---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 23 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 23. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 23. Book XXV · chapters 9–16

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/23/#p-N

[¶0] 9.11. Nico unexpectedly attacks the sleeping sentries in their beds, slays them and opens the gate. Hannibal with his infantry column enters, orders the cavalry to halt, so that they can meet the enemy in the open, in whatever direction the situation may require. And Philemenus on another side of the city was approaching the postern by which he was accustomed to come and go.

> Latin: 9.11. Nico ex improuiso adortus sopitos uigiles in cubilibus suis obtruncat portamque aperit. Hannibal cum peditum agmine ingreditur, equites subsistere iubet ut, quo res postulet occurrere libero campo possent.

[¶1] 9.13. His well-known voice and the now familiar signal having aroused a sentry, the little gate was opened for Philemenus, just as he was saying they could scarcely carry the weight of a huge beast.

> Latin: 9.13. et Philemenus portulae parte alia, qua commeare adsuerat, adpropinquabat. nota uox eius et familiare iam signum cum excitasset uigilem, dicenti uix sustineri grandis bestiae onus portula aperitur.

[¶2] 9.14. While two young men were carrying in the boar, he himself followed them with a huntsman who was unencumbered, and as the sentry, thrown off his guard by its marvellous size, faced the men who were carrying it, Philemenus ran him through with a hunting spear.

> Latin: 9.14. inferentes aprum duos iuuenes secutus ipse cum expedito uenatore uigilem, incautius miraculo magnitudinis in eos qui ferebant uersum, uenabulo traicit.

[¶3] 9.15. Then about thirty armed men entered, cut down the rest of the sentries and broke open the neighbouring gate; and the column with its standards at once rushed in. Thence they were marched in silence to the market-place and joined Hannibal. The Carthaginian then sent two thousand Gauls, divided into three units, through the city, and to each he attached two Tarentines as guides.

> Latin: 9.15. ingressi deinde triginta fere armati ceteros uigiles obtruncant refringuntque portam proximam et agmen sub signis confestim inrupit. inde cum silentio in forum ducti Hannibali sese coniunxerunt. tum duo milia Gallorum Poenus in tres diuisa partes per urbem dimittit;

[¶4] 9.16. He ordered them to occupy the most frequented streets, and when the uproar had begun, to slay the Romans everywhere, to spare the townspeople.

> Latin: 9.16. Tarentinos <iis addit duces binos>; itinera quam maxime frequentia occupari iubet, tumultu orto Romanos passim caedi, oppidanis parci.

[¶5] 9.17. But to make this possible he instructed the young Tarentines, whenever they saw one of their own people in the distance, to bid him be quiet and say nothing and be of good cheer.

> Latin: 9.17. sed ut fieri id posset, praecipit iuuenibus Tarentinis ut, ubi quem suorum procul uidissent, quiescere ac silere ac bono animo esse iuberent.

[¶6] 10.1. Already there was such uproar and shouting as is usual in a captured city, but what it was about no one quite knew for certain.

> Latin: 10.1. iam tumultus erat clamorque qualis esse in capta urbe solet;

[¶7] 10.2. The Tarentines believed the Romans had surprised them, in order to plunder the city; the Romans thought it was some kind of uprising treacherously started by the townspeople.

> Latin: 10.2. sed quid rei esset nemo satis pro certo scire. Tarentini Romanos ad diripiendam urbem credere coortos; Romanis seditio aliqua cum fraude uideri ab oppidanis mota.

[¶8] 10.3. The commandant, aroused by the first uproar, escaped to the harbour; picked up by a skiff, he was rowed around from there to the citadel.

> Latin: 10.3. praefectus primo excitatus tumultu in portum effugit; inde acceptus scapha in arcem circumuehitur.

[¶9] 10.4. Confusion was caused also by the sound of a trumpet from the theatre. For it was a Roman trumpet, furnished by the traitors for this very purpose; and in addition, being unskillfully sounded by a Greek, it left it uncertain who was giving the signal and to whom.

> Latin: 10.4. errorem et tuba audita ex theatro faciebat; nam et Romana erat, a proditoribus ad hoc ipsum praeparata, et inscienter a Graeco inflata quis aut quibus signum daret incertum efficiebat.

[¶10] 10.5. When day broke the Punic and Gallic arms, now recognized, relieved the Romans of their uncertainty, and at the same time the Greeks, seeing slain Romans everywhere, were aware that the city had been captured by Hannibal.

> Latin: 10.5. ubi inluxit, et Romanis Punica et Gallica arma cognita [tum] dubitationem exemerunt, et Graeci Romanos passim caede stratos cernentes, ab Hannibale captam urbem senserunt.

[¶11] 10.6. When it was no longer twilight and the Romans who survived the slaughter had fled to the citadel, and the uproar was gradually being stilled, Hannibal then gave orders to summon the Tarentines without arms.

> Latin: 10.6. postquam lux certior erat et Romani qui caedibus superfuerant in arcem confugerant conticiscebatque paulatim tumultus, tum Hannibal Tarentinos sine armis conuocari iubet.

[¶12] 10.7. They all assembled, except those who had followed the Romans in their retreat to the citadel, to share with them any outcome.

> Latin: 10.7. conuenere omnes, praeterquam qui cedentes in arcem Romanos ad omnem adeundam simul fortunam persecuti fuerant.

[¶13] 10.8. Thereupon Hannibal had kind words for the Tarentines and called to mind what he had done for their fellow-citizens whom he had captured at Lake Trasumennus or at Cannae. At the same time he inveighed against the haughty rule of the Romans and ordered them to go each to his own house and to write his name on the door.

> Latin: 10.8. ibi Hannibal benigne adlocutus Tarentinos testatusque quae praestitisset ciuibus eorum quos ad Trasumennum aut ad Cannas cepisset, simul in dominationem superbam Romanorum inuectus, recipere se in domos suas quemque iussit et foribus nomen suum inscribere;

[¶14] 10.9. He would order that at a given signal such houses as were not marked should at once be plundered. If any one should write his name on the quarters of a Roman citizen —now they were occupying vacant houses —he would regard such a man as an enemy.

> Latin: 10.9. se domos eas quae inscriptae non essent signo extemplo dato diripi iussurum; si quis in hospitio ciuis Romani—uacuas autem tenebant domo— nomen inscripsisset, eum se pro hoste habiturum.

[¶15] 10.10. After the assembly had been dismissed and the marking of doors had distinguished the house of a citizen from that of an enemy, the signal was given and they scattered in all directions to plunder the Roman dwellings; and the booty was considerable.

> Latin: 10.10. contione dimissa cum titulis notatae fores discrimen pacatae ab hostili domo fecissent, signo dato ad diripienda hospitia Romana passim discursum est; et fuit praedae aliquantum.

[¶16] 11.1. On the next day he led his men to an attack upon the citadel. He saw that not only was this defended by very high cliffs on the side towards the sea, which surrounds the larger part of it as a peninsula, but on the side toward the city itself by a wall and a great fosse, and hence could not be taken by assault nor by siege-works. Accordingly, to avoid either keeping himself from larger operations in his effort to protect the Tarentines, or else letting the Romans, whenever they pleased, make an attack from the citadel upon the Tarentines if he left them without a strong garrison, he decided to wall off the city from the citadel by an earthwork.

> Latin: 11.1. postero die ad oppugnandam arcem ducit; quam cum et <a> mari, quo in paene insulae modum pars maior circumluitur, praealtis rupibus et ab ipsa urbe muro et fossa ingenti saeptam uideret eoque nec ui nec operibus expugnabilem esse, ne aut se ipsum cura tuendi Tarentinos a maioribus rebus moraretur aut in relictos sine ualido praesidio Tarentinos impetum ex arce cum uellent Romani facerent, uallo urbem ab arce intersaepire statuit,

[¶17] 11.3. He was not without the hope also that he could engage the Romans if they tried to prevent the work, and that, if they should make a furious sally, the strength of the garrison would be so reduced by serious losses that the Tarentines by themselves could easily defend the city against them.

> Latin: 11.3. non sine illa etiam spe cum prohibentibus opus Romanis manum posse conseri et, si ferocius procucurrissent, magna caede ita attenuari praesidii uires ut facile per se ipsi Tarentini urbem ab iis tueri possent.

[¶18] 11.4. After fortification began, a gate was suddenly opened and the Romans made an attack upon the men at work. And the outpost stationed in advance of the work allowed itself to be driven back, that boldness might grow with success and a larger number might pursue the repulsed and to a greater distance.

> Latin: 11.4. ubi coeptum opus est, patefacta repente porta impetum in munientes fecerunt Romani pellique se statio passa est quae pro opere erat, ut successu cresceret audacia pluresque et longius pulsos persequerentur.

[¶19] 11.5. Then at a given signal the Carthaginians, whom Hannibal had kept drawn up for this purpose, rose up on all sides. And the Romans did not withstand the attack, but limited space and ground obstructed partly by the work already begun, partly by preparations for the work, kept them from a disorderly flight.

> Latin: 11.5. tum signo dato coorti undique Poeni sunt, quos instructos ad hoc Hannibal tenuerat; nec sustinuere impetum Romani; sed ab effusa fuga loci angustiae eos impeditaque alia opere iam coepto, alia apparatu operis morabantur;

[¶20] 11.6. Very many leaped into the fosse, and more were slain in flight than in battle. Then even fortification began to proceed, with no one attempting to prevent.

> Latin: 11.6. plurimi in fossam praecipitauere occisique sunt plures in fuga quam in pugna. inde et opus nullo prohibente fieri coeptum.

[¶21] 11.7. A great fosse was carried along, and inside of it an earthwork was raised; and at a short distance he prepared to add a stone wall likewise in the same direction, so that even without a garrison they could protect themselves against the Romans.

> Latin: 11.7. fossa ingens ducta et uallum intra eam erigitur modicoque post interuallo murum etiam eadem regione addere parat, ut uel sine praesidio tueri se aduersus Romanos possent.

[¶22] 11.8. He did, however, leave a garrison of moderate size, to aid as well in the completion of the wall. He himself set out with the rest of his forces and pitched camp at the river Galaesus, which is five miles from the city.

> Latin: 11.8. reliquit tamen modicum praesidium, simul ut in perficiendo muro adiuuaret: ipse profectus cum ceteris copiis ad Galaesum flumen—quinque milia ab urbe abest—posuit castra.

[¶23] 11.9. On returning from this permanent camp to inspect, inasmuch as the work had progressed with considerably more speed than he had anticipated, he hoped that the citadel also could be taken by storm. And it is not defended by height, as other citadels are, but is on level ground and separated from the city merely by a wall and a fosse.

> Latin: 11.9. ex his statiuis regressus ad inspiciendum quod opus aliquantum opinione eius celerius creuerat, spem cepit etiam arcem expugnari posse. et est non altitudine, ut ceterae, tuta sed loco plano posita et ab urbe muro tantum ac fossa diuisa.

[¶24] 11.10. While the attack was now in progress with engines of every kind and with siege-works, a garrison sent from Metapontum encouraged the Romans to make a surprise attack by night upon the works of the enemy. Some of these they pulled apart, others they ruined by fire; and this was the end of Hannibal's attack upon the citadel from that side.

> Latin: 11.10. cum iam machinationum omni genere et operibus oppugnaretur, missum a Metaponto praesidium Romanis fecit animum ut nocte ex improuiso opera hostium inuaderent. alia disiecerunt, alia igni corruperunt, isque finis Hannibali fuit ea parte arcem oppugnandi.

[¶25] 11.11. His remaining hope was in a blockade, and that was not very effectual, because the occupants of the citadel, which is situated on a peninsula and commands the harbour mouth, had the sea at their disposal, while the city on the other hand was shut off from supplies by sea and the besiegers were nearer to starvation than the besieged.

> Latin: 11.11. reliqua erat in obsidione spes nec ea satis efficax, quia arcem tenentes, quae in paene insula posita imminet faucibus portus, mare liberum habebant, urbs contra exclusa maritimis commeatibus propiusque inopiam erant obsidentes quam obsessi.

[¶26] 11.12. Hannibal summoned the leading men of Tarentum and laid before them all the difficulties of the situation, saying that he neither saw a way to take so well fortified a citadel by storm, nor had any hope in a blockade, so long as the enemy had command of the sea.

> Latin: 11.12. Hannibal conuocatis principibus Tarentinis omnes praesentes difficultates exposuit: neque arcis tam munitae expugnandae cernere uiam neque in obsidione quicquam habere spei donec mari hostes potiantur; quod si naues sint, quibus commeatus inuehi prohibeat, extemplo aut abscessuros aut dedituros se hostes.

[¶27] 11.14. But if he should have ships with which to prevent the bringing in of supplies, the enemy would at once either withdraw from the citadel or surrender. The Tarentines assented, but thought that the giver of advice must give aid also to carry it out.

> Latin: 11.14. adsentiebantur Tarentini; ceterum ei qui consilium adferret opem quoque in eam rem adferendam censebant esse. Punicas enim naues ex Sicilia accitas id posse facere:

[¶28] 11.15. For Carthaginian ships, summoned from Sicily, they said, could do it. As for their own ships, which were shut up inside a very small bay, while the enemy held the key to the harbour, how were they to get out into the open sea?

> Latin: 11.15. suas, quae sinu exiguo intus inclusae essent, cum claustra portus hostis haberet, quem ad modum inde in apertum mare euasuras?

[¶29] 11.16. “They will get out”, said Hannibal; “many things which are naturally difficult are solved by ingenuity. You have a city situated in a plain.”

> Latin: 11.16. 'euadent' inquit Hannibal. 'multa, quae impedita natura sunt, consilio expediuntur. urbem in campo sitam habetis; planae et satis latae uiae patent in omnes partes.

[¶30] 11.17. “Level streets of ample breadth lead in all directions. Along the street that is carried across from the harbour through the centre of the city to the sea I shall transport ships on wagons with no great difficulty, and the sea, which the enemy now possess, will be ours, and we shall besiege the citadel on that side by sea, on this side by land; or rather we shall soon either take it, abandoned by the enemy, or take it enemy and all.”

> Latin: 11.17. uia, quae ex portu per mediam urbem ad mare transmissa est, plaustris transueham naues haud magna mole et mare nostrum erit, quo nunc hostes potiuntur, et illinc mari, hinc terra circumsedebimus arcem; immo breui aut relictam ab hostibus aut cum ipsis hostibus capiemus.'

[¶31] 11.18. This speech produced not merely the hope of success, but great admiration for the general as well. At once wagons were assembled from everywhere and joined together, and the tackle brought to draw up the ships, and the roadway paved, that the wagons might be easier to move, and the difficulty of transport lessened.

> Latin: 11.18. haec oratio non spem modo effectus sed ingentem etiam ducis admirationem fecit. contracta extemplo undique plaustra iunctaque inter se et machinae ad subducendas naues admotae munitumque inter quo faciliora plaustra minorque moles in transitu esset.

[¶32] 11.19. Then mules and men were brought together and the work was begun with energy. And so a few days later a fleet furnished and equipped sailed around the citadel and cast anchor at the very mouth of the harbour.

> Latin: 11.19. iumenta inde et homines contracti et opus impigre coeptum; paucosque post dies classis instructa ac parata circumuehitur arcem et ante os ipsum portus ancoras iacit.

[¶33] 11.20. Such was the state of things which Hannibal left at Tarentum when he himself returned to his winter quarters. But whether the rebellion of the Tarentines took place in the previous year or in this year, authorities differ. More of them and those nearer in time to men who remembered the events relate that it occurred in this year.

> Latin: 11.20. hunc statum rerum Hannibal Tarenti relinquit, regressus ipse in hiberna. ceterum defectio Tarentinorum utrum priore anno an hoc facta sit, in diuersum auctores trahunt; plures propioresque aetate memoriae rerum hoc anno factam tradunt.

[¶34] 12.1. At Rome the consuls and praetors were detained by the Latin festival until the 26th of April.

> Latin: 12.1. Romae consules praetoresque usque <ad> ante diem quintum kalendas Maias Latinae tenuerunt;

[¶35] 12.2. After performing the rites on that day on the Mount, each set out for his assignment. Then fresh religious scruples were aroused by the verses of Marcius.

> Latin: 12.2. eo die perpetrato sacro in monte in suas quisque prouincias proficiscuntur. religio deinde noua obiecta est ex carminibus Marcianis.

[¶36] 12.3. A noted seer had been this Marcius, and when in the preceding year search was being made by decree of the senate for such books, they had come into the hands of Marcus Aemilius, the praetor urbanus, who was in charge of the matter. He had immediately turned them over to the new praetor, Sulla.

> Latin: 12.3. uates hic Marcius inlustris fuerat, et cum conquisitio priore anno ex senatus consulto talium librorum fieret, in M. Aemili praetoris [urbem], qui eam rem agebat, manus uenerant; is protinus nouo praetori Sullae tradiderat.

[¶37] 12.4. Of the two prophecies of this Marcius the authority of one, made known after the event, was confirmed by the outcome and lent credibility to the other also, whose time had not yet come.

> Latin: 12.4. ex huius Marci duobus carminibus alterius post rem actam editi comperto auctoritas euentu alteri quoque, cuius nondum tempus uenerat, adferebat fidem.

[¶38] 12.5. In the earlier prophecy the disaster at Cannae had been predicted in such terms as these: “Flee the river Canna, thou descendant of Troy, that foreigners may not compel thee to do battle in the Plain of Diomed.”

> Latin: 12.5. priore carmine Cannensis praedicta clades in haec fere uerba erat: 'amnem, Troiugena, fuge Cannam, ne te alienigenae cogant in campo Diomedis conserere manus.

[¶39] 12.6. “But thou wilt not believe me until thou hast filled the plain with blood, and many thousands of thy slain will the river bear from the fruitful land down to the great sea. To fishes and birds and beasts that dwell on the land thy flesh shall be meat. For thus hath Jupiter declared to me.”

> Latin: 12.6. sed neque credes tu mihi, donec compleris sanguine campum, multaque milia occisa tua deferet amnis in pontum magnum ex terra frugifera; piscibus atque auibus ferisque quae incolunt terras iis fuat esca caro tua; nam mihi ita Iuppiter fatus est.'

[¶40] 12.7. And those who had fought in that region recognized the plains of the Argive Diomed and the river Canna no less than the disaster itself. Then the second prophecy was read, being not only more obscure because the future is more uncertain than the past, but more difficult also in the way it was written.

> Latin: 12.7. et Diomedis Argiui campos et Cannam flumen ii qui militauerant in iis locis iuxta atque ipsam cladem agnoscebant. tum alterum carmen recitatum, non eo tantum obscurius quia incertiora futura praeteritis sunt sed perplexius etiam scripturae genere.

[¶41] 12.9. “If you wish, Romans, to drive out enemies, the sore which has come from afar, I propose that a festival be vowed to Apollo, to be observed with good cheer in honour of Apollo every year. When the people shall have given a part out of the treasury, private citizens shall contribute on their own behalf and that of their families.”

> Latin: 12.9. 'hostes, Romani, si ex agro expellere uoltis, uomicam quae gentium uenit longe, Apollini uouendos censeo ludos qui quotannis comiter Apollini fiant; cum populus dederit ex publico partem, priuati uti conferant pro se atque suis;

[¶42] 12.10. “In charge of the conduct of that festival shall be the praetor who is then chief judge for the people and the commons. The decemvirs shall offer the victims according to Greek rite. If ye will do this rightly ye shall forever rejoice, and your state will change for the better. For that god who graciously nurtures your meadows will destroy your enemies.” For the interpretation of the prophecy they took one day.

> Latin: 12.10. iis ludis faciendis praesit praetor is quis ius populo plebeique dabit summum; decemuiri Graeco ritu hostiis sacra faciant. hoc si recte facietis, gaudebitis semper fietque res uestra melior; nam is deum exstinguet perduelles uestros qui uestros campos pascit placide.'

[¶43] 12.11. On the next day the senate made a decree that in regard to the festival to be held and the sacrifices in honour of Apollo the decemvirs should consult the books.

> Latin: 12.11. ad id carmen expiandum diem unum sumpserunt; postero die senatus consultum factum est ut decemuiri libros de ludis Apollini reque diuina facienda inspicerent.

[¶44] 12.12. Those passages having been consulted and reported to the senate, the fathers voted that a festival should be vowed and held in honour of Apollo, and after the festival had been held the sum of twelve thousand asses should be given to the praetor for the ceremonies, and two full-grown victims.

> Latin: 12.12. ea cum inspecta relataque ad senatum essent, censuerunt patres Apollini ludos uouendos faciendosque et quando ludi facti essent, duodecim milia aeris praetori ad rem diuinam et duas hostias maiores dandas.

[¶45] 12.13. A second decree of the senate was made, that the decemvirs should offer sacrifice according to Greek rite and with these victims: to Apollo an ox with gilded horns and two white she-goats with gilded horns, to Latona a cow with gilded horns.

> Latin: 12.13. alterum senatus consultum factum est ut decemuiri sacrum Graeco ritu facerent hisce hostiis, Apollini boue aurato et capris duabus albis auratis, Latonae boue femina aurata.

[¶46] 12.14. When the praetor was about to open the festival in the Circus Maximus, he ordered by edict that during that feast the people should make their contribution to Apollo according to their means.

> Latin: 12.14. ludos praetor in circo maximo cum facturus esset, edixit ut populus per eos ludos stipem Apollini quantam commodum esset conferret.

[¶47] 12.15. Such is the origin of the festival of Apollo, vowed and kept to secure victory, not health, as most think. The people wore garlands at the spectacles, the matrons offered prayers, everybody feasted in the atrium with open doors, and the day was kept with every kind of ceremony.

> Latin: 12.15. haec est origo ludorum Apollinarium, uictoriae, non ualetudinis ergo ut plerique rentur, uotorum factorumque. populus coronatus spectauit, matronae supplicauere; uolgo apertis ianuis in propatulo epulati sunt celeberque dies omni caerimoniarum genere fuit.

[¶48] 13.1. While Hannibal was near Tarentum, and both consuls were in Samnium but seemed about to invest Capua, already the Campanians were suffering hunger (the usual hardship of a long investment), because the Roman armies had prevented them from sowing.

> Latin: 13.1. cum Hannibal circa Tarentum, consules ambo in Samnio essent sed circumsessuri Capuam uiderentur, quod malum diuturnae obsidionis esse solet, iam famem Campani sentiebant, quia sementem facere prohibuerant eos Romani exercitus.

[¶49] 13.2. And so they sent legates to Hannibal, praying that, before the consuls should lead the legions into their lands and all the roads should be blocked by forces of the enemy, he should order grain to be brought from neighbouring places to Capua.

> Latin: 13.2. itaque legatos ad Hannibalem miserunt orantes ut priusquam consules in agros suos educerent legiones uiaeque omnes hostium praesidiis insiderentur, frumentum ex propinquis locis conuehi iuberet Capuam.

[¶50] 13.3. Hannibal ordered Hanno to march with his army from the land of the Bruttii over into Campania, and to see to it that the Campanians should have a supply of grain.

> Latin: 13.3. Hannibal Hannonem ex Bruttiis cum exercitu in Campaniam transire et dare operam ut frumenti copia fieret Campanis iussit.

[¶51] 13.4. Hanno set out from the land of the Bruttii with his army, avoided camps of the enemy and the consuls, who were in Samnium, and when he was now nearing Beneventum, pitched camp on high ground three miles from the city itself.

> Latin: 13.4. Hanno ex Bruttiis profectus cum exercitu, uitabundus castra hostium consulesque qui in Samnio erant, cum Beneuento iam appropinquaret, tria milia passuum ab ipsa urbe loco edito castra posuit;

[¶52] 13.5. Then he ordered grain to be brought into camp from allied peoples of the neighbourhood, among whom it had been garnered in the summer; and he furnished troops to escort the supplies.

> Latin: 13.5. inde ex sociis circa populis quo aestate comportatum erat deuehi frumentum in castra iussit praesidiis datis quae commeatus eos prosequerentur.

[¶53] 13.6. Then he sent word to Capua, naming a day on which they should appear at the camp to get their grain, after bringing together from the farms on all sides every kind of vehicle and beast of burden.

> Latin: 13.6. Capuam inde nuntium misit qua die in castris ad accipiendum frumentum praesto essent omni undique genere uehiculorum iumentorumque ex agris contracto.

[¶54] 13.7. This order was carried out by the Campanians with their usual carelessness and indifference. Little more than four hundred vehicles were sent, and a few beasts of burden besides. For this they were censured by Hanno, that not even hunger, which, as he said, inflames even dumb brutes, could spur their diligence; and another day was assigned for getting their grain with ampler means of transport.

> Latin: 13.7. id pro cetera socordia neglegentiaque a Campanis actum; paulo plus quadringenta uehicula missa et pauca praeterea iumenta. ob id castigatis ab Hannone quod ne fames quidem, quae mutas accenderet bestias, curam eorum stimulare posset alia prodicta dies ad frumentum maiore apparatu petendum.

[¶55] 13.8. When all this was reported, just as it happened, to the Beneventans, they at once sent ten legates to the consuls, the camp of the Romans being near Bovianum.

> Latin: 13.8. ea omnia, sicut acta erant, cum enuntiata Beneuentanis essent, legatos decem extemplo ad consules—circa Bouianum castra Romanorum erant—miserunt.

[¶56] 13.9. The consuls, on hearing what was going on near Capua, mutually arranged that one of them should lead his army into Campania, and Fulvius, to whom that assignment had fallen, set out and entered the walls of Beneventum at night.

> Latin: 13.9. qui cum auditis quae ad Capuam agerentur inter se comparassent ut alter in Campaniam exercitum duceret, Fuluius, cui ea prouincia obuenerat, profectus nocte Beneuenti moenia est ingressus.

[¶57] 13.10. Being near now, he learned that Hanno had gone with a part of his army to procure grain; that through his quaestor grain had been furnished to the Campanians; that two thousand wagons and in addition a mixed and unarmed multitude had arrived; that everything was being done in confusion and excitement, and that the arrangement of the camp and military routine had been broken down by the influx of rustics, foreigners at that.

> Latin: 13.10. ex propinquo cognoscit Hannonem cum exercitus parte profectum frumentatum; per quaestorem Campanis datum frumentum; duo milia plaustrorum, inconditam inermemque aliam turbam aduenisse; per tumultum ac trepidationem omnia agi, castrorumque formam et militarem ordinem immixtis agrestibus [iis] externis sublatum. his satis compertis, consul militibus edicit, signa tantum armaque in proximam noctem expedirent;

[¶58] 13.11. These facts being sufficiently established, the consul ordered the soldiers to make ready their standards and arms, and nothing else, for the following night; they must attack the Carthaginian camp. Setting out at the fourth watch, leaving all their packs and baggage at Beneventum, they reached the camp shortly before daylight and inspired such panic that, if the camp had been placed on level ground, it could undoubtedly have been taken by the first assault.

> Latin: 13.11. castra Punica oppugnanda esse. quarta uigilia profecti sarcinis omnibus impedimentisque Beneuenti relictis, paulo ante lucem cum ad castra peruenissent, tantum pauoris iniecerunt ut, si in plano castra posita essent, haud dubie primo impetu capi potuerint.

[¶59] 13.13. The lofty situation protected it, also the fortifications, which could not be approached from any side except by a steep and difficult slope.

> Latin: 13.13. altitudo loci et munimenta defendere quae nulla ex parte adiri nisi arduo ac difficili adscensu poterant.

[¶60] 13.14. At daybreak a great battle blazed up. And the Carthaginians not only defended the earthwork but, as they had the more favourable situation, pushed down the enemy struggling up the steep slope.

> Latin: 13.14. luce prima proelium ingens accensum est. nec uallum modo tutantur Poeni sed, ut quibus locus aequior esset, deturbant nitentes per ardua hostes.

[¶61] 14.1. Nevertheless obstinate courage surmounted everything, and so the earthwork and the trenches were reached in several places at once, but with many wounds and heavy loss of men.

> Latin: 14.1. uincit tamen omnia pertinax uirtus, et aliquot simul partibus ad uallum ac fossas peruentum est sed cum multis uolneribus ac militum pernicie.

[¶62] 14.2. Accordingly the consul called together his lieutenants and tribunes of the soldiers and told them he must give up his rash undertaking; that it seemed to him safer to lead the army back that day to Beneventum, and then on the following day to pitch camp close to that of the enemy, so that the Campanians might not be able to leave it nor Hanno to return.

> Latin: 14.2. itaque conuocatis <legatis> tribunisque militum consul absistendum temerario incepto ait; tutius sibi uideri reduci eo die exercitum Beneuentum, dein postero <castra> castris hostium iungi, ne exire inde Campani neue Hanno regredi posset;

[¶63] 14.3. To accomplish that more readily, he would summon his colleague also and his army, and they would focus the entire war upon that point. These plans of the general were disrupted, when he was already sounding the recall, by the shouts of the soldiers rejecting an order so lacking in spirit.

> Latin: 14.3. id quo facilius obtineatur, collegam quoque et exercitum eius se acciturum totumque eo uersuros bellum. haec consilia ducis, cum iam receptui caneret, clamor militum aspernantium tam segne imperium disiecit.

[¶64] 14.4. Nearest to the enemy happened to be a Paelignian cohort, whose prefect Vibius Accaus seized the banner and threw it over the enemy's earthwork.

> Latin: 14.4. proxima forte [hostium] erat cohors Paeligna, cuius praefectus Uibius Accaus arreptum uexillum trans uallum hostium traiecit.

[¶65] 14.5. Then, with a curse upon himself and the cohort if the enemy should get possession of that banner, he was himself the first to dash over the trench and wall into the camp.

> Latin: 14.5. exsecratus inde seque et cohortem si eius uexilli hostes potiti essent, princeps ipse per fossam uallumque in castra inrupit.

[¶66] 14.6. And already the Paelignians were fighting inside the wall, when from the other side of the camp, while Valerius Flaccus, tribune of the soldiers of the third legion, was reproaching the Romans for their cowardice in yielding to allies the honour of capturing the camp, Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the principes, took a standard away from the standard-bearer and said “This standard and this centurion will in a moment be inside the enemy's wall.”

> Latin: 14.6. iamque intra uallum Paeligni pugnabant, cum altera parte, Ualerio Flacco tribuno militum tertiae legionis exprobrante Romanis ignauiam qui sociis captorum castrorum concederent decus, T. Pedanius princeps primus centurio, cum signifero signum ademisset, 'iam hoc signum et hic centurio' inquit 'intra uallum hostium erit;

[¶67] 14.7. “Let those follow who are to prevent the standard from being captured by the enemy.”

> Latin: 14.7. sequantur qui capi signum ab hoste prohibituri sunt.' manipulares sui primum transcendentem fossam, dein legio tota secuta est.

[¶68] 14.8. First the men of his own maniple followed him as he crossed the trench, then the whole legion. And now the consul at the sight of men crossing the wall changed his plan, turned from recalling his soldiers to arousing and encouraging them, and pointed out to them in what a critical and perilous situation were the bravest cohort of the allies and a legion of their fellow-citizens.

> Latin: 14.8. iam et consul ad conspectum transgredientium uallum mutato consilio ab reuocando[que] ad incitandos hortandosque uersus milites, ostendere in quanto discrimine ac periculo fortissima cohors sociorum et ciuium legio esset.

[¶69] 14.9. And so, each doing his best, over ground favourable and unfavourable, while javelins were being hurled from every side and the enemy were interposing weapons and their bodies, they made their way and burst in. Many wounded men, even those whose strength and blood were ebbing, strove to fall inside the enemy's wall.

> Latin: 14.9. itaque pro se quisque omnes per aequa atque iniqua loca, cum undique tela conicerentur armaque et corpora hostes obicerent, peruadunt inrumpuntque; multi uolnerati etiam quos uires et sanguis desereret, ut intra uallum hostium caderent nitebantur;

[¶70] 14.10. And so in a moment's time the camp was captured, just as if pitched on level ground and not strongly fortified. Then came slaughter, no longer mere battle, since everything inside the wall was in confusion. Over six thousand of the enemy were slain, over seven thousand men captured, including the Campanians who came for grain, and the entire train of wagons and mules.

> Latin: 14.10. capta itaque momento temporis uelut in plano sita nec permunita castra. caedes inde, non iam pugna erat omnibus intra uallum permixtis. supra sex milia hostium occisa, supra septem milia capitum cum frumentatoribus Campanis omnique plaustrorum et iumentorum apparatu capta;

[¶71] 14.11. In addition there was the immense booty which Hanno, having set out to plunder far and wide, had taken from farms of allies of the Roman people.

> Latin: 14.11. et alia ingens praeda fuit quam Hanno, populabundus passim cum isset, ex sociorum populi Romani agris traxerat.

[¶72] 14.12. Then after destroying the enemy's camp they returned to Beneventum, and there the two consuls —for Appius Claudius came there a few days late —sold and divided the booty.

> Latin: 14.12. inde deletis hostium castris Beneuentum reditum praedamque ibi ambo consules—nam et Ap. Claudius eo post paucos dies uenit—uendiderunt diuiseruntque.

[¶73] 14.13. And the men by whose efforts the camp of the enemy had been captured, were rewarded, first of all Accaus the Paelignian and Titus Pedanius, first centurion of the third legion.

> Latin: 14.13. et donati quorum opera castra hostium capta erant, ante alios Accaus Paelignus et T. Pedanius, princeps tertiae legionis.

[¶74] 14.14. Hanno, leaving Cominium Ocritum, where he received news of the disaster at the camp, with the few men he happened to have with him to get grain, returned in what resembled a flight rather than a march to the land of the Bruttii.

> Latin: 14.14. Hanno ab Cominio Ocrito, quo nuntiata castrorum clades est, cum paucis frumentatoribus quos forte secum habuerat fugae magis quam itineris modo in Bruttios rediit.

[¶75] 15.1. And the Campanians, hearing of what was a disaster as much to themselves as to their allies, sent legates to Hannibal to report that the two consuls were at Beneventum, a day's march from Capua; that the war was all but at their gates and walls; and that, if he did not come to their aid in haste, Capua would fall into the power of the enemy more promptly than Arpi.

> Latin: 15.1. et [legati] Campani, audita sua pariter sociorumque clade legatos ad Hannibalem miserunt qui nuntiarent duos consules ad Beneuentum esse, diei iter a Capua; tantum non ad portas et muros bellum esse; ni propere subueniat, celerius Capuam quam Arpos in potestatem hostium uenturam.

[¶76] 15.2. They said that not even Tarentum, to say nothing of its citadel, ought to be of such importance that he should hand over to the Roman people the deserted and undefended Capua, which he had usually compared with Carthage.

> Latin: 15.2. ne Tarentum quidem, non modo arcem, tanti debere esse ut Capuam, quam Carthagini aequare sit solitus, desertam indefensamque populo Romano tradat.

[¶77] 15.3. Hannibal, promising that the Campanian cause would be his concern, for the present sent two thousand horsemen with his lieutenants, that with this force they might be able to protect their farms from devastation.

> Latin: 15.3. Hannibal, curae sibi fore rem Campanam pollicitus, in praesentia duo milia equitum cum legatis mittit quo praesidio agros populationibus possent prohibere.

[¶78] 15.4. The Romans meantime were concerned among other things for the citadel of Tarentum and the garrison there besieged. Gaius Servilius, who as lieutenant had been sent by Publius Cornelius, the praetor, into Etruria by authority of the senate to purchase grain, made his way through the enemy's blockade into the harbour of Tarentum with a number of shiploads.

> Latin: 15.4. Romanis interim, sicut aliarum rerum, arcis Tarentinae praesidiique quod ibi obsideretur cura est. C. Seruilius legatus, ex auctoritate patrum a P. Cornelio praetore in Etruriam ad frumentum coemendum missus, cum aliquot nauibus onustis in portum Tarentinum inter hostium custodias peruenit.

[¶79] 15.5. Thanks to his coming, the men who until then in their faint hope had often been invited by the enemy in parleys to change sides were actually inviting and urging the enemy to change sides. And the garrison was in fact strong enough, now that soldiers who were at Metapontum had been transferred to defend the citadel of Tarentum.

> Latin: 15.5. cuius aduentu qui ante in exigua spe uocati saepe ad transitionem ab hostibus per conloquia erant ultro ad transeundum hostes uocabant sollicitabantque. et erat satis ualidum praesidium traductis ad arcem Tarenti tuendam qui Metaponti erant militibus.

[¶80] 15.6. Accordingly the Metapontines were at once relieved of the fear by which they were restrained, and went over to Hannibal. The Thurians also, on the same coast, did the same.

> Latin: 15.6. itaque Metapontini extemplo metu quo tenebantur liberati ad Hannibalem defecere. hoc idem eadem ora maris et Thurini fecerunt.

[¶81] 15.7. What impelled them was not more the revolt of the Tarentines and that of the Metapontines, with whom they were linked by blood as well, being sprung from the same Achaia than anger against the Romans on account of the recent execution of the hostages.

> Latin: 15.7. mouit eos non Tarentinorum magis defectio Metapontinorumque, quibus indidem ex Achaia oriundi etiam cognatione iuncti erant, quam ira in Romanos propter obsides nuper interfectos.

[¶82] 15.8. Friends and relatives of these sent a letter and messengers to Hanno and Mago, who were not far away in the land of the Bruttii, saying that, if they should bring up an army to their walls, they would themselves deliver the city into their power.

> Latin: 15.8. eorum amici cognatique litteras ac nuntios ad Hannonem Magonemque, qui in propinquo in Bruttiis erant, miserunt, si exercitum ad moenia admouissent, se in potestatem eorum urbem tradituros esse.

[¶83] 15.9. Marcus Atinius was in command at Thurii with a garrison of moderate size, and they thought that he could easily be tempted to dash rashly into battle, from his confidence not so much in his soldiers, of whom he had very few, as in the young men of Thurii. He had purposely organized them in centuries and armed them with a view to such emergencies.

> Latin: 15.9. M. Atinius Thuriis cum modico praesidio praeerat, quem facile elici ad certamen temere ineundum rebantur posse, non militum quos perpaucos habebat fiducia quam iuuentutis Thurinae; eam ex industria centuriauerat armaueratque ad tales casus.

[¶84] 15.10. The Carthaginian generals divided their forces between them and, on entering the territory of Thurii, Hanno, with the infantry column ready to attack, proceeded to the city. Mago with the cavalry halted under cover of hills conveniently interposed to conceal an ambuscade.

> Latin: 15.10. diuisis copiis inter se duces Poeni cum agrum Thurinum ingressi essent, Hanno cum peditum agmine infestis signis ire ad urbem pergit, Mago cum equitatu tectus collibus ap<te ad> tegendas insidias oppositis subsistit.

[¶85] 15.11. Atinius, informed of the infantry column alone by scouts, led his troops out into line, he being unaware both of the conspiracy within and of the enemy's ambuscade.

> Latin: 15.11. Atinius peditum tantum agmine per exploratores comperto in aciem copias educit, et fraudis intestinae et hostium insidiarum ignarus.

[¶86] 15.12. The infantry battle was very lacking in spirit, for only a few Romans were fighting in the front line, and the men of Thurii were awaiting the outcome, rather than contributing to it. And the Carthaginian line purposely retreated, in order to draw the heedless enemy to the other side of the hill occupied by their own cavalry.

> Latin: 15.12. pedestre proelium fuit persegne paucis in prima acie pugnantibus Romanis, Thurinis exspectantibus magis quam adiuuantibus euentum; et Carthaginiensium acies de industria pedem referebat, ut ad terga collis ab equite suo insessi hostem incautum pertraheret.

[¶87] 15.13. When they reached the place, the cavalry, suddenly attacking with a shout, at once put to flight the mass of the Thurians, which was 399 almost undisciplined and not entirely loyal to the side on which they were fighting. The Romans, though surrounded and hard pressed on one side by the infantry, on the other by the cavalry, nevertheless kept on fighting for some time.

> Latin: 15.13. quo ubi est uentum, coorti cum clamore equites prope inconditam Thurinorum turbam nec satis fido animo unde pugnabat stantem extemplo in fugam auerterunt. Romani, quamquam circumuentos hinc pedes, hinc eques urgebat, tamen aliquamdiu pugnam traxere;

[¶88] 15.14. Finally they also faced about and fled to the city.

> Latin: 15.14. postremo et ipsi terga uertunt atque ad urbem fugiunt.

[¶89] 15.15. There the traitors massed together and admitted the column of their citizens through wide-open gates; but when they saw the routed Romans moving toward the city, they shouted that the Carthaginian was upon them, and unless they hastily closed the gates the enemy also, mingling with them, would make their way into the city.

> Latin: 15.15. ibi proditores conglobati cum popularium agmen patentibus portis accepissent, ubi Romanos fusos ad urbem ferri uiderunt, conclamant instare Poenum permixtosque et hostes urbem inuasuros ni propere portas claudant.

[¶90] 15.16. Thus they shut out the Romans and left them to be slain by the enemy. Atinius, however, with a few men was admitted. Then for a short time dissension continued, the other party being of the opinion that they must yield to destiny and surrender the city to the victors.

> Latin: 15.16. ita exclusos Romanos praebuere hosti ad caedem; Atinius tamen cum paucis receptus. seditio inde paulisper tenuit, cum [inde] alii cedendum fortunae et tradendam urbem uictoribus censerent.

[¶91] 15.17. But, as usual, chance and bad advice prevailed. Atinius and his men were brought down to the sea and ships, more because they wished his personal safety, on account of his mild and just rule over them, than out of regard for the Romans, and then they admitted the Carthaginians to the city.

> Latin: 15.17. ceterum, ut plerumque, fortuna et consilia mala uicerunt; Atinio cum suis ad mare ac naues deducto, magis quia ipsi ob imperium in se mite ac iustum consultum uolebant quam respectu Romanorum, Carthaginienses in urbem accipiunt.

[¶92] 15.18. The consuls led their legions from Beneventum into the Campanian territory, not merely to ruin the grain, which was by now green, but also to besiege Capua. They thought to make theirs a notable consulship by the destruction of so rich a city, and at the same time to remove a great disgrace from the empire, in that the revolt of a city so near had been unpunished for three years.

> Latin: 15.18. consules a Beneuento in Campanum agrum legiones ducunt non ad frumenta modo, quae iam in herbis erant, corrumpenda sed ad Capuam oppugnandam, nobilem se consulatum tam opulentae urbis excidio rati facturos, simul et ingens flagitium imperio dempturos, quod urbi tam propinquae tertium annum impunita defectio esset.

[¶93] 15.20. But, not to leave Beneventum without a garrison, and, with a view to emergencies, if Hannibal should come to Capua, as they had no doubt he would do, to lend aid to his allies, in order that they might be able to withstand the attack of his cavalry, they ordered Tiberius Gracchus to come from Lucania with his cavalry and light-armed troops to Beneventum. He was to put some one in command of the legions and permanent camps, in order to control the situation in Lucania.

> Latin: 15.20. ceterum ne Beneuentum sine praesidio esset et ut ad subita belli, si Hannibal, quod facturum haud dubitabant, ad opem ferendam sociis Capuam uenisset, equitis uim sustinere possent, Ti. Gracchum ex Lucanis cum equitatu ac leui armatura Beneuentum uenire iubent; legionibus statiuisque ad obtinendas res in Lucanis aliquem praeficeret.

[¶94] 16.1. As Gracchus was sacrificing before leaving Lucania, an unfavourable portent occurred.

> Latin: 16.1. Graccho, priusquam ex Lucanis moueret, sacrificanti triste prodigium factum est.

[¶95] 16.2. After the slaying of the victim two snakes gliding stealthily up to the entrails ate part of the liver, and on being noticed vanished suddenly from sight.

> Latin: 16.2. ad exta sacrificio perpetrato angues duo ex occulto adlapsi adedere iocur conspectique repente ex oculis abierunt.

[¶96] 16.3. When for that reason the sacrifice was repeated on the advice of the soothsayers, and while the entrails were being kept with greater care, they relate that the snakes for the second and the third time gliding up tasted the liver and went away unharmed.

> Latin: 16.3. et cum haruspicum monitu sacrificium instauraretur atque intentius exta seruarentur, iterum ac tertium tradunt libato[que] iocinere intactos angues abisse.

[¶97] 16.4. Although the soothsayers had warned in advance that that portent applied to the general, and that he must beware of men in hiding and of covert plans, still the impending fate could not be averted by any foresight.

> Latin: 16.4. cum haruspices ad imperatorem id pertinere prodigium praemonuissent et ab occultis cauendum hominibus consultisque, nulla tamen prouidentia fatum imminens moueri potuit.

[¶98] 16.5. There was a Lucanian, Flavus, head of that party of the Lucanians which remained on the Roman side, although the other party had revolted to Hannibal.

> Latin: 16.5. Flauus Lucanus fuit, caput partis eius Lucanorum, cum pars ad Hannibalem defecisset, quae cum Romanis stabat; et iam annuo in magistratu erat, ab iisdem illis creatus praetor.

[¶99] 16.6. And he was now in the second year of his office, having been elected praetor by that same party. He suddenly changed his intention and, seeking to find favour with the Carthaginian, was not satisfied to change sides himself nor to draw the Lucanians into revolt without ratifying his agreement with the enemy by the life-blood of the general, betrayed though at the same time his guest-friend.

> Latin: 16.6. is mutata repente uoluntate locum gratiae apud Poenum quaerens, neque transire ipse neque trahere ad defectionem Lucanos satis habuit, nisi imperatoris et eiusdem hospitis proditi capite ac sanguine foedus cum hostibus sanxisset.

[¶100] 16.7. He came to Mago, who was in command in the country of the Bruttii, for a secret conference, and received his promise that, if he should surrender the Roman commander into their hands, the Lucanians as free men with their own laws would be accepted as friends. He then led the Carthaginian to a place to which he said he would bring Gracchus with a few men; there Mago should conceal armed infantry and cavalry; and the hiding-place had room, he said, for a very large number.

> Latin: 16.7. ad Magonem, qui in Bruttiis praeerat, clam in conloquium uenit fideque ab eo accepta, si Romanum iis imperatorem tradidisset, liberos cum suis legibus uenturos in amicitiam Lucanos, deducit Poenum in locum <quo cum> paucis Gracchum adducturum ait: Mago ibi pedites equitesque armatos—et capere eas latebras ingentem numerum—occuleret.

[¶101] 16.9. After they had sufficiently examined the spot and reconnoitred all around, a day was settled upon for the execution of the plan.

> Latin: 16.9. loco satis inspecto atque undique explorato dies composita gerendae rei est. Flauus ad Romanum imperatorem uenit.

[¶102] 16.10. Flavus came to the Roman commander, saying that he had begun an important business for the completion of which he needed Gracchus' own help; that he had persuaded the magistrates of all the peoples which in that general commotion in Italy had gone over to the Carthaginians, to return to the friendship of the Romans, since the Roman state also, which had been nearly destroyed by the disaster at Cannae, was daily improving and increasing, while Hannibal's power was growing feebler and had been reduced almost to nothing.

> Latin: 16.10. rem se ait magnam incohasse, ad quam perficiendam ipsius Gracchi opera opus esse: omnium populorum praetoribus, qui ad Poenum in illo communi Italiae motu descissent, persuasisse ut redirent in amicitiam Romanorum, quando res quoque Romana, quae prope exitium clade Cannensi uenisset, in dies melior atque auctior fieret, Hannibalis uis senesceret ac prope ad nihilum uenisset:

[¶103] 16.12. To their old offence, he said, the Romans would not be implacable; no people had ever been more easily entreated and readier to grant forgiveness.

> Latin: 16.12. ueteri delicto haud implacabiles fore Romanos; nullam unquam gentem magis exorabilem promptioremque ueniae dandae fuisse; quotiens rebellioni etiam maiorum suorum ignotum?