1.1. WHILE these things were being done in Africa and Spain, Hannibal spent the summer in the Sallentine region, in the hope of getting possession of the city of Tarentum through treachery. Meantime, however, Sallentine cities of no importance went over to his side.
1.1. dum haec in Africa atque in Hispania geruntur, Hannibal in agro Sallentino aestatem consumpsit spe per proditionem urbis Tarentinorum potiundae. ipsorum interim Sallentinorum ignobiles urbes ad eum defecerunt.
1.2. At the same time among the Bruttians, out of twelve states which in the previous year had revolted to the Carthaginians, Consentia and Taurianum returned to their allegiance to the Roman people;
1.2. eodem tempore in Bruttiis ex duodecim populis, qui anno priore ad Poenos desciuerant, Consentini et Tauriani in fidem populi Romani redierunt et plures redissent, ni T.
1.3. and more would have returned if a prefect of the allies, Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who by successfully ravaging Bruttian territory a number of times gained the appearance of a regularly appointed general, had not gathered a hastily mustered army and engaged Hanno.
1.3. Pomponius Ueientanus, praefectus socium, prosperis aliquot populationibus in agro Bruttio iusti ducis speciem nactus, tumultuario exercitu coacto cum Hannone conflixisset.
1.4. A great many men were slain or captured there, an ill-organized mass, however, of rustics and slaves. It was the smallest part of the loss that, along with the rest, the prefect was captured, who was responsible at that time for a reckless battle, and had previously been a tax-farmer possessed of all the dishonest devices, faithless and ruinous both to the state and to the companies.
1.4. magna ibi uis hominum sed inconditae turbae agrestium seruorumque caesa aut capta est: minimum iacturae fuit quod praefectus inter ceteros est captus, et tum temerariae pugnae auctor et ante publicanus omnibus malis artibus et rei publicae et societatibus infidus damnosusque.
1.5. Sempronius, the consul, fought many small engagements in Lucania, not one worthy of record, and took by storm a number of unimportant Lucanian towns.
1.5. Sempronius consul in Lucanis multa proelia parua, haud ullum dignum memoratu fecit et ignobilia oppida Lucanorum aliquot expugnauit.
1.6. The longer the war dragged on and success and failure altered the situation, and quite as much so the attitude of men, superstitious fears, in large part foreign at that, invaded the state to such a degree that either men or else gods suddenly seemed changed.
1.6. quo diutius trahebatur bellum et uariabant secundae aduersaeque res non fortunam magis quam animos hominum, tanta religio, et ea magna ex parte externa, ciuitatem incessit ut aut homines aut dei repente alii uiderentur facti.
1.7. And now not only in secret and within the walls of houses were Roman rites abandoned, but in public places also and in the Forum and on the Capitol there was a crowd of women who were following the custom of the fathers neither in their sacrifices nor in prayers to the gods.
1.7. nec iam in secreto modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ritus, sed in publico etiam ac foro Capitolioque mulierum turba erat nec sacrificantium nec precantium deos patrio more.
1.8. Petty priests and also prophets had taken hold on men's minds. And the number of these was increased by the mass of rustics forced by want and fear into the city from their farms neglected and endangered because of the long war, and by easy profit from the delusion of others-a trade which they plied as though it were sanctioned.
1.8. sacrificuli ac uates ceperant hominum mentes quorum numerum auxit rustica plebs, ex incultis diutino bello infestisque agris egestate et metu in urbem compulsa; et quaestus ex alieno errore facilis, quem uelut concessae artis usu exercebant.
1.9. At first good men's indignation was voiced in private; then the matter reached the senate and now even official complaints.
1.9. primo secretae bonorum indignationes exaudiebantur; deinde ad patres etiam ac publicam querimoniam excessit res.
1.10. The aediles and the three police magistrates were roundly censured by the senate because they did not stop it; and after they had attempted to drive that crowd out of the Forum and to scatter the properties required for the rites, they narrowly escaped violence.
1.10. incusati grauiter ab senatu aediles triumuirique capitales quod non prohiberent, cum emouere eam multitudinem e foro ac disicere apparatus sacrorum conati essent, haud procul afuit quin uiolarentur.
1.11. Now that the disorder appeared to be too strong to be quelled by the lower magistrates, the senate assigned to Marcus Aemilius, the city praetor, the task of freeing the people from such superstitions.
1.11. ubi potentius iam esse id malum apparuit quam ut minores per magistratus sedaretur, M. Aemilio praetori [urb.] negotium ab senatu datum est ut eis religionibus populum liberaret.
1.12. He read the decree of the senate in an assembly, and also issued an edict that whoever had books of prophecies or prayers or a ritual of sacrifice set down in writing should bring all such books and writings to him before the first of April, and that no one should sacrifice in a public or consecrated place according to a strange or foreign rite.
1.12. is et in contione senatus consultum recitauit et edixit ut quicumque libros uaticinos precationesue aut artem sacrificandi conscriptam haberet eos libros omnes litterasque ad se ante kalendas Apriles deferret neu quis in publico sacroue loco nouo aut externo ritu sacrificaret.
2.1. A number of priests of the state died that year: Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, pontifex maximus, and Gaius Papirius Masso, son of Gaius, a pontifex, and Publius Furius Philus, an augur, and Gaius Papirius Masso, son of Lucius, a decemvir in charge of rites.
2.1. aliquot publici sacerdotes mortui eo anno sunt, L. Cornelius Lentulus pontifex maximus et C. Papirius C. filius Masso pontifex et P. Furius Philus augur et C. Papirius L. filius Masso decemuir sacrorum.
2.2. In place of Lentulus they made Marcus Cornelius Cethegus a pontiff and Gnaeus Servilius Caepio in that of Papirius; Lucius Quinctius Flamininus was named augur, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in charge of rites.
2.2. in Lentuli locum M. Cornelius Cethegus, in Papiri Cn. Seruilius Caepio pontifices suffecti sunt; augur creatus L. Quinctius Flamininus, decemuir sacrorum L. Cornelius Lentulus. comitiorum consularium iam appetebat tempus;
2.3. For the consular elections the time was now approaching, but because the consuls were occupied with the war and it was not thought advisable to call them away, Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, named Gaius Claudius Cento dictator to hold the elections. He in turn named Quintus Fulvius Flaccus master of the horse.
2.3. sed quia consules a bello intentos auocare non placebat, Ti. Sempronius consul comitiorum causa dictatorem dixit C. Claudium Centonem. ab eo magister equitum est dictus Q. Fuluius Flaccus.
2.4. On the first day available for elections the dictator announced the choice as consuls of Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who as praetor had had Sicily as his province.
2.4. dictator primo comitiali die creauit consules Q. Fuluium Flaccum, magistrum equitum, et Ap. Claudium Pulchrum, cui Sicilia prouincia in praetura fuerat.
2.5. Then the following were elected praetors: Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Gaius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius Cornelius Sulla. Having finished the elections, the dictator laid down his office.
2.5. tum praetores creati Cn. Fuluius Flaccus <C.> Claudius Nero M. Iunius Silanus P. Cornelius Sulla. comitiis perfectis dictator magistratu abiit.
2.6. Curule aedile that year, together with Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, was Publius Cornelius Scipio, who was later called Africanus. When he was a candidate for the aedileship, and the tribunes of the plebs tried to oppose him, saying that he ought not to be considered because he did not have the legal age for candidacy, he said, “If all the citizens want to make me aedile I have years enough.”
2.6. aedilis curulis fuit eo anno cum M. Cornelio Cethego P. Cornelius Scipio, cui post Africano fuit cognomen. huic petenti aedilitatem cum obsisterent tribuni plebis, negantes rationem eius habendam esse quod nondum ad petendum legitima aetas esset, 'si me' inquit 'omnes Quirites aedilem facere uolunt, satis annorum habeo.'
2.7. Thereupon with such enthusiasm they separated to form by tribes in order to cast their votes, that the tribunes suddenly gave up their attempt.
2.7. tanto inde fauore ad suffragium ferendum in tribus discursum est ut tribuni repente incepto destiterint.
2.8. The generosity of the aediles consisted in celebrating the Roman Games splendidly, for the resources of that time, and in repeating them for one day; also in giving... measures of oil for each precinct.
2.8. aedilicia largitio haec fuit, ludi Romani pro temporis illius copiis magnifice facti et diem unum instaurati, et congii olei in uicos singulos dati.
2.9. Lucius Villius Tappulus and Marcus Fundanius Fundulus as plebeian aediles brought before the people charges of immorality against a number of matrons. Some of these being convicted, they drove them into exile.
2.9. L. Uillius Tappulus et M. Fundanius Fundulus, aediles plebeii, aliquot matronas apud populum probri accusarunt; quasdam ex eis damnatas in exsilium egerunt.
2.10. The Plebeian Games were repeated for two days, and on account of the festival a banquet for Jupiter was held.
2.10. ludi plebeii per biduum instaurati et Iouis epulum fuit ludorum causa.
3.1. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Appius Claudius entered upon their consulship, the former for the third time. And the praetors received by lot the following assignments: Publius Cornelius Sulla, the duties of praetor urbanus and praetor peregrinus, previously two separate offices;
3.1. Q. Fuluius Flaccus tertium, Ap. Claudius consulatum ineunt; et praetores prouincias sortiti sunt, P. Cornelius Sulla urbanam et peregrinam, quae duorum ante sors fuerat, Cn.
3.2. Gnaeus Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Gaius Claudius Nero, Suessula, Marcus Junius Silanus, Etruria.
3.2. Fuluius Flaccus Apuliam, C. Claudius Nero Suessulam, M. Iunius Silanus Tuscos.
3.3. To the consuls were assigned by decree the war with Hannibal and two legions each. The one was to take over his troops from Quintus Fabius, consul in the previous year, the other from Fulvius Centumalus.
3.3. consulibus bellum cum Hannibale et binae legiones decretae; alter a Q. Fabio superioris anni consule, alter a Fuluio Centumalo acciperet;
3.4. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the legions which had been at Luceria under the praetor Aemilius, Nero Claudius the one which had been in the Picene district under Gaius Terentius. They were themselves to enlist more recruits for the same. To Marcus Junius the city legions of the previous year were given for Etruria.
3.4. praetorum Fului Flacci quae Luceriae sub Aemilio praetore, Neronis Claudi quae in Piceno sub C. Terentio fuissent legiones essent; supplementum in eas ipsi scriberent sibi; M. Iunio in Tuscos legiones urbanae prioris anni datae.
3.5. For Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus their commands and provinces, Lucania and Gaul, with their armies, were continued.
3.5. Ti. Sempronio Graccho et P. Sempronio Tuditano imperium prouinciaeque Lucani et Gallia cum suis exercitibus prorogatae;
3.6. And the same was done for Publius Lentulus, within the limits of the old province in Sicily, and for Marcellus, whose province was Syracuse and up to the former boundaries of Hiero's kingdom. The fleet was assigned to Titus Otacilius, Greece to Marcus Valerius, Sardinia to Quintus Mucius Scaevola, the Spanish provinces to Publius and Gnaeus Cornelius.
3.6. item P. Lentulo qua uetus prouincia in Sicilia esset, M. Marcello Syracusae et qua Hieronis regnum fuisset, T. Otacilio classis, Graecia M. Ualerio, Sardinia Q. Mucio Scaeuolae, Hispaniae P. et Cn. Corneliis.
3.7. In addition to the old armies two city legions were enrolled by the consuls, and the total that year amounted to twenty-three legions.
3.7. ad ueteres exercitus duae urbanae legiones a consulibus scriptae summaque trium et uiginti legionum eo anno effecta est.
3.8. The consular levy was hampered by the conduct of Marcus Postumius of Pyrgi, which almost occasioned a serious insurrection.
3.8. dilectum consulum M. Postumii Pyrgensis cum magno prope motu rerum factum impediit.
3.9. Postumius was a tax-farmer, who in many years had had no equal in dishonesty and avarice in the state, except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, whom the Carthaginians under Hanno's command had captured in the preceding year, while he was rashly ravaging the country in Lucania.
3.9. publicanus erat Postumius, qui multis annis parem fraude auaritiaque neminem in ciuitate habuerat praeter T. Pomponium Ueientanum, quem populantem temere agros in Lucanis ductu Hannonis priore anno ceperant Carthaginienses.
3.10. These men, since the state assumed the risk from violent storms in the case of shipments to the armies, had falsely reported imaginary shipwrecks, and even those which they had correctly reported had been brought about by their own trickery, not by accident.
3.10. hi, quia publicum periculum erat a ui tempestatis in iis quae portarentur ad exercitus et ementiti erant falsa naufragia et ea ipsa quae uera renuntiauerant fraude ipsorum facta erant, non casu.
3.11. They would put small cargoes of little value on old, battered vessels, sink them at sea, after taking off the crews in small boats that were in readiness, and then falsely declare that the shipments were far more valuable.
3.11. in ueteres quassasque naues paucis et parui pretii rebus impositis, cum mersissent eas in alto exceptis in praeparatas scaphas nautis, multiplices fuisse merces ementiebantur.
3.12. This dishonesty had been reported in the previous year to Marcus Aemilius, the praetor, and by him brought before the senate, but it was not branded by any decree of the senate, because the senators were unwilling to offend the tax-farmers as a class at such a crisis.
3.12. ea fraus indicata M. Aemilio praetori priore anno fuerat ac per eum ad senatum delata nec tamen ullo senatus consulto notata, quia patres ordinem publicanorum in tali tempore offensum nolebant.
3.13. The people proved a more unsparing avenger of dishonesty; namely, two tribunes of the plebs, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, were at length aroused, and seeing that the affair was unpopular and notorious, imposed a fine of two hundred thousand asses upon Marcus Postumius. When the day for his protest against this fine arrived, the assembly of the commons was so large that the open space on the Capitol could scarcely contain the crowd.
3.13. populus seuerior uindex fraudis erat; excitatique tandem duo tribuni plebis, Sp. et L. Caruilii, cum rem inuisam infamemque cernerent, ducentum milium aeris multam M. Postumio dixerunt.
3.14. After the arguments were concluded, there seemed to be but one hope, namely, if Gaius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the plebs who was a blood-relative of Postumius, should interpose his veto before the tribes should be called to vote.
3.14. cui certandae cum dies aduenisset conciliumque tam frequens plebis adesset ut multitudinem area Capitolii uix caperet, perorata causa una spes uidebatur esse si C. Seruilius Casca tribunus plebis, qui propinquus cognatusque Postumio erat, priusquam ad suffragium tribus uocarentur, intercessisset.
3.16. The tribunes provided witnesses, cleared the people away, and the urn was brought, that they might determine by lot in which tribe the Latins should vote. Meantime the tax-farmers pressed Casca to adjourn that day's hearing before the assembly.
3.16. testibus datis tribuni populum submouerunt sitellaque lata est ut sortirentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent.
3.17. The people protested; and it so happened that the first seat at the end of the platform was occupied by Casca, whose mind was swayed at once by fear and shame.
3.17. interim publicani Cascae instare ut concilio diem eximeret; populus reclamare; et forte in cornu primus sedebat Casca, cui simul metus pudorque animum uersabat.
3.18. Finding in him no sufficient protection, the publicans, in order to prevent action, rushed in a wedge through the space cleared by removal of the crowd, while at the sametime they reviled the people and the tribunes.
3.18. cum in eo parum praesidii esset, turbandae rei causa publicani per uacuum submoto locum cuneo inruperunt iurgantes simul cum populo tribunisque.
3.19. And it had almost come to a battle when Fulvius, the consul, said to the tribunes, “Do you not see that you are reduced to the ranks, and that this means an insurrection if you do not promptly dismiss the popular assembly?”
3.19. nec procul dimicatione res erat cum Fuluius consul tribunis 'nonne uidetis' inquit 'uos in ordinem coactos esse et rem ad seditionem spectare, ni propere dimittitis plebis concilium?'
4.1. The assembly being dismissed, the senate was summoned and the consuls brought up the matter of the disturbance in the popular assembly owing to the violence and audacity of the publicans. Marcus Furius Camillus, it was said, a man whose exile would have been followed by the ruin of the city, had allowed himself to be condemned by the angry citizens; that before his time the decemvirs, under whose laws they were then still living, and later many leading men in the state, had submitted to the judgment of the people in their cases; that Postumius of Pyrgi had wrested the vote from the Roman people, had brought to naught an assembly of the plebs, reduced the tribunes to the ranks, drawn up a battle-line against the Roman people, had taken his position, to separate the tribunes from the people and to prevent the tribes from being summoned to vote. Nothing had restrained men from slaughter and battle but the forbearance of the magistrates in yielding for the moment to the mad audacity of a few men, and in allowing themselves and the Roman people to be worsted, also in that, as regards the voting, which the defendant would have prevented by force of arms, they had of their own accord suspended it, to avoid giving excuse to those eager for the fray. These words were interpreted by all the best citizens as deserved by an outrageous occurrence, and the senate declared that this violence had been employed against the state, setting a dangerous precedent. Thereupon the Carvilii, tribunes of the people, in place of the procedure to fix the amount of the fine, at once named a day for Postumius' appearance on a capital charge, and ordered that if he did not furnish sureties he should be seized by an attendant and taken to prison. Postumius furnished sureties, but did not appear.
4.1. plebe dimissa senatus uocatur et consules referunt de concilio plebis turbato ui atque audacia publicanorum: M. Furium Camillum, cuius exsilium ruina urbis secutura fuerit, damnari se ab iratis ciuibus passum esse; decemuiros ante eum, quorum legibus ad eam diem uiuerent, multos postea principes ciuitatis iudicium de se populi passos; Postumium Pyrgensem suffragium populo Romano extorsisse, concilium plebis sustulisse, tribunos in ordinem coegisse, contra populum Romanum aciem instruxisse, locum occupasse ut tribunos a plebe intercluderet, tribus in suffragium uocari prohiberet. nihil aliud a caede ac dimicatione continuisse homines nisi patientiam magistratuum, quod cesserint in praesentia furori atque audaciae paucorum uincique se ac populum Romanum passi sint et comitia, quae reus ui atque armis prohibiturus erat, ne causa quaerentibus dimicationem daretur, uoluntate ipsi sua sustulerint. haec cum ab optimo quoque pro atrocitate rei accepta essent uimque eam contra rem publicam et pernicioso exemplo factam senatus decresset, confestim Caruilii tribuni plebis omissa multae certatione rei capitalis diem Postumio dixerunt ac ni uades daret prendi a uiatore atque in carcerem duci iusserunt. Postumius uadibus datis non adfuit. tribuni plebem rogauerunt plebesque ita sciuit, si M. Postumius ante kalendas Maias non prodisset citatusque eo die non respondisset neque excusatus esset, uideri eum in exsilio esse bonaque eius uenire, ipsi aqua et igni placere interdici. singulis deinde eorum qui turbae ac tumultus concitatores fuerant, rei capitalis diem dicere ac uades poscere coeperunt. primo non dantes, deinde etiam eos qui dare possent in carcerem coniciebant; cuius rei periculum uitantes plerique in exsilium abierunt. hunc fraus publicanorum, deinde fraudem audacia protegens exitum habuit. comitia inde pontifici maximo creando sunt habita; ea comitia nouus pontifex M. Cornelius Cethegus habuit. tres ingenti certamine petierunt, Q. Fuluius Flaccus consul, qui et ante bis consul et censor fuerat, et T. Manlius Torquatus, et ipse duobus consulatibus et censura insignis, et <P.> Licinius Crassus, qui aedilitatem curulem petiturus erat. hic senes honoratosque iuuenis in eo certamine uicit. ante hunc intra centum annos et uiginti nemo praeter P. Cornelium Calussam pontifex maximus creatus fuerat qui sella curuli non sedisset.
5.5. The tribunes put the question to the plebs and the plebs ordained that, if Marcus Postumius should not appear before the first of May, and on being summoned on that day should not reply nor be excused, it should be understood that he was in exile, and be decided that his property should be sold and himself refused water and fire. The tribunes then began to name a day for the appearance on a capital charge of each of those who had been instigators of riot and sedition, and to demand sureties from them. At first they threw into prison those who did not give security, and then even those who were able to do so. Avoiding this danger many went into exile. V. Such was the outcome of dishonesty on the part of the publicans and of audacity seeking to cover dishonesty. Next was held an election for the choice of a pontifex maximus. This election was conducted by a new pontiff, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus.
5.5. consules dilectum cum aegre conficerent, quod inopia iuniorum non facile in utrumque ut et nouae urbanae legiones et supplementum ueteribus scriberetur sufficiebat, senatus absistere eos incepto uetuit et triumuiros binos creari iussit, alteros qui citra, alteros qui ultra quinquagesimum lapidem in pagis forisque et conciliabulis omnem copiam ingenuorum inspicerent et,
5.7. Three men canvassed with great rivalry: Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, who had been consul twice before and also censor, and Titus Manlius Torquatus, likewise distinguished by two consulships and a censorship, and Publius Licinius Crassus, who was only about to be a candidate for a curule aedileship. This young man defeated in that contest old men who had held high offices. Before him for a hundred and twenty years no one who had not occupied a curule chair had been elected pontifex maximus, except Publius Cornelius Calussa. The consuls were finding it difficult to complete the levy, since the scant supply of young men was hardly sufficient for the two purposes, enrollment of new legions for the city and replacements for the old ones.
5.7. si qui roboris satis ad ferenda arma habere uiderentur, etiamsi nondum militari aetate essent, milites facerent; tribuni plebis, si iis uideretur, ad populum ferrent ut, qui minores septendecim annis sacramento dixissent, iis perinde stipendia procederent ac si septendecim annorum aut maiores milites facti essent.
5.9. The senate accordingly forbade them to give up the attempt and ordered the appointment of two commissions of three officials each, to inspect in rural districts, market-towns and local centres all possible freeborn men within fifty miles, the other beyond that distance, and any that seemed to them strong enough to bear arms, even if not yet of military age, they were to recruit. The tribunes of the plebs, if they should see fit, were to bring before the people a bill that, in the case of those who had taken the military oath at less than seventeen years, their campaigns should run just as if they had been recruited at seventeen years or older. In accordance with this decree of the senate two commissions of three members each were appointed and they conducted the search for freeborn men in the country. At the same time a letter from Marcus Marcellus in Sicily was read in the senate concerning demands of the soldiers serving under Publius Lentulus. This army was the remnant of the disaster at Cannae, and, as has been said above, was relegated to Sicily, not to be brought back to Italy before the end of the Punic War. These men with Lentulus' permission sent their leading knights and centurions and picked men from the infantry of the legions to Marcus Marcellus at his winter quarters as their representatives, and one of them, receiving permission to speak, said:
5.9. ex hoc senatus consulto creati triumuiri bini conquisitionem ingenuorum per agros habuerunt. eodem tempore ex Sicilia litterae M. Marcelli de postulatis militum qui cum P. Lentulo militabant in senatu recitatae sunt. Cannensis reliquiae cladis hic exercitus erat, relegatus in Siciliam, sicut ante dictum est, ne ante Punici belli finem in Italiam reportarentur. hi permissu Lentuli primores equitum centurionumque et robora ex legionibus peditum legatos in hiberna ad M. Marcellum miserunt, e quibus unus potestate dicendi facta:
6.2. “In your consulship, Marcus Marcellus, and in Italy we should have come to you already, directly after the senate made in our case a decree that, if not unjust, was surely severe, had it not been our hope that we were being sent into a province thrown into confusion by the death of its kings, to carry on a serious ” “war against Sicilians and Carthaginians combined, and that by our blood and wounds we were to give satisfaction to the senate, just as in the time of our fathers the ”
6.2. 'consulem te, M. Marcelle, in Italia adissemus, cum primum de nobis, etsi non iniquum, certe triste senatus consultum factum est, nisi hoc sperassemus in prouinciam nos morte regum turbatam ad graue bellum aduersus Siculos simul Poenosque mitti, et sanguine nostro uolneribusque nos senatui satisfacturos esse, sicut patrum memoria qui capti a Pyrrho ad Heracleam erant aduersus Pyrrhum ipsum pugnantes satisfecerunt.
6.4. “men who had been captured by Pyrrhus at Heraclea had done by fighting against Pyrrhus himself.”
6.4. quamquam quod ob meritum nostrum suscensuistis, patres conscripti, nobis aut suscensetis?
6.5. “And yet for what desert of ours have you been angry at us, conscript fathers, or are now angry? It seems that I am looking at both consuls and the entire senate when I look at you, Marcus Marcellus. If we had had you as consul at Cannae the lot of the state, and of ourselves as well, would be a better one.”
6.5. ambo mihi consules et uniuersum senatum intueri uideor, cum te, M. Marcelle, intueor, quem si ad Cannas consulem habuissemus, melior et rei publicae et nostra fortuna esset.
6.6. “Before I complain of our plight, permit us, I pray, to clear ourselves of the offence of which we are charged.” “If it was not by anger of the gods nor by Fate, according to whose law the chain of human events is unalterably linked, but by a fault that we were undone at Cannae, whose fault, pray, was it? Of the soldiers or of the generals? For my part I, a soldier, will never say anything about my general, especially since I know that he was thanked by the senate because he did not lose hope for the ” “state, and that after the flight from Cannae his command was continued year after year.”
6.6. sine, quaeso, priusquam de condicione nostra queror, noxam cuius arguimur nos purgare. si non deum ira nec fato, cuius lege immobilis rerum humanarum ordo seritur, sed culpa periimus ad Cannas, cuius tandem ea culpa fuit? militum an imperatorum? equidem miles nihil unquam dicam de imperatore meo, cui praesertim gratias sciam ab senatu actas quod non desperauerit de re publica, cui post fugam Cannensem per omnes annos prorogatum imperium. ceteros item ex reliquiis cladis eius, quos tribunos militum habuimus, honores petere et gerere et prouincias obtinere audiuimus.
6.9. “The others too who survived that disaster, the men whom we had as our tribunes of the soldiers, canvass for offices, we have heard, and hold them, and govern provinces. Can it be, conscript fathers, that you readily pardon yourselves and your sons, but are cruel to these creatures of no account? And while it was no disgrace to the consul and other leading men in the state to flee, since there was no other hope, did you send your common soldiers into battle to die inevitably?”
6.9. an uobis uestrisque liberis ignoscitis facile, patres conscripti, in haec uilia capita saeuitis? et consuli primoribusque aliis ciuitatis fugere, cum spes alia nulla esset, turpe non fuit, milites utique morituros in aciem misistis? ad Alliam prope omnis exercitus fugit;
6.10. “At the Allia almost the entire army fled; at the Caudine Forks, without even attempting a battle, the army surrendered its weapons to the enemy, not to mention other shameful defeats of armies.”
6.10. ad Furculas Caudinas ne expertus quidem certamen arma tradidit hosti, ut alias pudendas clades exercituum taceam;
6.11. “But so far were men from devising any disgrace for those armies that the city of Rome was recovered by the army which ” “had fled from the Allia over to Veii, and the Caudine legions, which had returned to Rome without their arms, were sent back armed into Samnium and sent under the yoke that same enemy who had exulted in a disgrace now their own.”
6.11. tamen tantum afuit ab eo ut ulla ignominia iis exercitibus quaereretur ut et urbs Roma per eum exercitum qui ab Allia Ueios transfugerat reciperaretur, et Caudinae legiones quae sine armis redierant Romam armatae remissae in Samnium eundem illum hostem sub iugum miserint, qui hac sua ignominia laetatus fuerat.
6.13. “But at Cannae can any one accuse the army of panic and fright, where more than fifty thousand men fell, whence the consul fled with seventy horsemen, and of which no one survives except the man whom the enemy, tired of slaying, spared?”
6.13. Cannensem uero quisquam exercitum fugae aut pauoris insimulare potest, ubi plus quinquaginta milia hominum ceciderunt, unde consul cum equitibus septuaginta fugit, unde nemo superest nisi quem hostis caedendo fessus reliquit?
6.14. “At the time when ransom was refused to captives, men were everywhere praising us because we had saved ourselves for the state, had returned to the consul at Venusia and had formed the semblance of a regular army.”
6.14. cum captiuis redemptio negabatur, nos uolgo homines laudabant quod rei publicae nos reseruassemus quod ad consulem Uenusiam redissemus et speciem iusti exercitus fecissemus;
6.15. “But now we are in a worse situation than in our fathers' time were captives. For in their case only their arms and their rank and the position of their tents when in camp were changed. These, however, they recovered by a single service rendered to the state and one victory.”
6.15. nunc deteriore condicione sumus quam apud patres nostros fuerunt captiui. quippe illis arma tantum atque ordo militandi locusque, in quo tenderent in castris, est mutatus, quae tamen semel nauata rei publicae opera et uno felici proelio reciperarunt;
6.16. “Not one of them was sent into exile, not one of them was deprived of the hope of serving out his term; in fine they were given an enemy, so that in battle with him they might once for all end either life or disgrace.”
6.16. nemo eorum relegatus in exsilium est, nemini spes emerendi stipendia adempta; hostis denique est datus, cum quo dimicantes aut uitam semel aut ignominiam finirent;
6.17. “But we, against whom no charge can be brought except that we are to blame for the survival of any Roman soldier from the battle-line at Cannae, have been sent far away, not only from our native city and Italy, but also from the enemy, that there ” “we may grow old in exile, that we may have no hope, no opportunity of wiping out disgrace, none of appeasing the anger of our citizens, none even of dying bravely.”
6.17. nos, quibus, nisi quod commisimus ut quisquam ex Cannensi acie miles Romanus superesset, nihil obici potest, non solum a patria procul Italiaque sed ab hoste etiam relegati sumus, ubi senescamus in exsilio ne qua spes, ne qua occasio abolendae ignominiae, ne qua placandae ciuium irae, ne qua denique bene moriendi sit.
6.19. “It is neither an end of our disgrace nor a reward for our courage that we ask. Only let us prove our spirit and put our courage into practice. It is for hardship and danger we are asking, that we may do the duty of men and soldiers.”
6.19. neque ignominiae finem nec uirtutis praemium petimus; modo experiri animum et uirtutem exercere liceat. laborem et periculum petimus, ut uirorum, ut militum officio fungamur.
6.20. “The war in Sicily has now been carried on with intensity for two years. Some cities are being stormed by the Carthaginian, some by the Roman.”
6.20. bellum in Sicilia iam alterum annum ingenti dimicatione geritur; urbes alias Poenus, alias Romanus expugnat; peditum, equitum acies concurrunt;
6.21. “Infantry and cavalry clash in battle-line. At Syracuse the war goes on by land and by sea. The cries of men in battle and the din of arms can be heard by us, who are ourselves unemployed and listless, as if we had neither hands nor weapons. With legions of slaves Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, has engaged the enemy again and again in battle formation.”
6.21. ad Syracusas terra marique geritur res; clamorem pugnantium crepitumque armorum exaudimus resides ipsi ac segnes, tamquam nec manus nec arma habeamus. seruorum legionibus Ti. Sempronius consul totiens iam cum hoste signis conlatis pugnauit; operae pretium habent libertatem ciuitatemque.
6.22. “As a reward for their service they have freedom and citizenship. Reckon us at least slaves purchased for this war; let us engage the enemy and by fighting earn freedom. Do you wish, sir, to test our courage on sea, on land, in battle-line, in besieging cities?”
6.22. pro seruis saltem ad hoc bellum emptis uobis simus; congredi cum hoste liceat et pugnando quaerere libertatem. uis tu mari, uis terra, uis acie, uis urbibus oppugnandis experiri uirtutem?
6.23. “We demand all the worst in hardship and danger, in order that what should have been done at Cannae be done as soon as possible, since every day that we have since lived has been marked for disgrace.”
6.23. asperrima quaeque ad laborem periculumque deposcimus, ut quod ad Cannas faciundum fuit quam primum fiat, quoniam quidquid postea uiximus id omne destinatum ignominiae est.'
7.1. At the close of this speech they fell at Marcellus' knees. Marcellus said the matter was neither within his competence nor his authority; he would write to the senate and do everything, according to the opinion of the fathers.
7.1. sub haec dicta ad genua Marcelli procubuerunt. Marcellus id nec iuris nec potestatis suae esse dixit; senatui scripturum se omniaque de sententia patrum facturum esse.
7.2. The letter was delivered to the new consuls and by them read in the senate. And after discussion of the letter the senate decreed as follows:
7.2. eae litterae ad nouos consules allatae ac per eos in senatu recitatae sunt; consultusque de iis litteris ita decreuit senatus:
7.3. that to soldiers who had deserted their comrades in battle at Cannae the senate saw no reason why the welfare of the state should be entrusted.
7.3. militibus, qui ad Cannas commilitones suos pugnantes deseruissent, senatum nihil uidere cur res publica committenda esset.
7.4. If Marcus Claudius, the proconsul, should take a different view, he should do what he thought to accord with the interest of the state and his own conscience, provided that no one of them should be exempt from duties, or be decorated for valour, or be brought back to Italy, so long as the enemy should be in the land of Italy.
7.4. si M. Claudio proconsuli aliter uideretur, faceret quod e re publica fideque sua duceret, dum ne quis eorum munere uacaret neu dono militari uirtutis ergo donaretur neu in Italiam reportaretur donec hostis in terra Italia esset.
7.5. Elections were then held by the praetor urbanus in accordance with a decision of the senate and a plebiscite, and at these there were elected five commissioners for the restoration of the walls and towers, and two boards of three, one to recover sacred vessels and register temple gifts, the other to rebuild the Temple of Fortune and that of Mater Matuta inside Porta Carmentalis, and that of Hope outside the gate —temples that had been destroyed by fire the preceding year.
7.5. comitia deinde a praetore urbano de senatus sententia plebique scitu sunt habita, quibus creatis sunt quinqueuiri muris turribus reficiendis et triumuiri bini, uni sacris conquirendis donisque persignandis, alteri reficiendis aedibus Fortunae et matris Matutae intra portam Carmentalem et Spei extra portam, quae priore anno incendio consumptae fuerant. tempestates foedae fuere;
7.7. There were terrible storms; on the Alban Mount it rained stones steadily for two days. Many things were struck by lightning: two temples on the Capitol, the embankment of the camp above Suessula in many places, and two sentries were killed.
7.7. in Albano monte biduum continenter lapidibus pluuit; tacta de caelo multa, duae in Capitolio aedes, uallum in castris multis locis supra Suessulam, et duo uigiles exanimati;
7.8. At Cumae the wall and certain towers were not merely struck by the bolts but even thrown down. At Reate a huge stone seemed to fly, the sun to be redder than usual and of a bloody colour.
7.8. murus turresque quaedam Cumis non ictae modo fulminibus sed etiam decussae. Reate saxum ingens uisum uolitare, sol rubere solito magis sanguineoque similis.
7.9. On account of these prodigies there was a single day of prayer, and for several days the consuls devoted themselves to religious rites; and about the same time there was a nine days' observance.
7.9. horum prodigiorum causa diem unum supplicatio fuit et per aliquot dies consules rebus diuinis operam dederunt et per eosdem dies sacrum nouendiale fuit.
7.10. While a revolt of the Tarentines had long been hoped for by Hannibal and suspected by the Romans, a reason for expediting the same happened to come from without.
7.10. cum Tarentinorum defectio iam diu et in spe Hannibali et in suspicione Romanis esset, causa forte extrinsecus maturandae eius interuenit.
7.11. Phileas of Tarentum, a man of restless spirit and quite unable to endure the long inactivity in which he seemed to be losing his powers, had been at Rome for a long time, nominally as an ambassador. Thus he found means of access to the hostages from Tarentum and Thurii.
7.11. Phileas Tarentinus diu iam per speciem legationis Romae cum esset, uir inquieti animi et minime otium, quo tum diutino senescere uidebatur, patientis, aditum sibi ad obsides Thurinos <et> Tarentinos inuenit.
7.12. They were kept under guard in the Atrium Libertatis, with less watchfulness because it was to the interest neither of the hostages themselves nor of their states to outwit the Romans. Phileas worked upon them by frequent conferences, and after bribing two temple-wardens brought them out of confinement at nightfall.
7.12. custodiebantur in atrio Libertatis minore cura, quia nec ipsis nec ciuitatibus eorum fallere Romanos expediebat.
7.13. Then he himself fled, sharing their secret journey. At daybreak their flight was reported everywhere in the city, and the men sent to pursue them arrested and brought them all back from Tarracina. They were led into the Comitium, scourged with rods with the approval of the people, and thrown down from the Rock.
7.13. hos crebris conloquiis sollicitatos corruptis aedituis duobus cum primis tenebris custodia eduxisset, ipse comes occulti itineris factus profugit. luce prima uolgata per urbem fuga est missique qui sequerentur ab Tarracina comprensos omnes retraxerunt. deducti in comitium uirgisque approbante populo caesi de saxo deiciuntur.
8.1. The relentlessness of this punishment outraged two of the most important Greek cities in Italy, both as states and personally as well, whenever individuals were connected either by relationship or friendship with those who were so cruelly executed.
8.1. huius atrocitas poenae duarum nobilissimarum in Italia Graecarum ciuitatium animos inritauit cum publice, tum etiam singulos priuatim ut quisque tam foede interemptos aut propinquitate aut amicitia contingebat.
8.3. Of those so connected some thirteen noble youths of Tarentum formed a conspiracy, and Nico and Philemenus were the leaders.
8.3. ex iis tredecim fere nobiles iuuenes Tarentini coniurauerunt, quorum principes Nico et Philemenus erant.
8.4. Thinking that they ought to confer with Hannibal before taking any step, these men left the city by night under pretext of hunting and set out to go to him.
8.4. hi priusquam aliquid mouerent conloquendum cum Hannibale rati, nocte per speciem uenandi urbe egressi ad eum proficiscuntur;
8.5. And when they were not far from his camp, the rest concealed themselves in the woods near the road; but Nico and Philemenus advanced to the outposts, were seized and at their own request brought before Hannibal. After explaining the reasons for their plan and what they were plotting, they were warmly commended and loaded with promises. In order to make their fellow-citizens believe they had left the city to forage, they were bidden to drive to the city cattle belonging to the Carthaginians which had been turned out to graze. Promise was given that they would do so in safety and without a conflict.
8.5. et cum haud procul castris abessent, ceteri silua prope uiam sese occuluerunt, Nico et Philemenus progressi ad stationes comprehensique, ultro id petentes, ad Hannibalem deducti sunt. qui cum et causas consilii sui et quid pararent exposuissent, conlaudati oneratique promissis iubentur, ut fidem popularibus facerent, praedandi causa se urbe egressos, pecora Carthaginiensium quae pastum propulsa essent ad urbem agere;
8.6. The young men's booty attracted attention, and less astonishment was caused by their making the same venture again and again.
8.6. tuto ac sine certamine id facturos promissum est.
8.7. On meeting Hannibal again they had his formal assurance that the Tarentines as free men should have their own laws and all their possessions, and pay no tribute to the Carthaginians nor admit a garrison against their own wish;
8.7. conspecta ea praeda iuuenum est minusque iterum ac saepius id eos audere miraculo fuit.
8.8. that houses occupied by Romans should be handed over, together with the garrison, and be assigned to the Carthaginians. So much agreed upon, Philemenus thereafter made it his more constant habit to leave the city and return to it by night. In fact he was noted for his devotion to the chase, and his hounds and other equipment would follow him. Usually he carried back something he had taken or that the enemy had brought him by agreement, and he would give it either to the commandant or to the gate-guards.
8.8. congressi cum Hannibale rursus fide sanxerunt liberos Tarentinos leges <suas> suaque omnia habituros neque ullum uectigal Poeno pensuros praesidiumue inuitos recepturos; prodita praesidia Carthaginiensium fore. haec ubi conuenerunt, tunc uero Philemenus consuetudinem nocte egrediundi redeundique in urbem frequentiorem facere. et erat uenandi studio insignis, canesque et alius apparatus sequebatur, captumque ferme aliquid aut ab hoste ex praeparato allatum reportans donabat aut praefecto aut custodibus portarum;
8.10. They believed that he came and went preferably by night for fear of the enemy.
8.10. nocte maxime commeare propter metum hostium credebant.
8.11. When the thing had become so habitual that the gate was opened at whatever hour of the night he gave the signal by a whistle, it seemed to Hannibal to be the time for action.
8.11. ubi iam eo consuetudinis adducta res est ut, quocumque noctis tempore sibilo dedisset signum, porta aperiretur, tempus agendae rei Hannibali uisum est.
8.12. He was at a distance of three days' march, and there he played the invalid, that his keeping a fixed camp so long in one and the same place might cause less wonder.
8.12. tridui uiam aberat; ubi, quo minus mirum esset uno eodemque loco statiua eum tam diu habere, aegrum simulabat.
8.13. ' The Romans also on garrison duty at Tarentum had ceased to find such prolonged inaction suspicious.
8.13. Romanis quoque, qui in praesidio Tarenti erant, suspecta esse iam segnis mora eius desierat.
9.1. Once he had determined, however, to go to Tarentum, he picked ten thousand infantry and cavalry —the men whom he thought best suited to the enterprise on account of swiftness of foot and lightness of arms —and at the fourth watch of the night got in motion. And he ordered some eighty Numidian horsemen, who were sent in advance, to scour the country near the roads and keep an eye in every direction, that no farmer in the distance might observe the column without being noticed.
9.1. ceterum postquam Tarentum ire constituit, decem milibus peditum atque equitum, quos in expeditionem uelocitate corporum ac leuitate armorum aptissimos esse ratus est, electis, quarta uigilia noctis signa mouit, praemissisque octoginta fere Numidis equitibus praecepit ut discurrerent circa uias perlustrarentque omnia oculis, ne quis agrestium procul spectator agminis falleret;
9.3. They were to hold up those ahead of them and slay those they met, so that people living near by might have- the impression of foragers rather than of an army.
9.3. praegressos retraherent, obuios occiderent, ut praedonum magis quam exercitus accolis species esset. ipse raptim agmine acto quindecim ferme milium spatio castra ab Tarento posuit;
9.4. He himself, after a forced march, pitched camp at a distance of about fifteen miles from Tarentum. And not even there did he announce whither they were going. He merely summoned the soldiers and bade them all to keep to the road and not allow anyone to turn aside or leave his place in the column; and to be especially alert to hear commands and not to do anything without orders from their officers.
9.4. et ne ibi quidem nuntiato quo pergerent, tantum conuocatos milites monuit uia omnes irent nec deuerti quemquam aut excedere ordine agminis paterentur et in primis intenti ad imperia accipienda essent neu quid nisi ducum iussu facerent; se in tempore editurum quae uellet agi.
9.5. He would in due time inform them what he wished to have done. About the same hour a rumour had preceded him to Tarentum that a- few Numidian horsemen were ravaging the farms and had inspired widespread alarm among the rustics.
9.5. eadem ferme hora Tarentum fama praeuenerat Numidas equites paucos populari agros terroremque late agrestibus iniecisse.
9.6. On receiving this news the Roman commandant was only so far aroused- as -to command part of the cavalry to go out the next day at dawn, in order to prevent depredations of the enemy.
9.6. ad quem nuntium nihil ultra motus praefectus Romanus quam ut partem equitum postero die luce prima iuberet exire ad arcendum populationibus hostem;
9.7. For the rest his attention was so little aroused that on the contrary the raid of the Numidians was to him a proof that Hannibal and the army had not stirred from their camp. Hannibal broke camp early in the night.
9.7. in cetera adeo nihil ab eo intenta cura est ut contra pro argumento fuerit illa procursatio Numidarum Hannibalem exercitumque <e> castris non mouisse. Hannibal concubia nocte mouit.
9.8. His guide was Philemenus with his usual load of game. The rest of the traitors were waiting for acts previously arranged.
9.8. dux Philemenus erat cum solito captae uenationis onere; ceteri proditores ea quae composita erant exspectabant.
9.9. It had been agreed, namely, that Philemenus, as he brought in his game by the usual postern, should lead in armed men, while on another side Hannibal should approach the Temenitis Gate.
9.9. conuenerat autem ut Philemenus portula adsueta uenationem inferens armatos induceret, parte alia portam Temenitida adiret Hannibal;
9.10. That quarter is toward the inland, facing east; tombs occupy a considerable space inside the walls. As he approached the gate the fire signal was given by Hannibal according to agreement, and in reply from Nico the same signal blazed; then on both sides the flames were extinguished. Hannibal was leading his men silently to the gate.
9.10. ea mediterranea regio est orientem spectans; busta aliquantum intra moenia includunt. cum portae adpropinquaret, editus ex composito ignis ab Hannibale est refulsitque idem redditum ab Nicone signum; exstinctae deinde utrimque flammae sunt. Hannibal silentio ducebat ad portam.