---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 2 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Book XXI · chapters 14–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/2/#p-N

[¶0] 14.1. To hear this speech the populace had little by little crowded round, and the people's council had mingled with the senate, when on a sudden the leading men, withdrawing from the throng before an answer could be given, fetched all the gold and silver, both of state and private ownership, into the market-place, and casting it into a fire which they had hurriedly made up for this purpose, many threw themselves headlong into the same flames.

> Latin: 14.1. ad haec audienda cum circumfusa paulatim multitudine permixtum senatui esset populi concilium, repente primores secessione facta priusquam responsum daretur argentum aurumque omne ex publico priuatoque in forum conlatum in ignem ad id raptim factum conicientes eodem plerique semet ipsi praecipitauerunt.

[¶1] 14.2. The resulting panic and dismay had no sooner spread to all the city, than another loud noise and outcry were heard from the citadel. A tower that had long been battered had collapsed, and through the breach a cohort of Phoenicians had rushed in and signalled to the general that the city was denuded of its customary guards and sentinels.

> Latin: 14.2. cum ex eo pauor ac trepidatio totam urbem peruasisset, alius insuper tumultus ex arce auditur. turris diu quassata prociderat, perque ruinam eius cohors Poenorum impetu facto cum signum imperatori dedisset nudatam stationibus custodiisque solitis hostium esse urbem, non cunctandum in tali occasione ratus Hannibal, totis uiribus adgressus urbem momento cepit, signo dato ut omnes puberes interficerentur.

[¶2] 14.3. Hannibal, deeming it no time to hesitate, when such an opportunity offered, attacked with all his strength and captured the city out of hand.

> Latin: 14.3. quod imperium crudele, ceterum prope necessarium cognitum ipso euentu est;

[¶3] 14.4. He had given orders that all the grown inhabitants be put to the sword —a cruel command, but found in the upshot to have been well-nigh inevitable; for who could be spared of those who either shut themselves up with their wives and children and burned the houses over their own heads, or took arms and never gave over fighting till they died?

> Latin: 14.4. cui enim parci potuit ex iis qui aut inclusi cum coniugibus ac liberis domos super se ipsos concremauerunt aut armati nullum ante finem pugnae quam morientes fecerunt?

[¶4] 15.1. The captured town yielded enormous spoils. For although much property had been destroyed on purpose by its owners, and in the carnage rage had scarce made any distinction of years, and the captives had been given as booty to the soldiers, nevertheless it is agreed that a large sum was realized from the sale of goods, and much valuable furniture and apparel sent to Carthage.

> Latin: 15.1. captum oppidum est cum ingenti praeda. quamquam pleraque ab dominis de industria corrupta erant et in caedibus uix ullum discrimen aetatis ira fecerat et captiui militum praeda fuerant, tamen et ex pretio rerum uenditarum aliquantum pecuniae redactum esse constat et multam pretiosam supellectilem uestemque missam Carthaginem. octauo mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripsere;

[¶5] 15.3. Some have recorded that Saguntum was taken in the eighth month from the beginning of the siege; that Hannibal then retired to New Carthage, into winter quarters; and then, after leaving New Carthage, arrived in the fifth month in Italy.

> Latin: 15.3. inde Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna Hannibalem concessisse; quinto deinde mense quam ab Carthagine profectus sit in Italiam peruenisse.

[¶6] 15.4. If this is so, it cannot have been the case that Publius Cornelius and Tiberius Sempronius were the consuls to whom the Saguntine envoys were dispatched in the beginning of the siege, and who, in their own year of office, fought with Hannibal, the one at the river Ticinus, and both —a little later —at the Trebia.

> Latin: 15.4. quae si ita sunt, fieri non potuit ut P. Cornelius Ti. Sempronius consules fuerint, ad quos et principio oppugnationis legati Saguntini missi sint et qui in suo magistratu cum Hannibale, alter ad Ticinum amnem, ambo aliquanto post ad Trebiam pugnauerint.

[¶7] 15.5. Either all these things took up somewhat less time, or Saguntum was not first besieged but finally captured in the outset of the year which had Cornelius and Sempronius as consuls.

> Latin: 15.5. aut omnia breuiora aliquanto fuere aut Saguntum principio anni, quo P. Cornelius Ti. Sempronius consules fuerunt, non coeptum oppugnari est sed captum.

[¶8] 15.6. For the battle at the Trebia cannot have been fought as late as the consulship of Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius Flaminius; for Gaius Flaminius began his consulship at Ariminum, having been elected under the presidency of Tiberius Sempronius who was then consul, and had, after the battle at the Trebia, come to Rome to hold the consular elections, and then returned to the winter quarters of the army.

> Latin: 15.6. nam excessisse pugna ad Trebiam in annum Cn. Seruili et C. Flamini non potest, quia C. Flaminius Arimini consulatum iniit, creatus a Ti. Sempronio consule, qui post pugnam ad Trebiam ad creandos consules Romam cum uenisset comitiis perfectis ad exercitum in hiberna rediit.

[¶9] 16.1. At almost the same time the ambassadors who had returned from Carthage brought back word to Rome that all was hostile in that quarter, and the fall of Saguntum was announced.

> Latin: 16.1. sub idem fere tempus et legati qui redierant ab Carthagine Romam rettulerunt omnia hostilia esse, et Sagunti excidium nuntiatum est;

[¶10] 16.2. And so great was the grief of the senators, and their pity at the unmerited doom of their allies, and their shame at having failed to help them, and their wrath against the Carthaginians and fear for the safety of the commonwealth —as though the enemy were already at their gates —that, confounded with so many simultaneous emotions, they rather trembled than deliberated.

> Latin: 16.2. tantusque simul maeror patres misericordiaque sociorum peremptorum indigne et pudor non lati auxilii et ira in Carthaginienses metusque de summa rerum cepit, uelut si iam ad portas hostis esset, ut tot uno tempore motibus animi turbati trepidarent magis quam consulerent:

[¶11] 16.3. For they felt that they had never encountered a fiercer or more warlike foe, and that Rome had never been so torpid and unwarlike. The Sardinians and Corsicans, the Histrians and Illyrians, had provoked but had hardly exercised the Roman arms;

> Latin: 16.3. nam neque hostem acriorem bellicosioremque secum congressum nec rem Romanam tam desidem unquam fuisse atque imbellem.

[¶12] 16.4. while against the Gauls there had been desultory fighting rather than real war. But the Phoenician was an old and experienced enemy, who in the hardest kind of service amongst the Spanish tribes had for three and twenty years invariably got the victory;

> Latin: 16.4. Sardos Corsosque et Histros atque Illyrios lacessisse magis quam exercuisse Romana arma et cum Gallis tumultuatum uerius quam belligeratum:

[¶13] 16.5. he was accustomed to the keenest of commanders, was flushed with the conquest of a very wealthy city, and crossing the Ebro and drawing after him the many Spanish peoples which he had enlisted, would be rousing up the Gallic tribes — always eager to unsheathe the sword —and the Romans would have to contend in war with all the world, in Italy and under the walls of Rome.

> Latin: 16.5. Poenum hostem ueteranum, trium et uiginti annorum militia durissima inter Hispanas gentes semper uictorem, duci acerrimo adsuetum, recentem ab excidio opulentissimae urbis, Hiberum transire; trahere secum tot excitos Hispanorum populos; conciturum auidas semper armorum Gallicas gentes; cum orbe terrarum bellum gerendum in Italia ac pro moenibus Romanis esse.

[¶14] 17.1. The fields of operation of the consuls had already been named: they were now commanded to draw lots for them. Cornelius obtained Spain, Sempronius Africa with Sicily.

> Latin: 17.1. nominatae iam antea consulibus prouinciae erant; tum sortiri iussi. Cornelio Hispania, Sempronio Africa cum Sicilia euenit.

[¶15] 17.2. Six legions were voted for that year, with such allied contingents as the consuls themselves should approve and as large a fleet as could be got ready. There were enrolled four and twenty thousand Roman foot-soldiers and eighteen hundred horsemen, and of the allies forty thousand foot-soldiers and four thousand four hundred horsemen.

> Latin: 17.2. sex in eum annum decretae legiones et socium quantum ipsis uideretur et classis quanta parari posset. quattuor et uiginti peditum Romanorum milia scripta et mille octingenti equites, sociorum quadraginta milia peditum, quattuor milia et quadringenti equites;

[¶16] 17.3. Of ships there were launched two hundred and twenty quinqueremes, and twenty swift cruisers.

> Latin: 17.3. naues ducentae uiginti quinqueremes, celoces uiginti deducti.

[¶17] 17.4. The question was then laid before the people whether it were their will and pleasure that war be declared against the people of Carthage; and on their voting in the affirmative a supplication was held throughout the City and the gods were besought to grant a fair and prosperous outcome to the war which the Roman People had decreed.

> Latin: 17.4. latum inde ad populum uellent iuberent populo Carthaginiensi bellum indici; eiusque belli causa supplicatio per urbem habita atque adorati di, ut bene ac feliciter eueniret quod bellum populus Romanus iussisset.

[¶18] 17.5. The forces were divided between the consuls as follows: Sempronius received two legions —each numbering four thousand foot and three hundred horse —sixteen thousand foot of the allies, and eighteen hundred horse, together with a hundred and sixty warships and twelve swift cruisers.

> Latin: 17.5. inter consules ita copiae diuisae: Sempronio datae legiones duae—ea quaterna milia erant peditum et treceni equites—et sociorum sedecim milia peditum, equites mille octingenti; naues longae centum sexaginta, celoces duodecim.

[¶19] 17.6. With these forces for land and sea Tiberius Sempronius was dispatched to Sicily, that he might cross by that way into Africa, if the other consul were able to keep the Phoenicians out of Italy.

> Latin: 17.6. cum his terrestribus maritimisque copiis Ti. Sempronius missus in Siciliam, ita in Africam transmissurus si ad arcendum Italia Poenum consul alter satis esset.

[¶20] 17.7. Cornelius was given fewer troops, since Lucius Manlius, the praetor, was also being sent into Gaul with a not inconsiderable army;

> Latin: 17.7. Cornelio minus copiarum datum, quia L. Manlius praetor et ipse cum haud inualido praesidio in Galliam mittebatur;

[¶21] 17.8. and of ships, in particular, he received a smaller number, namely, sixty quinqueremes, for they did not suppose that the enemy would come by sea or use that kind of warfare. He had two Roman legions with their proper complement of horse, and fourteen thousand infantry of the allies, with sixteen hundred horse.

> Latin: 17.8. nauium maxime Cornelio numerus deminutus; sexaginta quinqueremes datae—neque enim mari uenturum aut ea parte belli dimicaturum hostem credebant—et duae Romanae legiones cum suo iusto equitatu et quattuordecim milibus sociorum peditum, equitibus mille sescentis.

[¶22] 17.9. The province of Gaul received two Roman legions and ten thousand foot of the allies, with a thousand allied and six hundred Roman horse. These troops were designed for the same service —the Punic War.

> Latin: 17.9. duas legiones Romanas et decem milia sociorum peditum, mille equites socios, sescentos Romanos Gallia prouincia eodem uersa in Punicum bellum habuit.

[¶23] 18.1. When these arrangements had been made, in order that, before going to war, they might observe all the formalities, they dispatched into Africa an embassy consisting of certain older men, to wit, Quintus Fabius, Marcus Livius, Lucius Aemilius, Gaius Licinius, and Quintus Baebius, to demand of the Carthaginians whether Hannibal had attacked Saguntum with the sanction of the state; and if, as seemed likely to be the case, they should avow the act and stand to it as their public policy, to declare war on the

> Latin: 18.1. his ita comparatis, ut omnia iusta ante bellum fierent, legatos maiores natu, Q. Fabium M. Liuium L. Aemilium C. Licinium Q. Baebium in Africam mittunt ad percontandos Carthaginienses publicone consilio Hannibal Saguntum oppugnasset, et si id quod facturi uidebantur faterentur ac defenderent publico consilio factum,

[¶24] 18.3. Carthaginian People. As soon as the Romans had come to Carthage and the senate had granted them an audience, Quintus Fabius asked only the one question contained in his instructions.

> Latin: 18.3. ut indicerent populo Carthaginiensi bellum. Romani postquam Carthaginem uenerunt, cum senatus datus esset et Q. Fabius nihil ultra quam unum quod mandatum erat percontatus esset, tum ex Carthaginiensibus unus:

[¶25] 18.4. Then one of the Carthaginians replied: “There was something headlong, Romans, even in your former embassy, when you demanded that we surrender Hannibal on the ground that he was laying siege to Saguntum on his own responsibility; but your present embassy, though expressed thus far more mildly, is in reality ” “more harsh.

> Latin: 18.4. 'praeceps uestra, Romani, et prior legatio fuit, cum Hannibalem tamquam suo consilio Saguntum oppugnantem deposcebatis;

[¶26] 18.5. For on that occasion Hannibal was both accused and his surrender called for; at present you are trying to wring a confession from us, and, as though we had pleaded guilty, demand ” “instant satisfaction.

> Latin: 18.5. ceterum haec legatio uerbis adhuc lenior est, re asperior. tunc enim Hannibal et insimulabatur et deposcebatur; nunc ab nobis et confessio culpae exprimitur et ut a confessis res extemplo repetuntur.

[¶27] 18.6. But to me it would seem that you ought to ask, not whether Saguntum was besieged as the result of private or of public policy, but whether justly ” “or unjustly.

> Latin: 18.6. ego autem non priuato publicone consilio Saguntum oppugnatum sit quaerendum censeam sed utrum iure an iniuria;

[¶28] 18.7. For it belongs to us to enquire what our fellow citizen has done on our authority or his own, and to punish him; with you the only question we have to discuss is this, whether what he did was permissible under ” “the treaty.

> Latin: 18.7. nostra enim haec quaestio atque animaduersio in ciuem nostrum est quid nostro aut suo fecerit arbitrio:

[¶29] 18.8. Well then, since you wish that a distinction should be drawn between the things that generals do by direction of the state and the acts for which they are themselves responsible, let me remind you that we have a ” “treaty with you, which Gaius Lutatius, your consul, made, wherein, although the allies of both sides were protected, there was no provision made regarding the Saguntines, for as yet they were not ”

> Latin: 18.8. uobiscum una disceptatio est licueritne per foedus fieri. itaque quoniam discerni placet quid publico consilio, quid sua sponte imperatores faciant, nobis uobiscum foedus est a C. Lutatio consule ictum in quo, cum caueretur utrorumque sociis, nihil de Saguntinis—necdum enim erant socii uestri— cautum est. at enim eo foedere quod cum Hasdrubale ictum est Saguntini excipiuntur.

[¶30] 18.10. “your allies. 'But,' you will say, 'in that treaty which was made with Hasdrubal, the Saguntines are expressly cared for.' To this I shall make no other answer than the one that I have learnt from you. For you denied that you were bound by the treaty which Gaius Lutatius, the consul, originally entered into with us, because it had been made without the senate's sanction or the people's command; accordingly a new treaty, having the approval of the state, was ” “entered into.

> Latin: 18.10. aduersus quod ego nihil dicturus sum nisi quod a uobis didici. uos enim, quod C. Lutatius consul primo nobiscum foedus icit, quia neque auctoritate patrum nec populi iussu ictum erat, negastis uos eo teneri; itaque aliud de integro foedus publico consilio ictum est.

[¶31] 18.11. Now, if you are not bound by your treaties, unless they are concluded at your own instance or command, no more could the treaty of Hasdrubal, which he made without our knowledge, be binding ” “upon us.

> Latin: 18.11. si uos non tenent foedera uestra nisi ex auctoritate aut iussu uestro icta, ne nos quidem Hasdrubalis foedus quod nobis insciis icit obligare potuit.

[¶32] 18.12. Cease then to prate of Saguntum and the Ebro, and bring forth at last the thought with which your mind has long been ” “in travail!”

> Latin: 18.12. proinde omittite Sagunti atque Hiberi mentionem facere et quod diu parturit animus uester aliquando pariat.'

[¶33] 18.13. Then the Roman, gathering up his toga into a fold, said, “We bring you here both war and peace; choose which you will!” When he had said these words, they cried out with no less truculence that he might give them whichever he liked; and on his shaking out the fold again, and announcing that he gave them war, they all replied that they accepted it, and in that same spirit in which they accepted it were resolved to wage it.

> Latin: 18.13. tum Romanus sinu ex toga facto, 'hic' inquit, 'uobis bellum et pacem portamus; utrum placet sumite.' sub hanc uocem haud minus ferociter, daret utrum uellet, succlamatum est; et cum is iterum sinu effuso bellum dare dixisset, accipere se omnes responderunt et quibus acciperent animis iisdem se gesturos.

[¶34] 19.1. This straightforward demand and declaration of war seemed more in keeping with the dignity of the Roman People than to bandy words regarding the rights involved in treaties, especially at that moment, when Saguntum had been destroyed.

> Latin: 19.1. haec derecta percontatio ac denuntiatio belli magis ex dignitate populi Romani uisa est quam de foederum iure uerbis disceptare, cum ante, tum maxime Sagunto excisa.

[¶35] 19.2. Though for that matter, had it been proper to debate the question, what comparison could there be between Hasdrubal's treaty and the earlier treaty of Lutatius, which was altered? For in the treaty of Lutatius it had been expressly added that it should be valid only if the people ratified it; but in Hasdrubal's treaty no such proviso had been made, and by the silence of so many years the treaty had during his lifetime been so sanctioned that even on its author's death no slightest change was made in it.

> Latin: 19.2. nam si uerborum disceptationis res esset, quid foedus Hasdrubalis cum Lutati priore foedere, quod mutatum est, comparandum erat, cum in Lutati foedere diserte additum esset ita id ratum fore si populus censuisset, in Hasdrubalis foedere nec exceptum tale quicquam fuerit et tot annorum silentio ita uiuo eo comprobatum sit foedus ut ne mortuo quidem auctore quicquam mutaretur?

[¶36] 19.4. And yet, even if the earlier treaty were adhered to, the Saguntines had been sufficiently protected by the provision made concerning the allies of both the parties; for there had been no specification of “those who were then allies,” nor exception of “such as might afterwards be received.”

> Latin: 19.4. quamquam, etsi priore foedere staretur, satis cautum erat Saguntinis sociis utrorumque exceptis; nam neque additum erat 'iis qui tunc essent' nec 'ne qui postea adsumerentur'.

[¶37] 19.5. And since they were permitted to take new allies, who would think it fair either that they should admit no one, however deserving, to their friendship, or that, having once taken people under their protection, they should not defend them —provided only that allies of the Carthaginians should not be tempted to desert them nor be made welcome if they left them voluntarily?

> Latin: 19.5. et cum adsumere nouos liceret socios, quis aequum censeret aut ob nulla quemquam merita in amicitiam recipi aut receptos in fidem non defendi, tantum ne Carthaginiensium socii aut sollicitarentur ad defectionem aut sua sponte desciscentes reciperentur?

[¶38] 19.6. The ambassadors, conformably to the instructions given them in Rome, crossed over from Carthage into Spain for the purpose of approaching the different states and winning them to an alliance, or at least detaching them from the Phoenicians.

> Latin: 19.6. legati Romani ab Carthagine, sicut iis Romae imperatum erat, in Hispaniam ut adirent ciuitates ut in societatem perlicerent aut auerterent a Poenis traiecerunt.

[¶39] 19.7. The Bargusii were the first they visited, and being warmly welcomed by them, for men were wearying of the Punic sway, they aroused in many nations south of the Ebro a desire to revolt.

> Latin: 19.7. ad Bargusios primum uenerunt, a quibus benigne excepti, quia taedebat imperii Punici, multos trans Hiberum populos ad cupidinem nouae fortunae erexerunt.

[¶40] 19.8. From there they came to the Volciani, who gave them an answer that was carried all over Spain and turned all the other states against an alliance with the Romans.

> Latin: 19.8. inde est uentum ad Uolcianos, quorum celebre per Hispaniam responsum ceteros populos ab societate Romana auertit. ita enim maximus natu ex iis in concilio respondit:

[¶41] 19.9. For the eldest of them replied as follows in their council: “With what face, Romans, can you ask us to prefer your friendship to the Carthaginian, when those who did so have been more cruelly betrayed by you, their allies, than destroyed by their enemy, the Phoenician? You must seek allies, in my opinion, only where the disaster of Saguntum is unknown.”

> Latin: 19.9. 'quae uerecundia est, Romani, postulare uos uti uestram Carthaginiensium amicitiae praeponamus, cum qui id fecerunt [Saguntini] crudelius quam Poenus hostis perdidit uos socii prodideritis?

[¶42] 19.10. “To the Spanish peoples the ruins of Saguntum will constitute a warning, no less emphatic than deplorable, that none should trust to the honour or alliance of the Romans.”

> Latin: 19.10. ibi quaeratis socios censeo ubi Saguntina clades ignota est; Hispanis populis sicut lugubre, ita insigne documentum Sagunti ruinae erunt ne quis fidei Romanae aut societati confidat.'

[¶43] 19.11. Being then bidden straightway to depart out of the borders of the Volciani, they received from that day forth no kinder response from any Spanish council. Accordingly, having traversed that country to no purpose, they passed over into Gaul.

> Latin: 19.11. inde extemplo abire finibus Uolcianorum iussi ab nullo deinde concilio Hispaniae benigniora uerba tulere. ita nequiquam peragrata Hispania in Galliam transeunt.

[¶44] 20.1. There they beheld a strange and terrifying spectacle, for the Gauls, as was customary with the race, came armed to their assembly. When the envoys, boasting of the renown and valour of the Roman People and the extent of their dominion, requested the Gauls to deny the Phoenician a passage through their lands and cities, if he should attempt to carry the war into Italy, it is said that they burst out into such peals of laughter that the magistrates and elders could scarce reduce the younger men to order —so stupid and impudent a thing it seemed, to propose that the Gauls should not suffer the invaders to pass into Italy, but bring down the war on their own heads, and offer their own fields to be pillaged in place of other men's. When at last the uproar had been quelled, the Gauls made answer to the envoys that they owed the Romans no kindness nor the Carthaginians any grudge, to induce them to draw the sword in behalf of the former or against the latter; on the contrary,

> Latin: 20.1. in his noua terribilisque species uisa est, quod armati— ita mos gentis erat—in concilium uenerunt. cum uerbis extollentes gloriam uirtutemque populi Romani ac magnitudinem imperii petissent ne Poeno bellum Italiae inferenti per agros urbesque suas transitum darent, tantus cum fremitu risus dicitur ortus ut uix a magistratibus maioribusque natu iuuentus sedaretur; adeo stolida impudensque postulatio uisa est censere, ne in Italiam transmittant Galli bellum, ipsos id auertere in se agrosque suos pro alienis populandos obicere. sedato tandem fremitu responsum legatis est neque Romanorum in se meritum esse neque Carthaginiensium iniuriam ob quae aut pro Romanis aut aduersus Poenos sumant arma;

[¶45] 20.5. they heard that men of their own race were being driven from the land and even out of the borders of Italy by the Roman People, and were paying tribute and suffering every other humiliation.

> Latin: 20.5. contra ea audire sese gentis suae homines agro finibusque Italiae pelli a populo Romano stipendiumque pendere et cetera indigna pati.

[¶46] 20.6. In the rest of the Gallic councils their proposals and the replies they got were to substantially the same effect, nor did they hear a single word of a truly friendly or peaceable tenor until they reached Massilia.

> Latin: 20.6. eadem ferme in ceteris Galliae conciliis dicta auditaque, nec hospitale quicquam pacatumue satis prius auditum quam Massiliam uenere.

[¶47] 20.7. Here they learned of all that had happened from their allies, who had made enquiries with faithful diligence. They reported that Hannibal had been beforehand with the Romans in gaining the good-will of the Gauls, but that even he would find them hardly tractable —so fierce and untamed was their nature —unless from time to time he should make use of gold, of which the race is very covetous, to secure the favour of their principal men.

> Latin: 20.7. ibi omnia ab sociis inquisita cum cura ac fide cognita: praeoccupatos iam ante ab Hannibale Gallorum animos esse; sed ne illi quidem ipsi satis mitem gentem fore—adeo ferocia atque indomita ingenia esse—ni subinde auro, cuius auidissima gens est, principum animi concilientur.

[¶48] 20.8. So the envoys, having travelled through the nations of Spain and Gaul, returned to Rome, not long after the consuls had set out for their respective commands. They found the citizens all on tip-toe with expectation of the war, for the rumour persisted that the Phoenicians had already crossed the Ebro.

> Latin: 20.8. ita peragratis Hispaniae et Galliae populis legati Romam redeunt haud ita multo post quam consules in prouincias profecti erant. ciuitatem omnem in exspectationem belli erectam inuenerunt, satis constante fama iam Hiberum Poenos tramisisse.

[¶49] 21.1. Hannibal, after the capture of Saguntum, had withdrawn his army into winter quarters at New Carthage. There he learned what had been done in Rome and Carthage and what had been decreed, and that he was not only commander in the war, but the cause of it as well. So, having divided or sold off what was left of the plunder, he thought best to defer his plans no longer, and, calling together the soldiers of Spanish blood, thus addressed them:

> Latin: 21.1. Hannibal Sagunto capto Carthaginem Nouam in hiberna concesserat, ibique auditis quae Romae quaeque Carthagine acta decretaque forent, seque non ducem solum sed etiam causam esse belli, partitis diuenditisque reliquiis praedae nihil ultra differendum ratus, Hispani generis milites conuocat.

[¶50] 21.3. “My allies, I doubt not that you yourselves perceive how, having conquered every tribe in Spain, we must either bring our campaigning to a close and disband our armies, or shift the seat of war to other countries.”

> Latin: 21.3. 'credo ego uos' inquit, 'socii, et ipsos cernere pacatis omnibus Hispaniae populis aut finiendam nobis militiam exercitusque dimittendos esse aut in alias terras transferendum bellum;

[¶51] 21.4. “For these nations here will enjoy the blessings not merely of peace, but also of victory, only if we look to other nations for spoils and glory.”

> Latin: 21.4. ita enim hae gentes non pacis solum sed etiam uictoriae bonis florebunt, si ex aliis gentibus praedam et gloriam quaeremus.

[¶52] 21.5. “Since, therefore, you are on the eve of an expedition that will carry you far afield, and it is uncertain when you will see again your homes and what there is dear to each of you, if any of you desires to visit his friends, I grant him furlough.”

> Latin: 21.5. itaque cum longinqua ab domo instet militia incertumque sit quando domos uestras et quae cuique ibi cara sunt uisuri sitis, si quis uestrum suos inuisere uolt, commeatum do.

[¶53] 21.6. “Be at hand, I charge you, with the first signs of spring, that with Heaven's good help we may begin a war that shall bring us vast renown and booty.”

> Latin: 21.6. primo uere edico adsitis, ut dis bene iuuantibus bellum ingentis gloriae praedaeque futurum incipiamus.'

[¶54] 21.7. There were very few who did not welcome the opportunity thus freely proffered of visiting their homes, for they were already homesick and looked forward to an even longer separation from their friends.

> Latin: 21.7. omnibus fere uisendi domos oblata ultro potestas grata erat, et iam desiderantibus suos et longius in futurum prouidentibus desiderium.

[¶55] 21.8. The full winter's rest between the labours already undergone and those that were presently to come gave them new strength and courage for a fresh encounter with every hardship.

> Latin: 21.8. per totum tempus hiemis quies inter labores aut iam exhaustos aut mox exhauriendos renouauit corpora animosque ad omnia de integro patienda; uere primo ad edictum conuenere.

[¶56] 21.9. Early in the spring they assembled in obedience to their orders. When Hannibal had reviewed the contingents sent in by all the nations, he went to Gades and discharged his vows to Hercules, binding himself with fresh ones, in case he should be successful in the remainder of his undertaking.

> Latin: 21.9. Hannibal cum recensuisset omnium gentium auxilia, Gades profectus Herculi uota exsoluit nouisque se obligat uotis, si cetera prospera euenissent.

[¶57] 21.10. Then, with equal concern for attack and defence, lest while he should be himself advancing upon Italy by an overland march through Spain and Gaul, Africa might lie exposed and open to a Roman invasion on the side of Sicily, he resolved to garrison that country with a powerful force.

> Latin: 21.10. inde partiens curas simul <in> inferendum atque arcendum bellum, ne, dum ipse terrestri per Hispaniam Galliasque itinere Italiam peteret, nuda apertaque Romanis Africa ab Sicilia esset, ualido praesidio firmare eam statuit;

[¶58] 21.11. To supply its place he requisitioned troops for himself from Africa —lightarmed slingers chiefly —so that Africans might serve in Spain and Spaniards in Africa, and both be the better soldiers for being far from home, as though mutually pledged to loyalty.

> Latin: 21.11. pro eo supplementum ipse ex Africa maxime iaculatorum leuium armis petiit, ut Afri in Hispania, in Africa Hispani, melior procul ab domo futurus uterque miles, uelut mutuis pigneribus obligati stipendia facerent.

[¶59] 21.12. Thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty targeteers and eight hundred and seventy Baliaric slingers, with twelve hundred horsemen drawn from many nations, he sent to Africa.

> Latin: 21.12. tredecim milia octingentos quinquaginta pedites caetratos misit in Africam et funditores Baliares octingentos septuaginta, equites mixtos ex multis gentibus mille ducentos.

[¶60] 21.13. A part of these troops were to be a garrison for Carthage, a part to be distributed through the country. At the same time he directed that recruiting officers be sent out into the states, and that four thousand picked men be brought to Carthage, to serve at once as defenders and as hostages.

> Latin: 21.13. has copias partim Carthagini praesidio esse, partim distribui per Africam iubet. simul conquisitoribus in ciuitates missis quattuor milia conscripta delectae iuuentutis, praesidium eosdem et obsides, duci Carthaginem iubet.

[¶61] 22.1. And considering that neither must Spain be neglected, and so much the less since he was not unaware that Roman ambassadors had journeyed through it to seek the support of its leading men, he appointed it to be the charge of his brother Hasdrubal —an active, energetic man —and secured it with troops, for the most part African. Of infantry there were eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty Africans, three hundred Ligurians, and five hundred Baliares.

> Latin: 22.1. neque Hispaniam neglegendam ratus, atque id eo minus quod haud ignarus erat circumitam ab Romanis eam legatis ad sollicitandos principum animos, Hasdrubali fratri, uiro impigro, eam prouinciam destinat firmatque eum Africis maxime praesidiis, peditum Afrorum undecim milibus octingentis quinquaginta, Liguribus trecentis, Baliaribus <quingentis>.

[¶62] 22.3. To these infantry forces he added the following units of cavalry: four hundred and fifty Libyphoenicians —a race of mixed Punic and African blood —and some eight hundred Numidians and Moors, who dwell near the ocean, and a little company of three hundred Spanish Ilergetes. Finally, that no sort of land force might be lacking, there were twenty-one elephants.

> Latin: 22.3. ad haec peditum auxilia additi equites Libyphoenices, mixtum Punicum Afris genus, quadringenti <quinquaginta> et Numidae Maurique accolae Oceani ad mille octingenti et parua Ilergetum manus ex Hispania, ducenti equites, et, ne quod terrestris deesset auxilii genus, elephanti uiginti unus.

[¶63] 22.4. He also assigned a fleet to Spain, for the protection of its seaboard, since it might be expected that the Romans would again on this occasion employ that mode of warfare in which they had been victorious. There were fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five triremes. But only thirty-two quinqueremes and the five triremes were equipped and manned with rowers. From Gades Hannibal returned to New Carthage, to the winter quarters of his army.

> Latin: 22.4. classis praeterea data tuendae maritimae orae, quia qua parte belli uicerant ea tum quoque rem gesturos Romanos credi poterat, quinquaginta quinqueremes, quadriremes duae, triremes quinque; sed aptae instructaeque remigio triginta et duae quinqueremes erant et triremes quinque. ab Gadibus Carthaginem ad hiberna exercitus rediit;

[¶64] 22.5. Setting out from thence, he marched along the coast, past the city of Onusa, to the Ebro.

> Latin: 22.5. atque inde profectus praeter Onussam urbem ad Hiberum maritima ora ducit.

[¶65] 22.6. It was there, as they tell, that he saw in his sleep a youth of godlike aspect, who declared that he was sent by Jupiter to lead him into Italy: let him follow, therefore, nor anywhere turn his eyes away from his guide.

> Latin: 22.6. ibi fama est in quiete uisum ab eo iuuenem diuina specie qui se ab Ioue diceret ducem in Italiam Hannibali missum; proinde sequeretur neque usquam a se deflecteret oculos.

[¶66] 22.7. At first he was afraid and followed, neither looking to the right nor to the left, nor yet behind him; but presently wondering, with that curiosity to which all of us are prone, what it could be that he had been forbidden to look back upon, he was unable to command his eyes;

> Latin: 22.7. pauidum primo, nusquam circumspicientem aut respicientem, secutum; deinde cura ingenii humani cum, quidnam id esset quod respicere uetitus esset, agitaret animo, temperare oculis nequiuisse;

[¶67] 22.8. then he saw behind him a serpent of monstrous size, that moved along with vast destruction of trees and underbrush, and a storm-cloud coming after, with loud claps of thunder;

> Latin: 22.8. tum uidisse post sese serpentem mira magnitudine cum ingenti arborum ac uirgultorum strage ferri ac post insequi cum fragore caeli nimbum.

[¶68] 22.9. and, on his asking what this prodigious portent was, he was told that it was the devastation of Italy: he was therefore to go on, nor enquire further, but suffer destiny to be wrapped in darkness.

> Latin: 22.9. tum quae moles ea quidue prodigii esset quaerentem, audisse uastitatem Italiae esse; pergeret porro ire nec ultra inquireret sineretque fata in occulto esse.

[¶69] 23.1. Rejoicing at this vision, he led his troops across the Ebro in three columns, after sending agents ahead, to win over with presents the Gauls who dwelt in the region which the army had to cross, and to explore the passes of the Alps.

> Latin: 23.1. hoc uisu laetus tripertito Hiberum copias traiecit, praemissis qui Gallorum animos, qua traducendus exercitus erat, donis conciliarent Alpiumque transitus specularentur. nonaginta milia peditum, duodecim milia equitum Hiberum traduxit.

[¶70] 23.2. He had ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse when he crossed the Ebro. He now subdued the Ilergetes, and the Bargusii and Ausetani, and also Lacetania, which lies at the foot of the Pyrenees. All this coast he put in charge of Hanno, that the passes connecting Spain and Gaul might be under his control.

> Latin: 23.2. Ilergetes inde Bargusiosque et Ausetanos et Lacetaniam, quae subiecta Pyrenaeis montibus est, subegit oraeque huic omni praefecit Hannonem, ut fauces quae Hispanias Galliis iungunt in potestate essent.

[¶71] 23.3. To garrison this district, he gave Hanno ten thousand foot and a thousand horse.

> Latin: 23.3. decem milia peditum Hannoni ad praesidium obtinendae regionis data et mille equites.

[¶72] 23.4. When the army had entered the defiles which lead over the Pyrenees, and more definite rumours had spread amongst the barbarians that the war was to be with Rome, three thousand of the Carpetanian foot turned back. It was understood that they were influenced not so much by the war as by the long march and the impossibility of crossing the Alps.

> Latin: 23.4. postquam per Pyrenaeum saltum traduci exercitus est coeptus rumorque per barbaros manauit certior de bello Romano, tria milia inde Carpetanorum peditum iter auerterunt. constabat non tam bello motos quam longinquitate uiae insuperabilique Alpium transitu.

[¶73] 23.5. To recall them or to detain them forcibly would have been hazardous, for it might have roused resentment in the savage bosoms of the others. And so Hannibal sent back to their homes above seven thousand more, whom he had perceived to be chafing at the service, pretending that he had also dismissed the Carpetani.

> Latin: 23.5. Hannibal quia reuocare aut ui retinere eos anceps erat, ne ceterorum etiam feroces animi inritarentur, supra septem milia hominum domos remisit, quos et ipse grauari militia senserat, Carpetanos quoque ab se dimissos simulans.

[¶74] 24.1. Then, in order that his troops might not become demoralized by delay and inaction, he crossed the Pyrenees with the remainder of his forces and pitched his camp by the town of Iliberri.

> Latin: 24.1. inde, ne mora atque otium animos sollicitaret, cum reliquis copiis Pyrenaeum transgreditur et ad oppidum Iliberrim castra locat.

[¶75] 24.2. The Gauls, though they heard that the war was aimed at Italy, nevertheless, because it was said that the Spaniards beyond the Pyrenees had been forcibly subjugated and strong garrisons imposed upon them, were driven by the fear of servitude to arm themselves, and several tribes assembled at Ruscino.

> Latin: 24.2. Galli quamquam Italiae bellum inferri audiebant, tamen, quia ui subactos trans Pyrenaeum Hispanos fama erat praesidiaque ualida imposita, metu seruitutis ad arma consternati Ruscinonem aliquot populi conueniunt.

[¶76] 24.3. When Hannibal was apprised of this, he was more afraid of delay than of fighting, and dispatched ambassadors to their chieftains to inform them that he wished to confer with them in person, and suggested that either they come nearer to Iliberri or that he would go forward to Ruscino, so that being close to one another they might meet more easily.

> Latin: 24.3. quod ubi Hannibali nuntiatum est, moram magis quam bellum metuens, oratores ad regulos eorum misit, conloqui semet ipsum cum iis uelle; et uel illi propius Iliberrim accederent uel se Ruscinonem processurum, ut ex propinquo congressus facilior esset;

[¶77] 24.4. He would be glad, he said, to receive them in his camp, nor would he hesitate to go to them. He had come into Gaul as a friend, not as an enemy, and would keep his sword sheathed, if the Gauls would let him, till he had entered Italy.

> Latin: 24.4. nam et accepturum eos in castra sua se laetum nec cunctanter se ipsum ad eos uenturum; hospitem enim se Galliae non hostem aduenisse, nec stricturum ante gladium, si per Gallos liceat, quam in Italiam uenisset.

[¶78] 24.5. Thus far his emissaries. But when the Gallic chieftains, moving up their camp at once near Iliberri, came, nothing loath, to the Phoenician, they were captivated by his gifts, and permitted the army to march unmolested through their borders and past the town of Ruscino.

> Latin: 24.5. et per nuntios quidem haec; ut uero reguli Gallorum castris ad Iliberrim extemplo motis haud grauate ad Poenum uenerunt, capti donis cum bona pace exercitum per fines suos praeter Ruscinonem oppidum transmiserunt.

[¶79] 25.1. In Italy meanwhile nothing more was known than that Hannibal had crossed the Ebro —which was the news that Massiliot envoys brought to Rome —when, as though he had already crossed the Alps, the Boi, after rousing up the Insubres, revolted. To this they were incited not so much by their old animosity against the Roman People as by vexation at the recent establishment of colonies in Gallic territory, near the Po, at Placentia and Cremona. Flying to arms they made an incursion into that very district, and spread such terror and confusion that not only the rural population, but the Roman commissioners themselves, who had come for the purpose of assigning lands, not trusting to the walls of Placentia, fled to Mutina. (Their names were Gaius Lutatius, Gaius Servilius, and Marcus Annius. There is no question about Lutatius: for Annius and Servilius, some annals have Manius Acilius and Gaius Herennius, others Publius Cornelius Asina and Gaius Papirius Maso.

> Latin: 25.1. in Italiam interim nihil ultra quam Hiberum transisse Hannibalem a Massiliensium legatis Romam perlatum erat, cum, perinde ac si Alpes iam transisset, Boii sollicitatis Insubribus defecerunt, nec tam ob ueteres in populum Romanum iras quam quod nuper circa Padum Placentiam Cremonamque colonias in agrum Gallicum deductas aegre patiebantur.

[¶80] 25.3. This, too, is uncertain, whether envoys sent to expostulate with the Boi were maltreated, or an attack was made upon the three commissioners as they were measuring off the land.)

> Latin: 25.3. itaque armis repente arreptis, in eum ipsum agrum impetu facto tantum terroris ac tumultus fecerunt ut non agrestis modo multitudo sed ipsi triumuiri Romani, qui ad agrum uenerant adsignandum, diffisi Placentiae moenibus Mutinam confugerint, C. Lutatius, C. Seruilius, M. Annius.

[¶81] 25.4. Whilst they lay shut up in Mutina, the Gauls —who know nothing of the art of assaulting cities, and, besides, are very indolent in regard to siege-works, and were now sitting idly down before the walls without attempting them —feigned a readiness to treat for peace; and their leaders having invited the Romans to send out spokesmen to confer with them, they seized these envoys, in violation not only of the

> Latin: 25.4. —Lutati nomen haud dubium est; pro Annio Seruilioque M'. Acilium et C. Herennium habent quidam annales, alii P. Cornelium Asinam et C. Papirium Masonem. id quoque dubium est legati ad expostulandum missi ad Boios uiolati sint [incertum] an in triumuiros agrum metantes impetus sit factus.

[¶82] 25.6. law of nations, but also of a pledge which they had given for this time, and declared that they would not let them go unless their own hostages were restored to them. When word arrived of this affair of the envoys, and Mutina and its garrison were in danger, Lucius Manlius, the praetor, blazing with resentment, set out for Mutina with his army in loose marching order.

> Latin: 25.6. Mutinae cum obsiderentur et gens ad oppugnandarum urbium artes rudis, pigerrima eadem ad militaria opera, segnis intactis adsideret muris, simulari coeptum de pace agi;

[¶83] 25.7. In those days the road led through a forest, as the country was not, for the most part, under cultivation, and Manlius, advancing without reconnaissance, plunged into an ambush, and after sustaining heavy losses, managed with difficulty to get through into the open fields.

> Latin: 25.7. euocatique ab Gallorum principibus legati ad conloquium non contra ius modo gentium sed uiolata etiam quae data in id tempus erat fide comprehenduntur, negantibus Gallis, nisi obsides sibi redderentur, eos dimissuros.

[¶84] 25.8. There he entrenched a camp, and since the Gauls lacked heart to assail it, the soldiers recovered their spirits, though it was no secret that as many as five hundred men had fallen. Then they began their march again, nor, so long as the column advanced through open country, was the enemy to be seen; but when they had once more got into the woods, the Gauls attacked their rear, and throwing the whole column into terror and confusion, slew seven hundred soldiers and carried off six ensigns.

> Latin: 25.8. cum haec de legatis nuntiata essent et Mutina praesidiumque in periculo esset, L. Manlius praetor ira accensus effusum agmen ad Mutinam ducit. siluae tunc circa uiam erant, plerisque incultis. ibi inexplorato profectus in insidias praecipitat multaque cum caede suorum aegre in apertos campos emersit. ibi castra communita et, quia Gallis ad temptanda ea defuit spes, refecti sunt militum animi, quamquam ad <quingentos> cecidisse satis constabat.

[¶85] 25.11. The alarming onsets of the Gauls and the panic of the Romans ended when they got clear of the trackless woods and thickets.

> Latin: 25.11. iter deinde de integro coeptum nec, dum per patentia loca ducebatur agmen, apparuit hostis;

[¶86] 25.12. Thereafter, marching across open ground, the Romans had no difficulty in protecting their column, and hastened to Tannetum, a village lying near the Po, where by means of temporary fortifications and supplies got in by the river, and with the help also of the Brixian Gauls, they defended themselves against the enemy, whose numbers were increasing daily.

> Latin: 25.12. ubi rursus siluae intratae, tum postremos adorti cum magna trepidatione ac pauore omnium septingentos milites occiderunt, sex signa ademere. finis et Gallis territandi et pauendi fuit Romanis ut ex saltu inuio atque impedito euasere. inde apertis locis facile tutantes agmen Romani Tannetum, uicum propinquum Pado, contendere. ibi se munimento ad tempus commeatibusque fluminis et Brixianorum etiam Gallorum auxilio aduersus crescentem in dies multitudinem hostium tutabantur.

[¶87] 26.1. When the news of this sudden insurrection was brought to Rome, and the Fathers learnt that the Punic War was augmented by a war with the Gauls, they commanded Gaius Atilius, the praetor, to take one Roman legion and five thousand of the allies —a force which the consul had just levied —and proceed to the relief of Manlius. Atilius reached Tannetum without any fighting, for the enemy had retired in alarm.

> Latin: 26.1. qui tumultus repens postquam est Romam perlatus et Punicum insuper Gallico bellum auctum patres acceperunt, C. Atilium praetorem cum una legione Romana et quinque milibus sociorum, dilectu nouo a consule conscriptis, auxilium ferre Manlio iubent; qui sine ullo certamine—abscesserant enim metu hostes—Tannetum peruenit.

[¶88] 26.3. Publius Cornelius, too, after enrolling a new legion in place of that which had been sent with the praetor, set out from the City with sixty ships of war, and coasting Etruria and the mountainous country of Liguria and the Salui, arrived at Massilia, and went into camp at the nearest mouth of the Rhone —for the river discharges itself into the sea by several —hardly believing, even then, that Hannibal could have crossed the Pyrenees.

> Latin: 26.3. et P. Cornelius, in locum eius quae missa cum praetore erat scripta legione noua, profectus ab urbe sexaginta longis nauibus praeter oram Etruriae Ligurumque et inde Saluum montes peruenit Massiliam et ad proximum ostium Rhodani—pluribus enim diuisus amnis in mare decurrit— castra locat, uixdum satis credens Hannibalem superasse Pyrenaeos montes.

[¶89] 26.5. But when he found that Hannibal was actually planning how to cross the Rhone, being uncertain where he should encounter him, and his soldiers not having as yet fully recovered from the tossing of the sea, he sent out a chosen band of three hundred cavalry, with Massiliot guides and Gallic auxiliaries, to make, while he was waiting, a thorough reconnaissance, and have a look at the enemy from a safe distance.

> Latin: 26.5. quem ut de Rhodani quoque transitu agitare animaduertit, incertus quonam ei loco occurreret necdum satis refectis ab iactatione maritima militibus trecentos interim delectos equites ducibus Massiliensibus et auxiliaribus Gallis ad exploranda omnia uisendosque ex tuto hostes praemittit.

[¶90] 26.6. Hannibal, having pacified the others through fear or bribery, had now reached the territory of a powerful nation called the Volcae. They inhabit both banks of the Rhone, but doubting their ability to keep the Phoenician from the western bank, they had brought nearly all their people over the Rhone, so as to have the river for a bulwark, and were holding the eastern bank with arms.

> Latin: 26.6. Hannibal ceteris metu aut pretio pacatis iam in Uolcarum peruenerat agrum, gentis ualidae. colunt autem circa utramque ripam Rhodani; sed diffisi citeriore agro arceri Poenum posse, ut flumen pro munimento haberent, omnibus ferme suis trans Rhodanum traiectis ulteriorem ripam [amnis] armis obtinebant.

[¶91] 26.7. The rest of the dwellers by the river, and such of the Volcae themselves as had clung to their homes, were enticed by Hannibal's gifts to assemble large boats from every quarter and to fashion new ones; and indeed they themselves were eager to have the army set across as soon as possible and to relieve their district of the burden of so huge a horde of men. So they brought together a vast number of boats, and of canoes roughly fashioned for local traffic, and made new ones by hollowing out single trees.

> Latin: 26.7. ceteros accolas fluminis Hannibal et eorum ipsorum quos sedes suae tenuerant simul perlicit donis ad naues undique contrahendas fabricandasque; simul et ipsi traici exercitum leuarique quam primum regionem suam tanta hominum urgente turba cupiebant. itaque ingens coacta uis nauium est lintriumque temere ad uicinalem usum paratarum;

[¶92] 26.8. The Gauls took the lead in this, but the soldiers presently fell to work themselves, when they found the timber plentiful and the labour light. They were unshapely troughs, but the men could make them quickly, and their one concern was to get something that would float and hold a cargo, in which they might ferry themselves and their belongings over.

> Latin: 26.8. nouasque alias primum Galli incohantes cauabant ex singulis arboribus, deinde et ipsi milites simul copia materiae, simul facilitate operis inducti, alueos informes, nihil dummodo innare aquae et capere onera possent curantes, raptim quibus se suaque transueherent faciebant.

[¶93] 27.1. Everything was now in readiness for the crossing, which, however, was menaced by the enemy on the other side, who covered the whole bank with their horse and foot.

> Latin: 27.1. iamque omnibus satis comparatis ad traiciendum terrebant ex aduerso hostes omnem ripam equites uirique obtinentes.

[¶94] 27.2. In order to draw them off, Hannibal ordered Hanno, the son of Bomilcar, to set out in the first watch of the night with a part of the troops, chiefly Spaniards, and, making a march of one day up the stream, to take the first opportunity of crossing it, with the greatest secrecy, and fetch a compass with his column, so that, when the time came, he might assail the enemy in the rear.

> Latin: 27.2. quos ut auerteret, Hannonem Bomilcaris filium uigilia prima noctis cum parte copiarum, maxime Hispanis, aduerso flumine ire iter unius diei iubet et, ubi primum possit quam occultissime traiecto amni, circumducere agmen ut cum opus facto sit adoriatur ab tergo hostes.

[¶95] 27.4. The Gauls who had been appointed to be his guides informed him that some five-and-twenty miles upstream the river flowed round a little island, and being wider where it divided, and therefore shallower, afforded a passage. There they quickly felled some trees and constructed rafts to transport the men and horses and other burdens.

> Latin: 27.4. ad id dati duces Galli edocent inde milia quinque et uiginti ferme supra paruae insulae circumfusum amnem latiore ubi diuidebatur eoque minus alto alueo transitum ostendere.

[¶96] 27.5. The Spaniards without more ado stuffed their clothes into skins, and placing their bucklers on top of these and supporting themselves by means of them, swam across. The rest of the force, too, got over, by means of the rafts which they had made, and went into camp near the river.

> Latin: 27.5. ibi raptim caesa materia ratesque fabricatae in quibus equi uirique et alia onera traicerentur. Hispani sine ulla mole in utres uestimentis coniectis ipsi caetris superpositis incubantes flumen tranauere.

[¶97] 27.6. They were tired by the night march and their strenuous exertions, but their commander allowed them but one day to rest, being intent on carrying out the stratagem at the proper time.

> Latin: 27.6. et alius exercitus ratibus iunctis traiectus, castris prope flumen positis, nocturno itinere atque operis labore fessus quiete unius diei reficitur, intento duce ad consilium opportune exsequendum.

[¶98] 27.7. Resuming their march on the following day they sent up a smoke-signal from an elevated place, to show that they had got over the river and were not far off. When Hannibal saw this, he gave the order to cross, so as not to miss the favourable moment.

> Latin: 27.7. postero die profecti, ex loco edito fumo significant transisse et haud procul abesse; quod ubi accepit Hannibal, ne tempori deesset dat signum ad traiciendum.

[¶99] 27.8. The infantry had their skiffs all ready and equipped, while the cavalry had large boats, for the most part, on account of their horses. The large boats were sent across higher up the stream, to take the force of the current, and provided smooth water for the skiffs that crossed below them.

> Latin: 27.8. iam paratas aptatasque habebat pedes lintres, eques fere propter equos nantes †... †. nauium agmen ad excipiendum aduersi impetum fluminis parte superiore transmittens tranquillitatem infra traicientibus lintribus praebebat;

[¶100] 27.9. A good part of the horses swam and were towed by their halters from the sterns of the boats, except those which they had saddled and bridled and put on board, that their riders might have them ready for instant use on landing.

> Latin: 27.9. equorum pars magna nantes loris a puppibus trahebantur, praeter eos quos instratos frenatosque ut extemplo egresso in ripam equiti usui essent imposuerant in naues.