---
title: "History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX"
author: "Livy"
translator: "Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore"
languages: [la, en]
shelf: "Classical Latin"
section: 24 of 50
url: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/
cite: "Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, section 24. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/"
---

# History of Rome, Books XXI–XXX · Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX

*Livy, tr. Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore*

The war with Hannibal: the Alps, Trasimene and Cannae, the long recovery of Rome, Scipio in Spain and Africa, and Zama.

> Latin: Livy, Ab urbe condita XXI–XXX, ed. Charles Flamstead Walters, Robert Seymour Conway and Stephen Keymer Johnson (Oxford Classical Texts), from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-latinLit, phi0914.phi001.perseus-lat3, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Benjamin Oliver Foster and Frank Gardner Moore, Livy (Loeb Classical Library), from the Perseus Digital Library (phi0914.phi001.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 24. Book XXV · chapters 16–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/livy-history-of-rome-2/24/#p-N

[¶0] 16.13. How often had a rebellion even of their own ancestors been pardoned! These things he said he had told them; but that they preferred to hear these same statements from Gracchus himself, and to take hold of his right hand there before them, and to carry with them that pledge of his honour.

> Latin: 16.13. haec ab se suis dicta; ceterum ab ipso Graccho eadem haec audire malle eos praesentisque contingere dextram <et> id pignus fidei secum ferre:

[¶1] 16.14. He had appointed for their council a place out of sight, not far from the Roman camp; there in a few words it could be settled that the whole Lucanian people should be under the protection of the Romans and in alliance with them.

> Latin: 16.14. locum se concilio iis dixisse a conspectu amotum, haud procul castris Romanis; ibi paucis uerbis transigi rem posse ut omne nomen Lucanum in fide ac societate Romana sit.

[¶2] 16.15. Gracchus, thinking that both speech and proposal were free from guile, and misled by the plausibility of it, set out from the camp with his lictors and a troop of cavalry, and with a guest-friend as his guide fell into the ambush.

> Latin: 16.15. Gracchus fraudem et sermoni et rei abesse ratus ac similitudine ueri captus, cum lictoribus ac turma equitum e castris profectus duce hospite <in> insidias praecipitat.

[¶3] 16.16. The enemy suddenly came out, and, to leave no doubt about his treachery, Flavus joined them.

> Latin: 16.16. hostes subito exorti; et, ne dubia proditio esset, Flauus iis se adiungit. tela undique in Gracchum atque equites coniciuntur.

[¶4] 16.17. Javelins assail Gracchus and his horsemen from every side. He springs from his horse, bids the rest to do the same and urges them to ennoble by courage the one thing fortune has left open to them.

> Latin: 16.17. Gracchus ex equo desilit; idem ceteros facere iubet hortaturque ut, quod unum reliquum fortuna fecerit, id cohonestent uirtute:

[¶5] 16.18. But to a few men surrounded by a multitude, in a valley hedged about by forest and mountains, what was left, he asked, but death?

> Latin: 16.18. reliquum autem quid esse paucis a multitudine in ualle silua ac montibus saepta circumuentis praeter mortem?

[¶6] 16.19. The one thing that mattered was whether they were to submit themselves like sheep to be slaughtered unavenged, or, far from calmly awaiting the outcome, were to be altogether bent on angry attack, and then, daring and doing, drenched by the blood of the enemy, among the heaps of arms and bodies of their dying foes, were to fall.

> Latin: 16.19. id referre, utrum praebentes corpora pecorum modo inulti trucidentur an toti a patiendo exspectandoque euentu in impetum atque iram uersi, agentes audentesque, perfusi hostium cruore, inter exspirantium inimicorum cumulata armaque et corpora cadant.

[¶7] 16.20. They must all attack the Lucanian traitor and deserter. The man who sent that victim before him to the lower world would find great distinction and for his own death an extraordinary consolation.

> Latin: 16.20. Lucanum proditorem ac transfugam omnes peterent; qui eam uictimam prae se ad inferos misisset, eum decus eximium, egregium solatium suae morti inuenturum.

[¶8] 16.21. While thus speaking he wound his general's cloak around his left arm —for they had not taken even shields with them —and attacked the enemy.

> Latin: 16.21. inter haec dicta paludamento circa laeuum bracchium intorto—nam ne scuta quidem secum extulerant—in hostes impetum fecit.

[¶9] 16.22. The battle was out of all proportion to the number of men engaged. The bodies of the Romans were especially unprotected against javelins, and were pierced by them, as they could be thrown from higher ground all around into the hollow valley.

> Latin: 16.22. maior quam pro numero hominum editur pugna. iaculis maxime aperta corpora Romanorum; et, cum undique ex altioribus locis in cauam uallem coniectus esset, transfiguntur.

[¶10] 16.23. Gracchus, who was by this time stripped of his defenders, the Carthaginians strove to capture alive. But catching sight of his Lucanian guest-friend among the enemy, he dashed into the dense ranks with such animosity that he could not be spared without the loss of many lives.

> Latin: 16.23. Gracchum iam nudatum praesidio uiuum capere Poeni nituntur; ceterum conspicatus Lucanum hospitem inter hostes adeo infestus confertos inuasit ut parci ei sine multorum pernicie non posset.

[¶11] 16.24. Mago at once sent the corpse to Hannibal and ordered it to be placed before the general's tribune together with the captured fasces.

> Latin: 16.24. exanimem eum Mago extemplo ad Hannibalem misit ponique cum captis simul fascibus ante tribunal imperatoris iussit.

[¶12] 16.25. If this is the true report, Gracchus perished in Lucania, on the Old Plains, as they are called.

> Latin: 16.25. haec si uera fama est, Gracchus in Lucanis ad campos qui Ueteres uocantur periit.

[¶13] 17.1. There are some who maintain that in the region of Beneventum, by the river Calor, he had gone out of the camp with his lictors and three slaves to bathe, while enemies, as it happened, were hiding among the willows growing on the banks, and was slain, naked and unarmed and defending himself with stones which the river rolls along.

> Latin: 17.1. sunt qui in agro Beneuentano prope Calorem fluuium contendant a castris cum lictoribus ac tribus seruis lauandi causa progressum, cum forte inter salicta innata ripis laterent hostes, nudum atque inermem saxisque quae uoluit amnis propugnantem interfectum.

[¶14] 17.3. There are some writers who say that on the advice of the soothsayers he had gone five hundred paces from the camp to make atonement on an uncontaminated spot for the prodigies mentioned above, and was overpowered by two troops of Numidians who chanced to be in ambush there. So far are both the place and the manner of his death from being established, in spite of his eminence and distinction.

> Latin: 17.3. sunt qui haruspicum monitu quingentos passus a castris progressum, uti loco puro ea quae ante dicta prodigia sunt procuraret, ab insidentibus forte locum duabus turmis Numidarum circumuentum scribant. adeo nec locus nec ratio mortis in uiro tam claro et insigni constat.

[¶15] 17.4. In regard to Gracchus's funeral also reports vary. Some relate that he was buried in the Roman camp by his own men, others —and this is the prevalent report —that by Hannibal's order a pyre was erected directly outside the gate of the Carthaginian camp, and that the army defiled under arms, with dances by the Spanish troops and such movements of weapons and bodies as were customary for each tribe, while Hannibal himself honoured the obsequies with every tribute in act and word.

> Latin: 17.4. funeris quoque Gracchi uaria est fama. alii in castris Romanis sepultum ab suis, alii ab Hannibale—et ea uolgatior fama est—tradunt in uestibulo Punicorum castrorum rogum exstructum esse, armatum exercitum decucurrisse cum tripudiis Hispanorum motibusque armorum et corporum suae cuique genti adsuetis, ipso Hannibale omni rerum uerborumque honore exsequias celebrante.

[¶16] 17.6. These are the statements of those who vouch for its occurrence in Lucania. If you incline to believe those who state that he was slain at the river Calor, the enemy gained possession of Gracchus' head only.

> Latin: 17.6. haec tradunt qui in Lucanis rei gestae auctores sunt. si illis qui ad Calorem fluuium interfectum memorant credere uelis, capitis tantum Gracchi hostes potiti sunt;

[¶17] 17.7. This being brought to Hannibal, Carthalo was at once sent by him to bring it to the Roman camp and Gnaeus Cornelius the quaestor. He conducted the funeral of the general in the camp, while the people of Beneventum joined with the army in doing him honour.

> Latin: 17.7. eo delato ad Hannibalem missus ab eo confestim Carthalo, qui in castra Romana ad Cn. Cornelium quaestorem deferret; is funus imperatoris in castris celebrantibus cum exercitu Beneuentanis fecit.

[¶18] 18.1. While the consuls, on entering the Campanian region, were devastating it far and wide, being alarmed and dismayed by a sally of the Capuans and of Mago with his cavalry, they recalled their widely scattered soldiers to the standards, and being routed almost before their line was formed, lost over fifteen hundred men.

> Latin: 18.1. consules agrum Campanum ingressi cum passim popularentur, eruptione oppidanorum et Magonis cum equitatu territi et trepidi ad signa milites palatos passim reuocarunt, et uixdum instructa acie fusi supra mille et quingentos milites amiserunt.

[¶19] 18.2. Upon this the great overconfidence of a people naturally proud was greatly increased, and they sought to provoke the Romans by many battles. But a single engagement incautiously and imprudently begun had made the consuls more careful to be on their guard.

> Latin: 18.2. inde ingens ferocia superbae suopte ingenio genti creuit multisque proeliis lacessebant Romanos; sed intentiores ad cauendum consules una pugna fecerat incaute atque inconsulte inita.

[¶20] 18.3. One small occurrence, however, restored the courage of one army and lessened the boldness of the other. But in war nothing is so slight as not at times to bring about a great result.

> Latin: 18.3. restituit tamen his animos et illis minuit audaciam parua una res; sed in bello nihil tam leue est quod non magnae interdum rei momentum faciat.

[¶21] 18.4. Titus Quinctius Crispinus had one Badius, a Campanian, as his guest-friend, linked to him by intimate hospitality. Friendship had grown because in an illness Badius had been generously and kindly nursed at the house of Crispinus at Rome before the rebellion of Campania.

> Latin: 18.4. T. Quinctio Crispino Badius Campanus hospes erat perfamiliari hospitio iunctus. creuerat consuetudo, quod aeger Romae apud Crispinum Badius ante defectionem Campanam liberaliter comiterque curatus fuerat.

[¶22] 18.5. This Badius at the time came up to the outposts stationed before the gate and bade them call Crispinus. When this was reported to Crispinus, he went a little beyond the others, thinking a friendly and intimate conversation was wanted, since the memory of a personal tie lingered in spite of the rupture of public treaties. When they had come in sight of each other, “I challenge you to battle, Crispinus,” said Badius.

> Latin: 18.5. is tum Badius progressus ante stationes quae pro porta stabant uocari Crispinum iussit. quod ubi est Crispino nuntiatum, ratus conloquium amicum ac familiare quaeri, manente memoria etiam in discidio publicorum foederum priuati iuris, paulum a ceteris processit.

[¶23] 18.6. “Let us mount our horses and, with others kept at a distance, decide which is the better warrior.” In reply Crispinus said that neither he nor Badius lacked enemies on whom to show his courage.

> Latin: 18.6. postquam in conspectum uenere, 'prouoco te' inquit 'ad pugnam, Crispine' Badius; 'conscendamus equos summotisque aliis uter bello melior sit decernamus.'

[¶24] 18.7. For himself, even if he should meet the other in battle-line, he would avoid him, lest he stain his right hand with the blood of a guest-friend. And he turned and was walking away.

> Latin: 18.7. ad ea Crispinus nec sibi nec illi ait hostes deesse in quibus uirtutem ostendant; se, etiamsi in acie occurrerit, declinaturum, ne hospitali caede dextram uiolet; conuersusque abibat.

[¶25] 18.8. Then in truth the Campanian more fiercely reviled the effeminacy and cowardice of Crispinus and hurled reproaches which he himself deserved against an innocent man, calling him a guest-enemy and a man who pretended to spare one to whom he knew he was not equal.

> Latin: 18.8. enimuero ferocius tum Campanus increpare mollitiam ignauiamque et se digna probra in insontem iacere, hospitalem hostem appellans simulantemque parcere cui sciat parem se non esse.

[¶26] 18.9. If he thought that with the rupture of public treaties private ties had not also been broken, then, he said, Badius the Campanian, openly in the hearing of two armies, renounced the guest-friendship of Titus Quinctius Crispinus the Roman.

> Latin: 18.9. si parum publicis foederibus ruptis dirempta simul et priuata iura esse putet, Badium Campanum T. Quinctio Crispino Romano palam duobus exercitibus audientibus renuntiare hospitium.

[¶27] 18.10. For himself, an enemy, nothing was hallowed by association, nothing by compact, with him, an enemy, since he had come to attack his native city and the Penates of the state and of the household. If he was a man, let him come on.

> Latin: 18.10. nihil sibi cum eo consociatum, nihil foederatum, hosti cum hoste, cuius patriam ac penates publicos priuatosque oppugnatum uenisset. si uir esset, congrederetur.

[¶28] 18.11. Crispinus, after long hesitation, was prevailed upon by his comrades not to allow the Campanian to revile him with impunity.

> Latin: 18.11. diu cunctantem Crispinum perpulere turmales ne impune insultare Campanum pateretur.

[¶29] 18.12. And so he delayed only long enough to consult the generals as to whether they permitted him to fight out of ranks against an enemy who challenged him. With their permission he took his arms and mounted his horse, and addressing Badius by name called him out to battle.

> Latin: 18.12. itaque tantum moratus dum imperatores consuleret permitterentne sibi extra ordinem in prouocantem hostem pugnare, permissu eorum arma cepit equumque conscendit et Badium nomine compellans ad pugnam euocauit. nulla mora a Campano facta est;

[¶30] 18.13. The Campanian made no delay; riding directly at each other they clashed. Crispinus with his spear pierced Badius' left shoulder above the shield; and after he fell wounded, leaped upon him from his horse, that, now dismounted, he might despatch the fallen.

> Latin: 18.13. infestis equis concurrerunt. Crispinus supra scutum sinistrum umerum Badio hasta transfixit, superque delapsum cum uolnere ex equo desiluit ut pedes iacentem conficeret.

[¶31] 18.14. Badius, not to be overpowered, left shield and horse and fled to his own men.

> Latin: 18.14. Badius priusquam opprimeretur parma atque equo relicto ad suos aufugit;

[¶32] 18.15. Crispinus, decked with spoils and displaying the horse and captured arms and his bloody spear, was conducted with much praise and congratulation on the part of the soldiers to the consuls, and there he was highly praised and rewarded with gifts.

> Latin: 18.15. Crispinus equum armaque capta et cruentam cuspidem insignis spoliis ostentans cum magna laude et gratulatione militum ad consules est deductus laudatusque ibi magnifice et donis donatus.

[¶33] 19.1. Hannibal, having moved his camp from the region of Beneventum to the vicinity of Capua, led his troops out into battle-line on the third day after his arrival. Since in his absence the Campanians had had a successful battle a few days before, he had no doubt whatever that the Romans would be much less able to withstand himself and his repeatedly victorious army.

> Latin: 19.1. Hannibal ex agro Beneuentano castra ad Capuam cum mouisset, tertio post die quam uenit copias in aciem eduxit, haudquaquam dubius, quod Campanis absente se paucos ante dies secunda fuisset pugna, quin multo minus se suumque totiens uictorem exercitum sustinere Romani possent.

[¶34] 19.3. But once the battle had begun, the Roman line was hard pressed, especially by the cavalry charge, being overwhelmed by their darts, until the signal was given to the cavalry to urge their horses against the enemy.

> Latin: 19.3. ceterum postquam pugnari coeptum est, equitum maxime incursu, cum iaculis obrueretur, laborabat Romana acies, donec signum equitibus datum est ut in hostem admitterent equos.

[¶35] 19.4. Thus a cavalry battle was in progress when the distant sight of the Sempronian army, commanded by Gnaeus Cornelius, the quaestor, inspired in both armies the same fear that fresh enemies were approaching.

> Latin: 19.4. ita equestre proelium erat, cum procul uisus Sempronianus exercitus, cui Cn. Cornelius quaestor praeerat, utrique parti parem metum praebuit ne hostes noui aduentarent.

[¶36] 19.5. As if by agreement the signal for recall was given on both sides, and marching back to the camp they separated on almost even terms. Yet a larger number fell on the Roman side because of the first charge of the horsemen.

> Latin: 19.5. uelut ex composito utrimque signum receptui datum reductique in castra prope aequo Marte discesserunt; plures tamen ab Romanis primo incursu equitum ceciderunt.

[¶37] 19.6. Thereupon the consuls, in order to draw Hannibal away from Capua, marched off the following night in different directions, Fulvius into the region of Cumae, Claudius into Lucania.

> Latin: 19.6. inde consules, ut auerterent Capua Hannibalem, nocte quae secuta est diuersi, Fuluius in agrum Cumanum, Claudius in Lucanos abiit.

[¶38] 19.7. The next day Hannibal, on being informed that the Roman camp was empty and that they had marched away in different directions in two columns, was at first uncertain which to follow, but pushed on in pursuit of Appius, who after leading the enemy around wherever he pleased, returned by a different road to Capua.

> Latin: 19.7. postero die cum uacua castra Romanorum esse nuntiatum Hannibali esset et duobus agminibus diuersos abiisse, incertus primo utrum sequeretur Appium institit sequi.

[¶39] 19.8. Hannibal had another opportunity for success presented to him in this region. There was one Marcus Centenius, with the cognomen Paenula, conspicuous among the centurions of the highest rank for his huge body and his courage.

> Latin: 19.8. ille circumducto hoste qua uoluit alio itinere ad Capuam rediit. Hannibali alia in his locis bene gerendae rei fortuna oblata est. M. Centenius fuit cognomine Paenula, insignis inter primi pili centuriones et magnitudine corporis et animo.

[¶40] 19.10. Having finished his military service, he was brought into the senate by Publius Cornelius Sulla, a praetor, and begged the fathers to give him five thousand soldiers.

> Latin: 19.10. is, perfunctus militia, per P. Cornelium Sullam praetorem in senatum introductus petit a patribus uti sibi quinque milia militum darentur:

[¶41] 19.11. He, being well-acquainted, he said, both with the enemy and the country, would soon accomplish something worth while, and as for the arts by which both our generals and our armies had till then been ensnared, he would use them against their inventor.

> Latin: 19.11. se peritum et hostis et regionum breui operae pretium facturum et quibus artibus ad id locorum nostri et duces et exercitus capti forent iis aduersus inuentorem usurum.

[¶42] 19.12. This was not more stupidly promised than stupidly believed, as if the qualities of soldier and general were the same.

> Latin: 19.12. id non promissum magis stolide quam stolide creditum tamquam eaedem militares et imperatoriae artes essent.

[¶43] 19.13. Instead of five thousand, eight thousand soldiers were given him, half of them citizens, half allies. And he himself on his march raised a considerable number of volunteers from the farms, and with his army nearly doubled reached Lucania, where Hannibal had halted after vainly pursuing Claudius.

> Latin: 19.13. data pro quinque octo milia militum, pars dimidia ciues, pars socii; et ipse aliquantum uoluntariorum in itinere ex agris conciuit ac prope duplicato exercitu in Lucanos peruenit, ubi Hannibal nequiquam secutus Claudium substiterat.

[¶44] 19.14. The result was never in doubt, as between Hannibal as commander and a centurion, and between armies one of which was a veteran in victory and the other altogether raw, in large part also irregular and half-armed. When the columns were in sight of each other and neither side refused battle, the lines were immediately drawn up.

> Latin: 19.14. haud dubia res erat, quippe inter Hannibalem ducem et centurionem exercitusque alterum uincendo ueteranum, alterum nouum totum, magna ex parte etiam tumultuarium ac semermem.

[¶45] 19.15. They fought, however, as was to be expected where nothing was fairly matched. For more than two hours the battle continued, since hope inspired the Roman line so long as their commander held his ground.

> Latin: 19.15. ut conspecta inter se agmina sunt et neutra pars detractauit pugnam, extemplo instructae acies. pugnatum tamen †ut in nulla pari re† duas amplius horas concitata, donec dux stetit, Romana acie.

[¶46] 19.16. Not only in keeping with his old reputation, but also for fear of future disgrace, if he should survive a disaster brought on by his own rashness, he threw himself upon the weapons of the enemy and fell, whereupon the Roman line was at once routed.

> Latin: 19.16. postquam is non pro uetere fama solum sed etiam metu futuri dedecoris, si sua temeritate contractae cladi superesset, obiectans se hostium telis cecidit, fusa extemplo est Romana acies;

[¶47] 19.17. But, as all the roads were occupied by cavalry, so far were they from having any route open even for flight that out of so great a multitude barely a thousand escaped, while the rest scattering met death in various forms.

> Latin: 19.17. sed adeo ne fugae quidem iter patuit omnibus uiis ab equite insessis, ut ex tanta multitudine uix mille euaserint, ceteri passim alii alia peste absumpti sint.

[¶48] 20.1. The siege of Capua was resumed with intensity by the consuls, and all that was needed for the purpose was being brought together and made ready.

> Latin: 20.1. Capua a consulibus iterum summa ui obsideri coepta est, quaeque in eam rem opus erant comportabantur parabanturque.

[¶49] 20.2. Casilinum was the depot for grain. At the mouth of the Volturnus, where there is now a city, a stronghold was fortified, and there and at Puteoli, which Fabius Maximus had previously fortified, a garrison was placed, that the sea in that neighbourhood and the river might be in their power.

> Latin: 20.2. Casilinum frumentum conuectum; ad Uolturni ostium, ubi nunc urbs est, castellum communitum, <ibique et Puteolis—iam> ante Fabius Maximus munierat—praesidium impositum ut mare proximum et flumen in potestate essent.

[¶50] 20.3. To these two strongholds by the sea the grain which had been sent recently from Sardinia and that which the praetor Marcus Junius had purchased in Etruria was transported from Ostia, so that the army might have a supply through the winter.

> Latin: 20.3. in ea duo maritima castella frumentum, quod ex Sardinia nuper missum erat quodque M. Iunius praetor ex Etruria coemerat, ab Ostia conuectum est ut exercitui per hiemem copia esset.

[¶51] 20.4. But in addition to the disaster incurred in Lucania, the army of slavevolunteers also, which had served with the utmost loyalty while Gracchus lived, abandoned its standards, as if discharged by the death of the general. Hannibal did not wish that Capua should be neglected nor his allies abandoned in such a crisis.

> Latin: 20.4. ceterum super eam cladem quae in Lucanis accepta erat uolonum quoque exercitus, qui uiuo Graccho summa fide stipendia fecerat, uelut exauctoratus morte ducis ab signis discessit. Hannibal non Capuam neglectam neque in tanto discrimine desertos uolebat socios;

[¶52] 20.5. But in view of a success due to the rashness of one Roman general he was eager for an opportunity to surprise a second general and army.

> Latin: 20.5. sed prospero ex temeritate unius Romani ducis successu in alterius ducis exercitusque opprimendi occasionem imminebat.

[¶53] 20.6. Apulian legates were informing him that the praetor Gnaeus Fulvius had at first been very active while besieging some Apulian cities which had revolted to Hannibal; but that later, owing to unmerited success, both he himself and his soldiers, who were loaded with booty, had gone to such lengths in licence and indifference that there was no military discipline.

> Latin: 20.6. Cn. Fuluium praetorem Apuli legati nuntiabant primo, dum urbes quasdam Apulorum quae ad Hannibalem desciuissent oppugnaret, intentius rem egisse: postea nimio successu et ipsum et milites praeda impletos in tantam licentiam socordiamque effusos ut nulla disciplina militiae esset.

[¶54] 20.7. Hannibal, who frequently at other times, and particularly within a few days, had discovered what an army is under an incompetent general, moved his camp into Apulia.

> Latin: 20.7. cum saepe alias, tum paucis diebus ante expertus qualis sub inscio duce exercitus esset in Apuliam castra mouit.

[¶55] 21.1. Near Herdonea were Roman legions and the praetor Fulvius. When the news reached them there that the enemy were approaching, they barely refrained from catching up their standards and going out into battle-line without orders from the praetor. And nothing restrained them more than the hope, now beyond question, that they would do so at their own discretion whenever they pleased.

> Latin: 21.1. circa Herdoneam Romanae legiones et praetor Fuluius erat. quo ubi allatum est hostes aduentare, prope est factum ut iniussu praetoris signis conuolsis in aciem exirent; nec res magis ulla tenuit quam spes haud dubia suo id arbitrio ubi uellent facturos.

[¶56] 21.2. The following night Hannibal, knowing that there had been an uproar in the camp and that many, calling to arms, had over-confidently pressed the commander to give the signal, had no doubt that an opportunity for a victory was offered. He accordingly posted three thousand lightly equipped soldiers in farmhouses near by and in the thickets and the woods, to come out of their hiding-places all at once, when the signal was given.

> Latin: 21.2. nocte insequenti Hannibal, cum tumultuatum in castris et plerosque ferociter, signum ut daret, institisse duci ad arma uocantes sciret, haud dubius prosperae pugnae occasionem dari, tria milia expeditorum militum in uillis circa uepribusque et siluis disponit, qui signo dato simul omnes e latebris exsisterent,

[¶57] 21.4. And he ordered Mago and about two thousand horsemen to lie in wait along all the roads in the direction which he believed the flight would take. After making these preparations at night, he led his troops out into line at daybreak.

> Latin: 21.4. et Magonem ac duo ferme milia equitum qua fugam inclinaturam credebat omnia itinera insidere iubet. his nocte praeparatis, prima luce in aciem copias educit;

[¶58] 21.5. Nor did Fulvius hesitate, dragged into it not so much by any hope of his own as by the haphazard impulse of the soldiers. And so, with the same recklessness with which they went out to form, they drew up even the line of battle according to the whim of soldiers who happened to dash forward and take their stand wherever their own fancy had carried them, and then capriciously or in fear abandoned their positions.

> Latin: 21.5. nec Fuluius est cunctatus, non tam sua ulla spe quam militum impetu fortuito tractus. itaque eadem temeritate qua processum in aciem est instruitur ipsa acies ad libidinem militum forte procurrentium consistentiumque quo loco ipsorum tulisset animus, deinde per libidinem aut metum deserentium locum.

[¶59] 21.6. The first legion and the left ala were placed in front, and the line was made very long.

> Latin: 21.6. prima legio et sinistra ala in primo instructae et in longitudinem porrecta acies.

[¶60] 21.7. Although the tribunes shouted that in depth it had no power to resist, and that wherever the enemy should make their attack they would pierce it, the men in line allowed no advice that was helpful to reach even their ears, not to say their attention.

> Latin: 21.7. clamantibus tribunis nihil introrsus roboris ac uirium esse et quacumque impetum fecissent hostes perrupturos, nihil quod salutare esset non modo ad animum sed ne ad aures quidem admittebat.

[¶61] 21.8. And there was Hannibal, surely not that sort of a general, nor with that sort of an army, drawn up in that fashion. Consequently the Romans did not withstand even their shout and the first onset.

> Latin: 21.8. et Hannibal haudquaquam similis dux neque simili exercitu neque ita instructo aderat. ergo ne clamorem quidem atque impetum primum eorum Romani sustinuere.

[¶62] 21.9. The general, a match for Centenius in folly and recklessness, but in courage by no means to be compared with him, seeing that the line was giving way and his own men in confusion, seized a horse and with about two hundred horsemen made his escape.

> Latin: 21.9. dux stultitia et temeritate Centenio par, animo haudquaquam comparandus, ubi rem inclinatam ac trepidantes suos uidet, equo arrepto cum ducentis ferme equitibus effugit;

[¶63] 21.10. The rest of the line, beaten back in front and then surrounded in the rear and on the wings, was so cut to pieces that out of eighteen thousand men not more than two thousand escaped. The camp was occupied by the enemy.

> Latin: 21.10. cetera a fronte pulsa, inde a tergo atque alis circumuenta acies eo usque est caesa ut ex duodeuiginti milibus hominum duo milia haud amplius euaserint. castris hostes potiti sunt.

[¶64] 22.1. When the news of these disasters one after another had reached Rome, great sorrow and alarm, it is true, took possession of the state. Nevertheless because the consuls, to whom fell the supreme command, were up to that time successful, they were less disturbed by these disasters.

> Latin: 22.1. hae clades, super aliam alia, Romam cum essent nuntiatae, ingens quidem et luctus et pauor ciuitatem cepit; sed tamen quia consules, ubi summa rerum esset, ad id locorum prospere rem gererent, minus his cladibus commouebantur.

[¶65] 22.2. They sent Gaius Laetorius and Marcus Metilius as legates to the consuls, to inform them that they should carefully gather up the remnants of the two armies, and see to it that in fear and despair they did not surrender to the enemy, as had happened after the disaster at Cannae; also that they should search for the deserters from the army of slave-volunteers. The same duty was given to Publius Cornelius, to whom the levy also had been assigned.

> Latin: 22.2. legatos ad consules mittunt C. Laetorium M. Metilium qui nuntiarent, ut reliquias duorum exercituum cum cura colligerent, darentque operam ne per metum ac desperationem hosti se dederent, id quod post Cannensem accidisset cladem, et ut desertores de exercitu uolonum conquirerent.

[¶66] 22.4. And he issued an edict in the market-towns and local centres, that search should be made for the slave-volunteers, and that they be brought back to their standards. All these things were done with the utmost diligence.

> Latin: 22.4. idem negotii P. Cornelio datum, cui et dilectus mandatus erat; isque per fora conciliabulaque edixit ut conquisitio uolonum fieret iique ad signa reducerentur. haec omnia intentissima cura acta.

[¶67] 22.5. Appius Claudius, the consul, placed Decimus Junius in command at the mouth of the Volturnus and Marcus Aurelius Cotta at Puteoli, in order that, as fast as ships came in from Etruria and Sardinia, they should send the grain at once to the camps.

> Latin: 22.5. Ap. Claudius consul D. Iunio ad ostium Uolturni, M. Aurelio Cotta Puteolis praeposito qui, ut quaeque naues ex Etruria ac Sardinia accessissent, extemplo in castra mitterent frumentum, ipse ad Capuam regressus Q.

[¶68] 22.6. He himself, on returning to Capua, found his colleague Quintus Fulvius transporting everything from Casilinum and making every preparation for the siege of Capua.

> Latin: 22.6. Fuluium collegam inuenit Casilino omnia deportantem molientemque ad oppugnandam Capuam.

[¶69] 22.7. Then they both invested the city and summoned the praetor, Claudius Nero, from the Claudian camp at Suessula. He, leaving there only a garrison of moderate size to hold the place, likewise came down with all the rest of his forces to Capua.

> Latin: 22.7. tum ambo circumsederunt urbem et Claudium Neronem praetorem ab Suessula ex Claudianis castris exciuerunt.

[¶70] 22.8. Thus three headquarters were set up around Capua. There were three armies too that, fell to work on different sides, made ready to encircle the city with a ditch and an earthwork, and erected redoubts at moderate intervals; and at many points at the same time they fought with such success against the Campanians who endeavoured to hinder the works that finally the Campanians remained inside the gates and the wall.

> Latin: 22.8. is quoque modico ibi praesidio ad tenendum locum relicto ceteris omnibus copiis ad Capuam descendit. ita tria praetoria circa Capuam erecta; tres exercitus diuersis partibus opus adgressi fossa ualloque circumdare urbem parant et castella excitant modicis interuallis, multisque simul locis cum prohibentibus opera Campanis eo euentu pugnant ut postremo portis muroque se contineret Campanus.

[¶71] 22.10. But before these siege-works could be made continuous, legates were sent to Hannibal, to complain that Capua had been deserted by him and almost given back to the Romans, and to implore him to bring aid, then at least, to men not only besieged but also encircled by entrenchments.

> Latin: 22.10. prius tamen quam haec continuarentur opera, legati ad Hannibalem missi qui quererentur desertam ab eo Capuam ac prope redditam Romanis obtestarenturque ut tunc saltem opem non circumsessis modo sed etiam circumuallatis ferret.

[¶72] 22.11. The consuls received a letter from Publius Cornelius, the praetor, ordering that, before enclosing Capua with their works, they should permit such of the Campanians as wished to do so to leave Capua and carry their possessions with them.

> Latin: 22.11. consulibus litterae a P. Cornelio praetore missae ut, priusquam clauderent Capuam operibus, potestatem Campanis facerent ut qui eorum uellent exirent a Capua suasque res secum ferrent:

[¶73] 22.12. Those who should leave before the fifteenth of March were to be free men and to keep all their property; those who left after that date and those who remained there were to be reckoned enemies. These terms were published to the Campanians, and were received with such contempt by them that they were actually insulting and made threats.

> Latin: 22.12. liberos fore suaque omnia habituros qui ante idus Martias exissent; post eam diem quique exissent quique ibi mansissent hostium futuros numero.

[¶74] 22.13. Hannibal had led his legions from Herdonea to Tarentum in the hope of getting possession of the citadel of Tarentum either by force or by ruse.

> Latin: 22.13. ea pronuntiata Campanis atque ita spreta ut ultro contumelias dicerent minarenturque. Hannibal ab Herdonea Tarentum duxerat legiones, spe aut ui aut dolo arcis Tarentinae potiundae;

[¶75] 22.14. When this did not succeed, he turned aside to Brundisium, thinking that town would certainly be betrayed. While there also he was wasting time, the Campanian legates came to him with complaints and at the same time entreaties. Hannibal replied to them grandly that he had previously raised a siege, and that now also the consuls would not withstand his coming.

> Latin: 22.14. quod ubi parum processit, ad Brundisium flexit iter, prodi id oppidum ratus. ibi quoque cum frustra tereret tempus, legati Campani ad eum uenerunt querentes simul orantesque;

[¶76] 22.15. With this hope the legates were sent away, and it was with difficulty that they were able to return to Capua, now surrounded by two trenches and a double earthwork.

> Latin: 22.15. quibus Hannibal magnifice respondit et antea se soluisse obsidionem et nunc aduentum suum consules non laturos. cum hac spe dimissi legati uix regredi Capuam iam duplici fossa ualloque cinctam potuerunt.

[¶77] 23.1. Just as Capua was being encircled the siege of Syracuse came to an end, expedited not only by the vigour and valour of the general and the army but also by treachery within.

> Latin: 23.1. cum maxime Capua circumuallaretur, Syracusarum oppugnatio ad finem uenit, praeterquam ui ac uirtute ducis exercitusque, intestina etiam proditione adiuta.

[¶78] 23.2. For Marcellus, who at the beginning of the spring had been uncertain whether to shift the war to Agrigentum against Himilco and Hippocrates, or to press the siege of Syracuse, saw indeed that the city, impregnable in its position both on the landward and the seaward side, could not be taken by assault, nor by starvation, inasmuch as it was sustained by almost unhampered supplies from Carthage.

> Latin: 23.2. namque Marcellus initio ueris incertus utrum Agrigentum ad Himilconem et Hippocraten uerteret bellum an obsidione Syracusas premeret, quamquam nec ui capi uidebat posse inexpugnabilem terrestri ac maritimo situ urbem nec fame, ut quam prope liberi a Carthagine commeatus alerent,

[¶79] 23.4. Nevertheless, to leave nothing untried, deserters from Syracuse —and there were in the Roman lines some men of highest rank who during the estrangement from the Romans had been driven out because they were averse to a change of policy —were ordered by him to sound men of their faction in conferences, and to give them a pledge that, if Syracuse should be surrendered, they should live as free men and under their own laws.

> Latin: 23.4. tamen, ne quid inexpertum relinqueret, transfugas Syracusanos—erant autem apud Romanos aliqui nobilissimi uiri, inter defectionem ab Romanis, quia ab nouis consiliis abhorrebant, pulsi—conloquiis suae partis temptare hominum animos iussit et fidem dare, si traditae forent Syracusae, liberos eos ac suis legibus uicturos esse.

[¶80] 23.5. For a conference there was no opportunity, because the suspicious attitude of many men had attracted the attention and the eyes of all, to prevent such an offence from passing unnoticed.

> Latin: 23.5. non erat conloquii copia, quia multorum animi suspecti omnium curam oculosque eo uerterant ne quid falleret tale admissum.

[¶81] 23.6. A single slave belonging to the exiles was admitted to the city as a deserter and by meeting a few men made a beginning of parleys on a matter of such moment. Then some men were hidden under nets on a fishing vessel, and thus sailed around to the Roman camp and talked with the deserters. And the same men did this repeatedly in the same way, also others and again others.

> Latin: 23.6. seruus unus exsulum, pro transfuga intromissus in urbem, conuentis paucis initium conloquendi de tali re fecit. deinde in piscatoria quidam naue retibus operti circumuectique ita ad castra Romana conlocutique cum transfugis et iidem saepius eodem modo et alii atque alii;

[¶82] 23.7. Finally they amounted to about eighty. And when now everything had been arranged for the betrayal, information was brought to Epicydes by one Attalus, who was outraged that the matter had not been confided to him, and they were all put to death with torture. This hope having proved false, another at once took its place.

> Latin: 23.7. postremo ad octoginta facti. et cum iam composita omnia ad proditionem essent, indicio delato ad Epicyden per Attalum quendam indignantem sibi rem creditam non esse, necati omnes cum cruciatu sunt. alia subinde spes, postquam haec uana euaserat, excepit.

[¶83] 23.8. Damippus a Lacedaemonian, who had been sent from Syracuse to King Philip, had been captured by Roman ships.

> Latin: 23.8. Damippus quidam Lacedaemonius, missus ab Syracusis ad Philippum regem, captus ab Romanis nauibus erat.

[¶84] 23.9. Epicydes was very much concerned to ransom him at any cost, and Marcellus also was not averse, since the Romans were already courting the friendship of the Aetolians, whose allies the Lacedaemonians were.

> Latin: 23.9. huius utique redimendi et Epicydae cura erat ingens, nec abnuit Marcellus iam tum Aetolorum, quibus socii Lacedaemonii erant, amicitiam adfectantibus Romanis.

[¶85] 23.10. The men sent to confer in regard to the man's ransom thought that the most convenient place for both sides, and just half-way, was at the Trogili Harbour, near the tower called Galeagra.

> Latin: 23.10. ad conloquium de redemptione eius missis medius maxime atque utrisque opportunus locus ad portum Trogilorum propter turrim, quam uocant Galeagram, est uisus.

[¶86] 23.11. As they came there repeatedly, one of the Romans, observing the wall from near at hand, by counting the courses and making his own estimate of the height of each on its face, measured the height of the wall as nearly as he could by guesswork. And thinking it considerably lower than his own previous estimate of it and that of all the rest, and that it could be scaled by ladders even of moderate length, he reported to Marcellus. It did not seem a matter to be despised.

> Latin: 23.11. quo cum saepius commearent, unus ex Romanis, ex propinquo murum contemplans, numerando lapides aestimandoque ipse secum quid in fronte paterent singuli, altitudinem muri quantum proxime coniectura poterat permensus humilioremque aliquanto pristina opinione sua et ceterorum omnium ratus esse et uel mediocribus scalis superabilem, ad Marcellum rem defert.

[¶87] 23.13. But since the place, being more closely guarded for the very reason mentioned, could not be approached, they cast about for an opportunity.

> Latin: 23.13. haud spernenda uisa; sed cum adiri locus, quia ob id ipsum intentius custodiebatur, non posset, occasio quaerebatur;

[¶88] 23.14. And this was offered by a deserter, reporting that the feast of Diana was being observed for three days, and that, since other things were lacking during the siege, it was with wine that the banquets were more lavishly provided, this being furnished to the entire populace by Epicydes and distributed among the tribes by leading citizens. On learning of this, Marcellus conferred with a few tribunes of the soldiers, and after these had chosen centurions and soldiers able to dare and do a thing of such importance, and after ladders had been secretly made ready, he ordered the signal to be given to the others to eat early and then rest. In the night, he said, they must go on a raid.

> Latin: 23.14. quam obtulit transfuga nuntians diem festum Dianae per triduum agi et, quia alia in obsidione desint, uino largius epulas celebrari et ab Epicyde praebito uniuersae plebei et per tribus a principibus diuiso. quod ubi accepit Marcellus, cum paucis tribunorum militum conlocutus, electisque per eos ad rem tantam agendam audendamque idoneis centurionibus militibusque et scalis in occulto comparatis ceteris signum dari iubet, ut mature corpora curarent quietique darent:

[¶89] 23.15. Then, when it seemed to be late enough for those who had begun their feast during the day to be sated, he thought, with their wine and now to be falling asleep, he ordered the soldiers of one maniple to carry the ladders. And about a thousand armed men were led in a thin column to the place in silence.

> Latin: 23.15. nocte in expeditionem eundum esse. inde ubi id temporis uisum quo <de> die epulatis iam uini satias principiumque somni esset, signi unius milites ferre scalas iussit; et ad mille fere armati tenui agmine per silentium eo deducti.

[¶90] 23.17. When the first men without noise and confusion had made their way to the top of the wall, the others followed one after another, since the boldness of those ahead of them gave courage even to the wavering.

> Latin: 23.17. ubi sine strepitu ac tumultu primi euaserunt in murum, secuti ordine alii, cum priorum audacia dubiis etiam animum faceret.

[¶91] 24.1. The thousand armed men had already taken a part of the wall, when the rest of the forces were brought up, and on more ladders they were making their way to the top of the wall, a signal having been given from the Hexapylon.

> Latin: 24.1. iam mille armatorum <muri> ceperant partem, cum ceterae admotae <sunt copiae> pluribusque scalis in murum euadebant, signo ab Hexapylo dato quo per ingentem solitudinem erat peruentum, quia magna pars in turribus epulati aut sopiti uino erant aut semigraues potabant;

[¶92] 24.2. To that point they had advanced without encountering a soul, since many of the enemy, after feasting in the towers, either had been put to sleep by their wine or, while half-intoxicated, were still drinking. A few of them, however, they surprised and slew in their beds. Near the Hexapylon there is a postern. This they had begun to break open with great force, and from the wall the signal had been given by a trumpet, as agreed; and now the fighting was from every side, no longer by stealth, but with open violence.

> Latin: 24.2. paucos tamen eorum oppressos in cubilibus interfecerunt. prope Hexapylon est portula; ea magna ui refringi coepta et e muro ex composito tuba datum signum erat et iam undique non furtim sed ui aperta gerebatur res.

[¶93] 24.4. For they had reached Epipolae, a well-guarded region, and the enemy had rather to be terrified than deceived, as they were in fact terrified.

> Latin: 24.4. quippe ad Epipolas, frequentem custodiis locum, peruentum erat terrendique magis hostes erant quam fallendi, sicut territi sunt.

[¶94] 24.5. For as soon as they heard the notes of the trumpet and the shouting of the men holding the walls and a part of the city, the guards, thinking the whole city was occupied, fled, some of them along the wall; others leaped from the wall or were pushed over by the panic-stricken crowd.

> Latin: 24.5. nam simulac tubarum est auditus cantus clamorque tenentium muros partemque urbis omnia teneri custodes rati alii per murum fugere, alii salire de muro praecipitarique turba pauentium.

[¶95] 24.6. A large part of the people, however, were unaware of the great danger; for all were heavy with wine and sleep, and in a city of immense size knowledge concerning its quarters failed to reach the whole.

> Latin: 24.6. magna pars tamen ignara tanti mali erat et grauatis omnibus uino somnoque et in uastae magnitudinis urbe partium sensu non satis pertinente in omnia.

[¶96] 24.7. At daybreak Marcellus burst open the Hexapylon, and entering the city with his entire force awakened everybody and set them to arming themselves and bringing aid, if possible, to a city now all but captured.

> Latin: 24.7. sub lucem Hexapylo effracto Marcellus omnibus copiis urbem ingressus excitauit conuertitque omnes ad arma capienda opemque si quam possent iam captae prope urbi ferendam.

[¶97] 24.8. Epicydes came out from the Island, which they themselves call Nasos, with a quickly moving column, not doubting that he would drive out a few men who, owing to the carelessness of the guards had got over the wall. When men met him in alarm, he would say that they were adding to the confusion and bringing exaggerated and unduly alarming news. On discovering that in and near Epipolae armed men were everywhere, he merely challenged the enemy by a few missiles and then marched his column back into Achradina.

> Latin: 24.8. Epicydes ab Insula, quam ipsi Nasson uocant, citato profectus agmine, haud dubius quin paucos, per neglegentiam custodum transgressos murum, expulsurus foret, occurrentibus pauidis tumultum augere eos dictitans et maiora ac terribiliora uero adferre, postquam conspexit omnia circa Epipolas armis completa, lacessito tantum hoste paucis missilibus retro in Achradinam agmen conuertit,

[¶98] 24.10. He feared, not so much the attack of the enemy and their great numbers, as that some treachery within the city might have opportunity to break out, and he might find the gates of Achradina and the Island closed during the disturbance.

> Latin: 24.10. non tam uim multitudinemque hostium metuens quam ne qua intestina fraus per occasionem oreretur clausasque inter tumultum Achradinae atque Insulae inueniret portas.

[¶99] 24.11. Marcellus, on entering the walls and from the higher ground viewing one of the most beautiful of all cities in that age lying before his eyes, is said to have wept, partly for joy over his great achievement, partly for the ancient glory of the city.

> Latin: 24.11. Marcellus ut moenia ingressus ex superioribus locis urbem omnium ferme illa tempestate pulcherrimam subiectam oculis uidit, inlacrimasse dicitur partim gaudio tantae perpetratae rei, partim uetusta gloria urbis.

[¶100] 24.12. The sinking of the fleets of the Athenians and the destruction of two mighty armies along with two very distinguished generals came to his mind, and so many wars waged with so great a risk against the Carthaginians; tyrants and kings, so many and so wealthy, above all Hiero, a king vividly remembered and also, above all that his own merit and success had given him, conspicuous for his favours to the Roman people.

> Latin: 24.12. Atheniensium classes demersae et duo ingentes exercitus cum duobus clarissimis ducibus deleti occurrebant et tot bella cum Carthaginiensibus tanto cum discrimine gesta, tot tam opulenti tyranni regesque, praeter ceteros Hiero, cum recentissimae memoriae rex, tum ante omnia quae uirtus ei fortunaque sua dederat beneficiis in populum Romanum insignis.

[¶101] 24.14. Since all that came to mind and the thought suggested itself that now in the course of an hour everything there would be in flames and reduced to ashes, before advancing his standards into Achradina, he sent forward the Syracusans who had been within the Roman lines, as has been said before, in order to entice the enemy by mild words to surrender the city.

> Latin: 24.14. ea cum uniuersa occurrerent animo subiretque cogitatio iam illa momento horae arsura omnia et ad cineres reditura, priusquam signa Achradinam admoueret, praemittit Syracusanos qui intra praesidia Romana, ut ante dictum est, fuerant, ut adloquio leni perlicerent hostes ad dedendam urbem.

[¶102] 25.1. Holding the gates and walls of Achradina were chiefly deserters, who had no hope of pardon if terms were made. They did not allow the men either to approach the walls or to speak to any one.

> Latin: 25.1. tenebant Achradinae portas murosque maxime transfugae, quibus nulla erat per condiciones ueniae spes; ei nec adire muros nec adloqui quemquam passi.

[¶103] 25.2. And so Marcellus, now that this attempt was fruitless, ordered the standards to be carried back to Euryalus. This is a hill in the most distant part of the city, facing away from the sea, and commanding the road which leads to the country and the interior of the island, very conveniently placed for receiving supplies.

> Latin: 25.2. itaque Marcellus, postquam id inceptum inritum fuit, ad Euryalum signa referri iussit. tumulus est in extrema parte urbis auersus a mari uiaeque imminens ferenti in agros mediterraneaque insulae, percommode situs ad commeatus excipiendos.

[¶104] 25.3. In command of this citadel was Philodemus the Argive, posted there by Epicydes. Sosis, one of the slayers of the tyrant, was sent to him by Marcellus, and after being balked and put off by the delivery of a long speech, he reported to Marcellus that Philodemus had taken time to consider.

> Latin: 25.3. praeerat huic arci Philodemus Argiuus, ab Epicyde impositus, ad quem missus a Marcello Sosis, unus ex interfectoribus tyranni, cum longo sermone habito dilatus per frustrationem esset, rettulit Marcello tempus eum ad deliberandum sumpsisse.

[¶105] 25.4. Philodemus was postponing from day to day, waiting for Hippocrates and Himilco to move up their camp and legions, and not doubting that, if he should get them into the citadel, the Roman army, shut up within the city walls, could be destroyed. Consequently Marcellus, seeing that Euryalus could neither be won by surrender nor by assault, pitched his camp between Neapolis and Tycha, these being the names of quarters of the city, virtually cities in themselves. For he feared that, if he should enter thickly settled parts, the soldiers in their eagerness for booty could not be restrained from scattering.

> Latin: 25.4. cum is diem de die differret dum Hippocrates atque Himilco admouerent castra [legiones], haud dubius, si in arcem accepisset eos, deleri Romanum exercitum inclusum muris posse, Marcellus, ut Euryalum neque tradi neque capi uidit posse, inter Neapolim et Tycham—nomina ea partium urbis et instar urbium sunt—posuit castra, timens ne, si frequentia intrasset loca, contineri ab discursu miles auidus praedae non posset.