---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 20 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 20. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 20. Book XXIV · chapters 30–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/20/#p-N

[¶0] 30.2. Hippocrates and Epicydes, on seeing that the walls were being taken and gates forced, sought refuge with a few men in the citadel. Thence they fled secretly by night to Herbesus.

> Latin: 30.2. Hippocrates atque Epicydes postquam capi muros refringique portas uidere, in arcem sese cum paucis recepere; inde clam nocte Herbesum perfugiunt.

[¶1] 30.3. The Syracusans, who had set out from home in a column of eight thousand men, were met at the river Mylas by a messenger, reporting that the city had been captured, but for the rest mingling the false with the true:

> Latin: 30.3. Syracusanis octo milium armatorum agmine profectis domo ad Mylan flumen nuntius occurrit captam urbem esse, cetera falsa mixta ueris ferens:

[¶2] 30.4. that a general massacre of soldiers and townspeople had occurred, and no adults, he thought, had survived; that the city had been plundered, the property of the wealthy given away.

> Latin: 30.4. caedem promiscuam militum atque oppidanorum factam nec quicquam puberum arbitrari superesse; direptam urbem, bona locupletium donata.

[¶3] 30.5. On hearing news so terrible the column halted, and in the general excitement the commanders —and they were Sosis and Dinomenes — considered what they should do.

> Latin: 30.5. ad nuntium tam atrocem constitit agmen concitatisque omnibus duces—erant autem Sosis ac Dinomenes—quid agerent consultabant.

[¶4] 30.6. The appearance of well-founded alarm had been lent to the falsehood by the scourging and beheading of deserters, about two thousand men.

> Latin: 30.6. terroris speciem haud uanam mendacio praebuerant uerberati ac securi percussi transfugae ad duo milia hominum;

[¶5] 30.7. But not one of the Leontinians or of the other soldiers had been injured after the capture of the city; and, except what had been lost in the first confusion of the capture of the city, all their property was being restored to them.

> Latin: 30.7. ceterum Leontinorum militumque aliorum nemo post captam urbem uiolatus fuerat suaque omnia eis, nisi quae primus tumultus captae urbis absumpserat, restituebantur.

[¶6] 30.8. And the soldiers, complaining that their comrades had been betrayed to their death, could neither be induced to go to Leontini nor to wait at the same spot for more trustworthy news.

> Latin: 30.8. nec ut Leontinos irent, proditos ad caedem commilitones querentes perpelli potuere, nec ut eodem loco certiorem nuntium exspectarent.

[¶7] 30.9. The generals, seeing them inclined to mutiny, but that the outbreak would not last long if the leaders in folly should be removed, led the army to Megara: and then with a few horsemen they went themselves to Herbesus, in the hope of getting possession of the city by treachery, owing to the general alarm.

> Latin: 30.9. cum ad defectionem inclinatos animos cernerent praetores sed eum motum haud diuturnum fore si duces amentiae sublati essent, exercitum ducunt Megara, ipsi cum paucis equitibus Herbesum proficiscuntur spe territis omnibus per proditionem urbis potiundae.

[¶8] 30.11. When this undertaking disappointed them, they thought they must use force, and moved their camp from Megara the next day, to attack Herbesus with all their troops.

> Latin: 30.11. quod ubi frustra eis fuit inceptum, ui agendum rati postero die Megaris castra mouent, ut Herbesum omnibus copiis oppugnarent.

[¶9] 30.12. Hippocrates and Epicydes, thinking that their plan to put themselves at the mercy of the soldiers, who were in large part used to them and also at that time inflamed by the report of the slaughter of their comrades, was not so much one which at first sight promised safety, as it was the only possible plan in a desperate situation, went out to meet the column.

> Latin: 30.12. Hippocrates et Epicydes non tam tutum prima specie quam unum spe undique abscisa consilium esse rati, ut se militibus permitterent et adsuetis magna ex parte sibi et tum fama caedis commilitonum accensis, obuiam agmini procedunt.

[¶10] 30.13. The first unit happened to be that of six hundred Cretans, who had served under them in the army of Hieronymus and were under obligations to Hannibal, as they had been captured among the Roman auxiliaries at Lake Trasumennus and allowed to go free.

> Latin: 30.13. prima forte signa sescentorum Cretensium erant, qui apud Hieronymum meruerant sub eis et Hannibalis beneficium habebant, capti ad Trasumennum inter Romanorum auxilia dimissique.

[¶11] 30.14. Recognizing them from their standards and the character of their weapons, Hippocrates and Epicydes, holding out olive branches and in addition the woollen bands of suppliants, implored them to admit them and, having done so, to protect and not betray them to the Syracusans, to be themselves presently surrendered by the same to the Roman people for brutal execution.

> Latin: 30.14. quos ubi ex signis armorumque habitu cognouere Hippocrates atque Epicydes, ramos oleae ac uelamenta alia supplicum porrigentes orare ut reciperent sese, receptos tutarentur neu proderent Syracusanis, a quibus ipsi mox trucidandi populo Romano dederentur.

[¶12] 31.1. And in fact the Cretans shouted to them to take courage, saying they would share every lot with them.

> Latin: 31.1. enimuero conclamant bonum ut animum haberent; omnem se cum illis fortunam subituros.

[¶13] 31.2. During this conversation the standards had halted and the column was being held up. And word had not yet reached the generals as to what was the cause of the delay. When the report that Hippocrates and Epicydes were there did reach them, and down the whole length of the column there was a shout of evident joy over their coming, at once the generals made their way at a gallop to the head of the column.

> Latin: 31.2. inter hoc conloquium signa constiterant tenebaturque agmen, necdum quae morae causa foret peruenerat ad duces. postquam Hippocraten atque Epicyden †peruasit rumor fremitusque toto agmine erat haud dubie approbantium aduentum eorum, extemplo praetores citatis equis ad prima signa perrexerunt.

[¶14] 31.3. Asking what a practice, what a breach of discipline, it was on the part of the Cretans to join in conversation with an enemy and to admit the men to their own column without orders from the generals, they ordered them to be arrested and Hippocrates to be put in chains.

> Latin: 31.3. qui mos ille, quae licentia Cretensium esset rogitantes, conloquia serendi cum hoste iniussuque praetorum miscendi eos agmini suo, comprehendi inicique catenas iusserunt Hippocrati. ad quam uocem tantus extemplo primum a Cretensibus clamor est ortus, deinde exceptus ab aliis, ut facile, si ultra tenderent, appareret eis timendum esse.

[¶15] 31.5. Upon that command such an outcry was first raised by the Cretans, and then caught up by others, that it was easy to see that if they took any further steps they would have to fear for themselves.

> Latin: 31.5. solliciti incertique rerum suarum Megara, unde profecti erant, referri signa iubent nuntiosque de statu praesenti Syracusas mittunt.

[¶16] 31.6. Troubled and uncertain as to their own situation, they ordered a retreat to Megara, from which they had set out, and sent messengers to Syracuse to report how matters stood. While men were inclined to suspect everything, Hippocrates also resorted to a ruse.

> Latin: 31.6. fraudem quoque Hippocrates addit inclinatis ad omnem suspicionem animis et Cretensium quibusdam ad itinera insidenda missis uelut interceptas litteras quas ipse composuerat, recitat:

[¶17] 31.7. After sending some of the Cretans to lie in wait by the roads, with the pretence that it had been intercepted, he publicly read a letter written by himself: “The magistrates of Syracuse to the Consul Marcellus.”

> Latin: 31.7. 'praetores Syracusani consuli Marcello.' secundum salutem, ut adsolet, scriptum erat recte eum atque ordine fecisse quod in Leontinis nulli pepercisset;

[¶18] 31.8. Following the customary greeting it was stated that he had been entirely right in sparing no one at Leontini;

> Latin: 31.8. sed omnium mercennariorum militum eandem esse causam nec unquam Syracusas quieturas donec quicquam externorum auxiliorum aut in urbe aut in exercitu suo esset.

[¶19] 31.9. but that the situation of all the mercenary soldiers was the same, and Syracuse would never have peace so long as there were any foreign auxiliaries in either the city or its army. Therefore he should take measures to reduce to submission the men who were encamped at Megara under the command of their own generals, and by their punishment to set Syracuse free at last.

> Latin: 31.9. itaque daret operam, ut eos qui cum suis praetoribus castra ad Megara haberent in suam potestatem redigeret ac supplicio eorum liberaret tandem Syracusas.

[¶20] 31.10. After this had been read, they rushed to arms with such shouting that during the confusion the generals rode away in alarm to Syracuse.

> Latin: 31.10. haec cum recitata essent, cum tanto clamore ad arma discursum est ut praetores inter tumultum pauidi abequitauerint Syracusas.

[¶21] 31.11. And the mutiny was not quelled even by their flight; but attacks were repeatedly made on the Syracusan soldiers. Nor would they have spared any of them, had not Epicydes and Hippocrates opposed the enraged multitude, not out of pity and a humane intent, but in order not to cut off the hope of their own return, and that they might not only keep the men themselves as loyal soldiers and at the same time hostages, but also win over their relatives and friends, first by so great a service, and then by the personal security.

> Latin: 31.11. et ne fuga quidem eorum seditio compressa est impetusque in Syracusanos milites fiebant nec ab ullo temperatum foret, ni Epicydes atque Hippocrates irae multitudinis obuiam issent, non a misericordia aut humano consilio sed ne spem reditus praeciderent sibi, et cum ipsos simul milites fidos haberent simul obsides, tum cognatos quoque eorum atque amicos tanto merito primum, dein pignore sibi conciliarent.

[¶22] 31.14. And having learned how empty or faint a breath moves the crowd, they took a soldier from among those who had been besieged at Leontini and bribed him to carry to Syracuse a message in agreement with what had been falsely reported at the Mylas, and by showing himself to vouch for it and by relating the doubtful as things that he had seen, to inflame men's anger.

> Latin: 31.14. expertique quam uana aut leui aura mobile uolgus esset, militem nancti ex eo numero qui in Leontinis circumsessi erant, subornant, ut Syracusas perferret nuntium conuenientem eis quae ad Mylas falso nuntiata erant, auctoremque se exhibendo ac uelut uisa quae dubia erant narrando concitaret iras hominum.

[¶23] 32.1. This man was not only believed by the common people, but on being admitted to the Senate House, he stirred the senate as well. Some men of consequence openly declared it was very well that the avarice and cruelty of the Romans had been revealed at Leontini; that if they had entered Syracuse they would have done the same things or even more terrible, in proportion to the greater prize for avarice there.

> Latin: 32.1. huic non apud uolgum modo fides fuit sed senatum quoque in curiam introductus mouit. haud uani quidam homines palam ferre perbene detectam in Leontinis esse auaritiam et crudelitatem Romanorum; eadem, si intrassent Syracusas, aut foediora etiam, quo maius ibi auaritiae praemium esset, facturos fuisse.

[¶24] 32.2. Accordingly, they all voted that the gates should be closed and the city guarded. But not all were afraid of the same persons or hated the same men. Among the whole military class and a large part of the common people the Roman name was hated. As for the generals and a few of the best citizens, although they had been misled by the false news, they were nevertheless more circumspect in the face of a danger more immediately impending.

> Latin: 32.2. itaque claudendas cuncti portas et custodiendam urbem censere; sed non ab iisdem omnes timere nec eosdem odisse. ad militare genus omne partemque magnam plebis inuisum esse nomen Romanum; praetores optimatiumque pauci, quamquam inflati uano nuntio erant, tamen ad propius praesentiusque malum cautiores esse.

[¶25] 32.4. And already Hippocrates and Epicydes were at the Hexapylon, and there were communications through intermediaries who were relatives of citizens in the army: that they should open the gates and allow the defence of the city, their common home, against attack by the Romans.

> Latin: 32.4. et iam ad Hexapylum erant Hippocrates atque Epicydes serebanturque conloquia per propinquos popularium qui in exercitu erant, ut portas aperirent sinerentque communem patriam defendi ab impetu Romanorum.

[¶26] 32.5. By this time one of the gates of the Hexapylon had been opened, and by it they had begun to be admitted, when the generals intervened. And at first by their military authority and by threats, then by using their personal influence to restrain them, finally, when all was without affect, disregarding dignity they prayed them not to betray their native city to former minions of the tyrant and present seducers of the army.

> Latin: 32.5. iam unis foribus Hexapyli apertis coepti erant recipi cum praetores interuenerunt. et primo imperio minisque, deinde auctoritate deterrendo, postremo, ut omnia uana erant, obliti maiestatis precibus agebant ne proderent patriam tyranni ante satellitibus et tum corruptoribus exercitus.

[¶27] 32.6. But the ears of the excited crowd were deaf to all that; and the gates were being forced with no less violence from within than from without, and when all had been forced, the column was admitted through the whole breadth of the Hexapylon.

> Latin: 32.6. sed surdae ad omnia aures concitatae multitudinis erant nec minore intus ui quam foris portae effringebantur, effractisque omnibus toto Hexapylo agmen receptum est.

[¶28] 32.7. The generals with the younger citizens flee for refuge to Achradina. The mercenary soldiers and deserters and such royal troops as were at Syracuse swell the column of the enemy.

> Latin: 32.7. praetores in Achradinam cum iuuentute popularium confugiunt. mercennarii milites perfugaeque et quidquid regiorum militum Syracusis erat agmen hostium augent.

[¶29] 32.8. Thus Achradina also is taken by assault, and all the magistrates, except those who escaped in the midst of the uproar, are slain. Night put an end to the slaughter.

> Latin: 32.8. ita Achradina quoque primo impetu capitur, praetorumque nisi qui inter tumultum effugerunt omnes interficiuntur. nox caedibus finem fecit.

[¶30] 32.9. On the next day slaves were called to wear the cap of freedom and criminals in chains released from prison; and all this assorted multitude elected Hippocrates and Epicydes generals. And Syracuse, after the light of liberty had shone upon it for a short time, had fallen back into its old-time servitude.

> Latin: 32.9. postero die serui ad pilleum uocati et carcere uincti emissi; confusaque haec omnis multitudo Hippocraten atque Epicyden creant praetores; Syracusaeque, cum breue tempus libertas adfulsisset, in antiquam seruitutem recciderant.

[¶31] 33.1. When these facts were reported to the Romans, the camp was at once removed from Leontini to Syracuse.

> Latin: 33.1. haec nuntiata cum essent Romanis, ex Leontinis mota sunt extemplo castra ad Syracusas.

[¶32] 33.2. And, as it happened, legates had been sent by Appius by way of the harbour on a five-banker. The four-banker sent in advance was captured on entering the narrows. The legates barely escaped.

> Latin: 33.2. et ab Appio legati per portum missi forte in quinqueremi erant. praemissa quadriremis cum intrasset fauces portus, capitur; legati aegre effugerunt;

[¶33] 33.3. And now there remained no longer any rights even of war, not to say of peace, when the Roman army pitched camp at the Olympium, that is, the Temple of Jupiter, a mile and a half from the city. From this place also it was decided to send legates in advance.

> Latin: 33.3. et iam non modo pacis sed ne belli quidem iura relicta erant, cum Romanus exercitus ad Olympium—Iouis id templum est—mille et quingentos passus ab urbe castra posuit.

[¶34] 33.4. To prevent their entering the city, Hippocrates and Epicydes and their retinue advanced beyond the gate to meet them.

> Latin: 33.4. inde quoque legatos praemitti placuit; quibus, ne intrarent urbem, extra portam Hippocrates atque Epicydes obuiam cum suis processerunt.

[¶35] 33.5. The speaker for the Romans said he was not bringing war, but aid and comfort to the Syracusans, both to those who, escaping from the midst of the slaughter, had sought refuge with the Romans, and to those who, subdued by their fear, were enduring a slavery more shameful, not only than exile, but even than death; and that the Romans would not leave the atrocious slaughter of their allies unavenged.

> Latin: 33.5. Romanus orator non bellum se Syracusanis sed opem auxiliumque adferre ait, et eis qui ex media caede elapsi perfugerint ad se, et eis qui metu oppressi foediorem non exsilio solum sed etiam morte seruitutem patiantur; nec caedem nefandam sociorum inultam Romanos passuros.

[¶36] 33.6. Accordingly, if a safe return to their native city should be open to those who had sought refuge with the Romans, if those responsible for the slaughter should be surrendered and their freedom and laws restored to the Syracusans, there was no need of arms. If those conditions should not be met, the Romans would wage war against every man who caused delay.

> Latin: 33.6. itaque si eis qui ad se perfugerint tutus in patriam reditus pateat et caedis auctores dedantur et libertas legesque <suae> Syracusanis restituantur, nihil armis opus esse; si ea non fiant, quicumque in mora sit bello persecuturos.

[¶37] 33.7. In reply Epicydes said that, if their message had been addressed to his colleague and himself, they would have given them an answer. When the Syracusan state should be under the control of the men to whom they came, then let them return. Should they make war, they would find from actual experience that to attack Syracuse was by no means the same as to attack Leontini.

> Latin: 33.7. ad ea Epicydes, si qua ad se mandata haberent, responsum eis ait se daturos fuisse; cum in eorum ad quos uenerint manu res Syracusana esset, tum reuerterentur.

[¶38] 33.8. So he left the ambassadors and closed the gates. Thereupon began the siege of Syracuse at the same time by land and by sea, by land from the side of the Hexapylon, by sea from that of Achradina, the wall of which is washed by the waves.

> Latin: 33.8. si bello lacesserent, ipsa re intellecturos nequaquam idem esse Syracusas ac Leontinos oppugnare. ita legatis relictis portas clausit. inde terra marique simul coeptae oppugnari Syracusae, terra ab Hexapylo, mari ab Achradina, cuius murus fluctu adluitur;

[¶39] 33.9. And because, having taken Leontini by a panic and the first assault, the Romans did not doubt that at some point they would make their way into a city immense and widely scattered, they brought all their equipment for besieging cities up to the walls.

> Latin: 33.9. et quia, sicut Leontinos terrore ac primo impetu ceperant, non diffidebant uastam disiectamque spatio urbem parte aliqua se inuasuros, omnem apparatum oppugnandarum urbium muris admouerunt.

[¶40] 34.1. And an undertaking begun with so vigorous an assault would have met with success if one man had not been at Syracuse at that time.

> Latin: 34.1. et habuisset tanto impetu coepta res fortunam, nisi unus homo Syracusis ea tempestate fuisset.

[¶41] 34.2. It was Archimedes, an unrivalled observer of the heavens and the stars, more remarkable, however, as inventor and contriver of artillery and engines of war, by which with the least pains he frustrated whatever the enemy undertook with vast efforts.

> Latin: 34.2. Archimedes is erat, unicus spectator caeli siderumque, mirabilior tamen inuentor ac machinator bellicorum tormentorum operumque quibus <si quid> hostes ingenti mole agerent ipse perleui momento ludificaretur.

[¶42] 34.3. The walls, carried along uneven hills, mainly high positions and difficult to approach, but some of them low and accessible from level ground, we reequipped by him with every kind of artillery, as seemed suited to each place.

> Latin: 34.3. murum per inaequales ductum colles, pleraque alta et difficilia aditu, summissa quaedam et quae planis uallibus adiri possent, ut cuique aptum uisum est loco, ita genere omni tormentorum instruxit.

[¶43] 34.4. The wall of Achradina, which, as has been said already, is washed by the sea, was attacked by Marcellus with sixty five-bankers.

> Latin: 34.4. Achradinae murum, qui, ut ante dictum est, mari adluitur, sexaginta quinqueremibus Marcellus oppugnabat.

[¶44] 34.5. From most of the ships archers and slingers, also light-armed troops, whose weapon is difficult for the inexpert to return, allowed hardly anyone to stand on the wall without being wounded; and these men kept their ships at a distance from the wall, since range is needed for missile weapons.

> Latin: 34.5. ex ceteris nauibus sagittarii funditoresque et uelites etiam, quorum telum ad remittendum inhabile imperitis est, uix quemquam sine uolnere consistere in muro patiebantur;

[¶45] 34.6. Other five-bankers, paired together, with the inner oars removed, so that side was brought close to side, were propelled by the outer banks of oars like a single ship, and carried towers of several stories and in addition engines for battering walls. To meet this naval equipment Archimedes disposed artillery of different sizes on the walls.

> Latin: 34.6. hi, quia spatio missilibus opus est, procul muro tenebant naues: iunctae aliae binae quinqueremes demptis interioribus remis ut latus lateri applicaretur, cum exteriore ordine remorum uelut una nauis agerentur, turres contabulatas machinamentaque alia quatiendis muris portabant.

[¶46] 34.8. Against ships at a distance he kept discharging stones of great weight; nearer vessels he would attack with lighter and all the more numerous missile weapons.

> Latin: 34.8. aduersus hunc naualem apparatum Archimedes uariae magnitudinis tormenta in muris disposuit. in eas quae procul erant naues saxa ingenti pondere emittebat; propiores leuioribus eoque magis crebris petebat telis;

[¶47] 34.9. Finally, that his own men might discharge their bolts at the enemy without exposure to wounds, he opened the wall from bottom to top with numerous loopholes about a cubit wide, and through these some, without being seen, shot at the enemy with arrows, others from small scorpions.

> Latin: 34.9. postremo, ut sui uolnere intacti tela in hostem ingererent, murum ab imo ad summum crebris cubitalibus fere cauis aperuit, per quae caua pars sagittis, pars scorpionibus modicis ex occulto petebant hostem.

[¶48] 34.10. As for the ships which came closer, in order to be inside the range of his artillery, against these an iron grapnel, fastened to a stout chain, would be thrown on to the bow by means of a swing-beam projecting over the wall. When this sprung backward to the ground owing to the shifting of a heavy leaden weight, it would set the ship on its stern, bow in air.

> Latin: 34.10. [quae] propius quaedam subibant naues quo interiores ictibus tormentorum essent; in eas tollenone super murum eminente ferrea manus firmae catenae inligata cum iniecta prorae esset grauique libramento plumbum recelleret ad solum, suspensa prora nauem in puppim statuebat;

[¶49] 34.11. Then, suddenly released, it would dash the ship, falling, as it were, from the wall, into the sea, to the great alarm of the sailors, and with the result that, even if she fell upright, she would take considerable water.

> Latin: 34.11. dein remissa subito uelut ex muro cadentem nauem cum ingenti trepidatione nautarum ita undae adfligebant ut etiamsi recta recciderat, aliquantum aquae acciperet.

[¶50] 34.12. Thus the assault from the sea was baffled, and all hope shifted to a plan to attack from the land with all their forces.

> Latin: 34.12. ita maritima oppugnatio est elusa omnisque spes eo uersa ut totis uiribus terra adgrederentur.

[¶51] 34.13. But that side also had been provided with the same complete equipment of artillery, at the expense and the pains of Hiero during many years, by the unrivalled art of Archimedes.

> Latin: 34.13. sed ea quoque pars eodem omni apparatu tormentorum instructa erat Hieronis impensis curaque per multos annos, Archimedis unica arte.

[¶52] 34.14. The nature of the place also helped, in that the rock on which the foundations of the wall were laid is generally so steep that not only missiles from a machine, but also whatever rolled down of its own weight fell heavily upon the enemy.

> Latin: 34.14. natura etiam adiuuabat loci, quod saxum, cui imposita muri fundamenta sunt, magna parte ita procliue est ut non solum missa tormento sed etiam quae pondere suo prouoluta essent, grauiter in hostem inciderent.

[¶53] 34.15. The same circumstance made approach to the wall difficult and footing unsteady.

> Latin: 34.15. eadem causa ad subeundum arduum aditum instabilemque ingressum praebebat.

[¶54] 34.16. So, after a war council, since every attempt was being balked, it was decided to give up the assault and merely by a blockade to cut off the enemy by land and sea from their supplies.

> Latin: 34.16. ita consilio habito, quando omnis conatus ludibrio esset, absistere oppugnatione atque obsidendo tantum arcere terra marique commeatibus hostem placuit.

[¶55] 35.1. Meanwhile Marcellus set out with about a third of his army to recover the cities which in the unsettled state of affairs had gone over to the Carthaginians. Helorus and Herbesus he did recover by their own surrender; Megara he took by assault, destroyed and plundered, to terrify the others and especially the Syracusans.

> Latin: 35.1. interim Marcellus cum tertia fere parte exercitus ad recipiendas urbes profectus quae in motu rerum ad Carthaginienses defecerant, Helorum atque Herbesum dedentibus ipsis recipit, Megara ui capta diruit ac diripuit ad reliquorum ac maxime Syracusanorum terrorem.

[¶56] 35.3. About the same time also Himilco, who had long kept his fleet off the promontory of Pachynum, landed at Heraclea, called Minoa, 25,000 infantry, 3,000 cavalry and twelve elephants, a very much larger force than that with which he had previously kept his fleet off Pachynum.

> Latin: 35.3. per idem fere tempus et Himilco, qui ad Pachyni promunturium classem diu tenuerat, ad Heracleam, quam uocant Minoam, quinque et uiginti milia peditum, tria equitum, duodecim elephantos exposuit, nequaquam cum quantis copiis ante tenuerat ad Pachynum classem;

[¶57] 35.4. But after Syracuse had been seized by Hippocrates, Himilco went to Carthage and was aided there both by the legates of Hippocrates and by a letter from Hannibal, who said the time had come to recover Sicily in the most honourable manner.

> Latin: 35.4. sed, postquam ab Hippocrate occupatae Syracusae erant, profectus Carthaginem adiutusque ibi et ab legatis Hippocratis et litteris Hannibalis, qui uenisse tempus aiebat Siciliae per summum decus repetendae, et ipse haud uanus praesens monitor facile perpulerat ut quantae maxime possent peditum equitumque copiae in Siciliam traicerentur.

[¶58] 35.5. Himilco himself, being an influential adviser, present in person, had easily prevailed upon them to send across to Sicily the largest possible forces of infantry and cavalry. Arrived at Heraclea, he recovered Agrigentum within a few days. And the hopes of the other city-states which were on the side of the Carthaginians were so fired to drive the Romans out of Sicily that finally even those who were besieged at Syracuse took courage.

> Latin: 35.5. adueniens Heracleam, intra paucos inde dies Agrigentum recepit; aliarumque ciuitatium quae partis Carthaginiensium erant adeo accensae sunt spes ad pellendos Sicilia Romanos ut postremo etiam qui obsidebantur Syracusis animos sustulerint;

[¶59] 35.7. And thinking the city could be sufficiently defended by a part of the forces, they so divided the military duties that Epicydes should be in charge of the defence of the city, and Hippocrates, together with Himilco, should carry on the war against the Roman consul.

> Latin: 35.7. et, parte copiarum satis defendi urbem posse rati, ita inter se munera belli partiti sunt ut Epicydes praeesset custodiae urbis, Hippocrates Himilconi coniunctus bellum aduersus consulem Romanum gereret.

[¶60] 35.8. With 10,000 infantry and five hundred horse he set out by night through places unguarded and pitched camp near the city of Acrillae.

> Latin: 35.8. cum decem milibus peditum, quingentis equitibus nocte per intermissa custodiis loca profectus castra circa Acrillas urbem ponebat.

[¶61] 35.9. As they were fortifying, Marcellus arrived, returning from Agrigentum, which was already occupied, since it was in vain that he had endeavoured to anticipate the enemy by hastening thither. Nothing was farther from his thoughts than that a Syracusan army should meet him there at that time.

> Latin: 35.9. munientibus superuenit Marcellus ab Agrigento iam occupato, cum frustra eo praeuenire hostem festinans tetendisset, rediens, nihil minus ratus quam illo tempore ac loco Syracusanum sibi exercitum obuium fore;

[¶62] 35.10. Nevertheless, from fear of Himilco and the Carthaginians, being no match for them with the forces he had, he was advancing with all possible alertness and with a column so formed as to meet any emergency.

> Latin: 35.10. sed tamen metu Himilconis Poenorumque, ut quibus nequaquam eis copiis quas habebat par esset, quam poterat maxime intentus atque agmine ad omnes casus composito ibat.

[¶63] 36.1. The precaution which had been taken against Carthaginians served him, as it happened, against Sicilians. Coming upon them after they had broken ranks and were scattered in the act of pitching camp and mostly unarmed, he overwhelmed all the infantry. The cavalry, after a slight engagement, fled with Hippocrates to Acrae. Marcellus, by that battle having restrained the Sicilians inclined to revolt from the Romans, returned to Syracuse.

> Latin: 36.1. forte ea cura [q.] aduersus Poenos praeparata aduersus Siculos usui fuit. castris ponendis incompositos ac dispersos nanctus eos et plerosque inermes quod peditum fuit circumuenit; eques leui certamine inito cum Hippocrate Acras perfugit. ea pugna deficientes ab Romanis cum cohibuisset Siculos, Marcellus Syracusas redit;

[¶64] 36.2. And a few days later Himilco was joined by Hippocrates and pitched camp by the river Anapus, about eight miles away.

> Latin: 36.2. et post paucos dies Himilco adiuncto Hippocrate ad flumen Anapum octo ferme inde milia castra posuit.

[¶65] 36.3. About the same time it so happened that fifty-five warships of the Carthaginians under Bomilcar sailed from the open sea into the Great Harbour of Syracuse, and also a Roman fleet of thirty quinqueremes debarked the first legion at Panormus. And the war could be considered as now diverted from Italy, so intent were both nations upon Sicily.

> Latin: 36.3. sub idem fere tempus et naues longae quinque et quinquaginta Carthaginiensium cum Bomilcare in magnum portum Syracusas ex alto decurrere, et Romana item classis, triginta quinqueremes, legionem primam Panormi exposuere;

[¶66] 36.4. Himilco, thinking that the legion which had been landed at Panormus would certainly fall a prey to him on its way to Syracuse, was baffled by its route.

> Latin: 36.4. uersumque ab Italia bellum— adeo uterque populus in Siciliam intentus—fuisse uideri poterat.

[¶67] 36.5. For the Carthaginian led his troops along an inland road, while the legion, escorted by the fleet, made its way along the coast to Appius Claudius, who with a part of his forces had advanced as far as Pachynum to meet it.

> Latin: 36.5. legionem Romanam quae exposita Panormi erat uenientem Syracusas praedae haud dubie sibi futuram Himilco ratus uia decipitur.

[¶68] 36.6. And so the Carthaginians did not tarry longer near Syracuse. On the one hand Bomilcar, lacking confidence in his own ships, since the Romans had a fleet of fully double the number, and at the same time seeing that by useless delay the lack of supplies for the allies was only intensified by his forces, put out to sea and crossed over to Africa. On the other hand Himilco first followed Marcellus to Syracuse to no purpose, in the hope that there might be some opportunity for an engagement before should unite with larger forces. Then, when no such opportunity fell to him, and he saw the enemy safe near Syracuse thanks to his fortifications and military strength, fearing to waste time in besieging him in vain and watching the blockade of the allies, he moved his camp away.

> Latin: 36.6. mediterraneo namque Poenus itinere duxit; legio maritimis locis classe prosequente ad Ap. Claudium Pachynum cum parte copiarum obuiam progressum peruenit. nec diutius Poeni ad Syracusas morati sunt: et Bomilcar, simul parum fidens nauibus suis duplici facile numero classem habentibus Romanis simul inutili mora cernens nihil aliud ab suis quam inopiam adgrauari sociorum, uelis in altum datis in Africam transmisit, et Himilco, secutus nequiquam Marcellum Syracusas, si qua priusquam maioribus copiis iungeretur occasio pugnandi esset, postquam ea nulla contigerat tutumque ad Syracusas et munimento et uiribus hostem cernebat,

[¶69] 36.9. His purpose was to bring up his army to any point to which the hope of revolting from the Romans might call him, and by his presence to give encouragement to those who inclined to support his cause.

> Latin: 36.9. ne frustra adsidendo spectandoque obsidionem sociorum tempus tereret, castra inde mouit, ut quocumque uocasset defectionis ab Romano spes admoueret exercitum ac praesens suas res fouentibus adderet animos.

[¶70] 36.10. Murgantia was first recovered, after the inhabitants had betrayed the Roman garrison. There a great quantity of grain and supplies of every kind had been accumulated for the Romans.

> Latin: 36.10. Murgantiam primum prodito ab ipsis praesidio Romano recipit, ubi frumenti magna uis commeatusque omnis generis conuecti erant Romanis.

[¶71] 37.1. Upon this revolt, feeling was aroused in other city-states, and Roman garrisons were being either driven out of citadels or betrayed by treachery and slain.

> Latin: 37.1. ad hanc defectionem erecti sunt et aliarum ciuitatium animi praesidiaque Romana aut pellebantur arcibus aut prodita per fraudem opprimebantur.

[¶72] 37.2. Henna, perched on a lofty site with cliffs on every side, was not only impregnable from its position, but also had a strong garrison in its citadel and a garrison commander who was certainly no easy prey to plotters.

> Latin: 37.2. Henna, excelso loco ac praerupto undique sita, cum loco inexpugnabilis erat, tum praesidium in arce ualidum praefectumque praesidii haud sane opportunum insidiantibus habebat.

[¶73] 37.3. This was Lucius Pinarius, a man of high spirit and one who gave more weight to precautions against possible deception than to the honour of Sicilians. And at this time the news of so many cities betrayed and in revolt and of so many garrisons destroyed had made him more intent upon guarding against every danger.

> Latin: 37.3. L. Pinarius erat, uir acer et qui plus in eo ne posset decipi quam in fide Siculorum reponeret; et tum intenderant eum ad cauendi omnia curam tot auditae proditiones defectionesque urbium et clades praesidiorum.

[¶74] 37.4. Accordingly every position had been prepared and provided with guards and sentinels night and day; and the soldier did not leave his arms and his post.

> Latin: 37.4. itaque nocte dieque iuxta parata instructaque omnia custodiis ac uigiliis erant nec ab armis aut loco suo miles abscedebat.

[¶75] 37.5. When this was noticed by the leading men of Henna, who had already made an agreement with Himilco to betray the garrison, namely, that the Roman left no opportunity for treachery, they were forced to act openly.

> Latin: 37.5. quod ubi Hennensium principes, iam pacti cum Himilcone de proditione praesidii, animaduerterunt, nulli occasioni fraudis Romanum patere, palam erat agendum:

[¶76] 37.6. They said that city and citadel ought to be under their own control, if as free men they had entered into alliance with the Romans, and had not been consigned to custody as slaves. Consequently they said they thought it right that the keys of the gates should be restored to them.

> Latin: 37.6. urbem arcemque suae potestatis aiunt debere esse, si liberi in societatem, non serui in custodiam traditi essent Romanis.

[¶77] 37.7. For good allies their loyalty was the strongest bond, and the Roman people and senate would be grateful to them only in case they remained in their friendship willingly and not under compulsion.

> Latin: 37.7. itaque claues portarum reddi sibi aequum censent: bonis sociis fidem suam maximum uinculum esse et ita sibi populum Romanum senatumque gratias habiturum, si uolentes ac non coacti mansissent in amicitia.

[¶78] 37.8. In reply to this the Roman commandant said that he had been placed at his post by his general and had received from him both the keys to the gates and the guarding of the citadel, to keep them, not at his own discretion nor that of the people of Henna, but of the man who had confided them to him.

> Latin: 37.8. ad ea Romanus se in praesidio impositum esse dicere ab imperatore suo clauesque portarum et custodiam arcis ab eo accepisse, quae nec suo nec Hennensium arbitrio haberet sed eius qui commisisset.

[¶79] 37.9. To leave one's post was among the Romans a capital offence, and fathers had punished that crime with the death even of their own sons. The consul Marcellus was not far away; they should send legates to him who had the right to decide the matter.

> Latin: 37.9. praesidio decedere apud Romanos capital esse et nece liberorum etiam suorum eam <noxiam> parentes sanxisse. consulem Marcellum haud procul esse; ad eum mitterent legatos cuius iuris atque arbitrii esset.

[¶80] 37.10. But they said that they would not send them, and asserted that if they accomplished nothing by words, they would seek some means of recovering their freedom.

> Latin: 37.10. se uero negare illi missuros testarique, si uerbis nihil agerent, uindictam aliquam libertatis suae quaesituros.

[¶81] 37.11. Upon that Pinarius said that, if they objected to sending to the consul, very well, let them at least give him an assembly of the people, that it might be known whether their demand was that of a few men or of the whole city. They agreed to an assembly on the next day.

> Latin: 37.11. tum Pinarius: at illi si ad consulem grauarentur mittere, sibi saltem darent populi concilium, ut sciretur utrum paucorum ea denuntiatio an uniuersae ciuitatis esset. consensa in posterum diem contio.

[¶82] 38.1. Returning from that conference to the citadel, he called his men together and said: “I believe you have heard, soldiers, how in these days Roman garrisons have been beset and overwhelmed by Sicilians.”

> Latin: 38.1. postquam ab eo conloquio in arcem sese recepit, conuocatis militibus 'credo ego uos audisse, milites' inquit, 'quemadmodum praesidia Romana ab Siculis circumuenta et oppressa sint per hos dies.

[¶83] 38.2. “Such treachery you have escaped, thanks first to the favour of the gods, and then to your own courage, by standing guard day and night under arms. Would that the remaining time could be passed without either suffering or committing atrocities! In covert trickery the method of defence is that which we have so far employed.”

> Latin: 38.2. eam uos fraudem deum primo benignitate, dein uestra ipsi uirtute dies noctesque perstando ac peruigilando in armis uitastis. utinam reliquum tempus nec patiendo infanda nec faciendo traduci possit.

[¶84] 38.3. “Since the trick does not succeed, they demand back the keys of the gates openly and above board. And the moment we surrender them, Henna will be in the hands of the Carthaginians, and we shall be more cruelly slaughtered here than was the garrison slain at Murgantia.”

> Latin: 38.3. haec occulta in fraude cautio est qua usi adhuc sumus; cui quoniam parum succedit, aperte ac propalam claues portarum reposcunt; quas simul tradiderimus, Carthaginiensium extemplo Henna erit foediusque hic trucidabimur quam Murgantiae praesidium interfectum est.

[¶85] 38.4. “With difficulty I have gained for deliberation one night in which to inform you of the impending danger. At daybreak they are to hold an assembly for the purpose of accusing me and arousing the people against you.”

> Latin: 38.4. noctem unam aegre ad consultandum sumpsi, qua uos certiores periculi instantis facerem. orta luce contionem habituri sunt ad criminandum me concitandumque in uos populum.

[¶86] 38.5. “And so tomorrow Henna will be deluged either with your blood or with that of the Hennensians. If forestalled, you will have no hope, nor any danger if you forestall them. Who first draws the sword will have the victory. Therefore, alert and armed, you will all await the signal.”

> Latin: 38.5. itaque crastino die aut uestro aut Hennensium sanguine Henna inundabitur. nec praeoccupati spem ullam nec occupantes periculi quicquam habebitis; qui prior strinxerit ferrum, eius uictoria erit.

[¶87] 38.6. “I shall be in the assembly, and I will kill time in speaking and disputing, until everything is ready.”

> Latin: 38.6. intenti ergo omnes armatique signum exspectabitis. ego in contione ero et tempus, quoad omnia instructa sint, loquendo altercandoque traham.

[¶88] 38.7. “When I give the signal with my toga, then do you from all sides raise a shout, attack the crowd, and strike down everyone with the sword; and see to it that no one survives whose violence or treachery can be feared.”

> Latin: 38.7. cum toga signum dedero, tum mihi undique clamore sublato turbam inuadite ac sternite omnia ferro; et cauete quisquam supersit cuius aut uis aut fraus timeri possit.

[¶89] 38.8. “Mother Ceres and Proserpina, and all the other gods, above and below, who inhabit this city, these hallowed lakes and groves, I pray that ye attend us with your favour and support, if so be that we are taking this step for the purpose of guarding against treachery, not of practising it.”

> Latin: 38.8. uos, Ceres mater ac Proserpina, precor, ceteri superi infernique di, qui hanc urbem, hos sacratos lacus lucosque colitis, ut ita nobis uolentes propitii adsitis, si uitandae, non inferendae fraudis causa hoc consilii capimus.

[¶90] 38.9. “I should exhort you, soldiers, at greater length if your battle were to be with armed men. Unarmed and off their guard, you will massacre them to your hearts' content. And the consul's camp is near; I tell you this that you may have no possible fear from Himilco and the Carthaginians.”

> Latin: 38.9. pluribus uos, milites, hortarer, si cum armatis dimicatio futura esset; inermes, incautos ad satietatem trucidabitis; et consulis castra in propinquo sunt, ne quid ab Himilcone et Carthaginiensibus timeri possit.'

[¶91] 39.1. Dismissed immediately after this exhortation, they took food and rest. On the following day they were posted in different places, to occupy the roads and close the ways of escape. The majority took their positions above and around the theatre, being already familiar with the sight of an assembly.

> Latin: 39.1. ab hac adhortatione dimissi corpora curant. postero die alii aliis locis ad obsidenda itinera claudendosque oppositi exitus; pars maxima super theatrum circaque, adsueti et ante spectaculo contionum, consistunt.

[¶92] 39.2. The Roman commandant, being brought before the people by the magistrates, said that right and authority in the matter belonged to the consul, not to himself, and in general the same things he had said the day before. And at first insensibly and only a few, presently a larger number, then all, now with one voice kept bidding him to deliver the keys; and when he delayed and postponed, they repeated savage threats and apparently would not further postpone violence, their last resort.

> Latin: 39.2. productus ad populum a magistratibus praefectus Romanus cum consulis de ea re ius ac potestatem esse, non suam et pleraque eadem quae pridie dixisset, et primo sensim †ac plus† reddere claues, dein iam una uoce id omnes iuberent cunctantique et differenti ferociter minitarentur nec uiderentur ultra uim ultimam dilaturi,

[¶93] 39.4. Thereupon the prefect gave the signal with his toga, as had been agreed, and the soldiers, alert and ready long before, dashed down, some of them from above, upon the rear of the assembly with a shout, while others, massed at the exits of the theatre, blocked the way.

> Latin: 39.4. tum praefectus toga signum, ut conuenerat, dedit militesque intenti dudum ac parati alii superne in auersam contionem clamore sublato decurrunt, alii ad exitus theatri conferti obsistunt.

[¶94] 39.5. The men of Henna, shut up in the cavea, were slain and piled together not only owing to the slaughter, but also by the panic, since they rushed down over each others' heads, and as the unharmed fell upon the wounded, the living upon the dead, they were lying in heaps.

> Latin: 39.5. caeduntur Hennenses cauea inclusi coaceruanturque non caede solum sed etiam fuga, cum super aliorum <alii> capita ruerent <et> integris saucii, uiui mortuis incidentes cumularentur.

[¶95] 39.6. Thence the soldiers scattered in every direction, and, just as in a captured city, flight and slaughter were in complete possession, while the wrath of the soldiers was not a whit less intense because they were slaying an unarmed crowd, than if equal danger and ardour for the fray were spurring them on.

> Latin: 39.6. inde passim discurritur, et urbis captae modo fugaque et caedes omnia tenet nihilo remissiore militum ira quod turbam inermem caedebant quam si periculum par et ardor certaminis eos inritaret.

[¶96] 39.7. So by an act, it may have been criminal, it may have been unavoidable, Henna was held. Marcellus, without reproving the act, allowed the soldiers to plunder the Hennensians, thinking the frightened Sicilians had been deterred from betraying their garrisons.

> Latin: 39.7. ita Henna aut malo aut necessario facinore retenta. Marcellus nec factum improbauit et praedam Hennensium militibus concessit, ratus timore fore deterritos proditionibus praesidiorum Siculos.

[¶97] 39.8. And as was natural in the case of a city in the heart of Sicily and famous, whether for the remarkable natural defences of its site, or as hallowed everywhere by the footprints of Proserpina, long ago carried away, news of the massacre made its way over the whole of Sicily almost in a single day. And then in truth, since they thought that the abode, not of men only but also of gods, had been desecrated by an atrocious massacre, even those who till then had wavered went over to the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 39.8. atque ea clades, ut urbis in media Sicilia sitae claraeque uel ob insignem munimento naturali locum uel ob sacrata omnia uestigiis raptae quondam Proserpinae, prope uno die omnem Siciliam peruasit et, quia caede infanda rebantur non hominum tantum sed etiam deorum sedem uiolatam esse, tum uero qui etiam ante dubii fuerant defecere ad Poenos.

[¶98] 39.10. Hippocrates thereupon went back to Murgantia, Himilco to Agrigentum, after bringing up their army to Henna to no purpose at the summons of the traitors.

> Latin: 39.10. Hippocrates inde Murgantiam, Himilco Agrigentum sese recepit, cum acciti a proditoribus nequiquam ad Hennam exercitum admouissent.

[¶99] 39.11. Marcellus returned to Leontini, had grain and other supplies brought into the camp, left a suitable garrison there and came to Syracuse to carry on the siege.

> Latin: 39.11. Marcellus retro in Leontinos redit frumentoque et commeatibus aliis in castra conuectis, praesidio modico ibi relicto, ad Syracusas obsidendas uenit.

[¶100] 39.12. He then relieved Appius Claudius, to sue for the consulship at Rome, and in his place put Titus Quinctius Crispinus in command of the fleet and the old camp.

> Latin: 39.12. inde Ap. Claudio Romam ad consulatum petendum misso T. Quinctium Crispinum in eius locum classi castrisque praeficit ueteribus;

[¶101] 39.13. As for himself, he fortified and built winter quarters five miles from the Hexapylon — Leon they call the place. Such were the events in Sicily up to the beginning of the winter.

> Latin: 39.13. ipse hibernacula quinque milia passuum <ab> Hexapylo—Leonta uocant locum—communiit aedificauitque. haec in Sicilia usque ad principium hiemis gesta.

[¶102] 40.1. The same summer the war with King Philip also that for some time had been foreshadowed broke out.

> Latin: 40.1. eadem aestate et cum Philippo rege, quod iam ante suspectum fuerat, motum bellum est.

[¶103] 40.2. Legates came from Oricum to Marcus Valerius, the praetor, who with his fleet was guarding Brundisium and the neighbouring coast of Calabria. They reported that Philip had first sailed up the river with a hundred and twenty small vessels having two banks of oars and attacked Apollonia;

> Latin: 40.2. legati ab Orico ad M. Ualerium praetorem uenerunt, praesidentem classi Brundisio Calabriaeque circa litoribus, nuntiantes Philippum primum Apolloniam temptasse, lembis biremibus centum uiginti flumine aduerso subuectum;