---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 19 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 19. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 19. Book XXIV · chapters 20–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/19/#p-N

[¶0] 20.11. But when he had come quite close to the walls, and there was no movement at the first sight of his column, as he supposed there would be, he pitched camp about a mile from the city.

> Latin: 20.11. ceterum cum prope moenibus accessisset, nullo ad conspectum primum agminis, ut rebatur, motu facto castra ab urbe ferme passus mille locat.

[¶1] 20.12. In Tarentum three days before Hannibal approached the walls, Marcus Livius, who had been sent by Marcus Valerius, the propraetor in command of the fleet at Brundisium, actively enlisted young men, posted guards at all the gates and along the walls, wherever required, and alert by night as well as by day, he left neither the enemy nor wavering allies any opening for an attack. After spending some days there to no purpose, Hannibal, since none of the men who had come before him at the Lake of Avernus either came in person or sent a messenger or letter, saw that he had rashly followed empty promises and moved his camp away.

> Latin: 20.12. Tarenti triduo ante quam Hannibal ad moenia accederet a M. Ualerio propraetore, qui classi ad Brundisium praeerat, missus M. Liuius impigre conscripta iuuentute dispositisque ad omnes portas circaque muros qua res postulabat stationibus, die ac nocte iuxta intentus neque hostibus neque dubiis sociis loci quicquam praebuit ad temptandum[que]. diebus aliquot frustra ibi absumptis Hannibal, cum eorum nemo qui ad lacum Auerni adissent aut ipsi uenirent aut nuntium litterasue mitterent, uana promissa se temere secutum cernens castra inde mouit,

[¶2] 20.15. Even then he left the territory of Tarentum unharmed, as he did not give up his hope of weakening their loyalty, although his pretended clemency had had no effect as yet. Arrived at Salapia, he brought in grain from the districts of Metapontum and Heraclea; for the summer was now over, and he thought well of the place for winter quarters.

> Latin: 20.15. tum quoque intacto agro Tarentino quamquam simulata lenitas nihildum profuerat, tamen spe labefactandae fidei haud absistens. Salapiam ut uenit, frumentum ex agris Metapontino atque Heracleensi—iam enim aestas exacta erat et hibernis placebat locus—comportat.

[¶3] 20.16. From it Numidians and Mauri were sent out to plunder in the Sallentine territory and the nearest forests of Apulia. From these places not many other cattle were driven off as booty, but chiefly herds of horses, about four thousand of which were distributed among the cavalry to be broken.

> Latin: 20.16. praedatum inde Numidae Maurique per Sallentinum agrum proximosque Apuliae saltus dimissi; unde ceterae praedae haud multum, equorum greges maxime abacti, e quibus ad quattuor milia domanda equitibus diuisa.

[¶4] 21.1. The Romans, inasmuch as a war that was by no means to be despised was breaking out in Sicily, and the death of the tyrant had given energetic commanders to the Syracusans, and had not changed the situation or their feelings, assigned that country to Marcus Marcellus, one of the consuls, as his province.

> Latin: 21.1. Romani, cum bellum nequaquam contemnendum in Sicilia oreretur, morsque tyranni duces magis impigros dedisset Syracusanis quam causam aut animos mutasset, M. Marcello alteri consulum eam prouinciam decernunt.

[¶5] 21.2. Directly after the assassination of Hieronymus there was at first an uproar among the soldiers at Leontini, and a fierce outcry that they must offer sacrificial vengeance to the dead king in the blood of the conspirators.

> Latin: 21.2. secundum Hieronymi caedem primo tumultuatum in Leontinis apud milites fuerat uociferatumque ferociter parentandum regi sanguine coniuratorum esse.

[¶6] 21.3. Later the frequent mention of restored freedom —a word sweet to the ears —and the hope of a largess out of the king's money, and of serving under better generals, also the enumeration of the shameful crimes and still more shameful lusts of the tyrant, so changed their feelings that they allowed the body of the king, whose loss they had just been regretting, to lie unburied.

> Latin: 21.3. deinde libertatis restitutae dulce auditu nomen crebro usurpatum, spe facta ex pecunia regia largitionis militiaeque fungendae potioribus ducibus; et relata tyranni foeda scelera foedioresque libidines adeo mutauere animos ut insepultum iacere corpus paulo ante desiderati regis paterentur. cum ceteri ex coniuratis ad exercitum obtinendum remansissent, Theodotus et Sosis regiis equis quanto maximo cursu poterant, ut ignaros omnium regios opprimerent, Syracusas contendunt.

[¶7] 21.5. Although the rest of the conspirators had remained, in order to keep their hold on the army, Theodotus and Sosis hastened to Syracuse on the king's horses at the greatest possible speed, to surprise his supporters while they were in complete ignorance.

> Latin: 21.5. ceterum praeuenerat non fama solum, qua nihil in talibus rebus est celerius, sed nuntius etiam ex regiis seruis.

[¶8] 21.6. However, not only rumour, than which nothing is swifter in such cases, but also a messenger, one of the royal slaves, had anticipated them. And so Adranodorus had garrisoned the Island and the citadel and such other places as were possible and of advantage.

> Latin: 21.6. itaque Adranodorus et Insulam et arcem et alia quae poterat quaeque opportuna erant praesidiis firmarat.

[¶9] 21.7. By the Hexapylon after sunset Theodotus and Sosis rode into the city in the twilight, showing the bloody garment of the king and his diadem. Then riding across the quarter of Tycha, and calling people to freedom and at the same time to arms, they bid them assemble in Achradina.

> Latin: 21.7. Hexapylo Theodotus ac Sosis post solis occasum iam obscura luce inuecti, cum cruentam regiam uestem atque insigne capitis ostentarent, trauecti per Tycham simul ad libertatem simul ad arma uocantes, in Achradinam conuenire iubent.

[¶10] 21.8. Of the populace some dash into the streets, some stand before the entrance to their houses, some look out from roofs and windows and keep asking what it means.

> Latin: 21.8. multitudo pars procurrit in uias, pars in uestibulis stat, pars ex tectis fenestrisque prospectant et quid rei sit rogitant.

[¶11] 21.9. Everywhere there are bright lights, every place filled with mingled noises. The armed gather in open spaces; those without arms take down from the Temple of Olympian Jupiter the spoils of Gauls and Illyrians, presented by the Roman people to Hiero and hung up there by him. And this they did with a prayer to Jupiter that he graciously consent to furnish consecrated arms to men arming themselves for their native city, for the temples of the gods, for liberty.

> Latin: 21.9. omnia luminibus conlucent strepituque uario complentur. armati locis patentibus congregantur; inermes ex Olympii Iouis templo spolia Gallorum Illyriorumque, dono data Hieroni a populo Romano fixaque ab eo, detrahunt, precantes Iouem ut uolens propitius praebeat sacra arma pro patria, pro deum delubris, pro libertate sese armantibus.

[¶12] 21.11. This crowd also was added to the guard stationed by the leading citizens of the quarters. On the Island Adranodorus had garrisoned, among other positions, the public granaries.

> Latin: 21.11. haec quoque multitudo stationibus per principes regionum urbis dispositis adiungitur. in Insula inter cetera Adranodorus praesidiis firmarat horrea publica.

[¶13] 21.12. This place, which was walled about with squared stone and made strong like a citadel, was captured by the young men who had been assigned to its defence; and they sent messengers into Achradina to say that the granaries and the grain were under the authority of the senate.

> Latin: 21.12. locus saxo quadrato saeptus atque arcis in modum emunitus capitur ab iuuentute quae praesidio eius loci attributa erat mittuntque nuntios in Achradinam horrea frumentumque in senatus potestate esse.

[¶14] 22.1. At daybreak all the people, armed and unarmed, gathered at the Senate House in Achradina. There, standing on the altar of Concord, which had been erected on that spot, one of the leading men, Polyaenus by name, delivered a speech at once outspoken and restrained.

> Latin: 22.1. luce prima populus omnis, armatus inermisque, in Achradinam ad curiam conuenit. ibi pro Concordiae ara, quae in eo sita loco erat, ex principibus unus nomine Polyaenus contionem et liberam et moderatam habuit:

[¶15] 22.2. He said that men who had experienced the terrors of slavery and its humiliations had been inflamed against an evil which they knew. As for civil strife, the Syracusans had heard from their fathers, rather than seen for themselves, what disasters it brings.

> Latin: 22.2. seruitii onus indignitatesque homines expertos aduersus notum malum inritatos esse: discordia ciuilis quas importet clades, audisse magis a patribus Syracusanos quam ipsos uidisse. arma quod impigre ceperint, laudare:

[¶16] 22.3. He praised them for having taken up arms readily, and would praise them the more willingly if they did not use them except when compelled by absolute necessity.

> Latin: 22.3. magis laudaturum, si non utantur nisi ultima necessitate coacti.

[¶17] 22.4. For the present he approved of sending representatives to Adranodorus, to instruct him to put himself under the authority of the senate and people, open the gates of the Island and surrender the citadel.

> Latin: 22.4. in praesentia legatos ad Adranodorum mitti placere qui denuntient ut in potestate senatus ac populi sit, portas Insulae aperiat, reddat praesidium.

[¶18] 22.5. At the same time, if Adranodorus should try to turn a regency into a kingship of his own, he favoured reclaiming their freedom from Adranodorus much more fiercely than from Hieronymus.

> Latin: 22.5. si tutelam alieni regni suum regnum uelit facere, eundem se censere multo acrius ab Adranodoro quam ab Hieronymo repeti libertatem.

[¶19] 22.6. After this speech representatives were sent directly. Then began a session of the senate, which in the reign of Hiero had indeed continued to be the council of state, yet since his death had not been called together nor consulted about anything until that day.

> Latin: 22.6. ab hac contione legati missi sunt. senatus inde haberi coeptus est, quod sicut regnante Hierone manserat publicum consilium, ita post mortem eius ante eam diem nulla de re neque conuocati neque consulti fuerant.

[¶20] 22.7. When the legates reached Adranodorus, he for his part was moved by the agreement of the citizens, also by the occupation of other quarters of the city, and especially by the betrayal and loss of the most strongly fortified part of the Island.

> Latin: 22.7. ut uentum ad Adranodorum est, ipsum quidem mouebat et ciuium consensus et cum aliae occupatae urbis partes, tum pars Insulae uel munitissima prodita atque alienata;

[¶21] 22.8. But his wife Damarata, daughter of Hiero and still puffed up with princely pride and a woman's boldness, called him aside from the legates and reminded him of the oft-repeated utterance of Dionysius the tyrant, that one should leave a tyranny, not on horseback, but dragged by the feet.

> Latin: 22.8. sed euocatum eum ab legatis Damarata uxor, filia Hieronis, inflata adhuc regiis animis ac muliebri spiritu, admonet saepe usurpatae Dionysi tyranni uocis, qua pedibus tractum, non insidentem equo relinquere tyrannidem dixerit debere:

[¶22] 22.9. It was easy, she said, to give up the possession of an exalted station at any moment one wished; to create and achieve it was difficult and all but impossible. He should gain time for deliberation from the legates.

> Latin: 22.9. facile esse momento quo quis uelit cedere possessione magnae fortunae; facere et parare eam difficile atque arduum esse.

[¶23] 22.10. He should use it to summon the soldiers from Leontini, and if he should promise them money from the royal treasury everything would be in his power.

> Latin: 22.10. spatium sumeret ad consultandum ab legatis; eo uteretur ad arcessendos ex Leontinis milites, quibus si pecuniam regiam pollicitus esset, omnia in potestate eius futura.

[¶24] 22.11. These feminine counsels Adranodorus neither wholly rejected nor at once adopted, thinking it a safer way to gain power if for the moment he should yield to the crisis. And so he bade the legates report that he would be under the authority of the senate and people.

> Latin: 22.11. haec muliebria consilia Adranodorus neque tota aspernatus est neque extemplo accepit, tutiorem ad opes adfectandas ratus esse uiam, si in praesentia tempori cessisset.

[¶25] 22.12. On the following day at dawn he opened the gates of the Island and came to the market-place of Achradina. There he mounted the altar of Concord, from which Polyaenus had addressed the people the day before, and began a speech in which he first begged pardon for his hesitation.

> Latin: 22.12. itaque legatos renuntiare iussit futurum se in senatus ac populi potestate. postero die luce prima patefactis Insulae portis in forum Achradinae uenit.

[¶26] 22.13. For he had kept the gates closed, he said, not that he wished to separate his cause from that of the people, but because he feared what limit there would be to slaughter, when swords should once be drawn;

> Latin: 22.13. ibi in aram Concordiae, ex qua pridie Polyaenus contionatus erat, escendit orationemque eam orsus est qua primum cunctationis suae ueniam petiuit:

[¶27] 22.14. whether they would be content with the death of the tyrant, which would be sufficient to secure freedom, or on the other hand every one who either by blood or marriage or certain duties was connected with the palace would be slain, as being chargeable with another's guilt.

> Latin: 22.14. se enim clausas habuisse portas, non separantem suas res a publicis sed strictis semel gladiis timentem qui finis caedibus esset futurus, utrum, quod satis libertati foret, contenti nece tyranni essent an quicumque aut propinquitate aut adfinitate aut aliquis ministeriis regiam contigissent alienae culpae rei trucidarentur.

[¶28] 22.15. After he observed that those who had freed their native city wished also to keep her free, and that the common good was the aim of all, he had not hesitated to surrender to the city his own person and in addition all that had been confided to his honour and protection, since the man who had given that charge had been destroyed by his own madness.

> Latin: 22.15. postquam animaduerterit eos qui liberassent patriam seruare etiam liberatam uelle atque undique consuli in medium, non dubitasse quin et corpus suum et cetera omnia, quae suae fidei tutelaeque essent, quoniam eum qui mandasset suus furor absumpsisset, patriae restitueret.

[¶29] 22.16. Turning then to the assassins of the tyrant and addressing Theodotus and Sosis by name, he said: “It is a memorable deed that you have done.”

> Latin: 22.16. conuersus deinde ad interfectores tyranni ac nomine appellans Theodotum ac Sosin, 'facinus' inquit 'memorabile fecistis;

[¶30] 22.17. “But believe me, your glory is but begun, not yet finished, and unless you provide for peace and harmony there remains a very great danger that this may be the funeral of the liberated state.”

> Latin: 22.17. sed, mihi credite, incohata uestra gloria, nondum perfecta est periculumque ingens manet, nisi paci et concordiae consulitis, ne libera efferatur res <publica>.'

[¶31] 23.1. After this speech he laid the keys of the gates and those of the royal treasure at their feet. And they, dismissed from the assembly and happy that day at least, with their wives and children gave thanks at all the temples of the gods. On the next day elections for the naming of magistrates were held.

> Latin: 23.1. post hanc orationem claues portarum pecuniaeque regiae ante pedes eorum posuit. atque illo quidem die dimissi ex contione laeti circa fana omnia deum supplicauerunt cum coniugibus ac liberis; postero die comitia praetoribus creandis habita.

[¶32] 23.2. Among the first so named was Adranodorus, the rest largely assassins of the tyrant. Two who were not even present, Sopater and Dinomenes, were elected.

> Latin: 23.2. creatus in primis Adranodorus, ceteri magna ex parte interfectores tyranni. duos etiam absentes, Sopatrum ac Dinomenen, fecerunt;

[¶33] 23.3. These, hearing what had been done at Syracuse, brought the royal treasure that was at Leontini to Syracuse and turned it over to treasurers elected for that very purpose.

> Latin: 23.3. qui, auditis iis quae Syracusis acta erant pecuniam regiam quae in Leontinis erat Syracusas deuectam quaestoribus ad id ipsum creatis tradiderunt.

[¶34] 23.4. The money that was on the Island was also transferred to Achradina. And that part of the wall which shut off the Island from the rest of the city by a needlessly strong fortification was thrown down by common consent. The other measures also were in keeping with this trend toward freedom.

> Latin: 23.4. et ea quae in Insula erat Achradinam tralata est; murique ea pars quae ab cetera urbe nimis firmo munimento intersaepiebat Insulam consensu omnium deiecta est. secutae et ceterae res hanc inclinationem animorum ad libertatem[que].

[¶35] 23.5. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on hearing of the tyrant's death, which Hippocrates had wished to keep secret even by slaying the messenger, were deserted by the soldiers and returned to Syracuse, since that course seemed safest in the circumstances.

> Latin: 23.5. Hippocrates atque Epicydes audita morte tyranni, quam Hippocrates etiam nuntio interfecto celare uoluerat, deserti a militibus, quia id tutissimum ex praesentibus uidebatur, Syracusas rediere;

[¶36] 23.6. There, to avoid going about under suspicion as seeking some opportunity for a revolution, they first came before the magistrates, and then through them before the senate.

> Latin: 23.6. ubi ne suspecti obuersarentur tamquam nouandi res aliquam occasionem quaerentes, praetores primum, dein per eos senatum adeunt.

[¶37] 23.7. They stated that, having been sent by Hannibal to Hieronymus as his friend and ally, they had obeyed the orders of the man to whom their own commander wished them to be obedient.

> Latin: 23.7. ab Hannibale se missos praedicant ad Hieronymum tamquam amicum ac socium paruisse imperio eius cuius imperator suus uoluerit. uelle ad Hannibalem redire;

[¶38] 23.8. They wished to return to Hannibal; but since the way was unsafe while the Romans were at large everywhere in Sicily, they asked the senators to give them some escort to conduct them to Locri in Italy. The senate, they said, would gain great favour with Hannibal by a small service.

> Latin: 23.8. ceterum, cum iter tutum non sit uagantibus passim per totam Siciliam Romanis, petere ut praesidii dent aliquid quo Locros in Italiam perducantur; gratiam magnam eos parua opera apud Hannibalem inituros. facile res impetrata;

[¶39] 23.9. This request was readily granted; for the senate greatly desired the departure of the king's generals, as men skilled in military art, and, what was more, needy also and daring. But they took no active steps to carry out their wish with the required promptness.

> Latin: 23.9. abire enim duces regios cum peritos militiae, tum egentes eosdem atque audaces cupiebant; sed quod uolebant non quam maturato opus erat nauiter expediebant.

[¶40] 23.10. Meanwhile the generals, as young men of military training and familiar with soldiers, at one time in the presence of these, at another among the deserters, the majority of whom were from the crews of the Romans, at another even among the lowest of the people, made charges against the senate and the aristocrats:

> Latin: 23.10. interim iuuenes militares et adsueti militibus nunc apud eos ipsos, nunc apud transfugas, quorum maxima pars ex naualibus sociis Romanorum erat, nunc etiam apud infimae plebis homines crimina serebant in senatum optimatesque:

[¶41] 23.11. that they were secretly working and contriving that Syracuse under the guise of a reestablished alliance should be subject to the Romans, and that then a faction, that is, a few who supported the renewal of the treaty, should rule.

> Latin: 23.11. illud moliri clam eos atque struere ut Syracusae per speciem reconciliatae societatis in dicione Romanorum sint, dein factio ac pauci auctores foederis renouati dominentur.

[¶42] 24.1. Ready to hear and believe these charges, a daily larger multitude was flocking to Syracuse and giving not Epicydes only, but also Adranodorus, the hope of a revolution.

> Latin: 24.1. his audiendis credendisque opportuna multitudo maior in dies Syracusas confluebat nec Epicydi solum spem nouandarum rerum sed Adranodoro etiam praebebat.

[¶43] 24.2. The latter was at length wearied by admonitions of his wife: that it was now the time to seize the power, while everything was confused by the new freedom not yet organized; while the soldiers one met were fattened on the king's pay; while generals sent by Hannibal and familiar with the soldiers could aid the undertaking. Accordingly he formed a plot with Themistus, whose wife was Gelo's daughter, and after a few days rashly revealed it to one Aristo, a tragic actor, to whom he had been in the habit of confiding other secrets. This man's family and station were respectable and not tarnished by his artistic profession, since among the Greeks nothing of the sort brings discredit.

> Latin: 24.2. qui fessus tandem uxoris uocibus monentis nunc illud esse tempus occupandi res, dum turbata omnia noua atque incondita libertate essent, dum regiis stipendiis pastus obuersaretur miles, dum ab Hannibale missi duces adsueti militibus iuuare possent incepta, cum Themisto, cui Gelonis filia nupta erat, rem consociatam paucos post dies Aristoni cuidam tragico actori, cui et alia arcana committere adsuerat, incaute aperit. huic et genus et fortuna honesta erant nec ars, quia nihil tale apud Graecos pudori est, ea deformabat;

[¶44] 24.3. And so thinking that the loyalty he owed to his native city took precedence, he reports the matter to the magistrates.

> Latin: 24.3. itaque fidem potiorem ratus quam patriae debebat, indicium ad praetores defert.

[¶45] 24.4. They, finding from trustworthy information that this was not unfounded, conferred with the older men, placed a guard at the doors on their advice, and when Themistus and Adranodorus had entered the senate, slew them.

> Latin: 24.4. qui ubi rem haud uanam esse certis indiciis compererunt, consultis senioribus et <ex> auctoritate eorum praesidio ad fores posito ingressos curiam Themistum atque Adranodorum interfecerunt;

[¶46] 24.5. And after the confusion resulting from an act even more terrible in appearance than in reality, since others were unaware of the reason, they at length secured silence and brought the informer into the Senate House.

> Latin: 24.5. et cum tumultus ab re in speciem atrociore causam aliis ignorantibus ortus esset, silentio tandem facto indicem in curiam introduxerunt.

[¶47] 24.6. He first told everything in order: that the conspiracy had taken its start from the marriage of Gelo's daughter Harmonia, uniting her with Themistus;

> Latin: 24.6. qui cum ordine omnia edocuisset—principium coniurationis factum ab Harmoniae Gelonis filiae nuptiis quibus Themisto iuncta esset;

[¶48] 24.7. that African and Spanish auxiliaries had been made ready for the slaughter of the magistrates and other leading citizens, and the announcement made that their property would be spoil for the assassins; moreover that a force of mercenaries accustomed to the orders of Adranodorus had been provided, to occupy the Island again.

> Latin: 24.7. Afrorum Hispanorumque auxiliares instructos ad caedem praetorum principumque aliorum bonaque eorum praedae futura interfectoribus pronuntiatum;

[¶49] 24.8. He then set forth in detail what was to be done, and by whom, and pictured the whole conspiracy manned and armed. And to the senators indeed they appeared to have been slain with as much justice as Hieronymus.

> Latin: 24.8. iam mercennariorum manum, adsuetam imperiis Adranodori, paratam fuisse ad Insulam rursus occupandam,—singula deinde quae per quosque agerentur totamque uiris armisque instructam coniurationem ante oculos posuit. et senatui quidem tam iure caesi quam Hieronymus uidebantur:

[¶50] 24.9. But in front of the Senate House there was shouting by the mixed crowd unacquainted with the situation. Uttering wild threats, they were checked by the corpses of the conspirators before the entrance to the Senate House, in such fear that they silently followed the orderly populace to the assembly.

> Latin: 24.9. ante curiam uariae atque incertae rerum multitudinis clamor erat. quam ferociter minitantem in uestibulo curiae corpora coniuratorum eo metu compresserunt ut silentes integram plebem in contionem sequerentur.

[¶51] 24.10. Sopater was instructed by the senate and his colleagues to speak.

> Latin: 24.10. Sopatro mandatum ab senatu et a collegis ut uerba faceret.

[¶52] 25.1. Beginning with their previous life, just as if he were prosecuting them, he charged that every act of violence or impiety committed since the death of Hiero had been done by Adranodorus and Themistus.

> Latin: 25.1. is tamquam reos ageret, ab ante acta uita orsus, quaecunque post Hieronis mortem sceleste atque impie facta essent, Adranodorum ac Themistum arguit fecisse:

[¶53] 25.2. For what could Hieronymus, a boy who had hardly reached puberty, have done of his own motion? His guardians and teachers, shielded by the embitterment directed against another, had been the real kings. Accordingly they ought to have perished either before Hieronymus or at least with Hieronymus.

> Latin: 25.2. quid enim sua sponte [fecisse] Hieronymum, puerum ac uixdum pubescentem, facere potuisse? tutores ac magistros eius sub aliena inuidia regnasse. itaque aut ante Hieronymum aut certe cum Hieronymo perire eos debuisse.

[¶54] 25.3. But though doomed already and marked for death, they had contrived fresh crimes since the death of the tyrant, at first openly, when Adranodorus, closing the gates of the Island, took over the kingdom as his own inheritance and as owner entered into possession of what he had held as agent:

> Latin: 25.3. at illos debitos iam morti destinatosque, alia noua scelera post mortem tyranni molitos, palam primo cum clausis Adranodorus Insulae portis hereditatem regni creuerit et quae procurator tenuerat pro domino possederit;

[¶55] 25.4. again when, betrayed by those who were on the Island, beset by the whole body of citizens holding Achradina, he attempted secretly and craftily to win the kingdom which he had sought in vain openly and above board, and could not be won over even by the bestowal of public office. For among those who gained liberty for the state, he, a plotter against liberty himself, had been elected a magistrate.

> Latin: 25.4. proditus deinde ab eis qui in Insula erant circumsessus ab uniuersa ciuitate quae Achradinam tenuerit nequiquam palam atque aperte petitum regnum clam et dolo adfectare conatus sit, et ne beneficio quidem atque honore potuerit uinci, cum inter liberatores patriae insidiator ipse libertatis creatus esset praetor.

[¶56] 25.6. But their autocratic temper was due to their royal consorts, Hiero's daughter married to the one, Gelo's daughter to the other.

> Latin: 25.6. sed animos eis regios regias coniuges fecisse, alteri Hieronis, alteri Gelonis filias nuptas.

[¶57] 25.7. Following this statement there arose in all parts of the assembly a shout that none of those women ought to live, nor any one of the family of the tyrants to survive.

> Latin: 25.7. sub hanc uocem ex omnibus partibus contionis clamor oritur nullam earum uiuere debere nec quemquam superesse tyrannorum stirpis.

[¶58] 25.8. This is the nature of the mass: either it is a humble slave or a haughty master. As for freedom, which is the mean, they know no moderation either in assuming or in keeping it.

> Latin: 25.8. ea natura multitudinis est: aut seruit humiliter aut superbe dominatur; libertatem, quae media est, nec struere modice nec habere sciunt;

[¶59] 25.9. And angry passions usually do not lack complaisant helpers, to provoke to bloodshed those who are immoderately eager for punishment;

> Latin: 25.9. et non ferme desunt irarum indulgentes ministri, qui auidos atque intemperantes suppliciorum animos ad sanguinem et caedes inritent.

[¶60] 25.10. as in this case the magistrates forthwith proposed a bill-and it was adopted almost before it was proposed-that all members of the royal family should be put to death.

> Latin: 25.10. sicut tum extemplo praetores rogationem promulgarunt—acceptaque paene prius quam promulgata est—ut omnes regiae stirpis interficerentur;

[¶61] 25.11. And by order of the magistrates men were sent who put to death Damarata the daughter of Hiero and Harmonia the daughter of Gelo, being the wives of Adranodorus and Themistus.

> Latin: 25.11. missique a praetoribus Damaratam Hieronis et Harmoniam Gelonis filiam, coniuges Adranodori et Themisti, interfecerunt.

[¶62] 26.1. Heraclia was the daughter of Hiero and wife of Zoippus, who was sent as ambassador to King Ptolemy by Hieronymus and had accepted voluntary exile.

> Latin: 26.1. Heraclia erat filia Hieronis, uxor Zoippi, qui legatus ab Hieronymo ad regem Ptolomaeum missus uoluntarium consciuerat exsilium.

[¶63] 26.2. She, having learned in advance that they were coming to her house also, fled into the chapel of the household gods with her two maiden daughters, her hair dishevelled and her general appearance moving to pity. And in addition were her prayers, now by the gods, now by the memory of her father Hiero and her brother Gelo, that they should not allow her innocent self to perish by the fire of resentment against Hieronymus.

> Latin: 26.2. ea cum ad se quoque ueniri praescisset, in sacrarium ad penates confugit cum duabus filiabus uirginibus, resolutis crinibus miserabilique alio habitu, et ad ea addidit preces, nunc <per deos, nunc> per memoriam Hieronis patris Gelonisque fratris ne se innoxiam inuidia Hieronymi conflagrare sinerent:

[¶64] 26.4. Nothing had she gained by his reign except the exile of her husband; and while Hieronymus lived, her station had not been so high as her sister's, nor was their situation the same after his death.

> Latin: 26.4. nihil se ex regno illius praeter exsilium uiri habere; neque fortunam suam eandem uiuo Hieronymo fuisse quam sororis neque interfecto eo causam eandem esse.

[¶65] 26.5. What of it that, if Adranodorus' plans had succeeded, the sister would have reigned with her husband, while she herself and all the rest must be slaves?

> Latin: 26.5. quid quod si Adranodoro consilia processissent, illa cum uiro fuerit regnatura, sibi cum ceteris seruiendum?

[¶66] 26.6. If someone should inform Zoippus that Hieronymus had been slain and Syracuse set free, who would have any doubt that he would forthwith board ship and return to his native city?

> Latin: 26.6. si quis Zoippo nuntiet interfectum Hieronymum ac liberatas Syracusas, cui dubium esse quin extemplo conscensurus sit nauem atque in patriam rediturus?

[¶67] 26.7. How the hopes of men were disappointed! In his native city, now set free, his wife and children were fighting for their lives, offering what obstacle to freedom and laws?

> Latin: 26.7. quantum spes hominum falli. in liberata patria coniugem eius ac liberos de uita dimicare, quid obstantes libertati aut legibus?

[¶68] 26.8. What danger to anyone was there from herself, a lone woman, virtually a widow, and from maidens living as orphans? But they might say that no danger was indeed feared from her, that nevertheless the royal family was hated.

> Latin: 26.8. quod ab se cuiquam periculum, a sola ac prope uidua et puellis in orbitate degentibus esse? at enim periculi quidem nihil ab se timeri, inuisam tamen stirpem regiam esse.

[¶69] 26.9. Therefore they should send them far from Syracuse and Sicily and bid them to be carried away to Alexandria, the wife to her husband, the daughters to their father.

> Latin: 26.9. ablegarent ergo procul ab Syracusis Siciliaque et asportari Alexandriam iuberent, ad uirum uxorem, ad patrem filias.

[¶70] 26.10. When they paid no attention whatever and shouted not to waste time, she could see some men drawing swords. Then ceasing entreaties for herself, she urgently begged them at least to spare the girls —an age on which even enraged enemies do not lay hands;

> Latin: 26.10. auersis auribus animisque †cassae, ne tempus tererent, ferrum quosdam expedientes cernebat; tum omissis pro se precibus, puellis ut saltem parcerent orare institit, a qua aetate etiam hostes iratos abstinere;

[¶71] 26.11. that in taking vengeance on the tyrants they should not themselves imitate the crimes which they hated.

> Latin: 26.11. ne tyrannos ulciscendo quae odissent scelera ipsi imitarentur.

[¶72] 26.12. While still speaking, they dragged her away from the altar and cut her throat, then turned their attack upon the girls spattered with B.C. 214 their mother's blood. Beside themselves for grief and fear, as though insane, they dashed out of the chapel with such speed that, if there had been any escape to the street, they would have caused a riot throughout the city.

> Latin: 26.12. inter haec abstractam a penetralibus iugulant. in uirgines deinde respersas matris cruore impetum faciunt, quae alienata mente simul luctu metuque uelut captae furore eo cursu se ex sacrario proripuerunt ut, si effugium patuisset in publicum, impleturae urbem tumultu fuerint.

[¶73] 26.13. Even as it was, in the limited space of the house, amidst so many armed men, they several times escaped unharmed and tore themselves away from those who tried to hold them, although they had to fight off hands so many and so strong.

> Latin: 26.13. tum quoque haud magno aedium spatio inter medios tot armatos aliquotiens integro corpore euaserunt tenentibusque, cum tot ac tam ualidae eluctandae manus essent, sese eripuerunt.

[¶74] 26.14. At last exhausted by wounds, after staining everything with their blood, they fell lifeless. The slaughter, in itself pitiful, was made still more pitiful by the coincidence that shortly after came the word that they were not to be put to death, for animosity had suddenly changed to pity.

> Latin: 26.14. tandem uolneribus confectae, cum omnia replessent sanguine, exanimes conruerunt. caedem per se miserabilem miserabiliorem casus fecit, quod paulo post nuntius uenit mutatis repente ad misericordiam animis ne interficerentur.

[¶75] 26.15. From pity then came anger, that such haste to punish had been made, and no chance left for a change of mind or a cooling of anger.

> Latin: 26.15. ira deinde ex misericordia orta, quod adeo festinatum ad supplicium neque locus paenitendi aut regressus ab ira relictus esset.

[¶76] 26.16. And so the multitude complained, and to replace Adranodorus and Themistus —for both had been magistrates —they clamoured for an election, which would not prove at all to the liking of the magistrates.

> Latin: 26.16. itaque fremere multitudo et in locum Adranodori ac Themisti—nam ambo praetores fuerant—comitia poscere quae nequaquam ex sententia praetorum futura essent.

[¶77] 27.1. A day was set for the election, and on that day, to the surprise of everybody, one man on the outskirts of the crowd nominated Epicydes, then after him another named Hippocrates, whereupon these shouts were repeated and with evident approval of the multitude.

> Latin: 27.1. statutus est comitiis dies; quo necopinantibus omnibus unus ex ultima turba Epicyden nominauit, tum inde alius Hippocratem. crebriores deinde hae uoces et cum haud dubio adsensu multitudinis esse;

[¶78] 27.2. And the assembly was disturbed by the crowd not only of citizens but also of soldiers, even deserters in large part mingling with them and eager for any change. The magistrates at first ignored them and by postponing delayed matters.

> Latin: 27.2. et erat confusa contio non populari modo sed militari quoque turba, magna ex parte etiam perfugis qui omnia nouare cupiebant permixtis. praetores dissimulare primo extrahenda re;

[¶79] 27.3. Finally, compelled by the general agreement and fearing an uprising, they declared Epicydes and Hippocrates magistrates.

> Latin: 27.3. sed postremo, uicti consensu et seditionem metuentes, pronuntiant eos praetores.

[¶80] 27.4. And at first the newly elected did not reveal their intentions, although they were indignant that legates had gone to Appius Claudius to sue for a ten days' truce, and that, this being secured, others had been sent to negotiate the renewal of the old treaty.

> Latin: 27.4. nec illi primo statim creati nudare quid uellent, quamquam aegre ferebant et de indutiis dierum decem legatos isse ad Ap. Claudium et impetratis eis alios qui de foedere antiquo renouando agerent missos.

[¶81] 27.5. At that time the Roman commander had a fleet of a hundred ships off Murgantia, waiting to see what would be the outcome of the disturbances at Syracuse due to the massacre of the tyrant's family, and to what the new and unwonted freedom would prompt them.

> Latin: 27.5. ad Murgantiam tum classem nauium centum Romanus habebat, quonam euaderent motus ex caedibus tyrannorum orti Syracusis quoue eos ageret noua atque insolita libertas operiens.

[¶82] 27.6. About the same time Marcellus was just arriving in Sicily, and the Syracusan ambassadors were sent to him by Appius. After hearing the peace terms, Marcellus thought agreement could be reached, and himself sent ambassadors to Syracuse to treat in person with the magistrates for a renewal of the treaty.

> Latin: 27.6. per eosdem dies cum ad Marcellum uenientem in Siciliam legati Syracusani missi ab Appio essent, auditis condicionibus pacis Marcellus, posse rem conuenire ratus, et ipse legatos Syracusas qui coram cum praetoribus de renouando foedere agerent misit.

[¶83] 27.7. And by this time the situation there was by no means so orderly and peaceful. When word was received that a Carthaginian fleet had reached the promontory of Pachynum, Hippocrates and Epicydes, relieved of their fear, kept making the charge, now before the mercenaries, now among the deserters, that Syracuse was being betrayed to the Roman.

> Latin: 27.7. et iam ibi nequaquam eadem quies ac tranquillitas erat. postquam Punicam classem accessisse Pachynum allatum est, dempto timore Hippocrates et Epicydes nunc apud mercennarios milites, nunc apud transfugas prodi Romano Syracusas criminabantur.

[¶84] 27.8. But from the time Appius began to keep ships at anchor at the harbour mouth in order to encourage the men of the other party, the false charges apparently had received strong confirmation.

> Latin: 27.8. ut uero Appius naues ad ostium portus, quid† aliae partis hominibus animus accederet, in statione habere coepit, ingens in speciem criminibus uanis accesserat fides;

[¶85] 27.9. And at first the crowd had even rushed down in disorder to keep them off in case they should be landing.

> Latin: 27.9. ac primo etiam tumultuose decurrerat multitudo ad prohibendos si in terram egrederentur.

[¶86] 28.1. In this confused state of affairs it 'was decided to summon the people to an assembly. There while some inclined in one direction, some in another, and an uprising was not far away, Apollonides, one of the leading citizens, made a speech which was well-advised, considering the crisis.

> Latin: 28.1. in hac turbatione rerum in contionem uocari placuit; ubi cum alii alio tenderent nec procul seditione res esset, Apollonides, principum unus, orationem salutarem ut in tali tempore habuit:

[¶87] 28.2. He said that neither the prospect of safety nor that of destruction had ever been nearer to any state.

> Latin: 28.2. nec spem salutis nec perniciem propiorem unquam ciuitati ulli fuisse.

[¶88] 28.3. For if with one mind they should all incline, whether to the Romans or to the Carthaginians, no state would be in a more highly favoured and happier condition.

> Latin: 28.3. si enim uno animo omnes uel ad Romanos uel ad Carthaginienses inclinent, nullius ciuitatis statum fortunatiorem ac beatiorem fore;

[¶89] 28.4. If they pulled in different directions, war between Carthaginians and Romans would not be more cruel than that among the Syracusans themselves, since within the same walls each side would have its own armies, its own weapons, its own generals. Accordingly they must make the greatest effort to reach agreement.

> Latin: 28.4. si alii alio trahant res, non inter Poenos Romanosque bellum atrocius fore quam inter ipsos Syracusanos, cum intra eosdem muros pars utraque suos exercitus, sua arma, suos habitura sit duces. itaque, ut idem omnes sentiant, summa ui agendum esse.

[¶90] 28.5. Which alliance was the more advantageous was a question decidedly subordinate and of far less weight.

> Latin: 28.5. utra societas sit utilior, eam longe minorem ac leuioris momenti consultationem esse;

[¶91] 28.6. Yet Hiero's authority ought to be followed in choosing allies rather than that of Hieronymus; in other words, a friendship which had proved happy for fifty years should be preferred to one unknown at present and formerly faithless.

> Latin: 28.6. sed tamen Hieronis potius quam Hieronymi auctoritatem sequendam in sociis legendis, uel quinquaginta annis feliciter expertam amicitiam nunc incognitae, quondam infideli praeferendam.

[¶92] 28.7. For their decision it was also of considerable importance that they could decline the Carthaginians' offer of peace without necessarily waging war with them at once. With the Romans they must straightway have either peace or-war.

> Latin: 28.7. esse etiam momenti aliquid ad consilium quod Carthaginiensibus ita pax negari possit, ut non utique in praesentia bellum cum eis geratur; cum Romanis extemplo aut pacem aut bellum habendum.

[¶93] 28.8. The less of party passion the speech seemed to have, the greater was its influence. To the magistrates and picked senators they added a military council also. Commanders of units and prefects of auxiliaries as well were ordered to take part in the deliberations.

> Latin: 28.8. quo minus cupiditatis ac studii uisa est oratio habere, eo plus auctoritatis habuit. adiectum est praetoribus ac delectis senatorum militare etiam consilium; iussi et duces ordinum praefectique auxiliorum simul consulere.

[¶94] 28.9. After the question had been repeatedly debated with great contention, finally, as they evidently had no means of carrying on a war with the Romans, it was decided to make an alliance with them, and to send ambassadors for the ratification.

> Latin: 28.9. cum saepe acta res esset magnis certaminibus, postremo, quia belli cum Romanis gerendi ratio nulla apparebat, pacem fieri placuit mittique legatos ad rem cum eis confirmandam.

[¶95] 29.1. Not many days had elapsed, when ambassadors from Leontini arrived, pleading for a force to defend their territory. The request of this embassy seemed very timely for the purpose of relieving the city of a disorderly and turbulent multitude and of sending away its leaders.

> Latin: 29.1. dies haud ita multi intercesserunt, cum ex Leontinis legati praesidium finibus suis orantes uenerunt; quae legatio peropportuna uisa ad multitudinem inconditam ac tumultuosam exonerandam ducesque eius ablegandos.

[¶96] 29.2. Hippocrates as magistrate was ordered to lead the deserters thither. Many of the mercenary auxiliaries followed, making four thousand armed men.

> Latin: 29.2. Hippocrates praetor ducere eo transfugas iussus; secuti multi ex mercennariis auxiliis quattuor milia armatorum effecerunt.

[¶97] 29.3. That enterprise gave joy both to the senders and the sent; for the one party were given a long-desired opportunity for revolution, and the other rejoiced also to think that the dregs of the city had been drained off. But they relieved the diseased body, so to speak, merely for the moment, only to have it relapse presently into a more serious ailment.

> Latin: 29.3. et mittentibus et missis ea laeta expeditio fuit; nam et illis, quod iam diu cupiebant, nouandi res occasio data est, et hi sentinam quandam urbis rati exhaustam laetabantur. ceterum leuauerunt modo in praesentia uelut corpus aegrum quo mox in grauiorem morbum recideret.

[¶98] 29.4. For Hippocrates began, at first with stealthy raids, to ravage lands on the border of the Roman province. Later, when Appius had sent troops to protect the farms of the allies, he made an attack with all his forces upon the unit on, guard duty facing him, and many were slain.

> Latin: 29.4. Hippocrates enim finitima prouinciae Romanae primo furtiuis excursionibus uastare coepit; deinde, cum ad tuendos sociorum agros missum ab Appio praesidium esset, omnibus copiis impetum in oppositam stationem cum caede multorum fecit.

[¶99] 29.5. Marcellus, being informed of this, at once sent legates to Syracuse, to say that the promised peace had been broken, and that a reason for war would never be wanting unless Hippocrates and Epicydes should be sent far away, not merely from Syracuse, but from all Sicily. Epicydes, to avoid being present under an accusation brought against his absent brother, or else failing to do his part in provoking war, went likewise to Leontini; and seeing that its citizens were sufficiently aroused against the Roman people, began also to estrange them from the Syracusans.

> Latin: 29.5. quae cum essent nuntiata Marcello, legatos extemplo Syracusas misit, qui pacis fidem ruptam esse dicerent nec belli defuturam unquam causam, nisi Hippocrates atque Epicydes non ab Syracusis modo sed tota procul Sicilia ablegarentur. Epicydes, ne aut reus criminis absentis fratris praesens esset aut deesset pro parte sua concitando bello, profectus et ipse in Leontinos, quia satis eos aduersus populum Romanum concitatos cernebat, auertere etiam ab Syracusanis coepit:

[¶100] 29.6. For, he explained, the Syracusans had made an alliance with the Romans with the provision that all the states which had been subject to the kings should be under their rule;

> Latin: 29.6. nam ita eos pacem pepigisse cum Romanis ut quicumque populi sub regibus fuissent ei suae dicionis essent, nec iam libertate contentos esse nisi etiam regnent ac dominentur.

[¶101] 29.7. that now they were not satisfied with freedom, without also being lords and masters. They must therefore report to them that the Lenities likewise thought it right that they should be free, either because it was on the soil of their city that the tyrant fell, or because there for the first time men shouted the summons to liberty, and deserting the king's generals flocked to Syracuse. Accordingly either that clause, he said, must be removed from the treaty, or else an alliance on such terms was not to be accepted.

> Latin: 29.7. renuntiandum igitur eis esse Leontinos quoque aequum censere liberos se esse, uel quod in solo urbis suae tyrannus ceciderit uel quod ibi primum conclamatum ad libertatem relictisque regiis ducibus ad Syracusanos concursum <sit>. itaque aut eximendum id de foedere esse aut legem eam foederis non accipiendam.

[¶102] 29.9. The multitude was easily persuaded, and when the legates of the Syracusans complained of the slaughter of the Roman guard-post and also bade Hippocrates and Epicydes go away to Locri or wherever they preferred, provided they withdrew from Sicily, the people replied with spirit that they had not instructed the Syracusans to make a treaty for them with the Romans, and that they were not bound by treaties not of their own making.

> Latin: 29.9. facile multitudini persuasum; legatisque Syracusanorum et de caede stationis Romanae querentibus et Hippocratem atque Epicydem abire seu Locros seu quo alio mallent, dummodo Sicilia cederent, iubentibus ferociter responsum est: neque mandasse sese Syracusanis ut pacem pro se cum Romanis facerent neque teneri alienis foederibus.

[¶103] 29.11. This was reported to the Romans by the Syracusans, who stated that the men of Leontini were not subject to their authority; and that consequently the Romans would make war upon them without violating the treaty made with Syracuse; also that they would themselves not refuse to give help in the war, on condition that, when reduced to subjection, the Leontini should again be under their authority, as had been settled in the treaty.

> Latin: 29.11. haec ad Romanos Syracusani detulerunt, abnuentes Leontinos in sua potestate esse: itaque integro secum foedere bellum Romanos cum iis gesturos neque sese defuturos ei bello, ita ut in potestatem redacti suae rursus dicionis essent, sicut pax conuenisset.

[¶104] 30.1. Marcellus, proceeding with his whole army to Leontini and summoning Appius also to make an attack from the other side, found such enthusiasm in his soldiers, due to anger aroused by the slaughter of men of the guard while negotiations were pending, that they took the city at the first assault.

> Latin: 30.1. Marcellus cum omni exercitu profectus in Leontinos Appio quoque accito ut altera parte adgrederetur, tanto ardore militum est usus ab ira inter condiciones pacis interfectae stationis ut primo impetu urbem expugnarent.