.

[¶64] 16.18. Everything was brought out. Wearing caps or white woollen headbands the volunteers feasted, some reclining, and some standing served and ate at the same time.

> Latin: 16.18. pilleati aut lana alba uelatis capitibus uolones epulati sunt, alii accubantes, alii stantes qui simul ministrabant uescebanturque.

[¶65] 16.19. This seemed to deserve the order Gracchus gave on his return to Rome for a representation of that day of festivity to be painted in the Temple of Liberty which his father, with money yielded by fines, caused to be built on the Aventine and dedicated.

> Latin: 16.19. digna res uisa ut simulacrum celebrati eius diei Gracchus, postquam Romam rediit, pingi iuberet in aede Libertatis quam pater eius in Auentino ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curauit dedicauitque.

[¶66] 17.1. While these things were going on about Beneventum, Hannibal, after ravaging the territory of Neapolis, removed his camp to Nola.

> Latin: 17.1. dum haec ad Beneuentum geruntur, Hannibal depopulatus agrum Neapolitanum ad Nolam castra mouet.

[¶67] 17.2. When the consul learned of his approach, summoning Pomponius, the propraetor, with the army which was in camp above Suessula, he prepared to advance to meet the enemy and to engage without delay.

> Latin: 17.2. quem ubi aduentare consul sensit, Pomponio propraetore cum eo exercitu qui super Suessulam in castris erat accito ire obuiam hosti parat nec moram dimicandi facere.

[¶68] 17.3. He sent Gaius Claudius Nero with the best of the cavalry out by the gate farthest from the enemy in the silence of the night, and commanded him to ride around unseen and follow the enemy's column slowly, and when he saw that the battle had begun, to throw himself upon their rear.

> Latin: 17.3. C. Claudium Neronem cum robore equitum silentio noctis per auersam maxime ab hoste portam emittit circumuectumque occulte subsequi sensim agmen hostium iubet et, cum coortum proelium uideret, ab tergo se obicere.

[¶69] 17.4. Whether it was by losing the way that Nero was unable to carry this out, or from the shortness of the time, is uncertain. After the battle had begun in his absence, the Roman indeed unquestionably had the upper hand; but since the cavalry were not there at the right moment, the prearranged plan for the battle was ruined.

> Latin: 17.4. id errore uiarum an exiguitate temporis Nero exsequi non potuerit incertum est. absente eo cum proelium commissum esset, superior quidem haud dubie Romanus erat;

[¶70] 17.5. Marcellus, not venturing to pursue the retreating, gave his men, victorious though they were, the signal to retire.

> Latin: 17.5. sed quia equites non adfuere in tempore, ratio compositae rei turbata est. non ausus insequi cedentes Marcellus uincentibus suis signum receptui dedit.

[¶71] 17.6. More than two thousand of the enemy, however, are said to have been slain that day, of the Romans less than four hundred.

> Latin: 17.6. plus tamen duo milia hostium eo die caesa traduntur, Romani minus quadringenti.

[¶72] 17.7. About sunset Nero, returning with his horses and men exhausted to no purpose by their efforts for a day and a night, without even seeing the enemy, was sternly rebuked by the consul, who went so far as to say that it was his fault that the disaster suffered at Cannae was not paid back to the enemy.

> Latin: 17.7. solis fere occasu Nero diem noctemque nequiquam fatigatis equis hominibusque, ne uiso quidem hoste rediens, adeo grauiter est ab consule increpitus ut per eum stetisse diceretur quo minus accepta ad Cannas redderetur hosti clades.

[¶73] 17.8. On the next day the Roman went into line of battle, while the Carthaginian, beaten, as he tacitly admitted also, remained in camp. The third day, giving up hope of capturing Nola, an undertaking which had never prospered, he set out in the dead of night for Tarentum, led by a surer hope of its betrayal.

> Latin: 17.8. postero die Romanus in aciem descendit, Poenus tacita etiam confessione uictus castris se tenuit. tertio die silentio noctis omissa spe Nolae potiundae, rei nunquam prospere temptatae, Tarentum ad certiorem spem proditionis proficiscitur.

[¶74] 18.1. And it was with no less spirit that the Roman state was administered at home than in the field.

> Latin: 18.1. nec minore animo res Romana domi quam militiae gerebatur.

[¶75] 18.2. The censors, freed from the charge of contracting for public works on account of the emptiness of the treasury, turned their attention to the control of morals and the punishment of vices which had sprung from that war, just as bodies suffering from long illnesses of themselves produce defects.

> Latin: 18.2. censores, uacui ab operum locandorum cura propter inopiam aerarii, ad mores hominum regendos animum aduerterunt castigandaque uitia quae, uelut diutinis morbis aegra corpora ex sese gignunt, eo enata bello erant.

[¶76] 18.3. First they summoned those who after the battle of Cannae were said to have abandoned the state. The foremost among them, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, happened at this time to be quaestor.

> Latin: 18.3. primum eos citauerunt qui post Cannensem <cladem a re publica defecisse> dicebantur. princeps eorum M. Caecilius Metellus quaestor tum forte erat.

[¶77] 18.4. Inasmuch as he and the rest of those guilty of the same offence, on being ordered to plead their cases, proved unable to clear themselves, the censors gave their verdict that in conversation and formal speeches they had attacked the state, in order to form a conspiracy to desert Italy.

> Latin: 18.4. iusso deinde eo ceterisque eiusdem noxae reis causam dicere cum purgari nequissent, pronuntiarunt uerba orationemque eos aduersus rem publicam habuisse, quo coniuratio deserendae Italiae causa fieret.

[¶78] 18.5. Next after them were summoned those who had been too crafty in interpreting the discharge of an oath, —those of the captives who, after setting out and then returning secretly to Hannibal's camp, thought the oath they had sworn, that they would return, had been discharged.

> Latin: 18.5. secundum eos citati nimis callidi exsoluendi iuris iurandi interpretes, qui captiuorum ex itinere regressi clam in castra Hannibalis solutum quod iurauerant redituros rebantur.

[¶79] 18.6. From these men and those mentioned above their horses, if they had such from the state, were taken away, and all were ejected from their tribes and made aerarii.

> Latin: 18.6. his superioribusque illis equi adempti qui publicum equum habebant, tribuque moti aerarii omnes facti.

[¶80] 18.7. And the diligence of the censors did not confine itself to regulating the senate and the order of the knights. From the lists of the younger men they culled the names of all who during four years had not served, without having had a legitimate exemption from the service or ill health as an excuse.

> Latin: 18.7. neque senatu modo aut equestri ordine regendo cura se censorum tenuit. nomina omnium ex iuniorum tabulis excerpserunt qui quadriennio non militassent, quibus neque uacatio iusta militiae neque morbus causa fuisset.

[¶81] 18.8. And of these above two thousand names were placed on the list of the aerarii, and they all were ejected from their tribes.

> Latin: 18.8. et ea supra duo milia nominum in aerarios relata tribuque omnes moti;

[¶82] 18.9. And to this relentless stigma of the censors was added a severe decree of the senate that all of those whom the censors had stigmatised should serve on foot and be sent to Sicily, to the remnant of the army of Cannae. For this class of soldiers the term of service was not at an end until the enemy should be driven out of Italy.

> Latin: 18.9. additumque tam truci censoriae notae triste senatus consultum, ut ei omnes quos censores notassent pedibus mererent mitterenturque in Siciliam ad Cannensis exercitus reliquias, cui militum generi non prius quam pulsus Italia hostis esset finitum stipendiorum tempus erat.

[¶83] 18.10. Since the censors on account of the emptiness of the treasury now refrained from letting contracts for the maintenance of temples and the furnishing of horses used in religious processions and for similar matters, those who had been in the habit of such; bidding came in large numbers to the censors, and urged them to take action and let contracts at once for everything, just as if there were money in the treasury;

> Latin: 18.10. cum censores ob inopiam aerarii se iam locationibus abstinerent aedium sacrarum tuendarum curuliumque equorum praebendorum ac similium his rerum, conuenere ad eos frequentes qui hastae huius generis adsueuerant hortarique censores ut omnia perinde agerent locarent ac si pecunia in aerario esset:

[¶84] 18.11. that no one would claim his money from the treasury until the war was over.

> Latin: 18.11. neminem nisi bello confecto pecuniam ab aerario petiturum esse.

[¶85] 18.12. Then came the owners of the slaves Tiberius Sempronius had manumitted at Beneventum, and said they had been summoned by the bank commissioners to receive the price of their slaves; but that they would not receive it until the war was over.

> Latin: 18.12. conuenere deinde domini eorum quos Ti. Sempronius ad Beneuentum manu emiserat arcessitosque se ab triumuiris mensariis esse dixerunt ut pretia seruorum acciperent; ceterum non antequam bello confecto accepturos esse.

[¶86] 18.13. Such being now the tendency of the people to relieve the poverty of the treasury, funds, first of wards, and then of widows and single women, began also to be turned in; for those who brought in the sums believed that nowhere could they deposit them with a sense of greater safety and honesty than under the guarantee of the state.

> Latin: 18.13. cum haec inclinatio animorum plebis ad sustinendam inopiam aerarii fieret, pecuniae quoque pupillares primo, deinde uiduarum coeptae conferri, nusquam eas tutius sanctiusque deponere credentibus qui deferebant quam in publica fide;

[¶87] 18.14. Thereafter when anything was purchased or provided for wards and widows and single women, it was paid for by an order of a quaestor.

> Latin: 18.14. inde si quid emptum paratumque pupillis ac uiduis foret, a quaestore perscribebatur.

[¶88] 18.15. This generosity of private citizens spread from the city also even to the camps, so that no knight, no centurion accepted pay, and the man who did accept was reproachfully called a hireling.

> Latin: 18.15. manauit ea priuatorum benignitas ex urbe etiam in castra, ut non eques, non centurio stipendium acciperet, mercennariumque increpantes uocarent qui accepisset.

[¶89] 19.1. Quintus Fabius, the consul, had his camp near Casilinum, which was held by a garrison of two thousand Campanians and seven hundred of Hannibal's soldiers.

> Latin: 19.1. Q. Fabius consul ad Casilinum castra habebat, quod duum milium Campanorum et septingentorum militum Hannibalis tenebatur praesidio.

[¶90] 19.2. In command was Statius Metius, who had been sent by Gnaeus Magius, of Atella (who was the medix tuticus that year), and Metius had armed slaves and plebeians without distinction, in order to make an attack upon the Roman camp while the consul was occupied with the siege of Casilinum.

> Latin: 19.2. praeerat Statius Metius, missus ab Cn. Magio Atellano, qui eo anno medix tuticus erat seruitiaque et plebem promiscue armarat ut castra Romana inuaderet intento consule ad Casilinum oppugnandum.

[¶91] 19.3. Of all this nothing escaped Fabius. So he sends word to his colleague at Nola that he needs the other army, to face the Campanians while Casilinum was being besieged:

> Latin: 19.3. nihil eorum Fabium fefellit. itaque Nolam ad collegam mittit: altero exercitu dum Casilinum oppugnatur opus esse qui Campanis opponatur;

[¶92] 19.4. either Marcellus should leave a suitable garrison at Nola and come in person, or if Nola held him back and there was still danger from Hannibal, he would himself summon Tiberius Gracchus, the proconsul, from Beneventum.

> Latin: 19.4. uel ipse relicto Nolae praesidio modico ueniret uel, si eum Nola teneret necdum securae res ab Hannibale essent, se Ti. Gracchum proconsulem a Beneuento acciturum.

[¶93] 19.5. On receiving this message Marcellus left two thousand soldiers as a garrison at Nola, and with the rest of his army came to Casilinum; and upon his arrival the Campanians, who were already bestirring themselves, became inactive.

> Latin: 19.5. hoc nuntio Marcellus duobus militum milibus Nolae in praesidio relictis cum cetero exercitu Casilinum uenit, aduentuque eius Campani iam mouentes sese quieuerunt.

[¶94] 19.6. So began the siege of Casilinum by the two consuls. Since in this operation the Roman soldiers rashly approaching the walls were receiving many wounds and the undertaking was not successful, Fabius thought that they should give up a small affair which was as difficult as great ventures, and that they must leave the place, since greater matters were impending.

> Latin: 19.6. ita ab duobus consulibus Casilinum oppugnari coepit. ubi cum multa succedentes temere moenibus Romani milites acciperent uolnera neque satis inceptum succederet, Fabius omittendam rem paruam ac iuxta magnis difficilem abscedendumque inde censebat, cum res maiores instarent;

[¶95] 19.7. Marcellus, saying that, while there were many places which great generals ought not to attack, yet, once the attack has begun, they should not give them up, since reputation has great influence in both directions, carried his point, not to depart while their attempt was unsuccessful.

> Latin: 19.7. Marcellus multa magnis ducibus sicut non adgredienda, ita semel adgressis non dimittenda esse dicendo, quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fierent, tenuit ne inrito incepto abiretur.

[¶96] 19.8. Then while sheds and all other kinds of siege-works and apparatus were being brought up, and the Campanians were begging Fabius for permission to go to Capua in safety, after a few had left the city, Marcellus occupied the gate by which they were leaving.

> Latin: 19.8. uineae inde omniaque alia operum machinationumque genera cum admouerentur Campanique Fabium orarent ut abire Capuam tuto liceret, paucis egressis Marcellus portam qua egrediebantur occupauit caedesque promiscue omnium circa portam primo, deinde inruptione facta etiam in urbe fieri coepta est.

[¶97] 19.9. And a general slaughter began, first around the gate, and then, as the troops burst in, even inside the city. About fifty Campanians who had left the city first sought refuge with Fabius and, escorted by his men, reached Capua.

> Latin: 19.9. quinquaginta fere primo egressi Campanorum, cum ad Fabium confugissent, praesidio eius Capuam peruenerunt:

[¶98] 19.10. Casilinum was captured, as opportunity offered during the conversations and the delay due to those who begged a promise of protection. And the captives, whether Campanians or of Hannibal's soldiers, were sent to Rome and there imprisoned.

> Latin: 19.10. Casilinum inter conloquia cunctationemque petentium fidem per occasionem captum est, captiuique Campanorum quique Hannibalis militum erant Romam missi atque ibi in carcere inclusi sunt:

[¶99] 19.11. The mass of the townspeople were distributed among the neighbouring communities to be guarded.

> Latin: 19.11. oppidanorum turba per finitimos populos in custodiam diuisa.

[¶100] 20.1. At the same time that they left Casilinum after their success, Gracchus in Lucania sent a number of cohorts which had been enlisted in that region, under the command of a prefect of the allies, into the enemy's farm lands to plunder.

> Latin: 20.1. quibus diebus a Casilino re bene gesta recessum est, eis Gracchus in Lucanis aliquot cohortes in ea regione conscriptas cum praefecto socium in agros hostium praedatum misit.

[¶101] 20.2. Hanno attacked as they were widely scattered, inflicting upon the enemy in return a defeat not much less serious than that which he had received near Beneventum, and withdrew hastily into the land of the Bruttians, that Gracchus might not overtake him.

> Latin: 20.2. eos effuse palatos Hanno adortus haud multo minorem quam ad Beneuentum acceperat reddidit hosti cladem atque in Bruttios raptim ne Gracchus adsequeretur concessit.

[¶102] 20.3. Of the consuls, Marcellus returned to Nola, whence he had come, Fabius advanced into Samnium, to lay waste their farms and to recover by force the cities which had revolted.

> Latin: 20.3. consules Marcellus retro unde uenerat Nolam rediit, Fabius in Samnites ad populandos agros recipiendasque armis quae defecerant urbes processit.

[¶103] 20.4. Samnium around the Caudine Pass was more thoroughly laid waste.

> Latin: 20.4. Caudinus Samnis grauius deuastatus: perusti late agri, praedae pecudum hominumque actae;

[¶104] 20.5. Farms were burned over far and wide, cattle and men carried off as booty. Conpulteria, Telesia and Compsa, towns of that region, were taken by storm, also Fugifulae and Orbitanium in Lucania.

> Latin: 20.5. oppida ui capta Compulteria, Telesia, Compsa inde, Fugifulae et Orbitanium ex Lucanis, Blanda et Apulorum Aecae oppugnatae.

[¶105] 20.6. Blanda and, in Apulia, Aecae were taken after a siege. In these cities twenty-five thousand of the enemy were captured or slain, and three hundred and seventy deserters recovered. These were all sent to Rome by the consul, scourged in the Comitium and hurled from the Rock.

> Latin: 20.6. milia hostium in his urbibus uiginti quinque capta aut occisa et recepti perfugae trecenti septuaginta; quos cum Romam misisset consul, uirgis in comitio caesi omnes ac de saxo deiecti.

[¶106] 20.7. Such were the acts of Fabius within a few days, while Marcellus was kept out of employment by illness at Nola.

> Latin: 20.7. haec a Q. Fabio intra paucos dies gesta; Marcellum ab gerundis rebus ualetudo aduersa Nolae tenuit.

[¶107] 20.8. And the praetor Quintus Fabius, whose field of duty was around Luceria, stormed the town of Acuca about that time and fortified a permanent camp at Ardaneae.

> Latin: 20.8. et a praetore Q. Fabio, cui circa Luceriam prouincia erat, Acuca oppidum per eos dies ui captum statiuaque ad Ardoneas communita.

[¶108] 20.9. While the Romans were thus employed elsewhere, Hannibal had now reached Tarentum, leaving the most complete devastation wherever he had passed. Not until it had entered the territory of Tarentum did his column begin to advance peaceably.

> Latin: 20.9. dum haec in aliis locis ab Romanis geruntur, iam Tarentum peruenerat Hannibal cum maxima omnium quacunque ierat clade;

[¶109] 20.10. There they did no damage, and nowhere did they leave the road. And it was plain that this was not due to the self-restraint of the soldiers, but to the commander's orders, for the purpose of winning over the Tarentines.

> Latin: 20.10. in Tarentino demum agro pacatum incedere agmen coepit. nihil ibi uiolatum neque usquam uia excessum est, apparebatque non id modestia militum aut ducis nisi ad conciliandos animos Tarentinorum fieri.
