---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 21 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 21. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 21. Book XXIV · chapters 40–49

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/21/#p-N

[¶0] 40.3. and that then, when the undertaking proved slower than he anticipated, had secretly moved his army to Oricum by night; also that that city, situated in a plain and not strong either in walls or armed men, had been taken by assault.

> Latin: 40.3. deinde, ut ea res tardior spe fuerit, ad Oricum clam nocte exercitum admouisse eamque urbem, sitam in plano, neque moenibus neque uiris atque armis ualidam, primo impetu oppressam esse.

[¶1] 40.4. Making this report, they begged him to lend aid and by land and sea to keep an undoubted enemy of the Romans away from the coast cities, which were being attacked for no other reason than that they faced Italy.

> Latin: 40.4. haec nuntiantes orabant ut opem ferret hostemque haud dubium Romanis mari ac terra maritimis urbibus arceret, quae ob nullam aliam causam nisi quod imminerent Italiae, peterentur.

[¶2] 40.5. Marcus Valerius, after leaving a garrison of two thousand soldiers and placing Publius Valerius, his lieutenant, in command of them, with his fleet drawn up and in readiness, while such soldiers as the warships could not accommodate had been placed on transports, came on the second day to Oricum;

> Latin: 40.5. M. Ualerius duorum milium praesidio relicto <praeposito>que eis P. Ualerio legato cum classe instructa parataque et, quod longae naues militum capere non poterant, in onerarias impositis altero die Oricum peruenit;

[¶3] 40.6. and as only a small garrison which the king had left when he withdrew held the city, he recaptured it after slight resistance.

> Latin: 40.6. urbemque eam leui tenente praesidio quod <rex> recedens inde reliquerat haud magno certamine recepit.

[¶4] 40.7. To it came legates from Apollonia, reporting that they were being besieged because they refused to revolt from the Romans and could no longer withstand the attack of the Macedonians, unless a Roman force should be sent.

> Latin: 40.7. legati eo ab Apollonia uenerunt, nuntiantes in obsidione sese, quod deficere ab Romanis nollent, esse neque sustinere ultra uim Macedonum posse, nisi praesidium mittatur Romanum.

[¶5] 40.8. Valerius promised to do as they desired, and sent two thousand picked soldiers in warships to the mouth of the river under the command of a prefect of the allies, Quintus Naevius Crista, a man of action and an experienced soldier.

> Latin: 40.8. facturum se quae uellent pollicitus, duo milia delectorum militum nauibus longis mittit ad ostium fluminis cum praefecto socium Q. Naeuio Crista, uiro impigro et perito militiae.

[¶6] 40.9. He landed his men, sent the ships back to the rest of the fleet at Oricum, his starting-point, led his soldiers at a distance from the river along the road least beset by the king's troops and entered the city by night, so that no one of the enemy was aware of it.

> Latin: 40.9. is expositis in terram militibus nauibusque Oricum retro unde uenerat ad ceteram classem remissis milites procul a flumine per uiam minime ab regiis obsessam duxit et nocte, ita ut nemo hostium sentiret, urbem est ingressus.

[¶7] 40.10. The following day they rested, that the prefect might inspect the young men of Apollonia and the arms and resources of the city. The result of that inspection gave him sufficient encouragement, and he learned also from scouts what carelessness and indifference there was among the enemy. Thereupon in the silence of the night and without making any noise he went out of the city and entered the enemy's camp, so neglected and open that a thousand men had entered the wall before anyone was aware of it, so it was generally asserted; also, that if they had refrained from slaughter, they could have reached the king's tent.

> Latin: 40.10. diem insequentem quieuere dum praefectus iuuentutem Apolloniatium armaque et urbis uires inspiceret. ubi ea uisa inspectaque satis animorum fecere simulque ab exploratoribus comperit quanta socordia ac neglegentia apud hostes esset, silentio noctis ab urbe sine ullo tumultu egressus castra hostium adeo neglecta atque aperta intrauit, ut satis constaret prius mille hominum uallum intrasse quam quisquam sentiret ac, si caede abstinuissent, peruenire ad tabernaculum regium potuisse.

[¶8] 40.12. The slaughter of the men nearest to the gate aroused the enemy. Then such alarm and panic took possession of them all that not only did no one else seize his arms and attempt to drive the enemy out of the camp, but even the king himself, fleeing almost half-naked, just as he was when awakened, fled to the river and his ships in a garb scarcely seemly even for a common soldier, much less a king.

> Latin: 40.12. caedes proximorum portae excitauit hostes. inde tantus terror pauorque omnes occupauit ut non modo alius quisquam arma caperet aut castris pellere hostem conaretur, sed etiam ipse rex, sicut somno excitus erat, prope seminudus fugiens, militi quoque nedum regi uix decoro habitu ad flumen nauesque perfugerit.

[¶9] 40.13. Thither the rest of the disorderly crowd also poured out.

> Latin: 40.13. eodem et alia turba effusa est.

[¶10] 40.14. Little fewer than three thousand soldiers were either captured or slain in the camp; a considerably larger number of men were captured than slain.

> Latin: 40.14. paulo minus tria milia militum in castris aut capta aut occisa; plus tamen hominum aliquanto captum quam caesum est.

[¶11] 40.15. After plundering the camp the Apollonians carried away the catapults, ballistae and other engines which had been provided for a siege of the city to Apollonia, in order to defend their walls, if ever a similar situation should arise. All the remaining booty of the camp was left to the Romans.

> Latin: 40.15. castris direptis Apolloniatae catapultas ballistas tormentaque alia quae oppugnandae urbi comparata erant ad tuenda moenia, si quando similis fortuna uenisset, Apolloniam deuexere: cetera omnis praeda castrorum Romanis concessa est.

[¶12] 40.16. When this news reached Oricum, Marcus Valerius at once led his fleet to the mouth of the river, to prevent the king from escaping by ship.

> Latin: 40.16. haec cum Oricum essent nuntiata, M. Ualerius classem extemplo ad ostium fluminis duxit, ne nauibus capessere fugam rex posset.

[¶13] 40.17. And so Philip, believing he would not be quite equal to a battle either on land or sea, stranded his ships, set fire to them, and started for Macedonia with an army in large part disarmed and despoiled. The Roman fleet wintered at Oricum under the command of Marcus Valerius.

> Latin: 40.17. itaque Philippus, neque terrestri neque nauali certamini satis fore parem se fidens, subductis nauibus atque incensis terra Macedoniam petit, magna ex parte inermi exercitu spoliatoque. Romana classis cum M. Ualerio Orici hibernauit.

[¶14] 41.1. In the same year operations in Spain were chequered. For Mago and Hasdrubal, before the Romans should cross the Ebro, routed immense forces of Spaniards.

> Latin: 41.1. eodem anno in Hispania uarie res gestae. nam priusquam Romani amnem Hiberum transirent, ingentes copias Hispanorum Mago et Hasdrubal fuderunt;

[¶15] 41.2. And Farther Spain would have revolted from the Romans if Publius Cornelius had not hastily led his army across the Hiberus and arrived in the nick of time, while the allies were still wavering.

> Latin: 41.2. defecissetque ab Romanis ulterior Hispania, ni P. Cornelius raptim traducto exercitu Hiberum dubiis sociorum animis in tempore aduenisset.

[¶16] 41.3. At first the Romans had their camp at Castrum Album, noted as the place where the great Hamilcar fell.

> Latin: 41.3. primo ad Castrum Album—locus est insignis caede magni Hamilcaris—castra Romani habuere.

[¶17] 41.4. The citadel had been fortified and they had previously brought in grain. Yet the country all around was filled with the enemy, and the Roman column had been attacked with impunity by the enemy's cavalry and about two thousand men, either straggling or scattered over the farms, had been slain. The Romans therefore retired from the place to a position nearer peaceful regions and fortified a camp at Victory Mountain.

> Latin: 41.4. arx erat munita et conuexerant ante frumentum; tamen, quia omnia circa hostium plena erant agmenque Romanum impune incursatum ab equitibus hostium fuerat et ad duo milia aut moratorum aut palantium per agros interfecta, cessere inde Romani propius pacata loca et ad montem Uictoriae castra communiuere.

[¶18] 41.5. Thither came Gnaeus Scipio with all his troops, and Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo, making three Carthaginian generals and a complete army; and all three established themselves across the river, opposite the Roman camp.

> Latin: 41.5. eo Cn. Scipio cum omnibus copiis et Hasdrubal Gisgonis filius, tertius Carthaginiensium dux, cum exercitu iusto aduenit contraque castra Romana trans fluuium omnes consedere.

[¶19] 41.6. Publius Scipio, who set out secretly to reconnoitre with unencumbered troops, did not escape the notice of the enemy, and they would have overwhelmed him in the open meadows if he had not captured a hill near by.

> Latin: 41.6. P. Scipio cum expeditis clam profectus ad loca circa uisenda haud fefellit hostes oppressissentque eum in patentibus campis, ni tumulum in propinquo cepisset. ibi quoque circumsessus aduentu fratris obsidione eximitur.

[¶20] 41.7. Even there he was beset, but by the arrival of his brother he escaped a siege. Castulo revolted to the Romans, a strong and famous city of Spain, so closely joined to the Carthaginians by alliance that Hannibal's wife was from that place.

> Latin: 41.7. Castulo, urbs Hispaniae ualida ac nobilis et adeo coniuncta societate Poenis ut uxor inde Hannibali esset, ad Romanos defecit.

[¶21] 41.8. The Carthaginians attempted to capture Iliturgis, because there was a Roman garrison there, and it seemed that they would take the town mainly by starvation.

> Latin: 41.8. Carthaginienses Iliturgim oppugnare adorti, quia praesidium ibi Romanum erat; uidebanturque inopia maxime eum locum expugnaturi.

[¶22] 41.9. Gnaeus Scipio, to lend aid to the allies and the garrison, set out with an unencumbered legion, passing between their two camps, and after slaying many of the enemy entered the city, and on the following day engaged them in an equally successful sally.

> Latin: 41.9. Cn. Scipio, ut sociis praesidioque ferret opem, cum legione expedita profectus inter bina castra cum magna caede hostium urbem est ingressus et postero die eruptione aeque felici pugnauit. supra duodecim milia hominum caesa duobus proeliis;

[¶23] 41.10. Over twelve thousand men were slain in the two battles, more than a thousand men captured, with thirty-six military standards. So they withdrew from Iliturgis.

> Latin: 41.10. plus mille hominum captum cum sex et triginta militaribus signis. ita ab Iliturgi recessum est.

[¶24] 41.11. Then began the siege of Bigerra —these also were allies of the Romans —by the Carthaginians. Gnaeus Scipio on his arrival raised the siege without an engagement.

> Latin: 41.11. Bigerra inde urbs—socia et haec Romanorum erat—a Carthaginiensibus oppugnari coepta est. eam obsidionem sine certamine adueniens Cn. Scipio soluit.

[¶25] 42.1. Thereupon the Carthaginian camp was removed to Munda, and the Romans promptly followed them thither.

> Latin: 42.1. ad Mundam exinde castra Punica mota et Romani eo confestim secuti sunt.

[¶26] 42.2. There they fought in pitched battle for about four hours, and though the Romans were winning a brilliant victory, the signal for recall was given, because Gnaeus Scipio's thigh had been pierced by a light javelin, and fear that the wound might prove fatal had seized the soldiers around him.

> Latin: 42.2. ibi signis conlatis pugnatum per quattuor ferme horas egregieque uincentibus Romanis signum receptui est datum, quod Cn. Scipionis femur tragula confixum erat pauorque circa eum ceperat milites ne mortiferum esset uolnus.

[¶27] 42.3. But there was no doubt that, if this delay had not occurred, the Carthaginian camp could have been captured that day. Already not only soldiers but the elephants also had been driven even up to the wall, and just as they crossed the trenches thirty-nine elephants were struck down by heavy javelins.

> Latin: 42.3. ceterum haud dubium fuit quin, nisi ea mora interuenisset, castra eo die Punica capi potuerint; nam non milites solum sed elephanti etiam usque ad uallum acti erant, superque ipsas <fossas> nouem et triginta elephanti pilis confixi.

[¶28] 42.4. In this battle also about twelve thousand men are said to have been slain, about three thousand captured, with fifty-seven military standards. The Carthaginians then retired to the city of Aurinx, and the Roman followed, to threaten men already terrified.

> Latin: 42.4. hoc quoque proelio ad duodecim milia hominum dicuntur caesa, prope tria capta cum signis militaribus septem et quinquaginta.

[¶29] 42.5. There Scipio again engaged, being carried into battle-line in a litter, and the victory was not to be questioned. Less than half as many of the enemy as before, however, were slain, because fewer men had survived to fight.

> Latin: 42.5. ad Auringem inde urbem Poeni recessere et, ut territis instaret, secutus Romanus. ibi iterum Scipio lecticula in aciem inlatus conflixit nec dubia uictoria fuit; minus tamen dimidio hostium quam antea, quia pauciores superfuerant qui pugnarent, occisum.

[¶30] 42.6. But, as Mago was sent by his brother to recruit soldiers, a race adapted by nature to renew wars and to make fresh preparations for them soon refilled the army and gave them the spirit to essay another conflict.

> Latin: 42.6. sed gens nata instaurandis reparandisque bellis Magone ad conquisitionem militum a fratre misso breui repleuit exercitum animosque ad temptandum de integro certamen fecit.

[¶31] 42.7. The soldiers were mostly Gauls, and they fought with the same spirit as their predecessors for the side which had been beaten so many times within a few days, and with the same result.

> Latin: 42.7. Galli plerique milites, iique pro parte totiens intra paucos dies uicta, iisdem animis quibus priores eodemque euentu pugnauere.

[¶32] 42.8. More than eight thousand men were slain, and not much less than a thousand captured, also fifty-eight military standards. And the spoils were largely Gallic, golden collars and armbands —a great number of them. Also two conspicuous princes of the Gauls —Moeniacoeptus and Vismarus were their names —fell in that battle. Eight elephants were captured, three slain.

> Latin: 42.8. plus octo milia hominum caesa, haud multo minus quam mille captum et signa militaria quinquaginta octo. et spolia plurima Gallica fuere, aurei torques armillaeque, magnus numerus; duo etiam insignes reguli Gallorum— Moeniacapto et Uismaro nomina erant—eo proelio ceciderunt. octo elephanti capti, tres occisi.

[¶33] 42.9. The situation in Spain being so favourable, the Romans came at last to be ashamed that the town of Saguntum, which was the cause of the war, had been by that time seven years in the power of the enemy.

> Latin: 42.9. cum tam prosperae res in Hispania essent, uerecundia Romanos tandem cepit Saguntum oppidum, quae causa belli esset, octauum iam annum sub hostium potestate esse.

[¶34] 42.10. Accordingly the Carthaginian garrison was driven out by force, and recovering the town the Romans restored it to its former inhabitants —such of them as the violence of war had spared.

> Latin: 42.10. itaque id oppidum ui pulso praesidio Punico receperunt cultoribusque antiquis quos ex iis uis reliquerat belli restituerunt;

[¶35] 42.11. And as for the Turdetani, who had brought on the war between Saguntum and the Carthaginians, they reduced them to subjection, sold them under the garland and destroyed their city.

> Latin: 42.11. et Turdetanos, qui contraxerant eis cum Carthaginiensibus bellum, in potestatem redactos sub corona uendiderunt urbemque eorum deleuerunt.

[¶36] 43.1. Such were the events in Spain in the consulship of Quintus Fabius and Marcus Claudius.

> Latin: 43.1. haec in Hispania Q. Fabio M. Claudio consulibus gesta.

[¶37] 43.2. At Rome, immediately after the newly elected tribunes of the plebs had entered upon office, a day was set by Marcus Metellus, a tribune of the plebs, for the censors Publius Furius and Marcus Atilius to appear at the bar of the people.

> Latin: 43.2. Romae cum tribuni plebis noui magistratum inissent, extemplo censoribus P. Furio et M. Atilio a <M.> Metello tribuno plebis dies dicta ad populum est— quaestorem eum proximo anno adempto equo tribu mouerant atque aerarium fecerant propter coniurationem deserendae Italiae ad Cannas factam—sed nouem tribunorum auxilio uetiti causam in magistratu dicere dimissique [fuerant].

[¶38] 43.3. In his quaestorship the year before they had taken away his horse, removed him from his tribe and made him an aerarian on account of the conspiracy formed at Cannae to desert Italy. But by the aid of nine tribunes they were forbidden to plead their cause while in office and were released. From completing the ceremony of purification they were prevented by the death of Publius Furius. Marcus Atilius abdicated his office. For the consulship the election was conducted by Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul. Elected consuls, both in absence, were Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul's son, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, the latter for the second time.

> Latin: 43.3. ne lustrum perficerent, mors prohibuit P. Furii; M. Atilius magistratu se abdicauit. comitia consularia habita ab Q. Fabio Maximo consule. creati consules ambo absentes, Q. Fabius Maximus, consulis filius, et Ti. Sempronius Gracchus iterum.

[¶39] 43.6. Two men who were at the time curule aediles, Publius Sempronius Tuditanus and Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, were made praetors, and with them Marcus Atilius and Marcus Aemilius Lepidus.

> Latin: 43.6. praetores fiunt duo qui tum aediles curules erant, P. Sempronius Tuditanus et Cn. Fuluius Centumalus, et <cum illis M. Atilius et> M. Aemilius Lepidus.

[¶40] 43.7. Tradition has it that at the festival given that year by the curule aediles four days had dramatic performances for the first time.

> Latin: 43.7. ludos scenicos per quatriduum eo anno primum factos ab curulibus aedilibus memoriae proditur.

[¶41] 43.8. The aedile Tuditanus was the man who at Cannae, when others were paralyzed by fear in such a disaster, led his men through the midst of the enemy.

> Latin: 43.8. aedilis Tuditanus hic erit, qui ad Cannas pauore aliis in tanta clade torpentibus per medios hostes duxit.

[¶42] 43.9. These elections being completed, the consuls designate were summoned to Rome, as proposed by Quintus Fabius, the consul, entered upon office and consulted the senate in regard to the war and the provinces, their own and those of the praetors, and as to the armies which they should respectively command;

> Latin: 43.9. his comitiis perfectis auctore Q. Fabio consule designati consules Romam accersiti magistratum inierunt, senatumque de bello ac prouinciis suis praetorumque et de exercitibus quibus quique praeessent consuluerunt; itaque prouinciae atque exercitus diuisi: bellum cum Hannibale consulibus mandatum et exercituum unus quem ipse Sempronius habuerat, alter quem Fabius consul; eae binae erant legiones.

[¶43] 44.2. and the provinces and armies were divided as follows: the war with Hannibal was assigned to the consuls, and two armies, one which Sempronius himself, and the other which Fabius had commanded as consul. These were of two legions each. Marcus Aemilius, the praetor to whom fell jurisdiction in cases involving foreigners, was to assign his judicial function to his colleague Marcus Atilius, the city praetor, and have Luceria as his province, and two legions which Quintus Fabius, who was now consul, had commanded as praetor.

> Latin: 44.2. M. Aemilius praetor, cuius peregrina sors erat, iurisdictione M. Atilio collegae, praetori urbano, mandata Luceriam prouinciam haberet legionesque duas quibus Q. Fabius, qui tum consul erat, praetor praefuerat.

[¶44] 44.3. To Publius Sempronius Ariminum fell as his assignment, to Gnaeus Fulvius, Suessula, likewise with two legions in each case, so assigned that Fulvius should take with him the legions at the city, and Tuditanus take over from Marcus Pomponius his legions.

> Latin: 44.3. P. Sempronio prouincia Ariminum, Cn. Fuluio Suessula cum binis item legionibus euenerunt ut Fuluius urbanas legiones duceret, Tuditanus a M. Pomponio acciperet.

[¶45] 44.4. Commands and assignments were continued as follows: for Marcus Claudius Sicily, with the boundaries which Hiero's kingdom had had; for Publius Lentulus, as propraetor, the old province; for Titus Otacilius the fleet; and for them new armies were not added.

> Latin: 44.4. prorogata imperia prouinciaeque, M. Claudio Sicilia finibus eis quibus regnum Hieronis fuisset, <P.> Lentulo propraetori prouincia uetus, T. Otacilio classis — exercitus nulli additi noui—;

[¶46] 44.5. So also for Marcus Valerius Greece and Macedonia, with the legion and the fleet which he had; for Quintus Mucius Sardinia, with its old army —there were two legions; for Gaius Terentius one legion which he already commanded, and Picenum.

> Latin: 44.5. M. Ualerio Graecia Macedoniaque cum legione et classe quam haberet; Q. Mucio cum uetere exercitu—duae autem legiones erant—Sardinia; C. Terentio, <cum> legione una cui iam praeerat, Picenum.

[¶47] 44.6. It was further ordered that two city legions should be enrolled, also twenty thousand allies. With these generals, these forces, they defended the Roman empire at the same time against many wars, either already begun or foreshadowed.

> Latin: 44.6. scribi praeterea duae urbanae legiones iussae et uiginti milia sociorum. his ducibus, his copiis aduersus multa simul aut mota aut suspecta bella muniuerunt Romanum imperium.

[¶48] 44.7. The consuls, after enrolling two legions for the city and enlisting recruits to reinforce the others, before setting out from the city made expiation for the prodigies which had been reported. The wall and gates at...

> Latin: 44.7. consules duabus urbanis legionibus scriptis supplementoque in alias lecto priusquam ab urbe mouerent prodigia procurarunt quae nuntiata erant.

[¶49] 44.8. and at Aricia even the temple of Jupiter had been struck by lightning. And for eyes and ears there were other illusions, accepted as real: that in the river at Tarracina forms of warships which had no existence had been seen; and that in the temple of Jupiter Vicilinus, in the territory of Compsa, there was a sound of clashing arms; and that the river at Amiternum ran with blood. These portents being expiated according to a decree of the pontiffs, the consuls set out, Sempronius for Lucania, Fabius for Apulia.

> Latin: 44.8. murus ac porta Caietae et Ariciae etiam Iouis aedes de caelo tacta fuerat. et alia ludibria oculorum auriumque credita pro ueris: nauium longarum species in flumine Tarracinae quae nullae erant uisas et in Iouis Uicilini templo, quod in Compsano agro est, arma concrepuisse et flumen Amiterni cruentum fluxisse.

[¶50] 44.9. The father came as his son's lieutenant to the camp at Suessula. While the son was advancing to meet him and the lictors out of respect for the father's dignity were silent as they preceded the consul, the old man rode past eleven fasces. And not until the consul had ordered the last lictor to take notice and the latter had called out the order to dismount, did the father leap to the ground and say: “I wished to find out, son, whether you were quite aware that you are consul.”

> Latin: 44.9. his procuratis ex decreto pontificum profecti consules Sempronius in Lucanos, in Apuliam Fabius. pater filio legatus ad Suessulam in castra uenit. cum obuiam filius progrederetur lictoresque uerecundia maiestatis eius taciti anteirent, praeter undecim fasces equo praeuectus senex, ut consul animaduertere proximum lictorem iussit et is ut descenderet ex equo inclamauit, tum demum desiliens 'experiri' inquit 'uolui, fili, satin scires consulem te esse'.

[¶51] 45.1. To that camp came Dasius Altinius of Arpi secretly by night with three slaves, promising that if rewarded he would betray Arpi.

> Latin: 45.1. in ea castra Dasius Altinius Arpinus clam nocte cum tribus seruis uenit promittens, si sibi praemio foret, se Arpos proditurum esse.

[¶52] 45.2. When Fabius brought the matter before the council, the others thought that as a deserter he should be scourged and put to death, a waverer and an enemy to both sides, who after the disaster at Cannae, as if loyalty should side with success, had gone over to Hannibal and dragged Arpi into revolt.

> Latin: 45.2. eam rem ad consilium <cum> rettulisset Fabius, aliis pro transfuga uerberandus necandusque uideri ancipitis animi communis hostis, qui post Cannensem cladem, tamquam cum fortuna fidem stare oporteret, ad Hannibalem descisset traxissetque ad defectionem Arpos;

[¶53] 45.3. But now, because, contrary to his expectation and his wishes, the Roman state seemed to be springing up again, as it were from the roots, he was promising to present the betrayed with a new betrayal, and always taking part with one side, but with the other in heart, faithless as an ally, inconstant as an enemy. To the betrayers of Falerii and of Pyrrhus he should be added as a third example to deserters.

> Latin: 45.3. tum, quia res Romana contra spem uotaque eius uelut resurgere ab stirpibus uideatur, nouam referre proditionem proditis polliceatur, aliunde ipse stet semper, aliunde sentiat, infidus socius, uanus hostis; id ad Faleriorum Pyrrhique proditorem tertium transfugis documentum esset.

[¶54] 45.4. On the contrary the consul's father Fabius said that men were forgetting the situation, when they exercised free judgment in each individual case in the midst of the heat of war, as though in peace, the result was that, although the thing to be done and to be borne in mind was rather to prevent any allies-if this was somehow possible from abandoning the Roman people, they were not bearing that in mind. On the contrary, they were saying that, if a man came to his senses and turned his eyes to the previous alliance, he ought to be made a warning example.

> Latin: 45.4. contra ea consulis pater Fabius temporum oblitos homines in medio ardore belli tamquam in pace libera de quoque arbitria agere aiebat; qui, cum illud potius agendum atque cogitandum sit si quo modo fieri possit ne qui socii a populo Romano desciscant, id non cogitent, documentum autem dicant statui oportere si quis resipiscat et antiquam societatem respiciat.

[¶55] 45.6. If then it was permissible to leave the Romans, but not to return to them, who could doubt that soon the Roman state, despaired of by the allies, would see the whole of Italy joined together by Carthaginian treaties?

> Latin: 45.6. quod si abire ab Romanis liceat, redire ad eos non liceat, cui dubium esse quin breui deserta ab sociis Romana res foederibus Punicis omnia in Italia iuncta uisura sit?

[¶56] 45.7. For himself, however, he was not the man to think that any trust should be placed in Altinius, but would follow a middle course.

> Latin: 45.7. se tamen non eum esse qui Altinio fidei quicquam censeat habendum; sed mediam secuturum consilii uiam.

[¶57] 45.8. He thought it best, namely, that Altinius should not be treated as either enemy or ally for the present, that under qualified arrest he should be guarded for the duration of the war in some loyal city-state not far from the camp. When the war was over they should then deliberate whether his previous defection deserved punishment more than his present return merited pardon. They agreed with Fabius, and the man was turned over to representatives of Cales, himself and his companions.

> Latin: 45.8. neque eum pro hoste neque pro socio in praesentia habitum libera custodia haud procul a castris placere in aliqua fida ciuitate [eum] seruari per belli tempus; perpetrato bello tum consultandum utrum prior defectio plus merita sit poenae an hic reditus ueniae.

[¶58] 45.9. And it was ordered that the gold —and the weight of it was considerable —which he had then brought with him should be kept for him.

> Latin: 45.9. Fabio adsensum est Calenisque legatis traditus et ipse et comites; et auri satis magnum pondus quod secum tum attulerat ei seruari iussum.

[¶59] 45.10. At Cales he was free to go about by day followed by guards, at night confined and watched by them. At Arpi it was in his house that he was first missed and search for him began.

> Latin: 45.10. Calibus eum interdiu solutum custodes sequebantur, nocte clausum adseruabant. Arpis domi primum desiderari quaerique est coeptus;

[¶60] 45.11. Then the report spreading through the city caused the usual commotion when a leading man is missing, and for fear of a rebellion they at once sent messengers.

> Latin: 45.11. dein fama per totam urbem uolgata tumultum, ut principe amisso, fecit, metuque rerum nouarum extemplo nuntii missi.

[¶61] 45.12. The Carthaginian was by no means displeased at this news, since he had long regarded the man himself with suspicion, as unsettled in his loyalty, and also he now had an excuse for taking possession of the property of a man of such wealth and selling it.

> Latin: 45.12. quibus nequaquam offensus Poenus, quia et ipsum ut ambiguae fidei uirum suspectum iam pridem habebat et causam nactus erat tam ditis hominis bona possidendi uendendique;

[¶62] 45.13. But that men might believe he was yielding to anger rather than greed, he added cruelty also to avarice, that is, he summoned the wife and children to the camp, and, after investigating first the flight of Altinius, then how much gold and silver had been left in his house, now fully informed, he burned them alive.

> Latin: 45.13. ceterum, ut irae magis quam auaritiae datum crederent homines, crudelitatem quoque auiditati addidit coniugemque eius ac liberos in castra accitos, quaestione prius habita primum de fuga Altini, dein quantum auri argentique domi relictum esset, satis cognitis omnibus uiuos combussit.

[¶63] 46.1. Fabius setting out from Suessula first pressed the siege of Arpi. There he pitched his camp at a distance of about five hundred paces, and after observing the situation of the city and the walls at close range, he decided to attack just at that part of the city which was best defended by walls, because he saw that that was the most carelessly guarded.

> Latin: 46.1. Fabius ab Suessula profectus Arpos primum institit oppugnare. ubi cum a quingentis fere passibus castra posuisset, contemplatus ex propinquo situm urbis moeniaque, quae pars tutissima moenibus erat, quia maxime neglectam custodia uidit, ea potissimum adgredi statuit.

[¶64] 46.2. He assembled everything useful for siege operations, selected from the entire army the pick of the centurions, and placed tribunes who were brave men in command of them. And he assigned them six hundred soldiers —all that seemed necessary —and ordered them to carry ladders to that place, when the trumpet should sound for the fourth watch.

> Latin: 46.2. comparatis omnibus quae ad urbes oppugnandas usui sunt centurionum robora ex toto exercitu delegit tribunosque uiros fortes eis praefecit et milites sescentos, quantum satis uisum est, attribuit eosque, ubi quartae uigiliae signum cecinisset, ad eum locum scalas iussit ferre.

[¶65] 46.3. There was a low, narrow gate there, as the street, leading through a deserted part of the city, was not much frequented. He ordered them first to climb over the wall by means of their ladders, and then to open that gate from the inside, or else break down the bars, and then, holding a part of the city, to give the signal on a trumpet for the rest of the troops to move up. He would have everything ready and in order.

> Latin: 46.3. porta ibi humilis et angusta erat infrequenti uia per desertam partem urbis. iam portam scalis prius transgressos [murum] aperire ex interiore parte aut claustra refringere iubet et tenentes partem urbis cornu signum dare ut ceterae copiae admouerentur: parata omnia atque instructa sese habiturum.

[¶66] 46.4. These commands were carried out with spirit, and a circumstance which seemed likely to hamper action proved of the greatest help to secrecy. Heavy rain beginning at midnight forced the guards and sentries to slip away from their posts and run to cover. And the sound, at first of a heavier shower, prevented the noise they made in forcing the gate from being heard clearly, and then, gentler and more monotonous as they listened, it lulled a great many of the men to sleep.

> Latin: 46.4. ea impigre facta; et quod impedimentum agentibus fore uidebatur, id maxime ad fallendum adiuuit. imber ab nocte media coortus custodes uigilesque dilapsos e stationibus subfugere in tecta coegit, sonituque primo largioris procellae strepitum molientium portam exaudiri prohibuit, lentior deinde aequaliorque accidens auribus magnam partem hominum sopiuit.

[¶67] 46.6. Once in possession of the gate, they ordered the trumpeters, posted at equal intervals along the road, to sound, in order to summon the consul.

> Latin: 46.6. postquam portam tenebant, cornicines in uia paribus interuallis dispositos canere iubent ut consulem excirent.

[¶68] 46.7. This done according to agreement, the consul orders the standards to be carried out of the camp, and a little before daylight enters the city through the gate they had forced.

> Latin: 46.7. id ubi factum ex composito est, signa efferri consul iubet ac paulo ante lucem per effractam portam urbem ingreditur.

[¶69] 47.1. Not until then were the enemy aroused, as the noise of the rain was now lessening and daylight approaching.

> Latin: 47.1. tum demum hostes excitati sunt iam et imbre conquiescente et propinqua luce.

[¶70] 47.2. In the city there was a garrison of Hannibal's, about five thousand armed men, and the citizens of Arpi also had armed three thousand men. These were the first troops with which the Carthaginians, to prevent any treachery in the rear, confronted the enemy.

> Latin: 47.2. praesidium in urbe erat Hannibalis, quinque milia ferme armatorum, et ipsi Arpini tria milia hominum armarant. eos primos Poeni, ne quid ab tergo fraudis esset, hosti opposuerunt.

[¶71] 47.3. They fought at first in darkness and in narrow streets. The Romans gained possession not only of the streets but also of the houses nearest to the gate, that they might not be attacked and wounded from above. Thereupon some Arpini and Romans recognized each other and then began conversations.

> Latin: 47.3. pugnatum primo in tenebris angustisque uiis est. cum Romani non uias tantum sed tecta etiam proxima portam occupassent ne peti superne ac uolnerari possent, cogniti inter se quidam Arpinique et Romani atque inde conloquia coepta fieri, percontantibus Romanis quid sibi uellent Arpini,

[¶72] 47.5. The Romans asked what the Arpini meant, for what offence on the part of the Romans, or for what service on the part of the Carthaginians they, although Italians, were waging war for foreigners and barbarians against their old allies the Romans, and making Italy a tributary and a taxpayer to Africa. The Arpini pleaded as excuse that in complete ignorance they had been sold by their leading citizens to the Carthaginian and captured and overpowered by a few men.

> Latin: 47.5. quam ob noxam Romanorum aut quod meritum Poenorum pro alienigenis ac barbaris Italici aduersus ueteres socios Romanos bellum gererent et uectigalem ac stipendiariam Italiam Africae facerent, Arpinis purgantibus ignaros omnium se uenum a principibus datos Poeno, captos oppressosque a paucis esse.

[¶73] 47.7. With that beginning larger groups conversed with larger. Finally the magistrate of Arpi was escorted by fellowcitizens to the consul, and after promises had been given in the midst of standards and battle-lines, the Arpini suddenly fought for the Romans, turning their weapons against the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 47.7. initio orto plures cum pluribus conloqui; postremo praetor Arpinus ab suis ad consulem deductus fideque data inter signa aciesque Arpini repente pro Romanis aduersus Carthaginiensem arma uerterunt.

[¶74] 47.8. The Spanish troops also, hardly fewer than a thousand men, after making no other terms with the consul than that the Punic garrison be allowed to go without injury, brought their standards over to the consul.

> Latin: 47.8. Hispani quoque, paulo minus mille homines, nihil praeterea cum consule pacti quam ut sine fraude Punicum emitteretur praesidium, ad consulem transtulerunt signa. Carthaginiensibus portae patefactae emissique cum fide incolumes ad Hannibalem Salapiam uenerunt:

[¶75] 47.10. The gates were opened for the Carthaginians, they were allowed to leave, as promised, and came unharmed to Hannibal at Salapia.

> Latin: 47.10. Arpi sine clade ullius praeterquam unius ueteris proditoris, noui perfugae, restituti ad Romanos.

[¶76] 47.11. Arpi, with the loss of no man but a single veteran traitor and recent deserter, was restored to the Romans. To the Spaniards double rations were ordered to be issued, and the state repeatedly availed itself of their brave and faithful service. While one consul was in Apulia, the other in Lucania, a hundred and twelve noble Campanian horsemen, setting out from Capua, with permission of the magistrates, under pretext of plundering the enemy's country, came to the Roman camp above Suessula.

> Latin: 47.11. Hispanis duplicia cibaria dari iussa operaque eorum forti ac fideli persaepe res publica usa est. cum consul alter in Apulia, alter in Lucanis esset, equites centum duodecim nobiles Campani, per speciem praedandi ex hostium agro permissu magistratuum ab Capua profecti, ad castra Romana, quae super Suessulam erant, uenerunt;

[¶77] 47.12. They told the guards outside who they were; that they wished to speak with the praetor.

> Latin: 47.12. stationi militum qui essent dixerunt: conloqui sese cum praetore uelle.

[¶78] 47.13. Gnaeus Fulvius was in command of the camp, and on being informed, he ordered that ten of their number be disarmed and brought to him. After he had heard their demands —and they made no other request than that upon the recovery of Capua their property should be restored to them, they were all taken under his protection.

> Latin: 47.13. Cn. Fuluius castris praeerat; cui ubi nuntiatum est, decem ex eo numero iussis inermibus deduci ad se, ubi quae postularent audiuit—nihil autem aliud petebant quam ut, Capua recepta bona sibi restituerentur—, in fidem omnes accepti.

[¶79] 47.14. And the other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took the town of Atrinum by storm. More than seven thousand men were captured and a considerable amount of coined copper and silver.

> Latin: 47.14. et ab altero praetore Sempronio Tuditano oppidum Atrinum expugnatum; amplius septem milia hominum capta et aeris argentique signati aliquantum.

[¶80] 47.15. At Rome a terrible fire lasted two nights and a day. Everything between the Salinae and Porta Carmentalis was levelled to the ground, including the Aequimaelium and Vicus Iugarius, also the Temples of Fortune and Mater Matuta.

> Latin: 47.15. Romae foedum incendium per duas noctes ac diem unum tenuit. solo aequata omnia inter Salinas ac portam Carmentalem cum Aequimaelio Iugarioque uico et templis Fortunae ac matris Matutae;

[¶81] 47.16. Outside the gate also the fire spread to a distance and destroyed many buildings sacred and profane.

> Latin: 47.16. et extra portam late uagatus ignis sacra profanaque multa absumpsit.

[¶82] 48.1. The same year Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius, in consequence of their success in Spain and their recovery of many old allies and the addition of new allies, enlarged their hopes in the direction of Africa as well.

> Latin: 48.1. eodem anno P. et Cn. Cornelii, cum in Hispania res prosperae essent multosque et ueteres reciperent socios et nouos adicerent, in Africam quoque spem extenderunt.

[¶83] 48.2. There was Syphax, king of the Numidians, who had suddenly become an enemy of the Carthaginians.

> Latin: 48.2. Syphax erat rex Numidarum, subito Carthaginiensibus hostis factus;

[¶84] 48.3. To him they sent three centurions as legates, to establish friendship and alliance with him, and to promise that if he should continue to embarrass the Carthaginians by war, it would be acceptable to the senate and the Roman people, and they would endeavour to return the favour at the right moment and with generous interest.

> Latin: 48.3. ad eum centuriones tres legatos miserunt qui cum eo amicitiam societatemque facerent et pollicerentur, si perseueraret urgere bello Carthaginienses, gratam eam rem fore senatui populoque Romano et adnisuros ut in tempore et bene cumulatam gratiam referant.

[¶85] 48.4. This embassy pleased the barbarian, and he conferred with the ambassadors on the conduct of the war; and hearing what was said by experienced soldiers, he noted, from comparison with so well-ordered a system, how many things he did not know himself.

> Latin: 48.4. grata ea legatio barbaro fuit; conlocutusque cum legatis de ratione belli gerundi, ut ueterum militum uerba audiuit, quam multarum rerum ipse ignarus esset ex comparatione tam ordinatae disciplinae animum aduertit.

[¶86] 48.5. Then, as the first act befitting good and faithful allies, be begged that two of the legates might report to their generals, and one remain with him as instructor in tactics. He said the Numidian nation was inexpert in infantry warfare, of service only as horsemen.

> Latin: 48.5. tum primum ut pro bonis ac fidelibus sociis facerent, orauit ut duo legationem referrent ad imperatores suos, unus apud sese magister rei militaris restaret: rudem ad pedestria bella Numidarum gentem esse, equis tantum habilem;

[¶87] 48.6. This was the way their ancestors from their earliest history had waged war, thus they had themselves been trained from boyhood. But he had an enemy who relied upon infantry battles, and if he wished to be a match for him in military strength he too must acquire infantry.

> Latin: 48.6. ita iam inde a principiis gentis maiores suos bella gessisse, ita se a pueris insuetos; sed habere hostem pedestri fidentem Marte, cui si aequari robore uirium uelit, et sibi pedites comparandos esse.

[¶88] 48.7. And for that purpose his kingdom was supplied with men in great numbers, but they did not understand the art of arming and equipping them and placing them in battle-line. Everything was formless and unmethodical, as if a mob had been gathered by chance.

> Latin: 48.7. et ad id multitudine hominum regnum abundare sed armandi ornandique et instruendi eos artem ignorare. omnia uelut forte congregata turba uasta ac temeraria esse.

[¶89] 48.8. The legates replied that for the present they would do as he desired, after receiving his pledge to send back the man at once, if their generals should not approve of their action.

> Latin: 48.8. facturos se in praesentia quod uellet legati respondent, fide accepta ut remitteret extemplo eum, si imperatores sui non comprobassent factum.

[¶90] 48.9. Quintus Statorius was the name of the one who remained with the king. With the two Romans the king sent three legates from the Numidians to Spain, to receive confirmation from the Roman generals.

> Latin: 48.9. Q. Statorio nomen fuit, qui ad regem remansit. cum duobus Romanis rex tres a Numidis legatos in Hispaniam misit ad accipiendam fidem ab imperatoribus Romanis.

[¶91] 48.10. He further instructed them at once to persuade Numidians who were auxiliaries in the forces of the Carthaginians to desert them.

> Latin: 48.10. iisdem mandauit ut protinus Numidas qui intra praesidia Carthaginiensium auxiliares essent ad transitionem perlicerent.

[¶92] 48.11. And Statorius out of the mass of young men enrolled infantry for the king, organized them almost in the Roman manner, taught them in formation and evolution to follow standards and keep their ranks, and to such an extent accustomed them to fortifying and other regular duties of the soldier that in a short time the king had as much confidence in his infantry as in his cavalry, and in a regular engagement in formal array on level ground he defeated the Carthaginian enemy.

> Latin: 48.11. et Statorius ex multa iuuentute regi pedites conscripsit ordinatosque proxime morem Romanum instruendo et decurrendo signa sequi et seruare ordines docuit, et operi aliisque iustis militaribus ita adsuefecit ut breui rex non equiti magis fideret quam pediti conlatisque aequo campo signis iusto proelio Carthaginiensem hostem superaret.

[¶93] 48.13. The Romans also in Spain profited greatly by the coming of the king's representatives. For upon the news of their arrival desertions by the Numidians began to be frequent. Thus began the friendship of the Romans with Syphax. When the Carthaginians learned of the matter they at once sent legates to Gala, who reigned in the other part of Numidia, his people being called the Maesulians.

> Latin: 48.13. Romanis quoque in Hispania legatorum regis aduentus magno emolumento fuit; namque ad famam eorum transitiones crebrae ab Numidis coeptae fieri. ita cum Syphace Romanis coepta amicitia est. quod ubi Carthaginienses acceperunt, extemplo ad Galam in parte altera Numidiae—Maesuli ea gens uocatur—regnantem legatos mittunt.

[¶94] 49.1. Gala had a son Masinissa, seventeen years old, but a young man of such promise that even then it was evident that he would make the kingdom larger and richer than what he had received.

> Latin: 49.1. filium Gala Masinissam habebat septem decem annos natum, ceterum iuuenem ea indole ut iam tum appareret maius regnum opulentiusque quam quod accepisset facturum.

[¶95] 49.2. The legates stated that, inasmuch as Syphax had attached himself to the Romans, in order, through alliance with them, to be more powerful against the kings and peoples of Africa, it would be well for Gala too to attach himself as soon as possible to the Carthaginians, before Syphax should cross into Spain or the Romans into Africa.

> Latin: 49.2. legati, quoniam Syphax se Romanis iunxisset ut potentior societate eorum aduersus reges populosque Africae esset, docent melius fore Galae quoque Carthaginiensibus iungi quam primum antequam Syphax in Hispaniam aut Romani in Africam transeant;

[¶96] 49.3. Syphax could be surprised, they said, while he had as yet no advantage from his treaty with the Romans except the name.

> Latin: 49.3. opprimi Syphacem nihildum praeter nomen ex foedere Romano habentem posse. facile persuasum Galae filio deposcente id bellum ut mitteret exercitum;

[¶97] 49.4. They easily persuaded Gala to send an army, as his son was begging for the command; and reinforced by the Carthaginian legions, Masinissa defeated Syphax in a great battle.

> Latin: 49.4. qui Carthaginiensibus legionibus coniunctus magno proelio Syphacem deuicit. triginta milia eo proelio hominum caesa dicuntur.

[¶98] 49.5. Thirty thousand men are said to have been slain in that battle. Syphax with a few horsemen fled from the field to the Maurusian Numidians, who live far away, near the Ocean opposite Gades.

> Latin: 49.5. Syphax cum paucis equitibus in Maurusios ex acie Numidas—extremi prope Oceanum aduersus Gades colunt—refugit, adfluentibusque ad famam eius undique barbaris ingentes breui copias armauit, cum quibus in Hispaniam angusto diremptam freto traiceret.

[¶99] 49.6. And as the barbarians on hearing of him flocked together from all sides, he soon armed immense forces with which to cross into Spain, separated only by a narrow strait. But Masinissa came with his victorious army, and there by himself, without any help from the Carthaginians, he carried on war against Syphax with great distinction.

> Latin: 49.6. <eo> Masinissa cum uictore exercitu aduenit; isque ibi cum Syphace ingenti gloria per se sine ullis Carthaginiensium opibus gessit bellum.

[¶100] 49.7. In Spain nothing notable occurred except that the Roman commanders attracted to their side the young men of the Celtiberians at the same pay at which these had made an agreement with the Carthaginians, and more than three hundred Spaniards of the highest rank were sent to Italy to win over their fellow-countrymen who were among Hannibal's auxiliaries.

> Latin: 49.7. in Hispania nihil memorabile gestum praeterquam quod Celtiberum iuuentutem eadem mercede qua pacta cum Carthaginiensibus erat imperatores Romani ad se perduxerunt, et nobilissimos Hispanos supra trecentos in Italiam ad sollicitandos populares qui inter auxilia Hannibalis erant miserunt.

[¶101] 49.8. This is the only occurrence of that year in Spain that is worthy of record, since the Romans had no mercenary soldiers in their camps previous to the Celtiberians whom they had at that time.

> Latin: 49.8. id modo eius anni in Hispania ad memoriam insigne est quod mercennarium militem in castris neminem antequam tum Celtiberos Romani habuerunt.